THE HISTORY OF THE Government of France, UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Great Armand Du Plessis, Cardinal and Duke of Richlieu, and chief Minister of State in that Kingdom. Wherein occur many Important Negotiations, relating to most part of Christendom in his time.  
With Politic Observations upon the CHAPTERS.  
Translated out of French by J. D. Esq.  
LONDON, Printed by J. Macock, for Joshua Kirton, and are to be sold at the King's Arms in St Paul's Churchyard. 1657.  
EMINENTISSIMUS ARMANDUS JOANNES DV PLESSIS CARDINALIS RICHELEUS. etc.  G: Faithorne excud  

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE John Thurloe, Esq. SECRETARY OF STATE.  
SIR,  
THe Illustrious Cardinal truly Eminent for his sublime qualities, presenteth Himself unto You, in full assurance of a most ample Protection both to his Memory and Fame: Generous and active Souls have a natural, and therefore inseparable, inclination to the mutual Honour and Defence of each other. It were injustice that that Pilot, who in his life time knew so well to sail with security amidst the many turbulent and frequent storms of Fortune, should be tossed and molested in his Urn, the Harbour where common humanity allows a quiet Station to all: Be pleased therefore, Noble Sir, to undertake the Patronage of this Great Person, in whose History you will encounter nothing but what relisheth of an high Grandeur and an extraordinary Genius. Indeed the clear and happy Justice of those affairs, whereon you are engaged, will not find much here for your imitation, yet questionless many things there are, which upon another account, may challenge your admiration and applause. The Symmetry of your Administrations doth oblige you to accept of this Dedication from him who devoteth himself to your commands in the quality of  
SIR, Your Honours most humble Servant. JOHN DODINGTON.   

To the Reader.  
I Desire thee to excuse the many Erratas which doubtless thou wilt here meet, in regard the Printer, in some places, hath failed in point of Orthography, give him the allowance as in such cases are common, and the scales will be turned: for other faults I must also Apologise, in regard of my own affairs, which would not permit me to review my own Copy or Correct the Press. If thou dost then demand why I undertook it, I shall deal ingeniously with thee, and tell thee, I was engaged upon it, by the importunate surprisal of a friend who extorted a promise of it from me, ere I well knew what I had promised; I beseech thee therefore to connive at what cannot now by either of us be amended. Thus much more I thought good to let thee know, that if this find thee merciful, I may perchance present thee with the sequel of the Cardinal's Administration until his Death, the manner of his Death, his last Will, his Birth, and Youthful Studies, with divers of his Letters, and many acquaint Observations upon his Life and Death, which I hope may better deserve thy approval.  
I. D.   

These Books are lately Printed, and are sold at the King's Arms in Paul's Churchyard.  
A Collection out of the best approved Authors, containing several Histories of Visions, Apparitions, Prophecies, Spirits, Divinations, and other wonderful Illusions of the Devil, wrought by Magic, or otherwise. Also of divers Astrological predictions, showing the vanity of them, and folly of trusting to them. By G. I.  
A Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities, concerning the most Noble and Renowned English Nation; by the Study and Travel of Richard Vestegan.  
The History and Character of the Bishops in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth, and King James; Written by Sir John Harrington, for the private use of Prince Henry.  
The Magistrate's Authority in matters of Religion asserted: Or, the Right of the State in the Church. A Discourse written by the Learned Hugo Grotius.  
Of Government and Obedience, as they stand directed and determined by Scripture and Reason. Four Books, by John Hall of Richmond.  
Two Plays of Mr James Shirley's. The Constant Maid, A Comedy: and St Patrick for Ireland.  
That excellent Tragedy of Bussy D' Ambois, Written by George Chapman.   

These now in the Press.  
The Man in the Moon: Or, a Discourse of a Voyage into the Moon. By Domingo Gonzales. Also Nuncius Inanimatus, or the Mysterious Messenger; both written by D. F. G. a man of great parts and Eminency in his time.  
The Indian History of Anaxandre and Orazia: Written in French by Monsieur de Bois-Robert. Translated into English by a Person of Honour some years since.   

THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu.  

Anno 1624.  
GOD, who is able only by the strength of his Arms to overrule Kingdoms according to his own pleasure, hath given some part of their Government to Sovereigns, whom he hath established as Vicegerents of his Power. The Love which he bears to men hath inclined him to admit them unto the partaking of his Authority. And if he hath ordained intelligences in the Heavens to oversee their motions; he hath also decreed certain men upon the earth, who should have the charge of reigning over Kingdoms. But though he hath invested all Kings with an absolute Authority, yet he hath not endued them all with one and the same Genius. His Prudence, which guides all things by Weight, Number, and Measure, hath affected, that as in Painting there are Raphael's and Titians, whose pieces serve other Painters to learn the perfection of their Art; so there should likewise be in Regality, Caesar's, Constantine's, and Charlemains, whose Actions might be recorded as examples for all others. As it is said in Philosophy, (Perfectum in suo genere est mensura Caeterorum.) The worthiest subject in every kind serves for a measure to all within its compass. And who can refuse to rank in this number the present King, under whose Sceptre the Kingdom hath the happiness to be now governed? To speak truth, his Actions have fixed the Kingdom in the highest point of glory, that many ages have seen; his Prudence, Valour, and Justice do shine with so much splendour, that without doubt, they are sufficient to teach the Laws of Government to all other Princes. He never affected any Title but that of Just; because he made choice of Justice for the rule of all his Actions; knowing that it was the most illustrious perfection in all Kings, that it was it, which rendered their Majesty most venerable. That it was it, which gave a good success to all their erterprises; and lastly, that this was it which was the strongest Prop of Peace. But we should offend against that very Justice, if we should deny h●m the Title of Great, which his Sceptre gives to him: The Title of Invincible which his Valour hath merited; the Title of August, which his virtue hath acquired; the Title of Conqueror, which Fortune herself hath bestowed upon him. His dignity maketh him the greatest of Kings; his Power the strongest; his Conduct the wisest; his Treasuries the Richest, and his Virtue the most just. We have seen some Clouds arise, which have seemed to obscure his light; but they have only served to set off with advantage the wonders of his Conduct, and he hath ever dispelled from us all those Tempests of Misfortunes which have threatened France. He hath the Honour to be Son to a Father, to whom a thousand ill strious acts have acquired the quality of Great. And I think it may be said with truth, if Fortune d●id set limits to Philip's Conquests, that there might be some subjects for his Son Alexander to show his courage on; Heaven did also set bounds to the glory of that grand Prince, in suppressing civil wars, that our Lews the Just might have occasion to triumph over Heresy and curb in the Ambition of the house of Austria. In prosecution of these two designs, he began to overcome as soon as ever he knew how to mount on Horseback: That he replanted the Standard of the Cross in Bearn; that he disarmed Heresy, over all the Kingdom; that he hath so often made the Spaniard and King of Hungary to let go their Holds, and that he forced them to relinquish the design which they had so long projected of universal Monarchy. Heaven seems to have made a Bargain with him that he should overthrow whatever resisted him, that his actions should be as so many miracles, and that his reign should be full as happy in the obedience and love of his Subjects, as illustrious by his victories and triumphs. Which being so, how can we pass by so many glorious Actions without publishing his Wisdom and Generosity? were not that not only to deny to his Valour the praise it justly vindicates, but even to deprive Posterity of an example whereby it might learn what no books of Policy can teach? It is not fit to publish the secrets of a Prince, but it is just to declare his virtues: And if the first be forbid by the Laws of Secrecy, the acknowledgement which is due to their merit, and the zeal of the Public good obligeth us to the seco●d: This is the principal reason which hath invited me to publish the glory of his reign, and I would condemn my Pen to perpetual silence, if it had been mute on this occasion; so necessary will it be to those, who shall govern France in future Ages, to follow those footsteps which he hath left behind him. I confess, I am not able to find words equal to the greatness of his Actions; but I had rather want words, than acknowledgements for my King, and affection for my Country. but I shall nevertheless hope to acquit myself so much the more fortunately, as the heroic Actions of great Princes, have often rendered those eloquent who have undertaken to write them.  
A Prince who would signalise himself by an extraordinary conduct ought to choose Ministers, who are sufficiently able to assist him with their counsels, and to put them in execution. For the better choosing of whom, I think it convenient to observe with T. Livy, that there are three sorts of them.  
The first Eminent, who are able to govern all by their own discretions, and who have a Prudence vigorous enough, to advise of themselves whatsoever is necessary for Government without being beholding to others; who see all, penetrate into all, judge of all, and whose Genius is strong enough to bear up the weight of the greatest affairs.  
The second may be called Indifferent, who have not sufficiency enough to judge of all things, or to execute them, but have a good capacity to apprehend the judgements of others in their Counsel, and so to govern affairs by their directions, that they are often times successful in the greatest erterprises.  
The third and last have so little Judgement, that they are neither able to manage affairs by their own, or the advices of others; whence it happens, that they are apt to commit very deplorable faults, and to put all things into Confusion. Of the first rank ought a Prince to choose his ministers, if he would design any great attempts, or carry them on to a good success. If he himself too, be of this number, they will bring wonders to pass, if he be not, he hath so much the more need to have persons of this temper near him. For God who hath naturally subjected little things to great, seems to have given Letters Patents to eminent spirits, to govern; if not by their Authority, at least by their Counsels, the rest of Mankind. It is a dangerous fault to choose Ministers at a venture; and for that reason Aristotle blamed the Athenians, who choosed their Magistrates by Lot, it being absolutely necessary to elect them by Prudence, and still to prefer the most capable. The Proverb saith, Ex quolibet ligno non fit Mercurius, a Sow's Ear will not make a Silk-Purse; and true it is, that not all are proper for all affairs. Men must be fitted to their Commissions, lest they not having abilities proportionable, do not only ruin the most glorious designs, but withal, make them end in great misfortunes. If men have never achieved any thing greater than States and Empires, surely they cannot do any thing more glorious, then to govern them well; and since Causes ought to be proportioned to effects, it is necessary to employ great Persons in great places. That sight which should pierce into the remotest Objects should be the sharpest. That Arm which should throw furthest, aught to be strongest; that light which should shine in many places, aught to be liveliest; and generally all causes which should have most force in their operation, should have most vigour in than power. Which being so, ought not the understanding of a Minister to be quicker, then that of others, seeing be is to dive into truths? His Memory, ought it not to be stronger, seeing it ought to preserve more Species? aught not his Soul to be more capable, seeing it ought to be more Universal? aught not his Wisdom to be greater, since he must comprehend more reason? and ought not his Prudence to be more perspicacious, seeing he is obliged to provide for the greatest and most important affairs? An ordinary capacity of mind is sufficient for the guiding of a private life, but he who hath the charge of governing a State, aught to surpass all others in the strength of his Genius. God who is the first reason and mover of Nature, may be his example in this kind, and of necessity who so doth serve next under him in the Administration of a Kingdom, aught to be endued with a more vigorous wisdom than others; that he may be as the understanding Soul in a civil Society, and a guider of all others motions by his own Counsels. Not to follow this rule, were to put all into confusion and disorder, and one of the greatest vanities which is under the Sun, saith the Spirit of God in the Scriptures, is, To place Fools upon the Tribunal, and to leave Wise men standing upon the ground. It were to set a Sailor to the Helm, and the Pilot to the Oar; it were to commit the guidance of the Primum mobile, to the last or the least of all the Celestial Spheres.  

The Reception of the Cardinal into the Administration of the STATE.  
THose eminent qualities which raised the Cardinal from above the pitch of other men, induced the Queen mother to present him to the King her Son, to assist his Counsels, which qualifications, had not been alone sufficient for the Administration, if not accompanied with Fidelity. Although this Virtue seems to have less splendour than others, yet this is it which is so needful a quality, that the greatest Souls are not proper for that condition if their Ambition, Covetousness, or their private interest, are able to divert them upon any occasion whatsoever. But in whom did it ever appear with so much splendour, as in the Cardinal, who did always make it his end, never to seek for Honour and Wealth but in his Majesty's service? Which his Majesty had very singular proofs of, by his management of those important Affairs, whilst he was Secretary of State, and he had one most ample particular assurance of it, in his removal from the Court; during all which time, his Majesty could never find that he held the least intelligence with the Queen Mother, or those Grandees of State, to make Cabals contrary to his Authority, though he had understanding enough not to be ignorant of some means which serve to embroil things on such occasions. At first he was contented to Officiate like a good Prelate in his own Diocese, without meddling in any public affairs, but those which are common to all good French men, who have any knowledge thereof; and being afterwards removed into Avignon, he had no other intention, but of conversing with his Books, and such virtues as are required in those of his Coat; testifying by this great reservedness, that he was so much the more worthy of those employments, which had formerly been conferred upon him, according to that of the wise Politicians, There are none fit to command, than those who obey with moderation and fidelity; the reason is, in obeying they learn to command, and that all men do willingly submit to them, who being private men have lived modestly and in-offensively. But how could the King be capable of the least suspicion of his Fidelity, after that one Procedure of his which was seen by the whole Nation, when he was recalled from Avignon, to divert the Queen Mother from those designs, which they who had advised her to withdraw from Bloys to Angoulesm, did persuade unto her? It was no little honour for him, to see that they who had so ill created him, did yet believe he had sincerity enough to serve them in such an occasion as that was. He got an accruement of Glory too, by his Loyalty in his quick dispatch to that great Princess, and by declaring to those Grandees then with her, that whatever opportunities he had to make them repent of those injuries they had done him, yet he would never deceive or betray them.  
The Queen Mother was in a good Hold, the greatest part of the Princes and many Lords offered her their service; insomuch that would he have joined the faculties of his mind to those forces which they might have raised, he might have held them so much play, that they would have found themselves entangled. It seemed he was invited to testify a sensible apprehension in the Queen his Mistress' behalf, he having received from her hands many signal favours in recompense of the services he had done unto her, and that then he had nothing to hope for but her good opinion, so much had those Gentlemen thwarted him. But neither the resentments of former indignities, nor his endeavours in his Mistress' behalf, nor the hopes of a greater Fortune, nor the consideration of his own interest, could ever so little shake him in his Fidelity. After he was arrived at Angoulesm, and that his own merit had restored him to that place of esteem, which he formerly held in her Majesty's good favour, he proposed no other end in his discourse, but to set her right with the King. He presently assured her, that he suffered in the disasters to which her enemies had brought her, and not resting barely there, he made use of this compassion, to insinuate himself more effectually into her soul, and to gain a greater power over her spirit, that he might improve to advantage the charms, which his complaisant humour had given him, and shown clearly to her, that if she thought it her misfortune, not to be Mistress of his Majesty's Person and Council, her condition would be much more to be deplored, seeing she was no better than a Slave to the designs and Wills of those who hurried her into broils, and that she could not choose a worse party into whose hands she might commit the management of her own interest. He made it evident to her, that Arms were but a weak means in France to restore people to the Government, seeing his Majesties have been ever Victorious; they who provoke him do but totally destroy themselves. Of this truth, he produced several examples, which are recorded in all Revolts from time to time: Lastly, he convinced to her, that she might with ease reassume that Authority from whence she was fallen, would she but reunite hers with the King's interests; that if she should not obtain all at the first dash, she ought to expect some thing from time, but with confident assurance, that the King her son had such natural resentments for her, that they alone would force him, to accord her whatever she could with reason expect, though he were not invited to it by her prudence, or the Counsels of those who had the honour to be her servants. That during her separating herself from his Majesty, she could hope for nothing but scorn and debility, whereas she should no sooner oblige his Majesty by restoring to him, her heart and affections, but she would find herself attended back to the Court, honoured and obeyed by all the world as she was formerly wont to be. These were some of those reasons which he laid before her; and true it is, that his Prudence animated with his Fidelity, induced her to resolve upon that Accommodation which hath so long kept their Majesties in a strict union, and France in so sweet a repose.  
His Majesty did better understand then any other person, all the particulars of the Cardinal's negotiation, and apprehended so great an esteem of his Fidelity, that he thought no consideration able to undermine it; and seeing that one, accompanied with many other eminent qualities, he was easily convinced, that he had not in his whole Kingdom, a person more capable or worthy of the Administration than himself. Who can describe with what dexterity the whole face of Affairs were changed, which before were managed but lamely and by halfs? Whereas he conforming himself to those inclinations, which carried his Majesty to great designs, persuaded him to set them forwards, and assisted him in their execution. Formerly all affairs were carried without secrecy, so that strangers had all the intelligence of their resolutions; which they disappointed and obstructed, before they were in a forwardness to be set on foot. But this great Minister, knowing secrecy to be the Soul of Counsel, and that none are better than those which continue unknown even after the execution, brought forth every day wonders effected by his Prudence, of which the Grandees themselves had not so much as a thought. Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do, his Majesty being the most secret Prince that ever was. Formerly, every one was impatient at the obstacles and delays of the Marquis de la Vieville; whereas after his establishment, all those who had any affairs to negotiate or represent, for his Majesty's service, were overjoyed that they were to Treat with a Minister, whose Countenance was a Throne of sweetness and bounty, and whose words have so powerful a Charm, that they still went away satisfied, what ever difficulties were proposed by them. Besides, they were constrained, as it were to pay him all respects; and the Gravity too, which the Graces have bestowed upon him, is so agreeable and taking, that the respect which it begets in the souls of men, never thwarts that love which is due unto him, and that love doth not at all hinder them from fearing to displease him.  
The ancient Allies of this Crown, formerly left for a prey to their enemies, began to be confident to him, as soon as ever they had known him, and finding that his Genius did not terminate in a mere defensive, they betook them to their Arms, not only to oppose those unjust Usurpations, which were made upon them, but also to assault and set upon those who had begun them. In short, as he never declared himself to be for any Faction; but on the contrary, shown himself much averse to all Rebellions; both the Grandees of the Kingdom and Hugonots too, were not long to learn that it would become them for the future, to live within the limits of their obedience: And lastly, not being able to away with any Mutiny, he soon began to make them take some course of living, which is the surest foundation of Peace in a Kingdom: so that every one had the content to see France flourish, both at home and abroad, and to acquire its former lustre, which hath always made it acknowledged to be the first Kingdom of Europe.   

The Marriage of the King of England with the Lady Henrietta Maria of France.  
THe first considerable affair, which presented itself after the Cardinal's admittance to the Administration, was the Marriage of the Lady Henrietta Maria, his Majesty's Sister, with Charles Prince of Wales, the present King of Great Britain. The Spaniard had a long time feared it would be made up, knowing that if France and England were leagued together, they would become so considerable as that they would without difficulty frustrate and bring all his designs to nothing; so he endeavoured to hinder it by pretending a desire himself had to contract an Alliance with England; and accordingly he proposed to match his Infanta with the Prince of Wales, giving some hopes by Paraquance, that he would restore the Palatinate, though he had as little mind to deliver it, as the King of Great Britain had earnest Passion to recover it. He held on this Treaty at least twelve years, yet finding every day new excuses, to defer the conclusion of it: But at last the King of Great Britain, detected his deceit, which had lain hid under those delays, and found out, that his design was only to gain time, until all the daughters of France were married elsewhere: at least he had great conjectures of it; to clear all, and bring it to a conclusion, he thought good that the Prince of Wales, should in person go into Spain. He had not been there many days, before it was known, both to himself and those of his Counsel, that they had been until that time entertained with vain hopes, however he would not make known his resentments in a strange Country, where he might receive much damage by it, but being returned into England; he informed King James his Father of it, with so much anger, that they resolved to break with him, rather sooner than later to avoid exposing themselves to the  which other Princes might have of their management of this affair; and withal to countenance the breach by the Parliaments approbation. This resolve was as soon executed as concluded, and King James having summoned a Parliament, at least to consult on a means for recovery of the Palatinate, informed them of the many reasons which he had to believe, that the Spaniards had no intention of concluding those Propositions of marriage which had been so long in Treaty; that the only end of their design was, to gain time and to fortify themselves in the Palatinate, and so to settle themselves there, that shortly it would be impossible to remove them thence, and therefore he thought it fit no longer to hearken after it. The Parliament were induced with so much the more ease, to believe these reasons, they having testified on divers occasions, their suspicions of the Spanish tricks, and in conclusion, thought good not to regard any more their Propositions of the Match. But the King of Great Britain stayed not long there, for the Prince of Wales his son (who had now good esteem of France, and a liking for the King's Sister whom he had seen, as he passed through that Court, without discovering himself) had persuaded him to give him leave to seek for that Princess in marriage, which was proposed in Parliament, and carried without much difficulty for many reasons which were there alleged; particularly, That the French being accustomed to live with those of their Religion, it was to be believed, they would not make such extraordinary demands in behalf of the Catholics, as the Spaniard would have done. It was then resolved to dispatch an Ambassador into France, who might lay the first foundation of that Treaty; so that the King forthwith made choice of the Earls of Carlisle and Holland. The latter set forward about Mid-May. He had order first to wait on the King alone, and to pretend the interests of the Palatinate, but indeed to discover how they would resent his Proposal, and if rejected, not to make any more noise of it; accordingly he met his Majesty and Compiegne, he began to consider about means to recover the Palatinate, and then acquainted him with a great deal of dexterity, that the King his Master desired his Son the Prince of Wales might marry his sister. The King who understood that Proposals of this nature, how remote soever ought not to be received but with honour, testified that he had a great esteem of it, and forthwith debated it with his Ministers, to give him an answer; it was concluded, That this Match was very convenient for the Quality of his Majesty's Sister; That in the whole Empire there was not any more hopeful: That History records above twenty Alliances between France, England, and Scotland: That it would be easy to assure her Ladyship the exercise of her Religion, considering what had been granted to the Spaniard: That great Princesses are in this particular, in a worse condition than Ladies of a meaner Quality, by reason half an Age hardly produceth a Match correspondent to their Birth, so that having once lost their opportunities, they live to see the Harvest of their Beauties reaped by years, without ever marrying; whereupon it was resolved to see what particular Proposals would be made, this result was signified to the Earl of Holland, who assured them that the King his Master would receive it with much joy, yet deferring to enter into any further Treaty, until he had received particular instructions from his Majesty. Who upon the receiving of that news, dispatched with all diligence, the Earl of Carlisle, with full power to conclude the Match. The Earl of Holland went to Amiers to meet him, that they might confer together what they had to do, and afterwards being come near to Campeign, the King hearing of it, commanded the Duke of Cheuruse, to go receive them with twelve Coaches full of Nobility, and withal to entertain them magnificently, and defray their charges during their abode at Court. The day after their arrival, they had Audience given them, and the Proposals which they made appeared so reasonable, that the King presently judging that they might easily be resolved, appointed Commissioners to treat with them. The Cardinal was at that time newly advanced to the Administration, but he made it apparent, that he was not a Novice in the management of it; for the King desiring his opinion of this Treaty, he not only added many other reasons to those alleged in the first consultation; but moreover suggested to his Majesty such judicious means to carry on the business, that he could not enough admire his Prudence.  
Amongst other reasons of the commodiousness of this Match, he represented to him, that England once leagued with France by this Alliance, there was hopes that they would join their Forces to assist the Germane Princes, since it was yet more for the Interest of England then France, to re-establish them; which being so, their powers would not only balance those of the house of Austria, but overpoize them too, with never so little assistance from those Princes: That the happy success which would follow, would add as much Glory to his Crown and State, as discredit and confusion to his enemies: Moreover, that it being very expedient to curb the Insolences of the Hugonots, this marriage would be of great use, as well because it would withhold the King of Great Britain, from assisting them, as also, because it might be a means to procure shipping from him for the reducing of Rochel; in short, That there was great hopes to believe, the Princess might much advance the Catholic Religion in England, if as there was no doubt she were beloved by the King and the Prince her Husband. So that of all sides there was nothing Prognosticated but great happiness, judging it requisite, to use address and prudence for the speedy effecting of it.  
The King did very well relish the Consideration, and thereupon commanding him to have a particular eye upon the Treaty, his judgement which presently penetrates into affairs, and quickeneth expeditions, did negotiate it with so ready a Conduct, that he shortly brought it to such a pass that it might receive a Conclusion; and that which I find in it most to be admired, is, That the success hath showed he was not mistaken in his conjecture. England also did forthwith join with France, to give means to Mansfield to enter with a puissant Army into Germany, that he might attempt the re-establishment of the Palatine; and the year following, the King of Great Britain sent ships to the King, which helped him to gain a glorious Naval victory against those of Rochel. The same effects had assuredly continued without the Intrigues of Madam de Cheuruse, without the ill conduct of some who accompanied the Princess, and without the death of King James. For his Majesty from that time shown himself so affectionate to France, that one day he openly said before divers Lords of the Court, that the King had gained more upon him, than any of his Predecessors, and that he would not only employ his Subjects lives, but his own too, in defence of his interests, and to oppose the Rebels who should attempt any Insurrections in France; and less could not be expected from the Princess in the behalf of Religion, if death had not prevented that Monarch from seeing the marriage consummated; for the Passion which he had already in her behalf, though he had never seen her was so sensible, that he was heard say, with a great deal of tenderness, which was taken notice of amongst other discourse of the same nature; That he would quarrel with her because she would not read his Letter, nor that of the Prince his son, without leave from the Queen her Mother, but withal that he was much bound to her, because after she had read them, she laid his under her Pillow, but his sons in her Bosom, to show that she did rely upon him, and lodge his son in her heart.   

Politic Observation.  
ALliances with strangers by Marriages have passed amongst others for the Principal means, which are thought proper to augment the Peace and Power of a Kingdom. By them it is, that we o●ten see those great fires of War which consumed them, extinguished, and the sweetness of a happy Peace restored to the people. Thus Hugh the Earl of C●a●lins son, by his Marriage with Alice, Inheritrix of the Earldom of Bourgogn, restored peace to both, who had along time groaned under the miseries of War. Thus those great enemies which exasperated the houses of Bourgogn and Orl●ance were allayed for some time, by the Marriage of Philip Count de Vertus, second (son to the Duke of Orleans, who had been slain by the Duke of Burgogn) with Katherine of Burgogn. And to reinforce this truth with ancient examples. Thus Argas King of Cyrene promised to bestow his only daughter Beonice, upon the son of his Brother Ptolemy, whereby to obliterate, the memory and resentment of the hatred which had been between them. But Peace is not the only benefit recorded to attend Marriages. For how often have Princes enlarged thei● bounds by that means? Who knows not that the House of Austria, had not been thus Potent, but by Alliances, and that the marriage of Heti●gis▪ Inheritrix of Vltrich, Burg, Longravat, and Alsace, with Albertus surnamed the Sage; of Elizabeth Inheritrix of Austria, Carintia, Tyrol, and Goricie, with the Emperor Albertus the first; of Jane Inheritrix of Castille, Arragon, S●cili●, and Naples, with Philip Archduke of Austria; of Anne Inheritrix of Hungaria and Bohemia, with the Emperor Ferdinand the first, brother to Charles the Fifth, have been the true Rise of its Grandeur, which was inconsiderable at that time, they had no other honour, but that of being issued from the County of Abspurg in Switzerland? Besides, Princes allied by marriage commonly joining their Forces together, do not a little help to defend one another upon an occasion, and even to favour those erterprises which either of them shall make to increase their power. Lewis the second well knew how to break off the Match, between Charles Duke of Burgogn, with Margaret daughter to Richard Duke of York, and Sister to Edward King of En●l●nd, which would have joined the English Forces with those of B●rgogn, by demanding that Princess for Charles his brother, though he had no intention to marry him to her, he being too too prudent to match a Brother so inclinable to Rebellion, with an enemy so Potent as she was. It is true, if the Alliance of France with England, was then thought to be disadvantageous to the good of France; yet now, that which may be concluded on with them, is of so much the greater concernment, because having nothing more to do, then to balance the house of Austria, it could not gain a greater advantage in relation to that design, then by this means; for this being one of the powerfullest Kingdoms in Europe, will turn the scales to that of the two Crowns, with which it shall be joined in Alliance. France cannot hope that England would (upon any consideration of marriage whatsoever) relinquish their own particular interests, seeing Sovereigns have nothing which is dearer to them; but it will have good reason to believe, that it will never invade us unless provoked by honour, or some great Consideration; and on the contrary, that they would assist us with a good will in such erterprises, where they could receive nothing but Glory. After all, F●ance will have this benefit to hinder their being leagued with our enemies who joined with them, might much damage us, and it is advantage enough to avoid those mischiefs, which would follow, if it were left undone, and by that means to prevent the uniting of our enemies with them.  
The Cardinal knew, That that Minister who hath a care of the Church interest, draws down a thousand blessings from Heaven upon the State▪ Accordingly, he did particularly employ himself, to get as much liberty as possibly he could in England. The Earls of Carlisle and Holland came with confidence, that there could not be any great strictness used in that particular, but imagined as their Master did, that the diversity of Religion which was in France, would induce them, not to be too earnest; only of an Assurance, that the Princess and those of her retinue, should have free liberty to exercise that Religion, whereof they made profession; but the Cardinal quickly told them, That the King his Master, being more obliged by divers Considerations, to procure greater advantages to the Church than the Spaniard, they ought not to hope that he would be satisfied with less than they.  
He represented to them that his Majesty, being the eldest son of the Church, and bearing the Title of the most Christian King would be much blamed, if he proceeded upon other terms; besides, that this Alliance could not be concluded, without the consent of the head of the Church. That it would be ill received at Rome, if it should be proposed there with conditions less favourable to the Catholics, than those which were granted to the Spaniards. To which for the present the Ambassadors replied, That the King their Master, had not procured the Parliaments consent for this Alliance with France, and breaking off that with Spain, but in consideration, that they would not have been so strict, in requiring so many favours in behalf of the Catholics; and withal, that it was held there as a fundamental Law not to grant them any freedoms by reason of many great inconveniences, which would in time happen to their State. The Cardinal was not wanting to reply, that he was well informed neither the King or Parliament, were induced to break with the Spaniards until they were convinced, that their Treaty was only feigned, and that they had other designs, then of giving the Infanta to the Prince of Wales, and as for what related to the Peace of the State (he answered) that the liberty which was granted to the Catholics, could not trouble it, seeing experience hath evidenced it on a thousand occasions, that there is not any thing which doth more stir up People to Commotions, than the restraint which is imposed upon the exercise of religion, That, that is it, which incites people to shake off the yoke of their obedience, and that never any thing but misfortunes have followed that Prince, who would force men in that belief which they had a long time embraced: That in truth, Religion might by fire and sword be destroyed and rooted out, before it be fully settled in the soul; but after that, it will be so far from being changeable by force, that rather on the contrary, violence will but ferment and fix it so much the more; because those things are more difficult than the, care which ought to be had for their conservation. That in effect, this Maxim was verified in France, where the liberty which was granted to the Hugonots by the Edict of Peace, had converted a far greater number than all the rigours of punishment and war. These reasons were so strong that the English Ambassadors found themselves unable to answer any thing against it. But it was not sufficient to persuade them, the King of Great Britain's consent was needful. It cannot be denied, but there were great hopes of obtaining it, considering his particular inclination, he himself being well disposed to be converted, and that he was also satisfied in Conscience concerning the principal difficulties, in the Catholic Belief, and had permitted the Archbishop of Ambrun (sent at his entreaty by the King, to sound him upon some other points) to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation to above twenty thousand Catholics in London; indeed it was apprehended a little hazardous, lest the Parliament should not consent to it, they having a great power in the resolution of affairs. This difficulty induced the King after the Cardinal had informed him of it, to send the Marquis de Effiat into England, in the quality of an extraordinary Ambassador, to negotiate all the affairs which related to the marriage. In his instructions were particular orders, to endeavour to persuade his Majesty of Great Britain, to like well of those reasons which the Cardinal had imparted to his Ambassador, and moreover, to tell him in particular, that considering the Parliament was composed of Protestants and Puritans, he ought to suspect them on this occasion, that himself being party against them, there was no appearance of any reason, to delay that which concerned the Catholics Interest; Moreover, that it was dangerous for a Sovereign, to use violence towards his subjects in matter of Religion, seeing that it teacheth to despise life; and who so despiseth his own life, is master of any other man's, of what condition so ever he be. That this constraint is repugnant to the safety of Kings, of which in History are many examples, especially in these latter ages. These reasons were very considerable, but withal the Marquis D' Effiat, followed them home with such address, and vigour that they made the same impressions upon the Kings, as they had done upon his Ambassadors minds, who indeed did much contribute by their Letters, to bring it to a resolution.   

Articles of Marriage, between the King of Great Britain, and the Princess Henrietta Maria of France.  
THe Negotiation was so fortunate, that the King consented to all those Articles which were demanded in behalf of the Catholics, and accordingly, his Majesty gave command to his Ambassadors, to accord it, and on the 10th. of November, they were signed by them with the Cardinal, upon these conditions: That the King's Sister should have all manner of liberty to increase the Roman Catholic Apostolic Religion, together with all her Officers and their children; that to this purpose, she should have a Chapel in every of the King's houses, a Bishop and twenty eight Priests, to administer the Sacrament, Preach God's Word, and do such other Offices as their Function required.  
That the children which should be born of this marriage, should be brought up in the Catholic Religion until the age of 13 years by the Princess.  
That all the Domestics which she carried into England, should be French and Catholics, chosen by the most Christian King, and they dying, she might take others into their place, French and Catholics, by and with consent of the King of Great Britain.  
Moreover, that both the King of Great Britain, and Prince of Wales his son, should bind themselves by oath not to attempt, by any means whatsoever, to make her change her Religion, or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it, and should promise by writing upon the faith and word of a King and Prince to take order, that all those Catholics as well Ecclesiastic as secular, which had been imprisoned since the last Act made against them should be set at liberty.  
That the English Catholics, should not be any more hunted after for their Religion, nor constrained to swear any thing contrary to the Catholic Religion, and that such seizures of their Goods, as had been made since the last Act, should be restored to them.  
And generally, that they should receive more liberty and favour, in respect of the Alliance with France, then had been promised them upon the Spanish Treaty.  
This was as much as could be desired for the present, in behalf of Religion, until the Princess (who was endued with all the qualifications both of Body and Soul, which could render a Princess beloved) should have acquired a good power over King James his spirit, and the Prince of Wales her husband, and so finish the remainder, which the King expected both from her zeal and behaviour, with the more confidence, because Ladies have a great hand over their husbands, and Father in Law, when they are once entirely loved by them.   

Politic Observation.  
THere is good reason to hope for the Conversion of a Prince, from the Princess whom he marries; Women have so natural an art to persuade men, and to lead them to what they desire, that there is hardly any thing impossible for them to do: Their beauty alone hath such strong charms, that they imprint in the soul, by their eyes, all the affections they have a mind to, and the Love wherewith they are cherished, gives them so great a power, that if they have never so l●ttle ingenuity, one cannot defend himself from their persuasions, and if it be thus true in general, it is not less in the particular of converting their Husbands or the People who are subject to them. History, is so full of Proofs of this nature, that one must be altogether ignorant, if he knows not, that the divine Providence, hath divers times made use of their means for this glorious purpose. Thus Clotil●a daughter to the Duke of Borgogn, was the occasion that Clovis one of our first Kings her husband, embraced the Christian Religion, and banished Idolatry out of his States.  
I●g●nd Sister to Childebert King of France, being married to Hermenegild, King of the Goths, converted him to the Holy Ch●ist●an Faith.  
Chie●umte, daughter to the King of Mer●e in England, married a King of the West Saxons made him become a Christian and she herself a Saint.  
Th●●d●linda. wife to ●●g●lulph, King of the Lombard's, persuaded him and a great part of his people, to lay by their false Gods, and to live under the L●ws of he Gospel.  
Gizel, daughter to H●nry Duke of Bavier, and Sister to the Emperor, Henry the first, being married to Ste●h●n the first of that name, King of Hungaria, made him and his whole Kingdom resolve to in ●race the F●●th of Jesus Christ, and thus many others of the like examples do verify, that Queen's have ever had a great power in this particular, and the spirit of God which hath made use of them for such glorious effects saith, The unbelieving Husband, shall b● sanctifiedly the believing Wife. Heaven itself fights for them in such occasions when they labour for his glory, besides it cannot be denied but that their Rbetorick is persuasive, that their accord do some time pass or currant and undeniable reasons, that their words are charms and that their address is able to master the greatest courages.  
In the midst of this diligent care which the Cardinal took for the Interests of Religion and the State, his Prudence was not forgetful of any thing which might be thought in favour of the King's Sister. It was agreed in respect of eight hundred thousand Crowns, which his Majesty gave her in marriage, that she should renounce all successions either Paternal, Maternal, or Collateral, which might befall unto her; and accordingly after she had received leave from her mother, the Queen Mother, so to do she did renounce, and the King of Great Britain's. Ambassador, did ratify it, that in future no such pretensions might arise, to trouble the quiet of the Kingdoms, as formerly had been. Withal, he took such tender care of all advantages for her, that she could not suffer any inconvenience by any accident whatever.  
It was agreed upon by his care, that the Prince deceasing without issue, the money should be totally restored to her, to be disposed of according to her own will whether she did live in England or in France.  
That if he had children by this marriage, there should only be two thirds of her Portion returned, the other being movable, that the last twenty of the third part, should be made a yearly rent to her, during her life, that her Dower should be eight hundred thousand pound sterling, por annum. returning French money, at sixty thousand Crowns rend, which should be assigned to her in Lands and Houses, one of which should be such, and accordingly furnished that she might make her usual residence there.  
That the King of Great Britain should be obliged to treat her and her Family with that Port which was fit for one of her quality that there should be fifty thousand crowns in Jewels presented to her, by the King of Great Britain, as a marriage favour, which should remain to her and hers, as well as those which she then had, as also such as she should have in future.  
That she should have the free disposal of Benefices and Offices, in those lands which should be given her in Dower, and that one of those lands should be a Duchy or an Earldom, that it should be lawful for her in her Widowhood, to return into France, whether she had children, or not, that in case she should return, the King of Great Britain should conduct her at his own proper charges to Calais, with such honour as should be fit for one of her quality.  
That her house should be furnished with such dignity, and should be filled with as many Officers, as any Princess yet had, or as had been accorded to the Infanta of Spain, upon the late Treaty which had been proposed. Briefly, that for the assurance of these conditions, he, of the two Kings, who should be deficient to accomplish what belongeth on his part to do, should be bound to pay four hundred thousand crowns to the other, as a penalty for breach of them.  
This was as much security as could be had for the present, but one thing is not to be forgotten, which was, that all the Treaty, all the promises given and taken, and all the Acts which were concluded on, passed in the King's name, as the Person, to whom the marrying of the Princesses of the Blood did really appertain, and which he might do according to his own pleasure, and upon such conditions as he should think fit; whereas they are only concerned to give their consents both to the Persons and Articles which are resolved on.  
Custom, may raise obstacles against marriages and make them void▪ if there be any defect of following the usual order which is prescribed. The Popes have found by the Canon Law, that they have this Power: Particularly Alexander the third, who when a Bishop asked him the Question, whether Marriage between the Children of two Gossips were allowable, answered him, yes, in case the custom of the Country did permit it. But I shall say moreover, that the same Pope hath declared that there might be such Customs in France, which might annul marriages, though on the other side, those of Rome may licence them. According to that answer, which was made to the Bishop of Amiers, who desiring to know if a marriage made with a Eunuch were good, was answered, that the general custom of the French Church, was to dissolve it, and he was contented so to permit it, though the Roman Church used the contrary. It is the Custom of France, that no Princesses or Ladies of great quality, whose marriages may be of concern to the State, may marry, but by and with the King's order and consent. The second Race of our Kings furnisheth us with an example very remarkable, in the marriage of Judeth Widow of Edmulph King of England, who being married without the consent of Charles the Bald, with Bauldwin grand Forrestier, and afterwards first Earl of Flanders▪ he declared the said marriage to be nul by the Prelates & Clergy of France. assembled at Senlis, though she were at her own disposal, by her first marriage and royalty, though Pope Nicholas the first, would have picked a quarrel at it, and have confirmed it. Some one perchance, not well informed, may suppose, that this Pope wanted courage, but there is no reason for it: seeing he had spirit enough to excommunicate Lotharius for marrying a second wife, leaving his first, though his Clergy at Merz and Calogue▪ did favour him to constrain him to quit his last Wife, and to receive his first; as also to dispossess two Bishops, who had Abetted the disorder; the true reason is, he knew that the Custom of France did not permit Judith to remarry without the King's consent. The third Race, affords us another proof, reported by a Historian▪ who deserves so much the rather to be credited, he being generally known for one of the enemies of France. It was the marriage contracted by Proxy, between Maximilian, and Anne of Britain. It's true, it was not consummated as that of Judith was; but because it was concluded without the consent of Charles the Eighth one of our Kings. His Majesty making use of his Power, declared it Null, by reason of that default. In fine, it was allowed for naught, and both parties remained Free, Maximilian afterwards marrying Margaret of Milan; and Charles the Eighth married the same Anne of Britain, and no one doubted the validity of either of the marriages.  
If these examples evince to us, the Antiquity of this Custom, and how the Church hath allowed of it, we cannot suspect or doubt, but that they are grounded upon just reasons, seeing the marriages of persons of such quality, are of great importance to the State, and ordinarily are the originals of Peace or War, and serve for a Staircase to such, who aspiring higher than they ought, raise erterprises against the Sovereignty, as Cornelius Tacitus hath observed; it doth therefore rest safely to be concluded on, that the Princesses of France cannot lawfully marry without the King's consent. So that neither men or women who have had them in their possession, did never make a difficulty to promise, either by Oath, or any other assurance, that they would not contract them in any marriage without their consents and approbation.  
philip's Auguste, took security of Mahaut, Countess of Flanders, that if it should happen that she and Eude the third Duke of Burgogn, should separate, she should not remarry without permission. Philip Earl of Namur, promised the same King that he would not marry Jane or Margaret of Flanders, his Nieces, whose Guardian he was without his consent. Jane Countess of Flanders, promised by a particular instrument unto St. Lewis the King, that she would not marry with Simon de Montfort, but with his allowance. Jane daughter to Philip of Burgogn, being delivered to King John, by the Treaty between him, and the Earl of Savoy, amongst other things it was then concluded, that she should be married where his Majesty should think fit●● provided it were not to the Daup●ine his eldest son. And Francis Duke of Britain, engaged by a Treaty with Charles the Eight, not to marry either of his two daughters, without his advice, under the penal forfeiture of two hundred thousand crowns of Gold, and for the greater security, he bond unto him the principallest Towns in his whole Dutchee.   

The Deputation of Father Berule, to his Holiness, to obtain a Dispensation for the  Marriage.  
THe respect wherewith the King had ever honoured the Holy Father, made him resolve with the English Ambassadors in the first Article of the Treaty, That in consideration of that diversity of Religion, between the Princess and the Prince of Wales his Majesty should send to his Holiness to procure a Dispensation before the Marriage were effected, to obtain the said Dispensation, the Cardinal proposed to the King, to send Father Berule, Superior General of the fathers of the Oratory, and to commit the charge of it to him, as a person capable of such a negotiation and whose Piety (which amongst the People is extremely recommendable) might take off all shadows or apparencies, which the weakness of their senses, or the malice of the Spaniards might raise abroad concerning it. It should seem he did foresee that Fury, wherewith the Spanish Partisans writ against this marriage. So angry they were, that they had not prevented it, not reflecting, that for eleven whole years they had testified to the world, that they would have done the selfsame thing. But that I may not be hindered by those outrageous speeches, which proceeded from those spirits puffed up with Ambition, who then began to discover that France had a Minister capable to countermine them, and to oppose their unjust designs. I shall inform you, that the instruction, which was give to Father Berule was, to go to Rome with all diligence, and to obtain the Dispensation from the Pope, to which purpose he was to represent to his Holiness, That the King of Great Britain, having demanded the Princess Henrietta Maria the King's Sister, in marriage, for the Prince of Wales his son, his Majesty was the more inclinable, to hearken to the Proposition, because he looked upon it as a probable means to convert the English; as heretofore a French Princess married into England, had induced them to embrace Christianity. But that the Honour which he owed to the Holy Chair, and in particular to his Sanctity, who had formerly held him at the Font of Baptism, in the name of Pope Clement the Eighth, had not permitted him to conclude upon the Treaty, before the obtainment of his Dispensation. That this Marriage ought to be regarded for the Interest, not only of the Catholics in England, but of all Christendom, who would receive great advantages by it, that there is not any thing of hazard for the Princess, seeing she is as firm, as could be desired both in the Faith a●● Piety. That she should have a Bishop● and eight and twenty Priests, to do all Offices. That she should have none but Catholics in her Household. That the King of Great Britain, and the Prince of Wales, would oblige themselves by Writing and Oath, not to solicit her directly or indirectly, neither by themselves, or any other persons, to change her Religion: Moreover, that there being nothing to be feared in relation to the Princess, there were great hopes, that she might be entirely beloved by the King (who was well disposed already to become a Catholic) and by the Prince of Wales, That she might the more contribute to their conversion, in regard that women have very great power over their Husbands and Fathers-in-law, when Love hath gotten any power in their affections. That for her part, she was so zealous in Religion, that there was no doubt but she would employ her utmost industry in so pious a design: That admitting God should not succeed her intentions either upon King James, or the Prince of Wales, there were hopes her Children might become restorers of that Faith which their Ancestors had destroyed, seeing she had the education and bringing of them up in the belief and exercise of the Catholic Religion until they were thirteen years old; and that their first seeds of Piety, having being instilled into their souls, and cultivated with carefulness, when they became capable of good Instructions, might infallibly produce stable and permanent Fruits, that is, so strong a Faith, as might not be shaken by Heresy in a riper age. And after all, That the Catholics of England would forthwith receive great advantages by it, seeing both the King of Great Britain▪ and the Prince of Wales, his Son, would oblige themselves by wor● and deed, not to hunt them out▪ or when they were discovered, to punish them: To free out of Prison all such as were laid up; to restore them their moneys and Goods which had been forced from them after the last Act, if they were possible to be had; and generally to treat them with more favour, than if the Treaty with Spain had gone on. Lastly, he had order to inform the Pope, that to render a greater respect to the Church, he had conditioned, that the Princess should be affianced and contracted according to the Catholic form, like that which was observed they Charl●s the Ninth, in the Marriage of Margarice of France with the late King Henry the Fourth, than King of Navarr.  
These things spoke in their own behalf, and were so eminently visible, that no doubt could be made of them. The Father Berule too, wanted neither Ability nor , but represented them to his Holiness with such dexterity, that his Sanctity gave him hopes of a favourable answer. 'Tis true, the Pope would not grant him a dispense without conferring with the Cardinals, that he might give no jealousy to Spain, who had been dealt with in the very same manner, when they desired a Dispensation for the In●anca, but they were of his own naming, and such as no one could think, were more subject to Passion than Justice. So they met divers times about it, and though it were with the ordinary delays of the Court at Rome (without which they esteem no affair, can be discussed and judged with Prudence or Majesty enough) yet in sine, they referred the expediting of the Dispensation to the Pope's pleasure. All that was cross in the business, was barely this. Father Boriel● being naturally addicted to refine all things, was persuaded, that there had not been assurances strong enough, obtained from the English for the securing and hindering the placing of Protestant Officers over the Princess' children; the solicitation of Officers to change their Religion; the continuation of forcing English Catholics to take Oaths of Abjuration against the Catholic Religion, and the holy See, though indeed it had been expressly concluded and agreed on, That the King of England and Prince of W●l●s should engage both by Writing and Oath, not to enforce them any more. However this induced both the Pope and Cardinals to think fit (not acquainting the ●ieur●d● Bethune with it, though the Cardinal's Prudence had tied up the said Father B●rul● in his Instructions, not to do any thing without him) to oblige the King in the Instrument of Dupensation, to procure from the King of Great Britain new assurances in these parcicu●ars. So that he following his own sense, and specious reasons, upon which he relied, his Holiness dispatched him upon those conditions, and sent him back to the King with all diligence.   

Politic Observations.  
IF Piety prohibit Ministers to do things contrary to Religion; Prudence obligeth them to refer the management of affairs to Persons who have the reputation of an extraordinary Honesty, especially to the transacting of such things, which notwithstanding their innate Justice, may provoke any evil spirits: For though the most upright regulate their Judgements by some Principles, which serve them as a Law in the Government of a State, yet the most part, ghuessing only by their own senses and apprehensions, judge of the Affairs by the Persons who conduct them. Opinion guides the whole world, and sets a price upon virtue itself; and the reputation alone of him who negotiates, may cause his designs to pass under the notion of good and lawful. If the Foxes good counsel be once suspected by a man, he will be hardly persuaded, that a Person replenished with all the ornaments of a singular integrity, will engage himself in unjust designs. The repute of such a person sets a value and a price upon his words and actions, and the opinion which is conceived of him, is so absolute an Empire, that there is no Appeal from his Judgement. It is an ancient saying, Truth is the strongest thing in the world: But however, if once Opinion hath fixed her Throne in the minds of the people, Truth will have somewhat to do to disappoint her. The prescriptions of a Physician who is in esteem, do even pass for good: And the Acts of a person who hath the credit of a sublime Virtue cannot be found fault withal. The wiseft of the Pagans were not ignorant hereof, but made great advantages by it as occasion offered itself. Scipio the African, would sometimes be a long while together all alone in the Capitol, pretending he did confer with Jupiter concerning the affairs of the Commonwealth, and all this he did, that he might be thought to be endued with a more than humane Piety. Minos' the Lawgiver of Candia went down to make Laws into a subterranean Cave, which he called Jupiter's Grot, and thence brought them all written, persuading the people to believe that they were inspired into him by that Divinity: And this was an easy way to persuade the people to whatsoever they had a mind to, God himself hath thought it very proper too, when he would bring any great thing to pass, for he hath chosen usually such men, who by their eminent virtue are able to make all people believe that whatsoever they declare, could not be but truth: He hath commanded the Prophets and Apostles to publish such say as would jar and clash with the senses of most men, and yet he hath replenished them in respect of his choice, with the many graces, that it were almost impossible for the most part not to believe them.   

The deputation of the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clercs to the King of England in the quality of an Extraordinary Ambassador.  
AFter the King had paid this respect to the Pope, and that the Articles of Marriage had been coucluded, upon the twentieth of November, His Majesty cast his eyes upon the Sieur de la Ville-aux-cler●s, one of his Councillors and Secretary of State to dispatch him into England as an Extraordinary Ambassador. He gave him particular order to testify unto the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales, the great affection which he had to live with them in a straight and near intelligence, and to assure them that one of the chiefest reasons which drew him to agree to the Marriage, was the consideration, that as one link of their Friendship was tied by Blood, this would render it indissolvable. After these Compliments were once past, he commanded him to procure the Articles of Marriage to be ratified, and to obtain their Oaths and Promises by Writing according to what the Ambassadors had engaged their words. He discharged himself with honour, both to the one and t'other Commission; and having several times entertained them with the Content that his Master would conceive by their Alliance; he at last concluded with such dexterity, that he had instilled into them all sorts of good will and affection for France; and in particular for his Majesty's Interests, and so invited them to a quick consummation of the Treaty, that the sudden chances which usually happen to affairs of this consequence might not breed any alteration or change. This was the groundwork upon which he founded his demands for their Instruments and Oaths which had been promised, and which both of them were readily disposed to effect, and accordingly they promised upon the Holy Evangelist not to attempt by any ways or means to induce the Princess to change the Roman Catholic Apostolic Religion, or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it. They likewise promised upon their Faith and words of Princes to grant to the Catholics more Liberties and Franchises in every thing which concerned their Religion, than had been given in favour of the Match with Spain, not to force them to take Oaths contrary to the Rules of the Roman Church, and to take effectual care that they were no more troubled in their Persons or Estates for their Religion, provided they exercised it in private, and lived in obedience, as good Subjects ought to do; and finally, both of them signed and delivered two Deeds, for the better assurance of their Oaths and Promises. After all this, his Instructions did not oblige him to be contented with words only as to that which concerned the Liberty of the Catholics, so that he proceeded with great earnestness to obtain the effects of it; and he was assured that upon the conclusion of the Marriage, there should be a Patent of Enlargement granted to all such as were Prisoners for their Religion-sake, without being any more troubled for the future; and for what related to all in general, there was a Deed made under his Majesties own Hand and Seal, directed to the Lord Conway, Secretary of State, commanding him to signify to all whom it concerned, that it was his Majesty's pleasure, no farther prosecution should be made against them: and accordingly the Lord Conway gave notice hereof to the Chancellor, Treasurer, to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and to all other chief Officers; principally requiring the Grand Treasurer, to restore unto them all the moneys which had been forced from them and paid into the Exchequer, with order not to do the like hereafter; and thus by obtaining their Promises Words, and Assurances, they had as much security as they could wish for, could they but be contented to exercise their Religion in private and without noise.   

Politic Observation.  
THe word of a King hath always passed for so sacred, that ours have sometimes scrupeled at the confirmation by Oath, of what they once gave upon their words. It was for that reason Saint Lewis would not swear in his own person to the League then made with Henry the third King of England, at the Camp near St. Aubin, Anno 1231. but desired it might suffice, if he caused it to be sworn in his name and presence, by the Prior of St. Martin the fields. Indeed, there being nothing more inviolable than the word of a Prince, it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity, or to desire his ratification by Oath. The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration, that another swore for him; now to desire that he himself should swear, were to decline that respect which is due unto him. However, the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom, that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath, when they are of any great importance; which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in. The Laws look upon it for so venerable▪ that they never permit it to be broken, what ever advantage happen by it. Perjury is condemned as a double sin, because it not only violateth that Religion which is due to God, who is invoked as a witness, but also Faith, which is the most sacred Bond of humane society. Which Laws too, do oblige Princes much more than other men, to keep their Oaths, because if they once forfeit their reputation of being faithful, they have not any thing left them which is considerable.  
Christian's ought to be most precise in this point, if they would not be put to the blush, at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels. It is much to be lamented, that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation; that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths, if they may but get any thing by it, they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius, (though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity) who thought the Art of well-lying, a great piece of virtue, and that it was an Index of a good Wit.) then that of the Commonwealth of Rome; which was so religiously faithful for their words, that Ptolomey King of Egypt, left his young son their tuition and protection, without the least apprehension of suspicion. Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administered his government with integrity, as soon as he came of age, they delivered up the Kingdom into his own hands.   

The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland.  
AT the same time that the English Ambassadors arrived at Compeign, the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw, & d' Esten, extraordinary Ambassadors from the States of Holla●d came likewise thither, to desire his Majesty's Assistance, and the renewing of the ancient Alliance. The League being ended, and the enemies of their Liberties, beginning to execute the designs which they had hatched for their ruin. The King who hath never less inclination to assist his Allies, then to keep his own People in obedience, received them with all kind of favour, and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires. His Majesty knew, that their Protection was Honourable, that there is nothing more glorious for a Sovereign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed, that what Assistances he gives them, are most assured signs of his greatness and generosity, and withal that it was full of Justice. The History of Holland had taught him, that the Princes of Austria, by their altering the Fundamental Laws, and oppressing the public Liberty of those Countries, had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them, that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Authority, to shake off the yoke of their obedience, by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland. An ancient saith, that Power is full of equity, which is employed in defence of the weak and feeble, and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies, those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind, and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country. This in particular was so much the more assuredly just, for Princes who possess a Country by Treaty with the People, and upon Conditions cannot infringe them, and not lose their Authority; and especially if they break Covenants, which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience. The Hollanders were acknowledged for Free and Sovereign People, in the Treaty of the League made, Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain, and Arch-duke's of Flanders. And in the same quality have the Kings of England, De●mark, and Sweden, the most part of the Hans Towns, the Commonwealth of Venice, and many Princes of Germany, ever treated with them; whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in maintaining their Franchises. A work of Justice so much the more certain, for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War, every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude, from which his Birth and the Privileges of his country have exempted him.  
Besides these important reasons, the King was no less informed of the especial advantages which France might make, by defending of them, that it is above threeseore years together, that they have obliged not only this State, but the most part of Europe to assist them, to balance the Power of Spain, and so to find his Army's employment in that Country, that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated; besides, that it was now much more necessary, in regard the Garrisons were to be established in the Valtoline, and it would concern the State to make him some diversions, that might entertain his Armies elsewhere; withal he found, that if he did assist Holland with these succours, it would engage them to do as much for him, when occasion should require it, which was no inconsiderable thing, as Henry the Great found by experience, when he was by them assisted, against those unjust oppositions which were form by the League to thwart and cross him: He himself too might fall into the same necessities, seeing the prosperity of Kingdoms, is like a Calm at Sea, which as it is often overblown with storms, so that too, is no less subject to interruption, by civil or foreign Wars. These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands. And his Majesty whose greatest pleasure consists in doing such things as might testify both his Justice and Courage, gave all sorts of Assurances to their Ambassadors, of a strong succour, and thought good to make a Treaty for the renewing of the ancient Alliance.  
His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them, and this great Minister, who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution, having determined them, concluded it in the month of June at Compeign, by which he bond himself to deliver them by way of Loan, three Millions, and two hundred thousand Livers in three years. On condition, that they should re-imburse them, three years after the War was ended. That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever, without his advice and interposition. That if he had any occasion of Ships of War, they should furnish him either for sale or hire, at a reasonable Price. That in case he himself were engaged in any Wars, they should repay him one half of the said sums of money or assist him with Ships, according to the Proportion of that which was lent them. That they should cause such French Regiments as should be entertained in Holland, to be conducted to Calais or deep. And thus in one and the same month, the Cardinal made his entrance upon the Administration very remarkable; by the resolution of the Match with England, which engaged the King of Great Britain in his Majesty's interests, by the entertaining of the Spanish Forces in the Low Countries, by which he diverted them from assisting the Valtolines so powerfully as otherwise they had done.   

Politic Observation.  
IF Marriages serve to augment the Power of a King, certainly those Alliances which are made with neighbour States, for reciprocal assistance in War, do no less contribute towards it, provided they be well established. Two States well united, are undoubtedly stronger than one alone, and as an ancient Author saith, if an enemy should prevail against one, yet too would be able to oppose him. Partnership is that which inricheth Merchants in Trading, and Alliances enable Princes to make foreign invasions with their Forces, and if there be such profit to be made out of it, I suppose they are very necessary; for the divine wisdom hath so disposed all Kingdoms, that they have all need one of another. Aristotle saith, nibil p●r se subsist it, nothing is able to subsist by itself only, and if in the Microcosm, every part is needful for one another, not excepting the most noble. God hath also imparted Power to Sovereigns, with such equality, that they are never able to increase it, without mutual assistance from one another. Upon this foundation it is, that all Alliances are established. It is absurd to believe, that the bare friendship of Princes, can be a sufficient Bond, seeing that it is interest which only ties them effectually, as is apparent to all men; for that they usually break them, when once they appear against their concernments. If ever there be occasion to unite them together, it is chief when there is danger of a common enemy, and that they would hinder his growing strength, and prevent him from making attempts upon their bordering neighbours, and consequently upon themselves.  
In fine, it was upon that score that the I●alian Ambassadors persuaded King Antiochus to league himself with them against the Romans, representing to him, that if he did not keep them in continual exercise, they would render themselves Masters of his Allies, and then enter upon his own Country too: And it was for the same reason, that the Princes of the house of Orleans finding themselves too weak to make head against the Burguignions', allied themselves with the English, though otherwise they hated them; and that Ferdinand King of Naples, allied himself with Lewis Sforza Tutor to John Galeazzi his Nephew, and Laurence de Medicis, that they might oppose the French, who then threatened them.   

Colonel Ornano is made Prisoner in the Bastile, and thence sent to the Castle of Caen.  
Whilst the King negotiated these two important Treaties, and that the Cardinal gave a happy progress to them by his Counsels, the Marquis de la Vieville, who for the two last years had a great hand in the affairs, informed the King, that the Colonel d' Ornano, Governor to the Duke of Orleans, his Brother, took such a course as would in time trouble the State: The he had not forgot any artifice to render himself agreeable to the Monsieur, and to gain such a power over his spirit, that the Honour which he had to be his Governor gave him a great power in his Family: That before he had gained the Mounsieurs affection, he made his brags openly, that he would get the Mastery over him, to the intent he might raise his fortune to a higher pitch: That he began to sow distrusts in the mind of that Prince, and to extinguish the seeds of that Respect, Love and Obedience which Nature had given to him in creating him: That he took advantage of his good favour, to make himself feared; and that he vaunted to have done many things contrary to his duty, of which there were many particulars, and that he was observed to take great care to hold Intelligence with the Grandees of the Court. This was so much the more to be feared, for that the greatest misfortunes, and the most part of Civil Wars have no other beginning, than misunderstandings of Princes against their Kings. The King thought good to impart it to the Cardinal, and having demanded his advice, of what was proper to be done in that occasion, he did not at all dissemble the danger, it would be, to permit this procedure of the Colonel: But the moderation of his spirit would not suffer him to carry him on to use such violent remedies as others did advise him to; but on the contrary, he represented to him, that the Laws of Mercy obliged Kings to pardon the first faults of Grandees, provided that they would confess their errors, especially if there be a means to prevent any consequence of danger: That the wisest are sometimes subject to miscarriages, and are also capable to repent them; and afterwards to do great services: That the moderation which many wise Princes have showed towards such offenders, hath made them more faithful and affectionate than those who never committed any miscarriage at all: That this Repentance, was the more reasonably to be hoped, from the Colonel d' Ornano, who till then had lived within those limits, which ought to be observed by those of his condition, that his Father had given him a good example, by those services which he had done until his death: That he had indeed forgot himself, but that his omission might be remedied which seemed to deserve pardon so much the more, in regard it is almost impossible for the greatest part of Mankind not to forget themselves, whenas fortune shall advance them into a place of Eminency: Moreover there was reason to hope, that the only removing him for some time from the Monsieur would make him reassume his former countenance, would make him sensible of his fault, and he himself would easily be induced to judge that this embroil wherein he had suffered himself to be surprised would undoubtedly precipitate him into utter ruin, instead of raising him into a higher condition.  
This counsel was accompanied with a much Prudence as Moderation; and the King, who is ever carried of himself to follow the best advice, only commanded the Colonel d' Ornano, to retire himself to his Government of Pont-Sainct-Esprit, until he were permitted to return to the Court, but the Colonel being confident, that there were nothing but surmises and conjectures against him, had the boldness to refuse obedience to this order, persuading the Monsieur to keep him near him, and to procure from the King by any extraordinary instances, that he might not be forced from the Court. The Monsieur beseeched his Majesties with all possible affection. However, the King gave him to understand, that his removal was very necessary to divert those mischiefs which he did not yet suspect, especially to preserve that near friendship, wherein they had always lived: So he had nothing to reply, and his Majesty to punish the insolence, which had given so much boldness to the Colonel d' Ornano to resist his Majesty's will, commanded him to be made Prisoner in the Bastile, and shortly after in the Castle of Caen.  
The displeasure which he conceived at his Imprisonment opened his eyes, he looked upon his fault with so much resentment, that there was not any protestation of fidelity left unmade by him, from his friends to his Majesty; and finally, having recourse to the Cardinal's intercession, that grand Minister, whose Counsels are never accompanied with rigour, unless, when he is enforced by Justice, dealt so with his Majesty, that at last he procured his liberty. After the Marqness de la Viville who had diverted him, had been so unhappy, his Majesty caused him to be brought out of Prison, and believing his Promises, restored him in his place with the Monsieur; and withal, gratified him with a considerable sum: Whereas he, instead of making any advantage of his imprisonment, of his Liberty, or of the Benefits, which he afterwards received; threw himself upon the Intrigues of women, and some Fantastical hare-brained young men, who put it into his head, that he was much redoubted on his Master's account, which made him conceive so great a vanity, that he boasted in many places, that he would further those motions which some Grandees made to the Monsieur, to carry him from the Court, unless himself were made a Marshal of France.   

The Colonel d' Ornano, is made Marshal of France.  
THE King upon advice had, was counselled by people of Quality, either to Arrest him, or make him Marshal of France, otherwise some great mishap might follow. The King was inclined to chastise him, not being able to endeavour or consent, that any such honour should be granted to him, out of fear, or to hinder his doing of more villainies. However, his Clemency moderated his just indignation, and prevailed with him to bestow upon him a Marshal's Staff, to reduce him within his duty, and to make him carry himself better for the future. It is true, the Cardinal settled and fixed him in those thoughts, and withal begged him to pardon him, seeing in creating him a Marshal, there would be no cause of fear, for that it would be as easy then as before, to clap him up into the Bastile, and that what punishment should be inflicted on him, would appear the juster in the eyes of all the World, in respect of those great favours wherewith he had been obliged; so he pardoned him and made him a Marshal, signalizing his Conduct by acts of mercy, not less considerable, than the wisdom which he had made appear in those two negotiations before mentioned.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is a great impudence to Court a Prince, with design to prevail against his Sovereign, for besides that, a Sovereign grows quickly jealous, if he find any to partake of that Honour, which is due to himself alone. Which one thing is the ordinary fomentation of Civil Wars. Tiberius' testified a great resentment, for that their Chief-Priests, making their prayers, to the Gods for his health, took the boldness to add the name of Nero and Drusius, though they were near a kin to him, and the next successors to the Empire, he acquainted the Senate with it, as also the Priests, and briskly told them he was offended at it. The same Emperor seeing the Senators prepare great Honours for his own Mother, did he not make them apprehend by a very neat discourse, that those Honours which were given to Women, should be moderate, and that he himself too would use the same modesty, in those which were offered to him? When he beheld Macron the Captain of his Guards, courting Caligula, did he not rattle him up with high language, for that he forsook the Sun setting, to adore him Rising:  
Kings are so sensible in this particular, that it is not without trouble, that they permit Courtship to be used to their own Children: Thus, though Philip of Macedon, did entirely love Demetrius his son, yet he was much offended, when the Macedonians followed him in Troops, and shown an earnest desire to insinuate themselves into his good favour. But admit this jealousy do not spring up, however such like actions ought not to be allowed, seeing infallibly it will breed broils in the State. It is also true, that (mwn not being less capable to quit their wicked designs, then to hatch and contrive them) it were dangerous to drive things to extremity, and to ruin them at the same instant, they were discovered. That Physician hath but a small portion of discretion, who makes use of violent remedies, upon the first beginning of a sickness, without staying to expect what Nature might do of her own self, and that Minister is too severe, who discovering some designs against his Master's service, presently destroys the Authors of it, without giving time, that they might repent themselves. Cecinna is much blamed by Tacitus, for taking a barbarous revenge upon some disorders, before he had given leisure to those who were guilty, to repent: But on the contrary, Julius Agricola, is much commended, in that he was most commonly satisfied with acknowledgement of a fault, and did not cruelly chastise any, when there was the least hopes of amendment; above all, a Minister is the more obliged to this moderation, when he is newly admitted into affairs, and it is conducing to his Master's service, in regard it is a means to render himself beloved. The Sun at his Rising never appears burning hot, his heat is welcome and favourable, and he seems like Roses and Pearl to the World; and a discreet Minister conforms himself to so agreeable an example, and aught to take it for granted, that whatsoever favours he shall do at the beginning of his Conduct, will gain him the affection of the People, and in prosecution will heap up upon him, as much Happiness as Glory.   

The Marquis of Vieville is made Prisoner at St. Germane, and thence conducted to the Castle of Amboyse.  
THose several agitations whereunto Fortune had exposed the Colonel d' Ornano, which sometimes seemed to throw him headlong down, and then again to raise him up to great Honours, were not the only marks of the Inconstancy which that flattering Goddess made appear during this year: For after she had raised up the Marquis de la Vieville just to the Administration, and to the Superintendance of the Treasuries, she was pleased so to cast him down, that the King caused him to be arrested at St. German en Say about the beginning of August, and sent Prisoner to the Castle of Amboyse. To speak truly, it was no such great cause of admiration, seeing this Inconstancy seems to have chosen Princes Courts for the place to exercise her power in, & to have taken a great delight, as it were, to raise several men unto a high point of favour to expose them shortly after to the greater overthrows, every one had reason to attribute it to her most usual conduct, which accustometh all men to this Law, that being once mounted to a certain degree of Honour, they must then of necessity fall back again, and that sometimes with such violence, that they fall into as great a number of miseries as they formerly had of felicities. No one can be ignorant of this truth; but as Envy doth frequently asperse the principal Ministers of a Prince, so she gave the impudence to a Pen envenomed by the Spaniards, to write, that the Cardinal was the cause of it, by reason of the fear he was in, lest the Marquis de la Vieville should rob him of the Ministerial honour.  
But how little hath this Enemy of this King, as well as of his Ministers, proved his discourse so contrary to the Truth? After the disrepute which they in whose behalf he writ, had of the Marquis, they made no long use of him, without being sensible that he was not an Instrument any way proper to raise their fortunes after the ruining of his own out of a Gallantry of Humour only. He went from St. Germane too with too much flouting, ever to invite his Majesty by his services, to make him the Minister of his Intentions. Besides, could he be so extreme ignorant of the Cardinal's high and eminent Genius, in persuading himself that the Cardinal could be any ways suspicious of the Marquis' undermining his Fortune? It were to persuade the Sun that the least Stars would obscure his light; it were also to accuse the King himself of great Imprudence, seeing it is to declare him incapable of distinguishing whether the Marquis of Vieville or the Cardinal were more proper for his Affairs. Certainly if the Sun discovers the deformity of a visage which had lain hid during the night, and maketh the Stars, which twinkle in the dark, to withdraw themselves upon his first approach. The Cardinal entering upon the Administration, and discovering to his Majesty the incomparable discretion of his Counsels, was enough to detect the little sufficiency of the Marquis, and to hid under the veils of an obscure darkness, those advices which his vivacity and promptness of discourse did make appear with some splendour, might give his Majesty just cause to make no greater esteem of him: And who so would accuse him in this occasion, must also reproach the Sun for having too much light, and to call that in Great Persons a Crime, which renders them the more to be admired. Every one than knew the true causes of the Marquis' disgraces, the King having given an Account of it to the Parliament the very day after his Arresting; that he might be accused, as his Majesty observed, to that Illustrious company for his evil conduct (which indeed was such, that all men of any sense thought him incapable of long subsisting) That he had changed those very resolutions which were made in his Majesty's presence, without acquainting him with it: That he had treated with Ambassadors resident near him, contrary to his order: That he had oftentimes cast that hatred which he had contracted, in exercising his passionate disgusts against some particular persons, upon his Majesty; and that he had feigned several advices with design to induce him to be jealous of those, in whom he might put a most entire confidence, all all which is so true, that the King, that he might not take him unprovided, had often given him advice to alter his behaviour, and to become more exact in prosecution of his Orders, and more reserved in his words, and in his procedure, as his Majesty had signified in the same Letter.  
After all which, his faults were so much the more known to the King, he having contracted the enmity of most part of the Grandees of the Court, by those outrages wherewith he had provoked them, when they demanded those gratuities which his Majesty had granted to them, and by that excessive rigour wherewith he would cut off the Pensions and other Benefits, which they had formerly obtained of his Majesty, as soon as ever he was entered upon the Treasury. For they being once so provoked, wanted no address to acquaint his Majesty with it, and also to accuse him of divers other unhandsome Carriages by several informers, who offered to prove that he had diverted great sums from the Service of Spain, to his own profit and his Father in Laws, the Sieur de Beaumarchais, one of the Treasurers; all which carried on his Majesty to clap him up in Prison.   

Politic Observation.  
NO one can doubt, but that a Minister who upon his first entrance into Affairs, finds them in disorder, is obliged to apply necessary remedies to them; but the Laws of Prudence teach us, that it ought to be with moderation and affability, without which, he doth like a rash Physician, who by giving his medicines in too great a proportion, and using too much rigour towards his Patient, doth so move and heat his natural temperature, that his sickness by it, is rather increased then diminished. It is very dangerous to force men to pass in an instant from one extremity to another, and who so attempts it shall never escape the darts of Envy and Hatred, which will not only render all his designs and labour to no purpose, but also expose him too to very great dangers. The first Actions of a Minister are they, which lay the Foundation of that Love or Hatred, which he shall afterwards reap from the people: a harsh rigorous procedure, can procure him nothing but ill will, and it is impossible for him to escape the doing many ill-offices near this Prince; and though those Customs and Uses, which he would alter, be abuses to the State; yet the Plurality of the People will hardly be conduced to think so when they have been accustomed to those others a long time together; upon which consideration it will be absolutely necessary, to give them time to know better, and to disuse them by little and little. The wise Tatitus saith, he who finds an estate in disorder, shall do much better at first dash to submit himself to the violence of inveterated Habit, and redress it afterwards with dexterity, rather than to fall presently aboard it, and to break all in pieces by a precipitated rashness; and he furnisheth us with two examples, both very considerable for their contrariety: The first is Tiberius, who finding the People in a great licentiousness, which the long Peace and meekness of the Emperor Augustus had brought them too, seemed at first not to regard it; his Prudence making him judge it improper, to treat them with severity so soon, and that it was fit for him to dissemble with them a little while; which procedure of his gave an advantageous issue to whatsoever he designed: Whereas the Emperor Galba, though a better Prince than Tiberius, was as unfortunate as rash, in that at his very first coming to the Crown, he attempted with his utmost power, to redress those disorders which he found: He spilt the blood of such as were Malefactors, with much severity, and shown himself to be very covetous; which behaviour of his rendered him so odious, that not many months after, he was slain in the midst of Rome by his own Soldiers. It is with the People, as with a sick man, who if in a Dropsy, he have not water given him to drink, though in itself very hurtful, throws himself into dangerous extremities, so they, if presently restrained from those Liberties and Freedoms which they had used to enjoy, do run into Desperation and Fury, and eagerly push at the destruction of those, whom they suppose Authors of the Alteration. Above all, it is necessary that a Minister, who would change the face of affair with time, should use a great deal of sweetness, and a singular Lenity in it, because insolency and impetuousness are evil qualities, which do not at all conduce to the dispatch of Affairs, and have no other operation, then to render them odious who use it. It makes the most justifiable remedies insupportable; whereas courtesy and kindness, sweetens any anguish, and makes it pass for very reasonable. People do in some sort, rather love disorder in a Minister, provided he be tractable; then virtue, if he be hard of access, rough, or insolent. His commands will carry more Power with them, if they be accompanied with gentleness, then if set on with Force and Fury. For which reason I should wish to him the temper of Aristides, who amongst other good qualities that he had, was master of a great affability, which gained him the heart of all the World, so that afterwards he might do what he would himself; or the Humanity of Pompey, which was such, that never any one went dissatisfied out of his Presence; or the courtesy of Augustus whose Gates were ever open to all who would make addresses to him, and whose Petitions himself received with an admirable courtesy. It is to the examples of these wise men, he ought to conform himself, not with an easiness or too great a facility, that rather foments public disorders; but with the noble courageous sweetness of Brutus, who according to Plutarch was beloved of all People, for his natural goodness, though the intention of his Will was so upright, that he knew not what it was to stoop to the toleration of any disorders.   

The Sieurs de Champigny, and de Marillac, are advanced to the Superintendency of the Exchequer.  
AFter the disfavour of the marquis de la Vieville, his Majesty being necessitated to put into his place a superintendent; upon whose Prudence and Fidelity in the Administration of the Finances, he might safely rely, took advise of the Cardinal, well knowing that it is in vain to choose Officers if the are nor able well to execute their places, because they are as it were the Soul and main-spring, by which he shall arrive to any good success.  
This grand Minister then discoursing with his Majesty upon this subject did not any longer conceal those aggrievances, which several men did complain of in the Marquis de la Vieville, but thought it necessary to set two in his place. His reason was, That the regulating of the Finances, wes much different from that of the Administration of the State; because if the division and envy which should arise between two Ministers, would draw on many inconveniences; yet the misunderstanding which might make a separation between two superintendents, would be the more advantageous, it being somewhat impossible, that two men, who are grown jealous of one another, should divert the moneys from the Treasury, either of them fearing, lest his Fellow-brother should detect him. His advice was, to choose two such as were of great Honesty, because admit that one should be corrupted in his Office, yet the other might stand firm. Besides this, he advised him to cast his eyes upon such men, whose age and experience had made them of good capacities. He thought ancient men, and such as were versed in affairs, more proper than others, because they are naturally inclined to more staidness, and have a greater respect and authority then young men to move the people, to submit to those Impositions, which shall be charged upon them: That the experience which they have by age, is the more needful in affairs of concern, for without that experience Age doth rather make men unwieldy and unapt for business; & that this same experience, is known for one of the most solid Foundations of Wisdom, of which no one can be more assured, than he who had often been deceived by Fortune, and who hath found to his cost, that he ought to trust but a few, and to be confident but of a little. Moreover, he proposed too choose such, as were neither too poor nor too rich; not very poor, fearing lest the power of disposing the Treasuries, might work upon their dispositions, to mis-imploy it to their own uses, that they might raise themselves out of their Poverty and neediness; not very rich, lest the power and Authority which they possess might invite them to attempt whatever should be suggested to them: Above all, he advised his Majesty, not to place in such Offices of charge and trust, any, but men of understanding, and such as bad some government in their own affairs, there being no reason to intrust the second affairs of the Kingdom with people of but an indifferent Capacity; nor no hopes but of ruin and confusion from such whose life hath been disorderly, and these are the chiefest good qualities of which a Superintendent of the Finances ought to be Master.  
The King was not ignorant of these truths, but was glad to find them confirmed to him, by the approbation of this grand Minister, and in prosecution of it, desiring him to name some men in particular, upon whom his Majesty might cast his eyes, to fill up those vacant Offices. He proposed to him the Sieurs de Champigny, and de Marillac, as persons in whom these qualities were eminent. Their Age and Experience had made them ripe for all sorts of business; their Birth and Fortune had favourably imparted to them the gifts of Body and Mind. Lastly, that most men gave them the Honour of esteeming them both Valiant and Loyal; so his Majesty, equally depending upon their reputation, and the Cardinal's advice, honoured them with the Super-intendency. It cannot be denied, but that most of the Cardinal's faithful creatures, reflecting upon the little service, which the Sieur de Marillac, would have done the State in his own person, took occasion to talk of it, that the should be so preferred into affairs, without remembering those extravagancies of his, during the Confederacy. But such aught to consider, that resolutions ought not to be judged by the event, that the wisest Counsels are sometimes attended with ill success, as well as the most rash and unadvised attempts; and I shall tell them withal, that the Cardinal could hardly have imagined, how much it was to be wished, that the Sieur de Marillac would have rebated some part of that unquiet and rebellious spirit of his, which he manifested during those troubles, in relation to that reservedness and moderation of which he was known to be master, when he had no other Office but that of the Requests and Counsellor of State, which moderation of his, gave good cause to hope that his riper Age, had totally extinguished that seditious fire which had almost consumed him in his younger days.   

Politic Observation.  
SEeing there must of necessity be limits and Bounds in that distrust, which is had of persons chosen to serve in public affairs; as also, that it is a great fault to trust every one and a greater to trust none, or to remove a person from the Government, whose reputation and conduct, seems to engage a Trust in him; so on the contrary, the confidence which a Minister hath of a person, who hath the repute of a great virtue (though peradventure there might have been some miscarriage in her former conduct) is no slight testimony of her own integrity. A depraved Nature can believe no one, hardly himself, whereas a virtuous oble disposition honoureth such as have the reputation of being fincere and Loyal with so much respect, that there need no great labour to make them be credited. I cannot more properly compare distrust to any thing then to those Poisons which Physicians sometimes use in their Medicines which administered with discretion and by weight do cure the most dangerous sicknesses; whereas given in a little excess, they presently kilso doth distrust it is one of the best supports in a Ministers conduct if he useth it moderately, and on the other side, if too much made use of, it causeth a thousand disasters both to the State and the Minister himself. He who is too distrustful hath never any quiet; he never looketh on any thing but it disturbs him; no one cometh near him, but he suspecteth it is with some ill design; if any one salute him with a little more than usual respect, he presently fancieth such a one will cheat him, and virtue itself passeth for Hippocrasie in his opinion: And if by this means he createth a Hell to himself, his suspicions too are offensive to all who have any manner of conversation with him. I pass by those inferior persons who do oftentimes render great services to the State, and yet being denied the liberty of presenting themselves, do at last hate the chief Minister, when they think themselves disrespected. On the contrary, confidence puts the mind in great repose, gains affection from all the world, induceth to employ all such as are able to do service with Freedom, and many times maketh enemies themselves to change their designs, and to prosecute instead of persecuting his interests.  
The Romans were not sullied with this diffidence, for they never made any difficulty, to re-place those again into their Offices, whom they had formerly removed. They recalled Camillus whom they had banished, made him Dictator, honoured him with the Consulship, and General of the Army under Marcus L●vius command, whom they disgraced: And the Emperor Augustus, instead of punishing Lucius Cinna, who whould have attempted upon his person, had such confidence in him, that he not only did not distrust him, but advanced him to the Consulship, and by that manner of proceeding so won upon him, that he was ever after very faithful, and very affectionate to all, which concerned him: men's inclinations are not irrecoverable, and they who have heretofore been incendiaries, may turn to be faithful servants: Whence it comes, that the Rule which ought to be followed in distrusting of men, is that it be not with excess, not totally and absolutely to lay by, and reject all who have been culpable of evil management, but to examine the true cause of their disorder, whether their fault were committed by inclination or accident, if the occasion which induced them, be removed or not, and whether there be good ground to believe, that their virtue hath been set right and amended after their bad disposition, judging so much the more favourably of those who are reputed virtuous, because the integrity of a Prince, and his principal Minister of State, is judged by the Qualities and Conditions of those Officers whom they employ; but withal still retaining a power to curb their evil conduct, if they abuse that confidence which it had of them.   

The Guard de Seaux d' Haligre, is advanced to the charge of Chancellor of France, by the death of Monsieur de Sillery.  
FOrtune having made way by the disgrace of the Marquis de la Vieville, for the advancement of these two Councillors of State, death would also take its turn to show its power; giving occasion by the decease of Monsieur de Sillery, to advance Monsieur Le garde de Seaux de Haligre, to the charge of Chancellor of Franch. This great man was laid a sleep in his Tomb, after he had been known for one of the prime spirits of his time, both in matters of his Counsel, the Seal, and his own particular importment: whence it happened that the disgrace which befell him, not long before by those bad Offices, which the Marquis de la Vieville did him (who was not able to endure that any man's discretion should over shadow him) was but a Triumph to his virtue. He was removed by the Artifices of that Minister, to go spend the rest of his days at his house of Sillery, that he might be eased of the trouble of the world. He made known both to his confident friends who visited him, and to such with whom he held an intercourse by Letters, that this change, wrought not upon his Constancy, and that his disgrace did not at all alter the temper of his mind. He told them, that he had always held it for a maxim, to consider Accidents by their true cause, which is the divine Providence, and seeing that no man ought to repine at that which he is forced to suffer, it were but reasonable to conform our wills, to those orders which are established here upon earth; that he was not ignorant how that huge multitude which follows those men who are in great places, doth not follow so much their persons, as their fortunes; and that the solitude wherein he now was, made him find it so by experience, that he did not think he had the fewer friends in having so few Visitants; that in fine, he enjoyed a great liberty, such a one as he had never tasted in his most honourable employments; that the sweetness which he found in it, invited him to lament their condition, who were still bound to such Slaveries: And that lastly, the preferred his disgrace before the highest dignty.  
It was a midst such prudent meditations, that he entertained himself near a whole year in great content from the Court, until at last death came to put a period to his days, but left his Glory and Reputation fresh and alive in the memories of all, who knew him. After his death, his Majesty gave the Chancellorship to Monsieur de Halligre, which was done by the Cardinal's advice, who would by no means divert his Majesty from raising of him unto this utmost pitch of Honour, which was usually accorded unto such as were Treasurers at that time, and upon such an occasion; not that he was ignorant, that his Age rendered his Mind somewhat too weak for the weight of such a charge; for the well performance of which, it was not enough, barely to have acquired the Ornaments of a singular Honesty, which was however very commendable: But he could not resolve to discountenance him, it being his first entrance upon the Administration, and early days with him; so that he rather aimed to supply the others defects, by his own proper ingeny, which was able enough to defend the State from suffering, as to hinder him from his advancement; withal he hoped, that giving him often, the honour of admitting him to be near him, he might form him by his Counsels, and render him more capable and vigorous in the trans-acting of great Affairs. He though too, that his redoubled cares for some small time, might be requited in future, which invited him to take that trouble upon himself, as also, because he would not cast off a person, whom he found Keeper of the Seal, and in reputation of a Sublime virtue.   

Politic Observation.  
TO judge with certainty of the ability or insufficiency of a man, for management of great affairs, is a thing very difficult. If it often happens that the most active souls do not well away with affairs of little concernment, it is not less common, to see some who make themselves be admired as in indifferent employments, who being raised to those of a little higher degree, acquit themselves very badly. To verify which, Vespasian being overseer of the Scavangers (before he came to the Empire) committed so many mis-carriages, that the Emperor commanded his  to be daubed all over with filth and dirt; but when Fortune had once raised him up to be Sovereign, he soon made it evident that the evil conduct, for which he was once blamed, proceeded from nothing but to show that he was not born for love and mean actions. Men of great merit behave themselves so negligently in small, low employments, that they give but a slender character of their abilities: On the other side, some have attained to a great reputation, in the discharging of small affairs, and in prosecution of time being advanced to those of greater weight, have found their ruin and confusion in them. Galba may serve for an example of it, seeing before he was Emperor, he shown so much Prudence in the dispatching those affairs which were committed to him, that every one conceived a very great esteem of him, but being come to the Empire, he soon lost it. If any one demand a reason of it, I suppose there is none but this; that as there ought to be a proportion between Causes and Effects, that they may operate within the Sphere of their power, so men ought to be adopted to charges in employments, conformable to their capacities and sufficiencies; for that men's minds have certain bounds prescribed to them, within the limits of which they are able to acquit themselves with credit and applause; but if you advance them above, or depress them below those Spheres, they show nothing but debilities and mis-carriages. It was in this respect that Tacitus speaks of Poppeus Sabinus, when he said that he was sufficiently capable of those employments which were entrusted with him, but not of any higher. Titus Livy was not much out of the way too, when speaking of the Dictatorship of Lucius Quintius Cicinnatus, he said, that he had a courage equal to his charge, but not great enough to be General of the Army. Now in this incertainty, it should seem to relish somewhat of injustice; peradventure too of imprudence in a Chief Minister, to oppose the advancement of a man whom he finds in employment, and in the reputation of an honest integrity. It would relish, as I said, of Injustice; because his integrity and conduct, reduct, represent him for deserving, and of imprudence too, because virtue having the property of pulling down a hatred upon those who oppress it, it will certainly gain him the  and disaffection of the people, should he have hindered the tother's good fortune; besides the noblest glory of a powerful man consists in being able to hurt, but at that same times to do most good to all men, especially to those who are virtuous. A man may easily be persuaded that a Minister is virtuous, if he favours persons of merit; and on the contrary, that he hath none but wicked designs, if he bring them into disgrace, and of this he ought to take the greater consideration upon his first entrance into the Government, because he hath then the fittest opportunity of gaining upon the People's affections. Alexander knew of what concernment this particular was, when as a certain Lord of his Retinue complained that he gave no estate to any but persons of great virtue, he was answered by him that he courted virtue, that she herself might pay him Homage over all the world.   

Inquiries into the Misdemeanours of the Finances.  
THE Sieur de Marillac being honoured with the Super-intendency of the Finances, his unquiet spirit could not rest long time without giving some object to his violence, the Finances he leveled at, and soon set them into such confusion, that they who behaved themselves in their charges with the greatest innocency, knew not where to hid their heads, It is true, that it was so much the more important, to the good of the State, to repress those misdemeanours of many, who did openly squander away the King's moneys (which are the Sinews both of the State and War) in that their ill management did necessitate the imposing of new Taxes upon the People, in that they deprived particular men of such sums as the King had granted them, not only by way of gratification, but sometimes of justice; and in that these unjust deal gave means to many amongst them, to make vast expenses (a dangerous example to the public) Yet should he have had for-born driving those inquiries to that height which he did, and from infusing into the King's Soul such a sharpness against them, that they all past for criminals indifferently together in his Majesty's opinion.  
The order which was followed was this, There was out of each Parliament one Counsellor elected by them, who was reputed of extraordinary integrity to be form into a Court of Justice to them, were joined certain Masters of Requests, and two Precedents of the Chamber of Accounts of Paris. Leave was given to all Informers, who would appear to give in their complaints against any Officer, or his Deputy, to the Procurator General, and there was so exact an Inquisition made of all their deportments, that there was hardly one of them which did not run away to save themselves from the storm, which was falling down upon them. This Court continued from the end of October of this year, until May in the year following; however it was with more threats than punishments, there being only one put to death and some few in Effigy.  
Monsieur the Cardinal did for some time behold this Tempest not giving way to his Prudence, to employ that Benignity which is natural to him, towards the moderating his Majesty's just anger against them, as well to testify upon his first entrance into the Administration, that it was not his intention to protect such Malefactors; as also in regard it was necessary to terrify and affright those who were culpable, to the end they might for the future live with more Integrity and Justice. But in the end, seeing that the Principal Actors began to be touched to the quick, with an apprehension either of losing their Honours, or their lives, and to compare themselves in good earnest, as much as could possibly be desired, and withal to propose to his Majesty in behalf of their persons, to establish such orders in the Treasuries, that it should be impossible to divert any of the moneys, or to defraud any persons of such sums, as his Majesty should order to be paid unto them, he then became the Mediator of their Peace. It is true, it was not without making their Purses pay for what was past, and setting up a better order for the future; for he brought them to condescend to give hit Majesty seven Millions of Livers, and for the better keeping them in awe, it was ordained that every ten years a Court of Justice should be set up, to inquire into their Actions, and he procured such order to be established in the Finances, that it was impossible for them to relapse into their former errors. The King was so exasperated against them, that it was no little difficulty to persuade him to grant them that favour and grace which they begged for. But he, knowing that the ways of reason, are those by which his Majesty is to be regained; he so followed them, that he soon replaced him in his usual moderateness of temper, and representing to him, that it was Clemency was that virtue, which made Princes like unto the Divinity, that it could not but be glorious to pardon those Officers, how culpable soever, that their offence was not more criminal than that of Rebellion, in which the major part of the French, had in several Wars heretofore been embroiled, that he would have so much the less reason, ever to repent of the favour he should do them; for that the late King his Father was highly praised for what he once said to Monsieur du maine, after he had reduced him to his obedience, viz. That the greatest pleasure he had in making a Peace, was the pardoning of Rebels, That the Laws of the Romans seemed to invite him to pardon, seeing they had no other punishment than Banishment for Robbing of Public Treasury. That the end of a great Prince, is rather to make his Officers good, then to chastise them. That it was enough thus to punish their Purses, so that they might both remember it, and suffer for it; that Vespasian had given him a very commendable example, when as he thought it more proper to preserve then destroy Treasuries, in saying he esteemed them one of the strongest props of an Empire, and that he looked upon them as a Meadow, which is mowed at some time or other, or as upon Sponges which are squeezed, when a man would get any thing out of them.  
These reasons were so unanswerable, and made such an impression upon the King's mind, that following the instincts of his natural Bounty, he resolved to pardon them. Accordingly, he Repealed the Chamber of Justice, and accorded to them the favour which they desired, and they established such Orders and Rules, which have tied up those who were most wedded to their own interests, to live very stayedly.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is no new thing to see the Public Exchequer ill governed. The Treasury was common amongst the Greeks, as Polybius and Chirisophus, in Zenophon witness, the latter of which reproacheth them with it, that there was hardly a man amongst them of any mark, who might not be reproved for it. Aristides general Treasurer of Athons', manifested publicly, that all those who had managed the Treasury of that Republic, not only in his time, but before, had rob them of a good quantity, not so much as excepting Themistocles. Gylippus, did divert a great part of those Riches; which Lysander had hid by a Slaves means of his, under the Tiles of his house. When he said, if one should look in such a place, he might find good store of Owls; meaning Gold and Silver, upon which the Grecians stamped an Owl, by reason of the Athenians, which was accordingly sifted out, and delivered into the hands of the Ephores, who punished him very severely for it. For the same fault amongst the Romans, was Sylla accused by Consorinus, who grounded his indictment upon this, That he having but little wealth left by his Father, insomuch that he was forced to lodge in a hired house, and was now become excessively rich. It would be easy to produce many of the like examples, not but there have been in all ages, honest, upright men, in whose hands the Public Treasuries have been regulated, with much fidelity, and who have not deserved less praise than Pericles, of whom Thucydides reports, that he had not increased by one only dragm of Silver, the Estate which his father left him, notwithstanding the great employments he had in the Treasuries. But I can tell you, there have been some Persons in the Ages last passed, who have made so little difficulty of diverting the Treasury, that they have gloried in being made rich by it.  
If this Crime then be so ancient, the use of punishing them, being once convict is as old, the Grecian and Roman Laws assure us of it, in the examples of Gylippus, Lisander, and many others; but must he not needs be very imprudent, who would not punish them at all, seeing the defrauding of a Treaty, is a Poison, which depriveth the State of the use of her Sinews and Muscles: And lastly, which decays its vigour, that it is rendered uncapable of attempting any thing either great or glorious. Vespasian, as Suetonius saith, enforced the Receivers of his Treasury, to render an account of what they received from their fathers, and to restore him the surplusage, as if they had rob him of it.  
The Laws of France are more severe, and they have been often executed, against the greatest of the Kingdom, amongst others, Father de la Berche Engneraud de Marigny, le Sieur de Giac, & Camus de Beaulieu, were convicted of this Crime, under King Philip, Lewis his son, and Charles the 8th. and accordingly condemned to die for it.  
Philip de Valois made an Assembly very remarkable, of the three States, in which it was resolved to make the Treasurers, render an account, and to intrust the disposal of the Public Money, into the hands of the ecclesiastics and Noble Men; who it was hoped, would manage them with more Fidelity. In fine, a Commission was granted to the Abbots of Marmostier and Corby, and they had joined to them for Counsel, four Bishops, and four Knights. Pierre des Essars Treasurer of France, was then clapped up in Prison, and several Financiers condemned to pay great Fines.   

The Affairs of the Valtoline.  
AFter the declaring what Empires Death and Fortune exercised during this year in the State, the prosecution of Affairs engageth me to inform you of what passed in the business of the Valtoline; but that I may write it with more perspicuity. I think it necessary to take the rise of this Affair, and to observe to you, that the Valtoline is a Country situated at the foot of the Alps, not unlike a great Ditch, separated by the high Mountains from the Grisons, and those which are on the Coast of Italy. It is not of very large extent, not being above twenty leagues in length, and one in breadth, but is very fertile, and of great importance, serving as a Gate to the Spaniards and Venetians, to bring Forces out of Germany into Italy, as well to defend as to increase their States. The Venetians were not ignorant of it, when they were embroiled with Pope Paul the fifth, Anno 1603. they made a League with the Grisons who are natural Lords of it, to have free passage through it, as their occasions should require, though France had the only Power to dispose of it, according to the Treaty made with them by Lewis the 12th. and renewed by Henry the Great, Anno 1602. during the time of his own life, the life of the present King, and eight years after his decease. Which Alliance with them, giveth great offence to the Spaniards, which caused them to make another League with the Grisons, to whom the same Passages were assured, for the safeguard of Milan: However after a long Treaty made in the year, 1631. these two new Alliances were turned topsie turvey, and that of France resettled; it is true, it was not for any long time, because the Venetians having been at variance, with the Archduke Ferdinand, and the house of Austria, sent Secretary Patavin to the Grisons, who contracted another league with them, which made the Spaniards reassume those former intelligences of theirs, insomuch that there were two parties form amongst them; that of Plauta for the Spaniards, and that of Deslia for the Venetians, which kindled such a fire as could not be extinguished to this present day. The difference was such, that from the year 1617., to the year 1621. there were nine insurrections among them, in which sometimes one party, sometimes another had the better of it. At last the Valtolines, annoyed by the Injustices and Extorsions, which the Protestant Grisons used over them, and otherwhiles pretending that they would abolish the Catholic Religion from amongst them, they made a general revolt, and at the persuasion of the Governor of Milan, massacred all the Protestants they met with. In July 1620, the Grisons could easily have chastised them for this cruel act, whereas they to secure themselves, from the revenge which they expected, had recourse to the Governor of Milan, who glad at heart to make an advantage in this occasion, was not backward in sending them soldiers, and building them Forts in their Valley.  
The King being then engaged in re-taking those Towns which the Hugonots had gotten into their possession, could not secure the Grisons with his Armies; but however he sent the Marshal de Bassompiere, extraordinary Ambassador into Spain, to require, and in his name to demand that the Valtoline might be restored, and all things replaced into their former state and condition. The Marshal took extraordinary pains to procure it, and at last obtained it, and accordingly it was signed at a Treaty in Madrid, in May 1621. on condition that certain great Liberties might be accorded to the Catholics there, and with a Proviso, that the Cantons of the Swisseses and the Valtolines should incline the Grisons to consent to what had been agreed upon.  
But the Spaniards proceeding with little Faith to execute the Treaty, procured the Catholic Cantons, by their money, to deny their consents, which one thing being deficient, they would put off the whole execution of the Treaty; and moreover, made one at Milan, with the Deputies of the Grisons, and two others, with the same Grisons and the Archduke Leopold, by which they got great advantages in those Countries, and so kept to themselves the power of passing any Forces through that Country.  
This Procedure made the Duke of Savoy very jealous, as also the Princes of Italy and Germany, which were not interessed in the designs of the House of Austria, and having made their complaints to his Majesty, his Majesty, who is as much concerned for them as the Grisons, concluded a Treaty of Alliance with the Duke of Savoy and Republic of Venice, in February 1623., for the executing the Treaty at Madrid, and the re-establishing the Grisons in their Sovereignty of the Valtoline.  
This League made the King of Spain suspect, that they began to smell the Usurpation which he had made, so that ghuessing he should find a hard task to preserve it, ●he offered the King to put all those Forts which the Governor of Milan had built, in deposit in Pope Gregory the fifteenth's hands, and those of the Holy Seat, to be by them kept until the conclusion of the Treaty, which should be made to end all those differences. The King could hardly be drawn to agree to to the deposit, both because there was no need of any other Treaty then that of Madrid, as also by reason of the liberty of passages which the Spaniard would keep. However, his Majesty being pressed unto it by the Pope, consented to it, upon condition that all those Forts should be demolished within three months, during which time, the Articles of Accommodation should be agreed on at Rome. The Commander of Sylleri was then Ambassador at Rome for France, and the Duke de Pastrane had the same charge from Spain, and both having received power from their Masters to treat and negotiate this Affair, there were divers Proposals made; France never made any difficulty of according to any thing which might contribute to the exercise of the Catholic Religion in the Valtoline, or for security of all such as made profession thereof: But they would never agree to those demands which the Spaniards made concerning the having of Passages, with so much peremptoriness. During which time Pope Gregory the fifteenth died, and Vrban the eighth being set in his place, after his first entrance upon the Popedom, proposed new Articles of Accommodation, which comprised as much as could be of advantage for the Church and Catholics, which were readily accepted to by France, but as stoutly rejected by the Spaniards, for that it did not grant to them the enjoyment of the Passages.  
Their Refusal surprised the Pope, but he being made by some of their Ministers, who had represented to him, that those Passages were the least recompense which they could pretend to, in lieu of many Millions which they had expended for the defence of the Catholic Religion in the Valtoline. His Holiness proposed to them, to grant them passage for their Soldiers into Germany and Flanders, in behalf of the War which they should make against the Heretics, but upon no other occasion whatsoever. To this the King would in no wise agree, because to have granted them free passage there, upon what occasion soever, were to give them the whole end of their design, which was to unite the Estates which the House of Austria hath in Germany to those in Italy, as we shall elsewhere declare, and by that means to expose the Princes of Italy as a Prey to the Spanish Ambition; more especially the Venetians, who (should that thing be assented to) have good cause to complain of France: Besides, that Article was quite contrary to the Treaty at Madrid, for the execution of which, this Treaty was only intended. That withal, the King was in a League with those of Venice and Savoy, and had engaged his Word, his Honour, and his Faith, to resettle things in their former state. It is true, the Commander of Sylleris had been surprised by the Spaniards, and had consented to those Articles wherein the demand of those Passages was included, but however had not signed them, and the King disowned them, and declared, that he having done it contrary to his order, he was not bound to ratify it, and principally seeing he himself too, had not assented to them, but after he had understood of the disgraces which had befallen the Chancellor his Brother, and the Sieur de Pisieux his Nephew.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is very dangerous for a Prince to sit still, and see another invade his neighbours for certain Passages or Countries, which may lay his States, as it were, hedge by hedge, and especially if those places may serve for a Inlet, or Door to give succours to his own Allies, such a thing were to give him leave to turn his weakness into strength, for that united States are stronger than when disunited. Great Rivers whilst they are in small Brooks, are fordable by every one, and are not feared at all, until all their waters run in the same channel; and divided Estates may easily be surprised, whereas if united, they are capable of giving jealousy to their neighbours, as also to make attempts upon them.  
It is a common saying in Philosophy, Vis unita fortior, united Power is much stronger than when divided into several particulars. Sertorius evinced this to his Army for a Truth by a witty Invention; he commanded two Soldiers to pull off a Horse's tail, both which he chose for the purpose, of a different humour and strength; the one of them weak, but ingenious, the other strong, but rash; the latter, in obedience to Sertorius command, took a whole handful of the Horse's tail, and tugging with all his force, could not pull it off; the second took a quite contrary way, he pulled them off hair by hair, until he quite made an end; whence Sertorius took an occasion to exhort his Soldiers never to separate themselves either in a Fight, or upon a March, he told them, they had seen, that united Forces are hard to be vanquished, but easily overcome if disunited. If this reason be sufficient to warrant a man, from permitting an Invasion in any Country, it is the more necessary to be prosecuted, when it serves for a mutual passage for France to assist its Allies, and to receive succour from them, for that these Passages are of as great concernment as the Allies themselves, for once being lost. Allies can neither give or receive any succours at all. That Prince who suffers them to be usurped, exposeth his ancient Allies to be made a prey, and cuts off one of his own arms, wherewith he might have defended himself.  
For this very reason it is, that our Kings having often discovered the Spaniards designs of invading Savoy, have presently been on foot to defend it, as the usual Gate of Communication between France and Italy, which once lost, they knew that all the Princes of Italy would quickly be reduced to the mercy of the Spaniards, seeing they could not be assisted by France, which hath ever been their Protectrix, as also, that France, if occasion were, could not receive any succours from them.   

The Deputation of the Sieur de Bethune, to Rome as Ordinary Ambassador, and the Revocation of the Commander of Syllery.  
THe Commander de Syllery being thus surprised, the King was obliged to call him home, and to send in his place Monsieur de Bethune, a man of great judgement and reputation, to whom he gave express order, to declare very resolutely to the Pope, that he would never consent that the Spaniards should have passage in the Valtoline, and to beseech him in his Majesty's name, that he would use his authority to enforce the execution of the Treaty of Madrid, that according to the rules of Justice, the Grisons might be restored to that which had been usurped from them, both in the Valtoline, as also in the rights of the League at Caddee. A little after his departure, his Majesty received advice, that the resolution of denying those passages, was approved of at Rome, so he dispatched one to him upon the way, that he might every day be more resolute, and that he publish it aloud to all the world, to stop the Spaniards mouths, who made people believe, that at last we should give ground and accord it to them.  
The Sieur de Bethune being arrived at Rome, acquitted himself so worthily of that which was give him in charge, that the Pope no more doubting of his Majesty's resolution, told him, he would forthwith discharge himself of the Forts in the Valtoline. The Sieur de Bethune, was for the present satisfied with it, and gave notice of it to the King, But upon receiving his Majesty's further pleasure upon that particular, he very briskly told his Holiness, it would be a thing of very ill consequence, to deliver them into the Spaniards power, seeing if it were once done, a breach between the two Crowns were not to be avoided. That it were no less against the Interest of Religion, to surrender them to the Grisons who were Heretics, and that the best expedient which could be taken was (but by the By he proposed it only as from himself) either to raze them, as by the Treaty of Madrid was agreed on, or to leave them to the Valtolines themselves, seeing there might be an easier agreement made with them, then with any others. The Pope found himself so entangled, that he knew not what to resolve, so that the business, had been Wyerdrawn into a great length of time and delays, if he had not been pressed by those Protestations, which were several times represented to him: That the King his Master, after he had employed all the means of a Treaty to no purpose, would have recourse to those to his Arms, without any more ado, to obtain that by force, which was denied to the justice of his Reasons.  
His Holiness being thus hard put to it, would willingly have delivered up the Forts into the hands of the Valtolines; but one thing which hindered him was, he would be reimbursed of those Charges which he had expended, for their preservation during the deposit. The Spaniards offering to give him satisfaction in it, did invite him to deliver them up to them. But the Sieur de Bethune, making him the same proffers from the King, did so puzzle him, that afterwards he could not deliver up the Forts to one, without offending the tother, and without making a breach between them. Now to disengage himself from these broils, he made divers Proposals, but all tending to delays, the Sieur de Bethune, acquainting the King therewith, received express Order, not to consent to any expedient of that nature, and rather to press his Holiness, to leave the Fort in the Spaniards hands, then to use any longer delays; because his Majesty was fully resolved, not to let the year pass away without somewhat of Action, and in case he could get no other determinate resolution, that he should write to the Marquis Coewres, presently to enter with an Army upon the Valtoline.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is usual with Princes, who are Mediators of Peace between other Sovereigns, to amuse those Ambassadors which are with them upon that account, with divers new Proposals, which themselves judge not to be feasible. When they find things hard to be concluded on, they hope, that time may in fine produce some agreeable overture, both to one and tother, which may induce them to lay down their Arms; or else, they endeavour by this means to give time to him, whom they would incline to favour, to draw his forces together, and put himself into a posture of defence. In such Encounters an Ambassador ought to be both Prudent and Stout: Prudent he ought to be, that he may dive into the qualities and consequences of such Propositions as shall be made unto him, either to reject them, if inconvenient, or to make appear that it is on good grounds, he doth not accept of them. Courageous too he ought to be, to maintain his Master's Interests, with strong Reasons and Generosity, without fear of being importunate, and without making a scruple of speaking out, when need requires. If he discovers any weakness, ir-resolution and dulness of Soul, if he be slow in finding out expedients, or do not well discuss such propositions as are made to him, he cannot escape the censure of the World; on the contrary he will gain the more honour, if by his vivacity, address, and vigour, he shall effect with ease, those affairs, which otherwise would be intricate and Thorny, and free his Country from Wars, and allay the exasperations of his enemies; and in fine, reduce the most obstinate to be governed by the Rules of Reason. It w●ll be an act of Prudence in him, not to bewray the least apprehensions of fear, to see his Master engaged in a War, which if he should, his enemies would soon make advantage of it; on the contrary, he ought rather to imitate the resolution of Quintus Fabius, who being sent from the Romans to the Carthaginians, presently told them, that he should be most glad, if there might be any expedient found out for an accommodation, which would be for the good of both parties, if it might not be, he there presented them too Gauges, one of Peace and tother of War, that they might choose which they pleased. He will be much blamed, who suffers himself to be amused with frivolous Proposals, made only to gain time; as it befell the Ambassadors of Dyonisius the Tyrant, who being sent to the Syracusian to treat a Peace, were entertained by Dion General of their Army, with several specious Propositions but without any conclusion, until he had re-edified a good part of the Wall, by which the Town should have been taken, and then had no other answer but this, That the Syracusians could make no Peace with Dyonisius, unless he renounced the Sovereignty, and content himself with some meaner Honours. An Ambassador ought sometimes to excite and press that Prince with whom he treats, when he cannot draw any reason from him, and if his Instances shall be looked upon as importunities by him; yet his master will esteem them for marks of his Courage and Fidelity; however, such remembrances ought to be with respective honour due to Persons of Quality. For being a little touched, they rouse up themselves, but if provoked by offences, they run into extremities. An Ambassador of Genoa, did heretofore suggest as much to Galeas Duke of Milan, by a witty invention, when he was so obstinate that he could not procure so much as Audience from him; he presented him (among other things) a Vessel, on which he had laid a Basil-plant, the Duke was surprised at it, and knowing not what it signified, sent to know the Ambassador's meaning, the Ambassador willingly waited on him, and told him, that the Genoveses were as all other Princes, like that Plant, which if a little rubbed in the hand, sends forth a very sweet smell, but if pressed until the juice come out, it breeds Scorpions; thus he obtained much of what he desired by this means. To be short, Kings are of that humour, that if an Ambassador should be so inconsiderate, as to domineer and use outrageous speeches; it would only breed Scorpions, that is Bloody Wars, by provoking of their anger; but if he be Prudent and Generous, to press with dexterity and moderation, they will become sensible, and be reduced in fine to whatsoever shall reasonably be desired from them.   

The Marquis de Coevures, is sent to the Cantons of the Swisseses, for the Grisons affairs.  
THE orders in this negotiation, were executed with a great deal of Prudence and Courage; however all would not do, to obtain any reason from the Spaniards, who never want opportunities, of making advantages out of the rediousness of a Treaty. The Cardinal who knew of old, all their tricks, advised the King, not to stand dallying upon the means of a Treaty, as formerly; but forthwith to make use of his Arms, to reduce them to terms of Justice.  
This way of proceeding, was much different from those which had heretofore been used; the intent of it being, to raise up the Renown and Reputation of the French, amongst strangers to make no difficulty of taking up their Arms, to obstruct the erterprises of the house of Austria, rather than to suffer their allies to be longer oppressed; the Ruin of whom, would undoubtedly shake the Foundations of this Empire itself. This Generous resentment, was concurrent with his Majesty's inclination, so that he resolved to send the Marquis de Coevures into Swizzerland, at the same time that the Sieur de Bethune was dispatched towards Rome. There were two Instructions delivered to him; by the first, he was ordered to reunite all the Swiss Cantons, with his Majesty, to dispose the Catholics, to give their assent to the Treaty of Madrid; and to espy if in this reunion, there might not some way be found out, for to re-place the Grisons into the Sovereignty of the Valtonine.  
The second was to be kept private, if the first took effect, else he was commanded to encourage the Grisons to rise, who should receive assistance from his Majesty of such Troops as should be necessary, according to such orders, as should be received; there went with the Marquis, all the Grisons Captains, who were at that time in the Swiss Regiment, who were thought most able to be made use of in the Valtoline, to fish out any thing which might be thought proper to be known, and to give intelligence to the Marquis of those Countries. But that which was the best guide of all, was to see six hundred and sixty thousand Livres, pass in a Convoy to be distributed some part amongst the Swisseses, upon whose natures nothing hath so great an influence as money; and the other part upon the first expenses of the war, if there should be any occasion to begin it.  
Upon his coming into Switzerland, he found the Spaniards had made strong Parties there, so that it was impossible for him, on the sudden, to open the people's eyes, that they might see how they precipitated themselves into their own ruin. He employed the Sieurs de Mesnim, & du Mesnil, to negotiate with them in small Assemblies; and presently after his arrival, he went to Baden, but it was with little success until the General meeting in August at Souleur. In the ixterim, he laboured very diligently to gain the Principal Captains, either by distributing the King's money amongst them, or by instilling such other reasons as might be able to move them. To the Catholics he gave assurances, that his Majesty did not interess himself for the restating the Grisons in the government of the Valtoline, but withal necessary conditions, for the exercise of the Catholic Religion, which made those suspicions which had been infused by the Spaniards to vanish. As for the Interest of the Church, and the good of their State, it was evidently demonstrated to them, that the loss of the Valtoline, would presently be followed, by that of the three Grisons, which were inleagued together, and of which the Archduke Leopold had already gotten a good part, That after the dis-uniting of those confederates, the Spaniard being master of the Passages, would not much trouble himself about those little Cantons, which brought into them a great profit, and made them upon that score very considerable. In brief, that it would quickly be easy for to invade their Country, and that he would the sooner attempt it, for that he did not want any pretensions, to entitle himself to the Mastery of it. These important reasons, strengthened with the payment of their Pensions, did so shake some of the Cantons, that those of Berne and Zurich did first consent, that there should be soldiers levied for the King, and such Provisions of Ammunition, as every place should require. But the Martquess chief endeavour was, at the Assembly at Souleur, where he shown a Masterpiece of Prudence, speaking very highly of his Master's name and succours, and making use of the money which he had brought with him, both together served him to good purpose for obtaining of them, if not all, yet the most part of his desires. The Catholics accorded to ratify the Treaty of Madrid, declaring however, that they did not intent to become bound to recover the Valtoline by force. Then he got such assurances as himself liked from those of Berue and Zurich, for the Levies of those Soldiers, which they had promised; and withal, got it to be approved by all the Cantons, only that of Souleur excepted, which by the means of Ladnoyer Rool's Faction, refused to declare itself. It is true the Catholics consented to it, but upon condition only it were for France, but there was a little more than so intended in it, for the Marquis demanded them for the service of his Master, and of his Allies, without openly declaring that it was for the Grisons.  
In Prosecution of time, and not hoping to procure any greater assistance, he began to prepare all things to enter with an Army upon the Valtoline; but however it was, after he had informed his Majesty of the condition of affairs amongst the Grisons, where the Sieur de Land●e, & de Vaux, employed by his Majesty, had put things into a very good posture, and until he had received his Majesty's express orders and commands.   

Politic Observation.  
Commonwealths, especially Popular are hardly persuaded to any great undertaking, they are naturally so in love with Peace, That there is not any War how glorious or profitable soever, which they would prefer before it. Princes are capable of being engaged upon divers considerations, either for the love which they bear to their Allies, or out of a sense of honour which they are commonly touched with; or out of an apprehension of what may follow; or out of such jealousy as a puissant Neighbour may oblige them to have, or by nearness of blood, or by the compassion which they have of others miseries, and the Ambition to become Protectors of their States. But Republics are not touched with any of these considerations. All such as are called to a Common Council, think of nothing but their own particular Interest, and they imagine that whatsoever hinders the enjoyment of their Revenue, or stops their Commerce, or their Labours, as War is a greater and more considerable evil than any others, which you can make them sensible of, and they can be drawn to nothing, but in case of absolute desperate extremity. Not but that there may be amongst the people some Souls and Courages more daring than others but as most voices carries it, not their merit who advise it, so they are no more regarded than Reason is, when as a multitude of different Passions, entertain the Will upon some pernitions object. It is to no purpose for a man, to attempt to show them any consequences which may happen in future for their spirits, have not a thing so noble as to look further than the time present, they are sensible of nothing but what is beaten into them, and they will much sooner be persuaded to believe that Fortune, who they thinks disposeth of all humane affairs; because themselves want wit to govern them, will defend them from those evils which they are threatened with, then be induced to take their own defences by Force of Amrs. Moreover, their closer covetous homou, abhominates any thoughts of expenses, without which War cannot be maintained, and the noise of Guns and Drums only, do so beat their Imagination, that if perchance they hear talk of a Siege or a Battle; poor ouls it quite skareth them out of their little wits. It were to be wished they had smore heart and foresight upon such occasions, for the length of time, which they ever take; before they make any resolution; is an enemy to good success. Deliberation ought to be taken, and that with great Prudence, but to spend too much time in it, is very dangerous, because opportunities are lost by it, and peradventure such opportunities as the like are never afterwards to be met with, for putting a design in execution.  
The Florentines shown a remarkable example of this particular, when as Lewis the 12th, passed into Italy, against Lodowick Duke of Milan: The King desired to make a League with them, that he might make use of their Passages for his occasions, so they sent their Ambassadors to treat with him. Now the Ambassadors, having agreed to remain Newters in the thing doing, and that the King passing into Italy should take them into his Protection, they delayed the ratification of the Treaty for so long, that they could not fully resolve any, until his Majesty was upon the point of getting the Victory. Whence the King judging that they rather sought his Alliance by force, then by friendship, testified by his carriage the little esteem he made of them.   

The League between the King, Duke of Savoy, and Commonwealth of Venice, for the restitution of the Valtoline.  
UPon the advice which the Marquis de Coevures had sent the King, of the state of affairs amongst the Swisseses and Grisons, his Majesty commanded the Cardinal, to consult with Signior Marco Antonio Moresini, the Venetian Ambassador, and the Abbot Scuglia Ambassador of Savoy, upon reasonable Propositions and Articles, for the effecting that design of a League, which had been form amongst them, for the restitution of the Valtoline. This Grand Minister, following the inclinations of his great Soul, which will not let him endure, that strangers should find any thing, but what was full of Generosity in his Master's Affairs, gave a quick dispatch to them, and withal imaginable Prudence. The sum was, That the Arms of France, Savoy, and Venice, should come to a Rendezvouz upon the 15. September. Those of France at Bresse, those of Venice about Milan, near the Valtoline and Grisons, and those of Savoy between Milan and Genoa: That there should be drawn out of the Army at Bresse, a Regiment of 1000 or 1200 foot and 400 horse, to march with the Marquis de Coevures into Swizzeland, the rest to remain under the command of Monsieur de Constable, which should join with those of Savoy to enter upon the State of Genoa, and make a strong diversion there, and entertain all the Spaniards Forces which were in Italy, and deprive them of the Valtoline. That order should be given to the Marquis de Coevure, fortwith to raise 3000 Grisons, and 3000 Swiss. That it was agreed between one and tother, that these Levies should execute the whole design, under the name and colours of the King, and the said States Confederates, that all the charges of the enterprise, should be born by them three, to wit, Venice should furnish the Cannon, Ammunitions of War, and all necessary Provisions of Victuals, but the charge of it to be divided as before, it being unreasonable, that she should pay all. Besides Count Mansfield who was then in France, offered to maintain an Army of 25000 foot, and 7000 horse, under the Prince Palatines name, they paying him three hundred and sixty thousand Livres a month, to invade the Countries of the house of Austria, in Germany, and to enforce them to a restitution of part of the Palatinate, by this forcing in upon them.  
The Cardinal represented to the Ambassadors, that these Proposals could not be but glorious, seeing the end of them was, to assist a Prince their Ally, and one despoiled of his estates; but moreover, very advantageous, because prosecuting those designs, they should so divert the Armies of Spain, that they would never be able to address themselves to recover the Valtoline. This was unanimously agreed upon amongst them, and in fine resolved, that each of them should contribute to the payment of those 360000 Livres a month, viz. the King 180000. Venice 120000 and Savoy 60000. It true, commonwelths do hardly resolve on great enter prizes, especially when there is a necessity of great expense. So Venice made a denial to contribute to this charge, as also to make one in the diverting which was made about Genoa, but laid all upon the King and Duke of Savoy, as shall be declared in the year following. These orders being thus put in execution, the King writ to the Marquis of Coevures to testify to him, how much he approved of this negotiation, and of those means which he had proposed to establish the Grisons in their ancient authority, and commanded him to take the field with such Troops as he should levy, and such others as should be sent to him, seeing the Sieur de Bethune had given him to understand, that there was no more hopes of doing any thing by the way of a Treaty. He was also informed of those conclusions which were made with Venice and Savoy, that he might govern himself accordingly; and lastly assured him that he should want for nothing.   

Politic Observation.  
THough most Leagues which are made between Princes upon any design, are blamed by many, by reason of the short continuance of them, as also of the little success which usually hath attended them; yet they are not only profitable on many occasions, but also very necessary. Defensive Leagues ought to be so much the more esteemed; because (as Aristotle saith) no Country is able to subsist of its own proper force. And offensive too are not less considerable; seeing they give means to Princes, to make such Conquests, as without them they durst not attempt. The first of these Truths may be authorized by the example of the Samnites, who resisted the Romans by their own proper strength, as they told Hannibal. as long as they were able to defend themselves; but in process of time, finding themselves too weak, they associated themselves with King Pyrrhus, and to make way for the tother. It is not most certain that the association of Christian Princes, gave them the means to carry away from the Turks, a most signal Victory in the Battle of Lepanto, which neither of them in particular could with reason hope for. It is true, the effects of Leagues, have not been always over happy, because several Princes making them for different interests, easily break them as soon as they have gotten their pretensions, be it by force or composition. But the disgraces of this kind, aught to be laid upon the right horse, that is, upon the Imprudence and want of foresight of those who have managed them, not on the Leagues themselves. It is not enough to contract them, but they ought to be prosecuted with favourable Conditions, and with Persons from whom assistance may be had; and who, if they should slip their necks out of the Collar, might not do us any displeasure in it. They are very necessary with the neighbouring Princes, upon a place, which is designed to be assaulted, either in relation to Passages, or in respect of having from them Ammunitions, both of War, and necessary victuals, as there shall be occasion. Hannibal knew this full well, when as he was upon his expedition into Italy, and made a League with the French and Spaniard; he took Hostages of them, and for better assurance left Garrisons in many of their strong Holds. The Romans did the same, when they made war upon the Lacedæmonians, by making a League with Ptolemy King of Egypt, without whose assistance that would have had somewhat to do to have passed on. Besides when there is cause of suspicion of their fidelity, it is necessary either to take some Persons or Places of them, by way of Hostage; to the end, that their interest to perserve them, may compel them to continue firm in their first resolutions. If many of our Kings who have made expedition into Italy, had taken such a course as this, were it only in point of Passages, we had not seen them exposed to so many dangers, nor indeed to so many disgraces; yet in case by their receding they cannot cause any great incoveniences, there will not then be so absolute a necessity of such security and assurances: However, as it ought to be taken for granted, that they will start aside. in case the enemy give them satisfaction, to their interests, so there ought still to be Forces ready which may clap in upon them, and supply their deficiencies. It is a trouble to see them break their words, yet a Prince shall reap this profit from a League, to make it serve to give a happy beginning to an enterprise, by means of such assisting forces as may be drawn from it, and by dividing expense between them, which else must be undergone by one alone. It will not be presently fit to defy them for that would be a means to make them take to the other part, but it will be needful to have an eye upon it, and to be prepared for the worst. Moreover, it is profitable to make Leagues, not only with States, but with Princes and their Successors, and to contract them with greater certainty, than Edward the fourth King of England did, who having recourse to one of our Kings, after he had been despoiled of his Kingdom, had not other answer, but that the League was made with the King of England and his State, and that he being no longer King of England, France could not without breaking the Laws of Alliances, employ their Arms against him, who was present Master of the Crown. To be short, it is good to be careful that the divers constructions which may be made, may not serve for a pretext for them who would fall off. There must not be so much as the least starting hole left, for them to creep out, or to break their words, especially if they make any account of their reputation, which is inseparable from their fidelity, for without that they will perchance hardly resolve to run Counter.   

The Marquis de Coevures takes the Field to make himself Master of the Forts in the Valtoline.  
AT the same time, that the King's orders were delivered to the Marquis de Coevures, he received a dispatch from the Sieur de Bethune; which told him, that he despaired of getting any reason from the enemy, by those ways which he had till then tried, so that now he must have recourse to Nostre Dame de Frappe Fort; who as soon as he had received this piece of Rallary, he resolved forthwith to take the field, concluding there was no reason any longer to defer it, and that if he could surprise the places unexpectedly, without giving them leave to provide themselves, he should strike a great stroke in the business without any great trouble. He had long before given order to 3 Swiss, and 3 Grisons Colonels, to raise each of them a Regiment of a 1000 men, so that he had nothing else to do, but to send them word to be ready; on the other side, the Residents of Venice and Savoy, being come to him, they had agreed upon all things together: The Sieur de Mesnil, had order to make a Magazine of Ammunition at Zurich; for the Swisseses and Grisons forces, and the Resident of Venice, undertook that the Commonwealth should make another at Bergamo, for such forces as should march into the Republic; that which was most troublesome, was there being a necessity of discovering the design to several persons, it would be impossible to keep it from being known, and to hid their intentions of the time when they would enter upon the Valtoline. The Pope's Nuntio, called Scapy, and the marquis d' Ogliani the Spanish Ambassador had notice of it, who made strong endeavours to pervent any Levies amongst the Swisseses, or the marching of any Troops which the King should send; but all would not serve the Levy could not be obstructed, for the Cantons of Berne and Zurich where they were to be made, had given too particular an assurance of it; by means of the money, and the promises which were made them, that they should be seconded with a puissant succour, against any who should attempt any thing against them upon that account. But their Contrivances and Cabals were so powerful, that the Catholic Cantons resolved to stop their Passages upon them; so the marquis was forced to his shifts, that his Majesty's Commands might not be ineffectual. His remedy was to cause his Horse to march four by four (that is all such as were sent him from Bresse) and to secure the Canton of Bern, for the conduct of Vaubecourt's Regiment; seeming after he was once entered, as if he would force his way either by Fair or Foul means, to the Grisons. It was enough that these Cantons were by several Treaties bound to open their Passages to his Majesty's Forces, upon so just an occasion as this was, and it made no great matter whether they refused it or not, seeing if they should, they might be forced to it, without breaking the Laws of Equity. Thus he, being well informed of the resolution which the Nuntio and the Marquis de Ogliani, had induced them to take, resolved not to demand it, until he were upon the very point of passing; because they should be better advised, then to deny him, when they find him in a condition not to be hindered, they not having the least time to prepare themselves against it,  
All things being thus in a readiness for the beginning of the design, he sent the Sieur de Land to Zurich, to discourse with the chief of the banished Grisons, and to persuade them to rise, and then he commanded the Sieur de Harcourt Marshal of the Field, and the Sieur du Land to join with Colonel Salis, to enter into the Grisons to seize upon the Passages of Steitch, and Pont du Rhin, and there to fortify themselves, which was presently dispatched accordingly. They seized on them with such dexterity, that little or no resistance was found in the doing of it. At the same time too, the Marquis of Randan. advanced with those Forces which were 'bout Zurich, and the Cantons did not oppose their Passage in the least, they being not in a condition to deny them; from thence he marched to Meinfi●ld, where he took no small pleasure to see himself amongst the Grisons: And being not ignorant how needful it was to keep these people united, because dividing of them leaves them liable to the mercy of their enemies, that he might render them more affectionate and procure succours from them; he took great care to set all right in this particular; and indeed his Prudence took so effectual a course for it, that a few days produced very happy effects of it. He was nimble enough to make them shake off the Yoke of the Archduke Leopold's Officers, who had usurped upon them the jurisdiction, to make them renounce the Oath of Obedience, which was unjustly exacted from them; to reunite the three Confederate Grisons into their ancient Corporation, with those Liberties and Sovereignty's which they had enjoyed before the late Wars; to establish their ancient Seals of Leagues; to obtain a General Pardon for all their Rebellious Subjects in the Valtoline, Chiavennes, and Bormio, and to confirm the ancient Alliance with the Crown of France, except those Hereditary Countries of the House of Austria, and their Confederation with the Swisseses. During this, all the adjacent Forces were gotten in a Body, and leaving 2000 foot and a 100 horse, under the command of the Si●ur de Harcourt, for the guard of Coi●e, and those Forts of Pont du Rhin & St●itch, he advanced upon the 25. November, towards the Valtoline, with 6000 foot, and 300 horse. It was debated what place should be assailed; after each one bade delivered his opinion, he followed his own inclination, which was to march towards Tiran, to open a Passage for intercourse with the Venetians, and to draw assistance from them, as occasion should require. As soon as they were advanced to the Valley Du Monast●re, the Garrison in the Fort discovered them, and set in on fire, not staying to expect their coming. Thence he passed to the Valley of Poschain, and forced the Soldiers who were gotten into the Tower of Casaccio (with a resolution to stop the Passage of the Mountains) to dis-lodge the next morning▪ so that he became Master of the place. These were the beginnings of this victory: But the people of the Country of Bormio, terrified at the sight of the King's Army, presently waited upon him, and sent their Deputies to him to beseech him in all their behalves, that he would be pleased to receive them under his Majesty's Protection. They were received into his Favour, with confirmation of their ancient Liberties and Privileges, and assurance of the only exercise of the Catholic Religion; withal he left there some Companies in Garrison, who were to keep the Passages. That which did trouble him amidst this Prosperity was that he had only 4000 men left; however his valour would not give way that he should lose the day after so fair an advantage, though he had no more Cannon, without which the Forts in the Valtoline seemed impregnable, yet he resolved to supply this defect by the Courage of his Soldier. Piautermala was the first place, which he met in his way, which was so fortified that he might have been stopped there, had but the soldiers within behaved themselves as they ought; but he made his approaches so resolutely, that the Soldiers seemed to be made all of Brass, so little did they esteem or care for the Musket shot, which struck such a terror into them, that they left the place, and gave him free liberty to enter, which he did the same day with most of his Companies in the Valtoline.  
The Marquis de Bagny General of the Pope's Army, gave presently an Alarm to all the Valley, who finding himself unable to make resistance; especially, seeing the Venetians joined with him, sent sveral Proposals of agreement. But the Marquis de Coevure guessing it was only to amuse him, and give time to Serbelon Captain of the Spaniards to advance his Companies, presently commanded Colonel Salis to make the approaches to the Town with his Regiment; during two days there past many skirmishes between them, the success of which forced the Marquis de Bagni to retire into the Castle, but the Marquis de Coevure presently entered the Town, and forthwith constrained him to render, though indeed upon honourable terms, granted in favour to the Pone, to whose Ensigns the King had commanded all sort of respect and honour should be paid.  
The quick surrender of this place invited the Marquis de Coevure to prosecute his designs, and having sent his forces toward Sondrio, the Inhabitants had forthwith opened the Gates, if the Governor of the place had not opposed; though he too was not long before he delivered it up. For the Marquis having Planted those Cannon which he had received from the Venetians, saluted the Castle with 40 or 50 Cannon shot, which dis-mounted all their Guns, and hurt and killed many of their Soldiers, and forced the Governor for to march out upon composition.  
These were the principal Exploits of War, which the little season of the year, and the Snows then falling, would permit him to do, but it was a sure gage of the Conquest of all the Valtoline, which was taken (as I shall hereafter declare) in the 3. first months of the following year.   

Politic Observation.  
NO one but a great Captain knows how to manage an enterprise to advantage; It is an effect which proceeds not but from a Prudence raised above the common pitch, and which is only proper to an extraordinary courage. The order which ought to be observed in such occasions is, principally to conceal as much as possible may be, the real design under some imaginary apparencies and pretences, which may be thought specious. It will be a difficult thing thus to do, in respect of those many persons, to whom there is a necessity of imparting it, to dispose of things for action; however one may dissemble the time and place of execution until the very last, and admitting things begin to be ripe, it will nevertheless be expedient to do some such things as may persuade the world, that every thing will not be yet a while concluded on; and when it is, it must be given out to be in other places then those which are designed to be assaulted. This will be a means to take those places unprovided, and those who keep them being unprepared for a defence, will be forced to surrender. The Romans judged this thing to be of so great importance, that they consecrated all their erterprises to Silence; and in fine, there are few men who have been sorry to have kept their designs private, but many who have received great losses by their making them public. Perseus' King of Macedon, purposing to fall upon the Romans, had not discretion enough to keep his design private; so that the Senate hearing of it, gave such effectual orders for the making a defence, that the Commonalty of Rome, did sooner hear of the Victory against him, then of the beginning of the War. All such as follow his Imprudent example, can expect no better a success from Fortune; after this once done, he must go seek a new opportunity, and a favourable occasion to put his resolutions into actions: It being most certain, that opportunities are the greatest weights in affairs, and that from thence it is, that the good or ill success most frequently doth depend. God hath chosen Times and Seasons which are most proper, for that which he would bring to pass; and a wise man shall make no small advantage by it, if he take time by the Forelock, for having once turned his back, it is impossible to effect any thing to advantage. If Trees put forth their Blossoms, either too soon, or too late, it is a great chance if there be any fruit at all; just thus the good success of a business, is so restrained and dependant upon Opportunity and Time, that a few days will either make or mar the whole design. It was for this reason, that Julius Caesar, as it is delivered by Suetonius did not so much look after those times, in which he had resolved to execute his designs, as after those opportunities which Fortune should present to him, his usual course being to choose such times as were the most dangerous, and when one would have imagined he would not have taken the Field. Place too, is not of less consequence than Time, experience frequently evidencing it for truth to such as are in the Wars, if it be either in a March, in Quarters, or Battle, which are the thrre principal Actions of War. It was place which gave the English the advantage of getting a Victory against King John, and to take him Prisoner, which glory they had never got, had it not been for their seizing upon certain rising grounds and Vineyards, which were near the place of the Battle. But when as time presents a favourable occasion and place too, than it is, that all expedition ought to be used, not to lose them; for the delaying of a business Mines the most hopeful and glorious expectations and designs: whereas diligence gets a thousand advantages and victories. Had the Sieur de Chaumont furiously marched on against Bolognia, he had certainly reduced the Pope to that extremity, that he must of necessity have made a Peace, there being but a very few people in the City; whereas going on but slowly towards the siege, he lost the opportunity which Time had presented to him.  
It is necessary to accompany this Promptitude with vigour and courage, such as may astonish an enemy, and surprise him; for though Fortune be a friend to the courageous and daring, yet all must make way and give place to the valour of him who attempts with resolution; & this virtue is known for one of the most assured beginnings of a victory. To be short, if a man hath made himself once Master of any place of Importance, he ought not to rest there, but he must prosecute his advantage, and improve it to the very utmost with vigour and strength, that he may reap those fruits which usually attend such actions. If the Christians had done so, after the Battle of Lepanto, they had in reason reduced the Turk to strange extremities, but their defect in that particular, gave him leisure to recruit his forces, and to make himself presently as strong as ever.   

The Hugonots Man several Vessels under the Command of the Sieur de Soubize, and seize upon the Port of Blavet.  
WHile the King's Armies were thus busied in the Valtoline, the Hugonots who have ever taken the advantage of Foreign Wars, would not lose this opportunity of doing something conducing to their designs; it was with great regret that they beheld the Fort St. Lewis built some years past, before Rochel, which so checked them, that they were forced to keep within their duties. But their insolency was great enough to complain by their Deputies, that it had been promised to them by the Treaty at Montpellier, it should be razed: To which it was answered, that the Promise was made to them, upon condition that they should establish the exercise of the Catholic Religion in Rochel; that they should restore those Goods to the Church, which they had usurped from it; and that they having been defective in performing what ought of their parts to be done; so that they could not pretend his Majesty ought to demolish it, seeing they had treated with him upon even terms: This answer was full of Justice, but it not being correspondent to their Rebellious Humours, they could not think themselves contented, so that finding his Majesty's Armies busied abroad, they resolved to seize upon some place or other, the importance of which should be such, that it should compel his Majesty to raze the Fort, that he might get the other place out of their hands. In order to which design, they armed several Vessels of War, under command of the Sieur de Soubize, pretending to make some long voyage, but resolving to send the Fleet towards Britain to make themselves Masters, if it were possible of Blavet, otherwise called Port- Lewis. This enterprise was carried with such secrecy, that neither the. Rochelois, nor the rest of their Party did know it; to the end that if it did not hit right, they might dis-own it; but in case it should succeed well, they were then to rise in Languedoc, Zantoign, and Poicton, thinking that his Majesty not being Potent enough to follow the War in the Valtoline, and against them too, would quickly consent to the razing of the Fort, to draw them to lay down their Arms. In order to this design, as soon as ever the Sieur de Soubize, heard that the marquis de Coevure was at it tooth and nail with the Marquis de Bagny, he presently put out to Sea, and dispatched two small Vessels before him to Blavet, to understand the condition of the place, which they would find more liberty to effect, than those who should conduct them by pretending they came from a long voyage. But the night following, he coming thither about nine a clock, and upon the intelligence which they gave him, that it was very ill guarded, he marched into the Port with about a thousand men, besides the Seamen upon the Ships. There wanted nothing necessary for a surprise, he seized upon six ships, belonging to the King, and Duke of Nemours, and presently after landed and took the Town, there remained nothing but the Fort which he did not get by a happy default of his Conduct; for had he forthwith assaulted it, it was so slenderly guarded, that he had entered without any resistance, but he having first given the Alarm to the Town, he who commanded the Fort had the leisure to put himself into a Posture of defence, and to shut the Gate; but the Sieur de Soubize did not long keep the Town in his power; for the Duke of Vendosm than Governor of Britain, hearing of it, presently sent to all the Nobility of the Province, with order to bring all the men they could, every one of which came with great diligence. The Duke of Vendosm coming Post, found that the Sieur de Querrollin entered into the Fort, with store of Soldiers, Victuals, and Ammunition. The Duke of Rets and Brissac, came at the same instant of time, as also those Gentlemen who were in a condition thereabouts, and the chief amongst them being in Counsel together, it was concluded to build a new Fort just over against the old one, with intent to batter the Ships of the Sieur de Soubize, and to sink those with more ease which he should attempt to carry out of the Port, as also to assault the Town in six several places. The Fort was finished in a trice, and a Battery presently Planted, but as soon as ever the Town should have been assaulted, both he and his Soldiers forsook the place. Withal, to bring the design to a good pass, they played with their shot day and night upon the Ships where he was, and the Cannon did such execution, that he was forced to hoist Sail, which he did by the help of a dark night, and a strong wind, which carried him over the Cables, that were overthwart the Port, though the Cannon indeed sunk the best of the Duke of Nevers Ships, and forced four of the greatest on Shore at the mouth of the Port, which were taken; and in fine, he fled towards Rochel, who were not behind hand, as also the whole body of the Hugonots, to disown it; by their Deputies, and by their Declarations which they sent the King.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is a dangerous Deficiency in Governors of Provinces, not to keep good watch and ward in times of Peace, upon places of importance, especially on the Sea-Coast, and such States as are subject to be agitated with Civil Wars. For what neglect is committed in this point, doth much help and assist those who would embroil things, and who may come by Sea upon a sudden to surprise them.  
Holy Writ tells us, That they of the Tribe of Dan, being informed that the Inhabitants of Laish, were secure and suspected nothing, went, assaulted them, took their Town without resistance, put them all to the Sword, and burned their City. Did not Francis the first, upon his expedition into Italy, and by the surprise of Villa Franca, teach all Governors of all Places, that there is no consideration whatever can exempt them from always being upon their Guards, and that it is without reason, that they think themselves secure, either by the strength of their Fortifications, or by the far distance of their enemies. For Prospero Collonna, who commanded that Town, and making merry without the least suspicion, upon confidence that the King was far enough off from him, was surprised by the Sieur de Palisse, which he heard not of before he saw him in his Quarters. It is true, he himself might be excused, in regard his Sentinels were taken, and that some of the Inhabitants held Intelligence with the Sieur de la Palisse, but however the whole misfortune was laid in his dish: though he was a brave Commander, yet he was much blamed, it being not permitted to a man of that condition to say, I did not think I was in any danger. For this very reason it was, that Iphicrates, one of the Athenians most renowned Captains, would have his Army always upon their guard, or in a posture to fight, during times of Peace; in the same manner, as if in the heat of War; and he answered some who misliked his curiosity, that one ought always to suspect who would not be surprised. Indeed vigilance is one of the most necessary qualities for a Governor of a Place, he ought to esteem that the honour which he hath in commanding to be but a glorious servitude. That in Commanding all, he is bound to watch for all; that he remember Governments are called charges, and that the name of Charge which he hath, aught to teach him, that it is a burden committed to his Prudence, and that the place which is entrusted with him, is not barely recommended to him, but he to the place, to be guarded and conserved with his best care.    

Anno Dom. 1625.  
EVERY one takes delight in the Spring time, to consider the Face of the World, when as the hand of God guides the Sun a little nearer to us, to behold that fair Star, establishing a serenity and calmness in the air, before troubled with Tempests; to see the Earth replenished with a thousand Ornaments of Beauty before, languishing, and quite decayed by the bitterness of Winter, and to view Plenty introduced in the room of Barrenness, which the Hoar Frosts, and Snows had left behind them. But how much more delightful was it to look upon France, presently after it had pleased his Majesty, to advance the Cardinal to the Government of Affairs, who like a Sun which should be the greatest instrument of his glory, began to reassume his ancieat Splendour, and to dispel by little and little those causes of Civil Wars, which did every year renew themselves in the State, to set bounds to the ambition of strangers, and to establish such an order under the King's authority, which is not only the happiest but most Illustrious of all other Kingdoms. The increase of glory, which his Majesty every day gave to this Minister, did serve to augment his courage, and raised new lights in his Soul, subtilised his Prudence, and furnished him with occasions, to demonstrate to the World, that he was amongst those Ministers of whom History gives us such commendations, to be as the Cedar amongst the Hyssop. He could not be enough admired, seeing his whole life was nothing but a Public employment, and who absolutely renouncing the idle voluptuousness of several other Favourites (who seem to think on no other thing then to indulge themselves with those favours which fortune presents to them) had his mind without any intermission still affixed upon high designs tending to the glory and Grandeur of his Master. He knew that immoderate unseasonable delights did rob Ministers of State, of a thousand fair opportunities. That it is impossible to serve the Public, and enjoy the pleasures of this life, he made open profession he had none but such as were necessary for an honest diversion, and certainly if pleasures could not bewitch him, interest nor profit could never Charm him, or get any power over his Will. Honour was the chief aim, which he proposed in all his actions, which he sought for in his Master's glory, and he scorned all profit which did keep him off from it: But that, which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was, that imitating that manner of operating used by the Divinity, which is invisible as his Essence. There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light, before any resolutions were heard of, or before any Orders taken were perceived; whereas before, there was not any thing concluded on, which did not make more noise than the effects. We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Process of this History, and I shall satisfy myself with laying down this positive ground. That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust, after he had known the eminency of his Genius, the wisdom of his Counsels, his fidelity not to be shaken, the dexteriousness of his Conduct, which hath nothing parallel with it, he likewise totally gave himself up to his Majesty.  

Politic Observation.  
A Minister is obliged in the same manner, to make his Master's greatness, and that of the State his principal aim and end; he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity. That then Ministers are the Suns, which their King's glory doth form for the good of their People. As God hath created that Star which overrules the day, to show us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour, and to be the Author of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below; but aught he not to know before he attain the honour of the employment whereunto he is arrived, that private Interest which doth serve to enrich Families, is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister, and that the Administration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutelage of Orphans, which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian, but of those persons who are entrusted under his Tuition. Glory is the only thing which is permitted him to aspire to, and how can he hope to achieve that, without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master, and his own Ministration. The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy, by preferring his own, before his Master's Interests.  
The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent, unless he be entire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve. He who is truly generous expects no other recompense for his Actions, than the honour and satisfaction to have done them. Also he cannot be ignorant, that Virtue doth scatter such rays, as make her venerable in the sight of all men, and in this consists in the height of glory.   

Particular between the King and Cardinal, for the good of the STATE.  
MOnsieur le Cardinal, knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdoms then the want of Generosity in Ministers, who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace; in which time, they give leave to strangers, to increase their powers, and instead of cutting off the Causes, do only skin over disorders in the State, did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency, but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once again to France, which it had in the beginning of its Empire. It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers, which are nearest, and as it were at hand upon him, than those which are further off, though they be of a worse consequence, and at this pass had things been a long while together: Whereas the liveliness of the Cardinal's Soul, which penetrates into the Ages to come, presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature, and made him apprehend the other the more easily, in regard his Majesty was not engaged in them, but only by the weakness of those who had the management of affairs. He made it quickly apparent to him, that they who show themselves so over-affectionate of Peace, do by little and little weaken and decay the State, without being ware of it, that they do mollify the Courages of the people by a slothful repose, who by such ways are exposed to the violences of strangers, who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms, and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours. His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physician, who that he may persuade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sickness, discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition, and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him.  
Sir, said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel, though a King who looks after nothing more than quiet, hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers, have brought his State into disorder, because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent; yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much troubled at it, for that such disorders are the Groundworks upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity; so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate, by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath employed, who though they have been very affectionate to your service, have not however had Souls high enough to second the Generosity of your intentions. You may easily remedy all this, according as you have designed, there need only well to know the Causes, and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable, and the State will soon be in safety. Your Majesty may command me any thing, for that I dedicate all my cares and all my endeavours to you, and I cannot have any greater pleasure, then to sacrifice my life to your glory. And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse, what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs. I shall not imagine myself deceived if I shall tell you, that I have observed four things, which are the principal Causes of the weakness and disability of this State. The first is Foreign, and is nothing but the unbridled Ambition of the Spaniard, which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe, and carries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States, which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom, of which too he hopes to be one day Master, when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers, and made it destitute of succours from its Allies. The other three are Domestic and at home, which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts, which are like a Lion bred up in the Kingdom, from whence nothing but misfortunes can arise. The second is, the excessive licentiousness of the Grandees, who do so much detract from your greatness, by so much as they assume to themselves more than they ought. The third is, the want of disciplined Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any erterprises, which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies. The fourth is, the want of considerable Foundations in the Treasury, to commence War upon occasions, and to supply them as long as need shall require, I suppose that these are the original Sources, from whence do flow those most dangerous misfortunes which threaten France, and I imagine, if your Majesty can but drain them up, there is nothing more to fear: But on the contrary, all sort of Prosperity and Glory to your Majesty's Crown much to be hoped for. The Attempt which the Sieur de Soubize made upon Blavet, whilst you were succouring the Grisons, testified sufficiently to your Majesty that those of their Party, would take all advantages, whensoever your Forces should be entertained in Forrrign parts. Those Civil Wars, which the Princes do yearly renew, are those which reduce your Majesty to that weakness, that you cannot enterprise any thing abroad, nourishing the people in disobedience, and giving means to the Grandees to partake of that honour with your Majesty, which is only due to your Majesty's Sceptre. In the same manner, the Usurpations which the House of Austria makes upon all the neighbours of France, will in fine give them means to usurp that too; at least strenuously to attempt it, if your Majesty maketh not timely opposition. In fine, the small number of exercised Companies which are ordinarily on foot, and the small Revenues in the Treasury, do reduce your Majesty to that impotency of resisting strangers abroad, or revolts at home. Therefore my chief advice is, that your Majesty would give order accordingly, and do persuade myself you will soon see France change its countenance, and become as terrible to strangers, as they have boldly offended it. This Counsel was a rare and strange effect of his Prudence, which had discovered the true causes of France misfortune. The King whose Soul is truly Royal, understood the sageness of it, and having discoursed with him more at large, he resolved to do accordingly, as we shall in the prosecution of this year.   

Politic Observation.  
THere is no one sign more certain of a decaying State, then to see a Minister take no other care, then to make it subsist in a lazy Peace; for as State's ruin themselves by Wars rashly undertaken, so they weaken themselves by idleness. The greatest Monarches which are governed, without some high designs of enlarging themselves, have never continued any long time without misfortune, and that fair weather in which one strives to keep them, is a Presage of a dangerous turn. They who think on nothing but Peace, do by little and little unawares weaken them, and reduce them to impotency, then soften and alter the temper of the courageous youth, by idleness and want of Employment, and by this means leave them for a Prey to Foreigners, who make themselves strong in Arms. Have not heretofore the Romans entertained Wars with their Enemies, knowing it to be needful, to keep their Soldiers in breath, and to prevent growing sloth which commonly breeds greater inconveniences with it, as also to vent the violent heats of the youth, who wanting employments fly out into Rebellions and Civil Wars? It is said to be for this reason, that Edward the third, concluding the Treaty at Bresigni, would by no means comprehend the Treaty of Britain: And that Philip the Fair, made his Son John pass the Sea, that he might exercise his Arms. And who knoweth not, that if Henry the 2d. after the Peace Anno 1509. had employed the French Arms abroad with strangers, and opposed the Ambition of the House of Austria, by carrying his Armies out of France, the State had not been so afflicted with Civil Wars, which were upon the point of destroying it. It is not the Property of humane Affairs to subsist long in the same degree, and who attempts so to conserve it, designs an impossibility. States like those who float upon the Waters, are in continual motion, and that Minister who hath not courage enough to raise a State to a higher Pitch of Glory, shall soon see it unravelled to nothing, when he would stop there, he will find it sliding back. How can a Kingdom be kept in the same Condition, when all its neighbours have their Arms in their hands to go still onwards; and seeing whoever is content to see Foreigners increase their Power, shall soon see himself exposed as a Prey to their Ambition. That Minister commits a great fault, who doth not consider what is within the compass of a State, seeing the Grandeur of a Sovereign doth not only consist in his own Forces, but in the ruin of his enemies, and that his greatest Power is in their greatest weakness. He ought not to be less circumspect in opposing any Foreign Usurpation, then in eyeing his Masters own subjects, and to keep them in obedience; who neglects one or tother, shall soon see his master exposed to dangerous storms, his authority despised, his power weakened by the strength of strangers, and his Kingdom assaulted by his enemies.   

New Orders sent to the Marquis de Coevures, to prosecute his Conquests in the Valtoline.  
WE have seen about the end of the last year, the resolution which his Majesty took to assist the Grisons, oppressed by the House of Austria, and to send the Marquis of Coevures to them with an Army, to recover the Valtoline. I shall now proceed to add, that looking upon those just considerations, (which I shall now tell you) proposed by the Cardinal to his Majesty, necessitated the dispatching several commands to the Marquis de Coevures, to advance and prosecute the conquest, so happily begun. The Marquis not to lose any opportunity, took time by the forelock, and making advantages as the conjuncture of affairs did offer, and according to his Majesty's orders and instructions, he reduced in the three first months of this year, all the places, were they never so little considerable, which had been seized upon in the Valtoline; as also in the Avenues, the Fort of Rive only excepted, bearing a great respect to the Pope's Ensigns, which were never so much as touched. He began this conquest about December in the last year, by the taking in of Planta, Mala and Tyrant; and in the beginning of this he prosecuted it, with so good success, that every place was under his Majesty's obedience. After the reducing of Tiran, the Army drew towards Fondrio, which Town surrendered at first summons; but the Castle was fain to be battered with the Cannon, and a breach being made, they were obliged to force it, and carry it by assault, which they did with such advantage, that there were only six of the King's soldiers killed in it.  
This struck such a terror into the Towns of Morbeigne, Travona and Orbino, that they sent their Deputies, to render themselves. But he following his course towards Bormio a Frontier of Tyrol, he assaulted it, and found more resistance then in any other place, whether it were because the place was well fortified, or because they within, had resolved to defend it: he took the pains to plant some Cannons upon a Battery, and to make a breach for an assault; but they seeing themselves a small number, and that they wanted several necessaries for a long siege, rendered themselves upon composition. The Sieur d' Harcourt Marshal of the Camp, was sent by the Marquis to make himself master of Chiavenue, whilst himself was at Travone, which he forced after a long siege; so that there only remained the Fort of Rive, toward which he advanced the Army, but it was expedient first to pass by Campo, where the Spaniards had taken up their Quarters, and to force them out of it: The resolution was taken to fight them, and orders given accordingly, which the Spaniards perceiving, they clapped some Regiments into Campo, to fortify it, and seeing our men come on, they sallied out about 200. paces from their works, and received them with all the marks of a resolute courage, but without any advantage, for that ours assaulted them so strongly and courageously, that without longer holding the business in suspense, they forced them to retire in disorder; and being desirous to prosecute the point of their victory, they would still have gone on, but were met with by fresh Spaniards, who beat them back to the foot of the mountain, but with little success too; for ours being presently seconded, killed many of them, put the rest to flight, and followed them 500 paces on the other side of Campo: The Marquis who knew his men were used to pillage, and that victories ought not to keep an Army in negligence and security, presently sent de vaux Ayde de Camp to rally the French together, who were dispersed up and down; but this could not be done so soon, but that the Spaniards being ashaned of their flight, returned and fell upon them, killed some and put the rest into disorder: However it is true, this advantage lasted not long, for our men fought so stoutly, that the Spaniards lost more men than we, and resolved to quit Campo the day following, and to retire themselves to Rive. Their successes were very happy, and they who would know the true cause of them, must understand, that though a very great share may be attributed to the good conduct of the Marquis, and to the valour of his soldiers, yet the Cardinal deserved the greatest praise, who advised to this enterprise, who contrived the means, and removed all obstacles, and began it in such a time, when all the Emperors and King of Spain's forces were before Breda, and who were persuaded we would not have attempted any thing upon these Forts, they being in the Pope's hands, with whom the Spaniard had so wrought, that he should not part with them, either by terrifying him, that they would relapse into the power of the Grisons, who were Hereficks, or by giving hopes, that in the conclusion there would be some means of accommodation found out, but all was to keep them in their own power.   

Politic observation.  
HE who guides and directs great enterprises by his Councils, hath more share in the glory of them, than they who execute and act them: It is Prudence which prevents an enemy, and taketh him at unawares, which diverts his Forces, and which knoweth how to fight and with such advantage, that he is easily overcome. Hereupon Guicciardin saith in his History, that the Prudence of one great Personage in a State, doth more than all the Arms of the world; and Philosophy teacheth us, that counsel is the most heavenly thing in all the world, that is it which renders men most like the Deity, whose property it is, as the Apostle saith, to do all things by the Counsel of his will. T. Livy being much of the same mind, saith, he hath often heard it reported among Soldiers, that who so knoweth best to command, deserveth the first place, and who so to obey, the second place: It cannot be denied, but that there is as much need of executing, as giving good advices, because if there were no one to put them into action, good Counsels would be to no purpose; but withal it must be concluded: That Counsel is so much the more excellent, in that it is the Child of the first and chiefest virtue, which is Prudence, whereas action the effect of it, is the Child only of force, which is much beneath it. The Seamen indeed are in continual motion in their Ships to given order for several things, sometimes labouring to turn about their Sails and Cords, and anon mounting up into the Bound-house to descry the enemy, by and by to stop some leak in the Ship, where the water breaks in, and thus they have much more labour than the Pilot, whose mind though is in more agitation than their bodies, he working in his thoughts and judgement to keep all safe from the storms and Rocks, to guide her home without being wraked, by those operations of his, which are so much the more noble than theirs, by how much the acts of the Soul, surpass those of the Body. Who can without injustice, ascribe more honour to those who execute an enterprise, then to him who by the fullness of his Soul, first contrived it, digested it by his Prudence, found out means by the power of his judgement to set it on working, removed by his ingenuity all such obstacles as might oppotses it, foresaw all difficulties in it, and gave necessary orders for the carrying of it on, to a happy success? To speak truly it cannot be, without robbing him, of that which justly belongs unto him. But who can doubt of this truth after he, who amongst Kings was accounted the wisest, and whose Pen was guided by the Holy Ghost, the Author of Truth, hath said it? Wisdom is more to be esteemed then force, and a wise man deserves more honour, than he who is esteemed valiant.   

The Pope seems to the Cardinal de la Valette & the Sieur de Bethune, to be very angry that the King should attempt upon the Forts in the Valtoline, which were in his keeping.  
THE Pope was very much troubled at the first news which he heard of those succours, given to the Grisors' by his Majesty's Arms, leagued with those of Venice and Savoy, for recovery of the Valtonine. The Sunday following he was seen in his Chapel to be very melancholy and cloudy, he made heavy complaints to the Cardinal de la Vulette, that those Forts in his Custody should be assaulted, being guarded by his Ensigns, testifying to him a great desire he had to see the Sieur de Bethune, that he might tell him how much he resented it.  
The Sieur de Bethune hearing of it, sent to demand audience, not so much to give any satisfaction to his grievances, as to discover his disposition, which anger would lay open sooner than any thing, and to fortify him against such discourses, wherewith the Partakers of Spain, would endeavour to exasperate him.  
As soon as the Pope saw him, he told him, he could never have imagined, that the Arms of France would have fallen upon those of the Church: but his Holiness was not long unanswered, the Sieur de Bethune telling him; That the King his Master was far from doing any such thing whereof his Holiness complained; that he was so backward from making war either upon the Church or his Holiness in particular, (whom he honoured with extraordinary respects) that on the contrary, he would employ his Arms and his utmost power to increase their Glory and Authority: That his Holiness had no just cause to complain of a surprise, in regard he had been often times told, that in case the Spaniard would not yield to reason, the King his Master could not suffer the Grison to be any longer deprived of their Forts, which lawfully belonged to them, that they could not be looked upon as any longer in his Holiness power, seeing the deposit was ended by those several instances and reasons, which were remonstrated to him; as by urging him that they might be re-delivered to the Valtolins, of the Justice of which his Holiness himself was satisfied: and that afterwards the deposit could not be any longer continued or prolonged in his Holiness hands, by reason of that great difficulty, which the Spaniards made to assent to it; and seeing it was pretended, and that upon good reasons, to re-take them from the Spaniards themselves, who had found a trick to keep them by his Holiness name, though he was engaged to dispossess them of them, which being so, he ought to be so much the less scruple at the King his Master's proceed, in regard he being only as an Umpire, who created between them in the quality of a Common Father, he could not with Justice keep them after the deposit was expired, or give opportunity to the Spaniard to make advantages to the detriment and dishonour of France.  
These reasons were so considerable, that the Pope could not but have rest contented, had he not been prepossessed by the Spaniards; but however he made great complaints from time to time of the Kings proceed. And the Sieur de Bethune returning not long after for a new Audience, did not find his Holiness so moderate op civil to him as he had formerly used to be; but on the contrary, his Holiness told him that the Cardinal Borgia had been with him, and touching upon the point of that little respect which had been showed to his Army, hoped he might have induced to proceed against his Majesty by was of censures, if he should not withdraw his Army, and told him in a Spanish Rodomontado, that seeing he had permitted the French to take them upon one account, the Spaniards should make them pay for it again, and should do that which their Interests led them too, without being withheld by any consideration; and in fine, protested to him, what ever instances were made to him that he would still continue Neuter. But however as he was always guided by the opinions of the Roman Doctors, who cannot endure there should be any State affair, and not subject to his Will, he could not away with the taking of the Forts out of his hands by force. The Sieur de Bethune endeavoured by his Prudence to allay by little and little his heat, in evincing to him the Justice of his Majesty's reasons; sometimes by offering to him his Master's Arms and Authority to invest him in the Dutche● of Urbin; and other times by assuring himself of the Affections of the Cardinals Barbarini and Magalotti, who had some influence over his Inclinations, by the Protestations which he made to them, that the King his Master had an earnest desire to oblige them upon occasions; and by divers Presents which he gave them in behalf of his Master; which however were refused by them, that they might not appear to be partial; as also by offering Madamoiselle de Rieux, who was one of the richest Matches of France, to his Nephew Don Thadee, who did not a little like of it, though he accepted not of it, he then having a design upon the heir of Stilane.   

Politic Observation.  
IT hath been a common Custom amongst Princes in War, who should not agree upon certain places, to put them in deposit in a third persons hands, and he who is the Depositary, aught to know that he hath no further Authority then to keep them, so long and upon conditions as are agreed upon between the Parties. Antiquity looked upon Deposits as sacred, and hath condemned those who would usurp them of Sacrilege, and one of the Depositary Laws, is declared to be, that who so refuseth to render them, renders himself culpable of a great Injustice; because he would usurp against natural Reason, that which doth not at all belong to him. Amongst the Grecians by the Laws of the Pisseans; he, who denied the Deposit was condemned to death; and Herodotus saith, that one Glaucus of Sparta having refused to restore a certain great sum of money, which he had received of a Milesian, consulted the Oracle of Apollo, to know what he should do in the business; who was thus answered, That neither he nor his family, could any long time live upon the face of the earth, and that in effect they were already rooted out. Whence he concludeth, that it were best for him who hath a Deposit, to design nothing but the making of restitution to him who ought to have it. And how well hath Aristotle deciphered the enormity of this Crime, when he saith, that that man who becomes guilty of it, is much more unjust, than he who refuseth to repay what was lent to him; because he not only violateth the Laws of Equity, as he doth who denieth what was lent to him; but also those of friendship and fidelity; in consideration of which the Deposit was entrusted with him. I shall only add this, that the Depositiorium ought as well to be kept against those who have entrusted it, he having no right to become their Arbitrator, unless they agree among themselves; as to be really and without delay restored to them, when they shall have agreed upon condition between them. It is however, dangerous to choose a Person for a Depository, who pretends a Superiority, or such a one to whom one owes an extraordinary respect; because as it is natural to a person of eminent dignity, to desire that his advice might pass for a Law amongst others, so it is hazardous, lest he pretend at last to become an Arbitrator. Whence it happens that if one of that Quality be chosen Depositary, it ought to be included in the Instrument, that he shall not become Arbitrator upon any difficulties that may arise. Above all this, one thing ought to be observed, when as the Pope is Depositary, as was practised when the Hostages in the Peace of Quieracco were entrusted with him; for that he in some sort pretending a Power over Kings, he puts himself on as a common Father to judge of their differences, and withal may become Partial. Which being so, such Princes who have chosen him for Depositary find themselves impeded, by reason of the difficulties of getting reason from him by force without raising great broils. There are but a few Princes of such Fidelity, as that of the late King Henry the Great, who having leave to pass with thirty five thousand men into Geneva, when he besieged Fort St. Katherine, was solicited by some of his Captains to seize upon it, which they assured him was easily to be effected: He answered them, that it would be a most unjust action, to repay with Infidelity and Treachery, that Confidence and Trust which they of the City had reposed in him.   

The Pope sends towards the King, the Sieur Bernardino Nary, to testify to his Majesty the discontent he took at the Proceed of the Marquis de Coevures in the Valtoline.  
Whilst they were hard at it in the Valtoline, Cardinal Spada the Pope's ordinary Nuntio in France, made great complaints to the King of the Marshal de Coevures' proceed, and the Pope likewise dispatched the Sieur Bernardino Nary to his Majesty, to testify to him his great discontent at it. But they were replied to, with such force and strength of reason to vindicate all the passages of the business, that their complaints served only to evince the clearness and equity of the whole proceed. They were very briskly told that his Majesty had not permitted the rising of the Grisons, to aid their Auxiliaries, but only at the very last extremity, and after he had seen several fair proposals neglected, which he had offered with intent to end the business in a fair way; That as for the Mareshal de Coevures proceed, they had been such, as had deserved if rightly understood, more to be commended then condemned; That he had began his enterprise by uniting the three Grisons into their ancient association, to obtain of them a pardon for the Valtolines; That he had settled the Roman Catholic Apostolic Religion in and amongst the Grisons, in all places where formerly it had been banished, and as for that particular place of the Valtoline, he had permitted the exercise of none, but that of the Catholic Religion; That if he came with men armed against his Holiness his People, he was provoked to it, by those attempts and incursion which they had first made upon his Majesty's Allies, and against his own forces to, whereby they openly made it apparent, that they moved by no other wheels then those of the Spaniards: yet withal that these actions of theirs, had not diverted the Marquis of Coevures from treating the Marquis de Bagny, and all others who were under him in the Vallee, not only with civility, but with as much reverence, as if the Pope himself had been there in the persons of those, who were sent in his behalf. That after all, the deposit of those Forts having only been for some time in the Pope hands; that whilst there were means of accommodation, his Holiness had no reason to complain, that he had been any way neglected, until the time which had been concluded on, had been expired, and that there were no hopes of an agreement. All those which were proposed being hitherto refused, or retarded, which gave advantage to the Spaniard.  
These reasons did evidence the integrity of the King's actions, but however as his Majesty had even showed an extraordinary respect to the Holy Seat, and had then particular occasion to make use of his Holiness, for the obtaining of the dispense for the match with England; he harkened to the proposals of the Cardinal Spada, and the Sieur Nary. The principal one, and upon which they most insisted, was an Article for suspension of all acts of Hostility for two months, in the County of Chiavenne, in which time the Pope hoped that all things should be accommodated, which being thought reasonable, his Majesty assented to it, and a Post was presently sent to the Marquis de Coevures, to stop his farther proceed. It is true the Post came not, till after Chiavenne was taken, so that the Cessation was void in that particular, but it was afterwards executed in respect of Rives, during the whole term of the said two months, to give his Holiness all possible satisfaction.   

Politic Observation.  
THat King, who undertakes any affair of weight, which may provoke his neighbour Princes, aught to fix himself in a steady resolution, not to be shaken by any Propositions or complaints, which shall be made to him. He must take it for certain, that all who are any way concerned, will send their Ambassadors to him, as soon as ever he shall have declared his intentions, to represent their interests to him, and to press him to be mindful of them; but on such an occasion he ought to be like a good swimmer, who being once in, and to pass over some Arm of the Sea, let's the Tempest whirl, and the waves swell up as they please, he not thinketh on any thing, but how to get on shore; The same reasons, which were the grounds of his resolution, aught to be the rules of his answers, which he shall make to such Ambassadors; and if it be but well considered, all their urgencies and instances, aught to be the more suspected by him, that they were only made to amuse him, if possible and that they themselves are many times deceived, by the Princes who send them. The Lacedæmonians were much troubled that the● had given audience to Themistocles, who was sent to them from the Athenians up●● an Embassassie, to make delays, and that in the means time they might fortify themselves. Themistocles accordingly entertained them with discourses a long while, making him believe he only expected some other Ambassadors, whom the Athenians had commanded to be joined with him, but in conclusion they smelled it to be only a fetch to get time for to fortify the City of Athens.  
The Order which a King should take in such a business, is above all things to discover if Ambassadors are sent as Spies, to discover his intentions. If they are only of spy, as it many times happens in war, under pretences of making proposals of Peace, my advice is to return them back again, as quickly as the Romans did those of Perseus; withal to cause them to be watched, and to have an eye upon all their actions. Thus the Athenians were very circumspect that those Ambassadors, who were sent from Xerxes, to hinder their associating themselves, with all the other Towns of Greece, should not speak with any particular man, during their short stay in the City. I think in case it be certain they only come to stop the course of his proceed, he ought to receive them with honour, to treat them magnifiently, and to give them a  audience, that they may not complain, there was any deficiency, of paying them all the duties of hospitality: But as to the subject of their negociation, he ought to oppose his reasons to theirs, with as much courage as prudence, to fortify his Soul with such motives, as engaged him in his enterprise, as with so many impregnable Bastions, without letting his first resolutions be wavering by any means or devices whatever, but to prosecute his work, till he be come to the very end he had proposed to himself, or at least so near as possibly he may, withal remembering that he may perchance have formerly heard it said, every one who fights doth not conquer, and the Conquerors, do not always were the Garland.   

The King of Spain to break the League between his Majesty the Duke of Savoy, and Commonwealth of Venice, negotiates another between himself and the Princes of Italy.  
THe King of Spain was not a little surprised to see himself destitute of that Passage which is the surety of his States in Italy, and concluded that in case that inlet should be stopped up, it would be a great inconveniency to him, so that without making himself sure of the Pope's Protection, he gave Orders to his Agents to treat a League between himself and the Princes of Italy, to oppose that which had been concluded between the King, Duke of Savoy, and State of Venice, and at the same time, he summoned all his Estates, and the principal Signiors depending upon his Crown, to contribute their utmost towards the charges of the War. Thus they gave an Alarm to Italy and made them all believe that the King, Duke of Savoy, and Venetians would divide it between them; so every one of those little Princes, being touched in his own Interests, was very glad to enter into the League for his own defence. The Partisans of Spain say, that this Alliance between their King, the Duke of Parma and Modena, the Commonwealths of Genoa, and Lucqua, had concluded to raise an Army by Land of 24000 Foot, and 6000 Horse, which should be commanded in the Emperor's name by the Duke de Teria, Governor of Milan, and a Navy by Sea of 90 Galleys, who should come to Genova, and be there commanded by the Marquis de Saint Croix, who was to be Admiral, they reported too, that all the Kingdoms of Spain, and the Grandees of the whole Nation, were taxed with great sums for the keeping of an Army of above 100000 men. But all these black stormy Clouds, vanished without any noise at the splendour of his Majesty's Arms, and he had more victories than Rodomontades, as shall be made appear in the Prosecution of this year.   

Politic Observation  
THE Affairs of Christendom, were brought to that pass, that the two Crowns of France and Spain, did partake with the Interests of all other Princes. The one is bound to assist those who are assaulted by t'other, and never did either of them attempt any thing which ought not by reason of State be opposed by the tother. If any one ask a reason hereof, it may be ascribed to that emulation, which for above a hundred years hath been nourished between them, so that neither can endure to see t'other increase his strength or power; but to speak more rightly, the reason is not one and the same between France and Spain, for that either of them have their particular motives. The Spaniards like the Lacedæmonians, have fixed the highest part of their Monarchy, not in that which is so much just as profitable for the enlarging of it, and consequentially, they do easily violate all Rights and Justice, not reflecting, that the Commonwealth of the Lacedæmonians, stood but a little while, it being settled upon so ruinous a Foundation, which was the destruction of their Power: Now with France it is quite otherwise, whose State being grounded upon Justice, doth not hurry them on to snatch up their Arms, but only when their own defence or that of their Allies calls them to it. France hath no design but to preserve itself. Spain to increase itself; France knoweth that safety consists in an equal balancing of the Powers and strengths of one another; and therefore it is, that France thinks herself concerned to obstruct Spain's growing too Potent, that he might not pretend to have any advantage over her, or her Allies. Spain on the other side, which hath long since form and contrived a design of making itself master of all Europe, conceiveth that there is wrong done him, if at any time France doth uphold her Allies in their just Possessions of their Estates, or take up Arms for their defence. Now to cement them in this dispute, either of the two Crowns have their Allies, which are tied to them by several Bonds, that is, by different considerations France hath such for her Allies, who suspect the Power of Spain, and fear they shall be set upon by it: Spain hath others, who take part with the Interests of the House of Austria, as issued from thence by some relation or other, and who are so far from France, that being not easily relieved, they are forced to keep all fair with them, and serve them in their designs, under the hopes, that by this means they may at least procure that favour, which the Cyclops promised Ulysses. In this last from I range the Italians, who having experimentally found how little favourable the Protection of France hath been, hath been to them, by reason of their distance from one another, and the difficulties of passing Forces into their Country, do tie themselves so much the stricter to the Spaniard, it being easy for him to seize upon their States, Milan and Naples lying so near upon them. Experience hath made it evident, that they were never faithful to the French. They have sometimes engaged our Kings in erterprises, by allying themselves with them, but after they had occasioned great expenses, and all to no purpose, they fell off from their words, as Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan, and then he of Milan who presently turned tail to the Interests of Henry the 2d. though he had secured him from the violences of the Emperor. The only means to unite them really with France, and to draw them off from the Interests of Spain, whom they have no great inclination to, were to have a free open Passage for the Soldiers, which might be quickly dispatched from Languedoc and Province, which happiness France now hath by the Prudence of the Cardinal, in the possession of Pignerol.   

The Spaniard spreads abroad defaming Libels against the League of France, Venice, and Savoy.  
AS Defamatory Libels are the most subtle Artifices, which are used to surprise the minds of People, and the Firebrand which have been always thought most proper to inflame their Courages to War: So the Spaniards were not backward to countenance their designs, by dispersing several of them abroad against the League between France, Savoy, and Venice; and with all that Justice might appear to be with them, to make use of Religion and Piety, as a Cloak to their knavery. They cannot but well remember that the same pretext served their King to invade the Indias; That it was very advantageous to Philip the 2d. to make himself Master of France, and that very lately it gave them an Inlet to the Palatinate, and that they now hope by the same means to recover the Valtoline. It gave their Libelers opportunity to say, that the King of Great Britain, and the Swiss Protestant's were engaged in the same League, though in truth, there was only the King, Duke of Savoy, and State of Venice comprised in it. They called it by the name of the Protestant League, but with so little truth, that there was no appearance of it; and less reason had they to call theirs the Catholic League, seeing they had on their party the Elector, the Princes of Upper Saxony, the Dukes of Luneburg, the Landgrave Lewis de Hesse de Armstadt, and the most part of the Lutherans of Germany, so that all that did not favour their Party must needs pass for Heretics.  
By which one might believe, they would place even God himself amongst this number, because he appears sometimes contrary to their designs. They declared every where, that their only intention for their parts, was to settle the Catholic Religion in the Valtoline, and to root out Heresy, though that Combination and Cabal which they kept up fomented, and which gave them most advantage, was headed by Rodolph, Planta, and several other principal Heretics of that Country. Neither did they stick to say, that the Catholics were oppressed in the Valtoline by the Grisons. But they went not away without a reply made to them, which was this, that the Catholics both Spiritual and Temporal were never ill entreated, but when they contrived Combinations against the State, and when at any time there were any Protestants discovered to have a hand in any such Cabals, they were equally punished with the rest, without any respect had to their Religion. To be short, they endeavoured to beget in the souls of all People, Compassion and Pity in behalf of the Valtolines, though for the most part, those Officers which they entertained of the Crisons, were Heretics; desiring to make People believe, that in truth they were troubled at the exercise of the Catholic Religion. But besides, that this Proposition was quite contrary to the truth, any one might easily know, that all Magistrates were indifferently chosen, either Catholics or Heretics, and that the exercise of Religion was absolutely free; so that it was easy to answer them, that look upon those Magistrates who were established by Sovereigns (before any consideration could be had of what Religion they were) as God's Lieutenants, and as the Apostles have taught us in their Holy Writ, and by their deeds, no one had any cause to complain of them at all; and thus all their Reasons tended only to surprise people's understandings, who were weak, but were discovered by all who had never so little understanding, to be contrivances forged in the fire of their Ambition; and indeed they themselves discovered the Fraud, when as his Majesty had proposed to them a most certain way for the assurance of Religion, and the Liberty of Catholics, which they refused to accept of as to the Valtolines, or to lay down their Arms. And thus did they use their utmost endeavours to impede the late King Henry the Great, from obtaining his Absolution from Rome, after his Conversion; though they every where Proclaimed, that the design of their Army in France, was only to oblige him to become a Catholic.   

Politic Observation.  
IT hath been a usual trick amongst Ambitious men, to cover their designs with a cloak of Religion. So in the Heathens time, the Governors of the City of Rome, after they had, to no purpose, used their utmost endeavours, to hinder the People from being elected into Offices, had at last their recourse to Religion, and made them believe, that they having consulted the Gods on that affair, were assured by them, that to communicate the Honours of the Republic to the Commonalty, were to profane them; which being so, saith T. Livy, they forthwith desired them, to recede from their pretensions, they feigning that they did it more in order to the Will of the Gods, then of their own particular Interest. They well knew that the people were much addicted to Religion, and that it were so much the more easy to surprise them upon that account, they having but a little knowledge of the Interest of Princes, the genuine reasons of State, or of Religion itself. Thus Ottho desiring to get the Empire, was not contented by his pretending a great Treason, to speak aloud his Affection to the Emperor Galba; but moreover told the Soldiers, the more to inflame them, that the Gods had declared to him by a remarkable Tempest, that his Adoption of Piso was agreeable to them. After all, these fetches can only surprise silly people, they who are raised never so little above the ordinary sort, are not ignorant that in point of State-dissimulation, they ought more to regard their actions then their words. They learn by experience that such kind of People, cannot be better compared then to Coiners of self money, who daub over their base allay, with Leaf Gold to hid the falseness of it. But Princes are now so accustomed to see through their disguises, that they are no more to be overreached by them, and that without being stopped by the murmurs of the people, they surcease not to take up Arms for the defence of their Allies.   

Intrigues of the Spaniards with the Huguenots.  
THere need no more to prove, that Religion served only as a mask to the Spaniards, to hid the injustice of their designs, than the bare intelligence which they had with the Heretics of this Kingdom of France, which when undivided, hath been always so potent, that it hath impeded the course of their proceed; and therefore it was, that they endeavoured to make parties amongst them, as soon as ever they were drawn off towards the Valtoline. Those great losses, which the Heretics continually had had, for some preceding years in Bearn and Languedoc, always kept them waking, especially after the Peace of Montpellier, they well perceiving that those small Routs, which they had suffered, did threaten their party, with an utter destruction.  
The Spaniards finding this disposition amongst them, were not backward to foment it, and laboured very much, to get the Sieurs de Soubize and Rohan, who were the only eminent persons, to command their arms. Their design took effect: These two Brothers, being met at Castres', to consider on such Propositions, which were made to them on their behalf about Autumn in the foregoing year, resolved to raise those of their Party, the one by Sea at Guienne and the other in Languedoc. The attempt upon the Fort of Blavet otherwise Port St. Lewis) of which we have already spoken, about the end of the last year was an effect of that resolution, as also the endeavours of the Duke and Duchess of Rohan began about the same time in Languedoc to draw in more Towns into their party. This Duchess, that she might use her utmost diligence, went most commonly by torchlight in the night time in her Coach, which being in mourning, and withal furnished with eight black Horses, served rather to strike a terror into the Country people, (who were not used to see such spectacles) then to gain any the chief men of their towns. But the Cardinal's vigilance, was the principal obstacle, which rendered all their Combinations void. He induced the King to send with all haste, about the beginning of the year the Marquis de Ragny into Languedoc, with certain Regiments, to oppose the first commotions, and to employ many persons of discretion, to assure himself of the Counsels of the Chief towns, and by this means most of them kept within their duties. The Sieur de Soubize published a Manifest, which founded an Alarm to all the Hugonots party, and made them believe, that their utter ruin was concluded on in the King's Counsel; That the loss of their Religion was inevitable, if they did not defend themselves by Arms, and that the raising of Fort St. Lewis built by Rochel, was an assured sign of it, as also those other advantages which he had taken against them. He prevented them in believing his Majesty's Edicts and Proclamations, by that supposition which he instilled into them, that the Catholics were of opinion in most of their books; That they were not obliged to keep Faith with Heretics. It's true these reasons were deduced with such palliations, that most were taken with them, particularly because the Duke of Rohan clapped into some Towns, certain Gentlemen and Captains of his own Religion, to encourage them, and to stir up the Popular Ministers, who after this looked for nothing but when to rise, not considering that the insurrections which they were carried to, were contrived by the Spaniards, who make open profession of being their enemies, and who pretended not, to make use of them, but only to divert and draw off the King's Arms from Italy.   

Politic Observations.  
NO one but a King ought to take up Arms: As formerly among the Romans, it only belonged to the Consuls, who had the superintendency of State, to open the two gates barred with Iron, and fastened with a hundred hinges, which were opened in token of war: so when Caesar began the war against the Gauls, it was Cato's advice to recall the Army into Italy, and to leave that great Captain to his enemies, because he had attempted it, without the command of the People and Senate. Seeing Kings are constituted by the hand of God, no one may rise against them upon any cause whatever, without rendering themselves guilty of Rebellion. True Religion itself is not a sufficient reason to raise a War, how much less than may Heresy make use of it as a Pretext? And those Heretics who make profession of following the Doctrines of the Holy Writ, have ill studied it, if they have not observed this truth in it, that one is no less obliged to obey Princes though Infidels than others. God saith in Esay, speaking of Cyrus' Monarch of the Medes and Persians, who had no knowledge of his holy name. I have called thee though thou hast not known me, I have named thee by thy name, and have raised thee up to honour and power, though thou hast had no knowledge of me; and I will, that both they of the East and West shall know, that it is I who have established thee, and that there is not any Governor upon the Earth, that hath not received his Power from me and my hand; and afterwards he addeth, that he hath anointed him and placed him on his right hand, that he might bring the Nations into Subjection, whose presence abateth the hearts of other Kings, who breaketh the Gate of Brass, and bursteth the Bars of Iron, to whom all things are manifest, and nothing is concealed from him. Thus though Nebuchadonozer was a most detestable Tyrant, and the greatest Infidel of all Princes that ever were. Though he had destroyed the Land which God had chosen, besieged, taken and pillaged the City of Jerusalem, razed the Walls, demolished the Houses, burned the Temple, profaned the Sanctuary, took and carried away the Vessels which were consecrated to God's service, killed the King's Children, with the greatest part of the Priests of the Temple, and carried the re●t Captive into Babylon: Though he had likewise caused his own Image to be set up and worshipped by all people as a God; yet here behold the words of the Prophet Jeremy and Baruch, saying, to the intent to make known the honour which he had by being chosen by God to command his People; God who hath created men, and the beasts of the Field by his great power, and stretched out Arm, hath given it to whom he pleased, and hath placed it in the hands of his servant Nebuchadonozer. He would that all Nations should honour him and his Son; submit your necks therefore to the King of Babylon's yoke, and serve him; and whosoever shall not submit himself to his Yoke▪ God will visit him with the Famine, the Sword, and the Pestilence: Pray to God for the life of Nebuchadonozer and Balthasar his son, to the end they may live as long upon the Earth, as the Heavens shall endure. Which being so, can it be lawful or in the power of men, for any reason whatever to rise against their Kings? Shall Subjects assume upon themselves Authority, to give them a Law contrary to God's command? In St. Paul's time, and the rest of the Apostles, there was not any one King who had embraced the true Faith, yet they commanded that they should be prayed for, and that they should give them all manner of Honour, Subjection, and Obedience, and to bear themselves humbly before them, for the love of God and a good Conscience: Whence it is, That the wisest Politicians have accounted it intolerable, that Subjects should attempt to shake off the yoke of a Prince, under whom God hath subjected them, or to assume to themselves any power over him, to whom they ought to give an account of their Actions. Subjects have not by the Law of God, any other defence than flight. That is it which the Apostles have permitted to Christians, and if this flight be shameful in the Wars between Prince and Prince, or Commonwealth and Commonwealth, yet it is not so in regard of subjects to their Sovereign.   

The King for many considerable Reasons causeth the City of Genoa to be assaulted.  
THat fomentation which the Spaniards gave to the Hugonots, whereby to force the King to draw off his Army from the Valtoline, obliged his Majesty to do the like by him, in assaulting the Commonwealth of Genoa. It is true that was not the only consideration which induced the King to commence the War, but the weakness of those Forts in the Valtoline was the first; a weakness worth the observation, in regard there was not one Fort there, excepting that of Rive, which could endure any long Siege: So that it is to small purpose to seize upon them, unless their Arms who would re-take them, be so strongly diverted, that they may be hindered from coming to them: Besides the Spaniards usurping of those Forts before they were deposited in the Pope's hands, was a sufficient token of his design, long since concluded on in his Counsels, of making himself absolute Master of Italy; it being most probable, that who so once seizeth on the door, would likewise enter upon the whole house. It being thus manifestly necessary to oppose the progress of this ambitious design, it could not be better effected then by the assaulting of Genoa, which is the only Port of entrance on this side of the Alps, which being shut up, and preventing his ingress on that side, he could hardly bring in any Troops at all, especially if the Forts of the Valtoline were no longer in his possession. Withal, the State of Genoa did not only serve the Spaniards as an Inlet into Italy, but also to convey soldiers into Germany and the Low Countries, and for a Mine from whence they extracted good store of money, so that the depriving them of it would be no small weakening to him: These were the true reasons which invited the King to this attempt which were so just, that it appeared lawful, that State being the only Flower, which the negligence of some of our Kings have suffered to be pulled out of this Crown, and the Spaniard could have no more reason to complain of his Majesty's entering upon Genoa, which was under their King's Protection, than the King of France had, to lament his seizure of the Valtoline, of which his Majesty of France had had the Protection for many years together. The King was necessitated to make use of the Duke of Savoy in this affair, both that he might have free passage thither, and also furnish himself by that means, of Cannon and provisions for the Army. The Cardinal persuaded the King to make him chief of the expedition, whereby the more to engage him. All this was dispatched in a conference had with him at Suze, by the Constable of Lesdig●ieres. The Marshal de Crequis returned to the Court after October in the last year, to give an account to his Majesty of what might be expected from him, and the Sieur de St. Gerry, was sent back to the Duke and Constable, with those resolutions which had been concluded on, in relation to their Proposals, and with order to the Constable to raise forces necessary for the design. The Duke was the more inclined to it, seeing the injuries which the Genoeses had done him but lately, were a just cause to begin a War. He declared in his Manifest, that they had destroyed the limits, which parted the Lands of Genoa and Piedmont, and had encroached upon his Territories, that they had violently taken away the Fee of Zuccarel, and withal offered indignities to his Effigies, as a mark of the hatred which they did bear him: These just offences did oblige him to resent them; but he being too weak to carry on a War against them, where he should quickly find the Spaniard in the head of them, was very glad of the King's assistance and willingly accepted of the honour of commanding in chief all such Forces as should be sent, which being thus contrived, they could only pass under the notion of Auxiliaries: And if it were honourable for the Duke to be the head of such an enterprise, it was not less advantageous for the King to raise by this means a diversion, able to find work for all the Powers of the House of Austria, without making an absolute breach with them. The Cessation preserved at that time the Forts in the Valtoline, and engaged the Duke by so many Interests and concerns in the War, that it was impossible for him to fall off or be unfaithful, and not find his own ruin in it. And the Cardinal's counsel in this particular, passed for an effect of his incomparable Prudence.  
These things being thus concluded on, and orders given out accordingly, the King commanded the Marshal de Crequis to return back to the Constable of Lesdiguierres, with further confirmation of what ever had formerly been sent to him by the Sieur de St. Gerry in order to his Proposals. It would not have been amiss to have engaged the Venetians in this design which was attempted, but Commonwealths are so long, and so hardly induced to resolve upon any great affair, that it was done without them. The Constable passed over the hills, about the beginning of the year, with ten thousand foot, and two thousand horse, and there met with the Marshal: On the second of February, the whole body of the Army consisted of five and twenty thousand foot, and four thousand horse, every one ready to march about the end of February, which struck such a terror into Rome, that the Pope and the most part of them, knew not what to think of it, but apprehending that they should shortly see all Italy in a flame of War, and fearing lest the sparkles of them might fall on them, and consume that sweet repose which they then enjoyed.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is great Prudence in a King who would enterprise a foreign War, to make himself sure of that Prince which is nearest the Country he would assault; it was for this reason that Scipio designing to carry the War in Africa, against the Carthaginians, procured a League to be made between the Romans and Cyphax, but as it is a thing very difficult to keep Prince's Confederates in a War any long time together, in which they have little interest: So it is a great piece of Wisdom to make him chief of it, when a design cannot be executed without him, by reason he is master of the passages, and it is from him only that recruits can be had, as also Ammunitions of War for the subsistence of the Army. To avoid the ordinary misfortunes of Leagues, it were necessary that those Princes with whom one doth engage, were obliged by other ties then those of Fidelity which is due to their words; and if it be so important for all Allies, it is much more necessary for him. Had Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan been touched with this fear, and believed he could not have broke off the Alliance with France without losing his Estate, he had never been worse than his word, with those of our Kings, who had not carried their Arms into Italy, but upon the assurance he had given him of his Fidelity. And who seethe not that the King that doth thus, hath an advantage of assaulting his enemy, without making an absolute breach with him. He hath an advantage very considerable seeing it serves him to put his own Estates in safety, and that he doth engage that Prince so much the more strictly, whom he makes chief of his design, to keep his word with him; because if he once break off he may freely abandon him, and suffer him to perish under his enemy's Arms, without putting himself to the trouble of making a Treaty of Peace, or breaking the Laws of Alliance, which do not oblige to any further assisting of him, who hath once broke his word.   

The Pope sends the Cardinal Barberine in the quality of a Legate into France, to negotiate the Peace between his Majesty and the King of Spain.  
THE Pope, who is equally qualified with the Title of Common Father to Christian Princes, as well as that of Sovereign Bishop, was much displeased to see the war was upon the point of flaming, out both in France and Italy. The condition of France moved him with pity, it being both against the Church, as well as against the King's authority; but besides that this piety did not make him less sensible of the War in Italy. He had some apprehensions to for his own States, doubting lest they after those of Genova might become the Scene of this Tragedy; this was it which obliged him to send a Legate into France and Spain, or into some other neuter place, where the two King's Deputies might be found, to negotiate a Peace; as the Cardinal of Florence was heretofore sent to treat a peace at Veruins, and Aldobrandine, for the Peace of Savoy; His Holiness spoke of it to the Sieur de Bethune, as a thing which he had resolved on, and told him, that he desired to make use of one of his own house for this employment, and that he would willingly prefer his desires, and that the affections which he had for peace more than any other. He presently proposed to him his Brother the Cardinal de Saint Onufra, to which the Sieur de Bethune only answered, that he was very capable of the Legation. But that they that have been so long in a Cloister, living in such an extraordinary Piety as he did, would commonly judge by the rules of devotion, which being so, it might happen that he would not consider at all the affair of the Valtoline, more than by the specious pretext, which the Spaniards had given out for their invasion, and thus considering all in a spiritual way, without regarding those interests of state, which would happen, there could hardly be found all the necessary qualifications, to make the peace between the people, who should be interessed it it. It was said in few words, and no reply on the one side or the other. The Pope then having changed his discourse soon after altered his design, and proposed to send the Cardinal Barberin his Nephew, who earnestly desired to be employed in this negotiation, and to make the voyage between France and Spain.  
Although the Sieur de Bethune honoured him as one of the most virtuous Cardinals of the Consistory, yet he knew that he wanted experience in affairs to negotiate this business. Besides finding the Spaniards indisposed to renounce the passages of the Valtoline, he easily concluded that the voyage would be to no purpose, but however looking upon the inclination of him to this voyadge, he would not testify to his Holiness, that he misliked his choice, only upon the first motion of it, he expostulated it with his Holiness, and represented how much it troubled him that his Holiness should give this commission to a Person, who being so nearly related to him, could not but be very dear to him; thinking that the consideration of that one thing would work more with him, than all others; and then he added to the intent his journey might be the shorter, that it would be proper to draw up and agree upon those points with the Spanish Ambassador, in which the greatest difficulties were contained, without which finding the business all confused and undigested either in France or Spain, it would of necessity follow, that he must be a long whiles absent from the Court: But the Pope who had been propossessed by the Cardinal his Nephew, who took a singular delight to please him, took no notice of it, and a few days after convened an Extraordinary Consistory to deliver him a Legates Cross, and caused him to be conducted in Pontificalibus by all the Cardinals, out of the gates of Rome, according to the usual custom. They who had been upon the same employments before him, returned back to Rome for a few days, that he might take orders for their occasions, but did not appear on any public employments. The great affection which the new Legate had to the journey, made him prolong it no more than one day, so that he set out immediately punctually observing his Holiness command, of using an extraordinary industry, to prevent the progress of the war in Italy, to administer on his part the offices of a Common Father, by procuring a Peace between the Kings of France and Spain.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is no less Glorious, then profitable to the Pope to mediate Peace between Princes; one of the best and noblest properties of the Sun, is to establish such a Temperature, and moderation amongst the divers and sundry Elements, that they may all subsist together, and contribute to the preservation of the universe; for without this as the Naturalists have observed, the Elementary World would revers to its first nothing, by reason of the disharmony which would remain between them: Just so the moderation which the Popes (who are in the Church, as the Sun in Heaven) shall use amidst the broils and wars, which shall at any time arise amongst Christian Princes, is a work which contributeth to their great glory and splendour. If it be honourable to them, it cannot be less advantageous to, seeing their authority, is never so considerable as in times of Peace, and that their Oracles are no more heard or regarded in war then a civil Magistrates command amidst a mutiny or insurrection. Certainly nothing can so well befit them as this, they having the honour to be Christ's vicar's here on earth, who took the flesh upon him, that he might bring peace to all the world, which also he recommended to his Apostles, as the thing he would have most cherished: Thus to do, is to follow the glorious footsteps of their Master: this is to follow his intentions, and to prosecute the ways which he hath prescribed; but that they may effectually instil this moderation into the minds of Princes, they must needs disrobe their own selves of all sort of interest: For as the Sun if he were clothed about with any of the Elementary qualities, would not be able to reduce them to a moderate temper: so the Popes cease to be any longer entrusted by Princes, when once they take part with any particular interest: for who so once appears partial, is no longer fit to be credited, or to make any proposal which will not be suspected.   

Father Berule arriveth at Rome, to obtain the dispense for the Lady Henrietta Maria of France, to be married with the Prince of Wales.  
LET us give leave to Cardinal Barbarin, to make his journey into France, we shall anon overtake him at the Court, and take notice of what passed in his negociation. Let us now speak of another important Affair, which was treated on in the Court of Room for Madam the King's Sister: we have already told you about the end of the foregoing year, that the match with the Prince of Walls being concluded, Father Berule was sent to Room, to procure a disperse for it, where being arrived and presented to his Holiness by the Sieur de Bethune, he supplicated his Holiness, on his Master behalf, that he would be pleased to grant him the dispensation for it.  
The Pope received him, with such honour, as is due to those who are sent from the first of Christian Princes; and as to that which concerned the dispense, his Holiness told him, that he having already accorded one of the like to the Spaniards, when as the Match with the same Prince was upon the point of conclusion with the Infant of Spain, he had done it with the advice of the Cardinals then, and could not now conclude it, without acquainting them with it; but however promised him, that they who were suspected to be against the French interest, should not be called to the consultation, but that others which favoured it should be put in their places: but withal to testify his good will to the King, he would do one thing which he had not accorded to the Spaniards, that is, he would convocate the Consistory of Cardinals in his own presence, that he might give the quicker dispatch to it. Within in a few days after, he named the Cardinals, but he was not so good as his word in convocating them before himself, whether it were that so extraordinary a grace might have exasperated the Spaniards, with whom he had no great mind to embroil himself, or because he imagined the Cardinals would not meet with any so great difficulties, as might require his presence for the granting of the dispense: and this was as much as passed upon the first motion, though afterwards many disputes did arise, either because it is ordinary with those who judge of affairs in the Court of Room, to seek all advantages for Religion, and to raise questions where there are none, that their final results may be the more vallid; or else because Father Berule treating with the Cardinals in private▪ had persuaded them to add some other things in the dispense, than had been concluded in the Articles. These difficulties thus risen, engaged the Sieur de Bethune, who understood not whence they came, to join himself to the Father Berule, and that he might overcome them he often represented to his Holiness, that the great zeal his Master had for the Church, had induced him to take a great deal of pains, for the obtaining the most advantageous conditions in the Articles, that could be hoped for by the English Catholics. That the Spaniards having consented that such children as should be born of this Marriage, should be brought up by the Queen, only until their age of twelve years, but the King not contented with that, had obtained it until the thirteenth year, which was no inconsiderable business, because in that age it is that children take such impressions of Religion, as will not easily be rooted out in future. He was not deficient in representing to him, both the happiness and glory, that it would for ever be to his Popedom, if the eldst son who should be born, should religiously preserve those instructions in his riper age, which the Queen should give him, and at last establish the Church of England in its liberty and splendour. That the fruits of this Alliance were to be considered by the advantage, which might happen by it hereafter, especially seeing in the last Article, the King of Great Britain promised to treat with more sweetness, and allow more liberty and freedom to the Catholics, in behalf of the alliance with France, then otherwise he would have done, for that of Spain; that he was bound by oath to perform it; that it was true, the Spaniards had demanded more, that is, a public Church in England, but withal they could not procure it to be granted, and that indeed there was not any thing more to be expected, than what had been alreaded concluded; that all which is to be wished, is not always possible; and after all, that the three principal things which ought to be considered had been agree to, which was the assurance of the Princess her conscience, the education of such children as God should bless her with, and the liberty of Catholic: he also went and related the same to the Deputies. At last after three several meetings upon the business, they thought (so much had Father Berule possessed them with hopes, when he discoursed with them in private) that neither they nor the Pope himself could safely grant the dispe●se, according to those Articles which had been concluded between the two Crowns: but they would needs have this added, that those servants, who were to wait upon such children as God should give to the Princess, should be Catholics and choose by her, during the age that they were to be under her government. That the English should not by any means endeavour, to draw off the Princess' servants from the Catholic Religion, nor those of the Messieurs her Children, whilst they should remain with her. Lastly that the King of England should swear not to fail in either of those two things, and that the King of France, should promise his Holiness to cause those Articles to be observed, to which the King of England should oblige himself. The Sieur de Bethune did much wonder, that they should so earnestly add those Conditions to the Articles, which were not only capable of retarding, but also of quite breaking of the match, and consequently bring the English Catholics into a greater persecution than ever. But all was an effect of Father Berules zeal, which was a little too hot, and which prepossessed both the Pope and Cardinals, with such strong impressions, that they were irresistably bend upon it, this good man making it appear by his transaction, that the most spiritual men, are not always the most proper persons to be employed in negotiation of State; by reason of the subtlety of the spirits, which do refine things a little too much, and their perverseness in opinion which is common to them with all others, and which doth often keep them off from complying with the Laws even of a necessity itself.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is a great Imprudence in an Ambassador, to move contrary to his Instruction, and to raise difficulties in a business which is committed to him by following his own sense: Orders are to Ambassadors as Compasses to Pilots, and as a Pilot exposeth himself to the danger of Shipwreck, when as he will take no other guide in his voyage but his own Caprichio, so an Ambassador endangereth the success of his negotiation, if he doth neglect to follow those Orders which are given to him: he ought to consider, that the person who employs him, hath more knowledge of the Affair than himself. That he not having given him a full Liberty to do whatsoever he should think fit, those are the only means which he is commanded to follow, that must guide him to the end of his Affair, and that if he doth not adhere to them he doth not only run the hazard of losing himself, but also of bringing his Master into such trouble, as he will have somewhat to do ere he get clear of them. The Athenians did heretofore, think this to be a business of so great importance, that they condemned their Ambassadors to die, whom they had sent into Arcadia, for only returning home by another Coast, then that which they were commanded, though they had well dispatched the Affair they were employed on, as it is reported by Elian. It is true, the face of things may alter after an Ambassador's departure, and if so, he must have his eyes in his head, it being permitted him to vary the means which are prescribed to him, for the easier obtaining the end of his Affair: But in case Affairs be not altered, he is bound to stick close to his Instructions, under penalty of being very faulty; Manlius did not spare his own son, for fight with the Enemy contrary to his order, though he got the better of them; for a Captain never ought to assault an Enemy contrary to his General's command, though he be assured to overcome him: And that Ambassador deserveth severely to be chastised, who shall propose things contrary to those which are commanded him; for the management of a Treaty is sometimes not a jot less considerable to the good of a State, than the Conduct of a War. Those spirits which are most acute and subtle, are most subject to slip into this defect, because they are more wedded to their own opinions, and will ever be refining of things more than need requires, esteeming more their own thoughts, than all the orders which shall be given to them; and this is it which made Thucydides say, Those Souls which are a little more steady, are properer for negotiations, than those which are so full of mettle and sprightfulness.   

The difficulties which did arise in pursuance of the dispense for the Match with England.  
THE Dispensation was sent to the Nuntio, with express order not to deliver it, until the King of England should engage himself by Oath, to observe those Conditions which his Holiness had inserted, and until the King of France had given it under his hand, that he would undertake and promise to see all the Articles, to which the King of England should engage, to be fully accomplished. The Nuntio gave notice of this order which the Pope had sent him to the King, and his Majesty was not a little surprised at it, to find himself reduced to the making of new conditions with the King of England, and to seek for a new dispense from Rome, when some months had been passed over in the soliciting for the former. Indeed it was so much the more troublesome, in respect, that these obstructions might totally break it off, which might not only breed quarrels between the two Crowns but divers misfortunes upon the Catholics in England. A Conference was at last had with the Nuntio, and it was there represented to him, of how little importance these new Articles ●ere, in comparison of the danger of a total breach to which it did expose things, especially seeing that the Children were to be brought up by the Princess, that is, by her Domestiques and servants, and by those of the Princess were to be Catholics, which did tacitly imply; that the Children should be brought up by Catholics. This was easy to be demonstrated, but the Nuntio being of an impertinent nature in affairs, as also obliged to follow his Holinesses Interests, beseeched the Ministers to find out some expedient to satisfy his Holiness, without embroiling the business with the King of England; promising that he would write to him very effectually about the necessity that did appear, for the taking away all obstructions and difficulties, which might bring any delay to the marriage. In prosecution whereof, the Earls of Carlisle and Holland were consulted with, and the King writ to his Majesty of England, to desire him to condescend to those alterations which the Pope had made, letting him see how frivolous they were.  
The King of England did not receive the news without much wonder; but however seeing it had been agreed, that the children who should be born of this match, were to be educated by the Princess, until their respective ages of thirteen years, and that her servants were to be Catholics, and to have all freedom for the exercise of their Religion, he consented to all that was desired; as that the Officers of those Children should be Catholic, and should have no trouble in their Religion; accordingly he sent all manner of assurances to the King, but not a word of swearing to it, which was enough without urging him to take his oath for performance. The King gave all those assurances in writing which his Holiness expected; the Princess also writ a Letter to the Pope, wherein she promised upon her Parol, not to choose any Officers for those Children which God should hestow upon her, but such as should be Catholics. All Conditions being thus resolved on, it was verily believed, there could be no further difficulties raised at Rome. There were two extraordinary Courtiers dispatched one by Sea, the other by Land, to the Sieur de Bethune, with Orders to procure the dispense to be amended withal expedition, and to beseech the Pope in his Majesty's name, to dispatch it according to the Articles, which had been newly agreed on, without exacting a new Oath. The Sieur de Bethune having received one of these Dispatches acquitted himself of his duty with all kind of Prudence, and did not forget to use his very utmost diligence to procure that satisfaction for his Majesty; he spoke to the People with a great deal of affection, by re-presenting to him those great blessings which heaven had bestowed on the Church since his Majesty came to the Crown, and with what zeal his Majesty had employed his Arms against the Heretics; all which ought to make him be much esteemed by the holy Chair, in regard his demands could not be refused without some kind of injustice, both in relation to the acknowledgements which are due to him; as also, because his Actions gave great assurance, that he would never omit any occasion, which might tend to the advantage of the Church. He forgot not to represent to him, the dangers that would ensue from a total breach, by the longer retardment of concluding the marriage, and the severe usage that the Catholics in England would consequentially lie under. That what his Holiness had thought fit to add to the Articles already concluded on, was in a manner included in them already, and that the chief executing of them would rest upon the discretion of those, who should have the honour to be near the Princess; however, that his Master the King, that he might testify the respect which he bore his Holiness, had written to the King of Great Britain who had consented to it, excepting only in the point of taking a new Oath, which he would no more press him upon, in regard of that Oath which he had already made in respect of Religion, the Princess and her servants, and the Liberties of the English Catholics; and seeing that this new Oath was comprised too in some sort in the first Oath. That there was sufficient provision made, both in relation to Religion and Liberty of Conscience, for her Domestiques and Children, seeing they were to remain main with the Princess, as well as the children; which being so, it would of nenessity follow that there could be no trouble brought on them in respect of their Religion. He told him likewise, that the King his Master being bound to his Holiness, for the observation of those things which should be agreed to by the King of Great Britain, was an assurance not less valid than that of an heretic King. That his Majesty had commanded him to supplicate his Holiness, with all earnestness, and not rest barely there, but to tell him that his Holiness was the more obliged to grant him his request, seeing he begged the confirmation of it rather out of respect then necessity, seeing that several famous Doctors were of opinion, that Catholics in Heretics Countries might freely contract Marriages, without any dispense.  
These were the chief reasons, which the Sieur de Bethune represented to his Holiness, and likewise to the Cardinals, who were deputed in the business of the dispense. They soon apprehended the Justice and importance of them, and testified a great readiness, to do that which was desired of them. The Pope sent word to the Cardinals, that they should give a quick dispatch to the business, that he desired to give the King all the satisfaction he could wish for, both that he might acknowledge those great benefits which his Majesty had procured to the Church, as also because he knew there could not any other thing be desired from those of England. Accordingly they met together, and concluded on it as the King desired, and dispatched it with a great deal of diligence to the Nontio, that it might be delivered to the King, who as quickly gave intelligence of it to the King of Great Britain.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is not ever expedient in a design to propose the utmost advantage, it being sometimes necessary to leave a little to be hoped for from time. No Affair can oblige to the making of Resolutions contrary to honour and justice; but several things may intervene to obstruct the effecting of all that might conduce to the good of a great Enterprise. He who doth not take this truth, for a rule in his Conduct, will be subject to commit great faults, and will in it Proclaim aloud to the World, That he is ignorant of the many difference between Gods and Man's Will; he doing whatsoever best pleases him, but the latter, is obliged to necessities, and bound to proportionate his resolution according to the Possibility of things. Thus though it be allowed such men, on whom the dispatch of Affairs dispends, to raise up some scruples and difficulties, whereby to enhance the price and esteem of the thing doing (it being usual with most men, little to regard those Offices which are granted with ease) yet when it is once evident, that the present time and conjuncture of Affairs, will not consist with the longer denial of what is desired from them, they then ought to comply and apply themselves to the effecting of it: For what refuse they shall afterwards make, will appear rather to proceed from a spirit of contradiction, then that of Prudence.   

The death of James King of Great Britain, and the Marriage between the Prince of Walls his Son, and the Madam Henrietta Maria of France.  
DUring the negotiation for the dispense, King James of Great Britain, fell very sick at Theobalds', twelve miles distant from London. After he had passed over three weeks with a Tertian Ague, which weakened him exceedingly much, he caused the Prince of Walls his Son to come unto him, and discoursed to him with a great deal of reason, and recommended to him those Officers, who had faithfully served him. But especially his little grand children, the Infants of the Electrix Palatine his daughter, encouraging him to make use of that power, which he should leave him, for the re-establishing of them, in their Father's Dominions; and then finding himself declining into his Agony, he gave him his blessing, wishing him a happy prosperous and successful enjoyment of those Kingdoms, which he should shortly leave to him. About the end of March he died, at which instant the Heralds (according to the custom of England) proclaimed the Prince of Walls King of Great Britain, who presently took the ordering of all affairs upon him.  
He having a great desire to be married, the first thing he did was to dispatch full power to the Duke de Cheureuse, to betrothe and espouse the Princess in his name. The King too desired to see an end of the business, so that upon the first arrival of that power, the execution of it was no longer deferred. The Betrothments were made in the Louvre on the eight of May, in the presence of the King the Queens, all the Princes and great Lords of the Court, by the Cardinal de la Rochfaucaud, who likewise celebrated the Marriage Ceremonies, on the Sunday following, being the eleventh of May, in the Church of Nostre Dame, in the quality of Great Almoner. I shall not need to relate with what magnificence these things were done, only I shall say nothing was omitted. The Espousals were made upon a Theatre, raised for the purpose over the great door of the Church. Then the Mass was said with great Ceremony, where the King and three Queens were assistants. Though the Duke of Cheureuse and the Extraordinary Ambassadors of England were not there, who after they had waited on his Majesty to the door of the Quire, retired to the Arch-Bishops Palace during the Mass, as representing the King of England's Person, who was of a different Religion; but they went again to receive his Majesty at the same door, as soon as Mass was ended, and to wait on him to the Arch-Bishops hall, where the King dined with the Queens, his Mother, his Wife, and his Sister, the Duke of Cheureuse, the Earls of Carlisle and Holland, the Lady's Duchess' of Guise, Elboeuf, and of Cheureuse, with the most magnificencies, that the best versed in Royal Ceremonies, could invent. There were Bonfires made all the while throughout Paris, and the Cannons made such a noise, as if Heaven and Earth would have come together.   

The Duke of Buckingham is commanded by the King of Great Britain, to go over into France, and to conduct the Queen his Wife over to him.  
THese things thus past, the Duke of Buckingham (the King of Great Britain's favourite) was commanded to go into France, to desire the King, that the Queen his Wife might set out from the Court assoon as might be, to come to him. He arrived at Paris about the end of May, and during that little stay which he made, he was entertained with all imaginable Magnificency. The King granted him his demands, and the Queen of Great Britain departed about the beginning of June. She was accompanied on the way by the Queen Mother, the Queen Regent, Monsieur the King's Brother, and almost all, who were considerable in the Court: going through Amiens, she was received there with the same honour, as is do to the King himself, he having so commanded it. In this place, she took her Leave of the Queen Mother, but the Queen Regent accompanied her two leagues farther on, and Monsieur the King's Brother attended by most part of the Court, conducted her to Boulongne, where she was embarked, in the greatest Ship of the Ocean, which was richly prepared for her. The Winds were so favourable, that the whole Fleet came safe to Dover without any let, where the Cannon's Drums and Trumpets, endeavoured in emulation of one another, to testify their noise, which should most welcome her, with there greatest mirth at her first entrance. The King had caused a house to be built of Timber work upon the River's side, where the Perfums and pleasant smells, might make her an exchange of those ill scents of the Sea, into an air of Amber, Orange and Jessamy Flowers. The King of Great Britain, whom she had sent to entreat, he would be pleased to stay until the morrow before he saw her, by reason of the disorder she had been in upon the Sea, came accordingly the day after to meet her, with all that was Illustrious in his Court; and shown, That Love and Gallantry did equally possess his Soul, by those respects and extraordinary inventions, to render her first entrance pleasing to her. They dined together, and that night lay at Canturbury, where the Marriage was consummated to the equal contentment, of the two Crowns of France and England.   

Politic Observation.  
MAgnificence is one of the greatest virtues, which gives most lustre to Kings, who are no otherwise esteemed great, but by their abilities to do greater things than others. That is it, which makes their names glorious amongst Strangers, and likewise procures them more respect from their own subjects. Philosophers say, actions ought to be proportionate to the quality of the subject, which produceth them; whence it comes to pass, that that of Kings being the most eminent of all others, they should not do any but magnificent things: and thus the Emperor Dioclesian said publicly. If this virtue be well beseeming them they are not at any time more obliged to exercise it, then at their own, or those of their Family's marriage, for at such times most especially it is, that strangers and their own subjects too, do resort in greatest abundance to their Courts; which at other times they themselves are but seldom seen; so that it cannot but be a thing of great concern, then to give them impressions of an extraordinary respect, to the doing of which, no doubt but the lustre of noble and magnificent Actions, doth very much contribute: Withal, if expenses ought to be regulated by the occasions upon which they are made, what more honourable and worthy subject can they be bestowed on, then either their own, or the marriages of those of their Blood? Besides, seeing Wealth is not given them by Heaven, but only to be honourably employed, how much would any niggardliness be exploded and found fault with, on such occasions as those are? would it not pass for an extreme meanness of spirit? The goods of private men are their own, and for their own uses, insomuch that they have full power to dispose of them as they please; but it is not so with Kings, they are obliged to employ that which is lent them, towards the acquiring a respect necessary for the impressing of that Reverence and Honour into the Minds of the People, which is due unto them. Those great Costs and Charges, which are laid out on frivolous matters, are as soon forgotten as the whistling of the Wind, neither do they carry with them the reputation of being magnificent; but it is not so when well used, and when they are expended upon urgent occasions and great affairs. It is to imitate God (if done in order) who hath not only the power of working outward Miracles, but also of doing them with weight, number, and measure.  
It is most certain, Kings cannot in any thing more imitate the Divine Majesty then in rendering themselves admired amongst men, by their magnificent Actions, to which purpose a noble expense, doth extraordinarily much conduce.   

Intrigues of the English Ambassador with some Ladies of the Court, discovered by the Cardinal.  
THe great Delays which were used in the Court of Rome, in the procuring of the dispense for the Marriage, forced the English Ambassador to a long stay in France. Now whether it were for diversion, or to make any advantage by their stay, they struck into acquaintance with certain Ladies, under pretence of Gallantry; but indeed that they might dive into the particular Affairs of France, and to get into the Power of such who were able to make Intrigues, that they might do something as occasion should serve for their Master's advantage. Their meetings were so frequent, that it gave a cause of suspicion; especially to those who were not ignorant, that Women do neither want Craft or Malice in their Souls, to raise Factions and foment them. There were many entertainments made at the Court, to serve for a pretext to their interviews. It was well known, that there had been divers Essays made, to gain such persons as were near to those Ladies, and had some share in their belief, and withal, some small beginnings of discontent; insomuch, that the King was acquainted with it, and concerned to redress it by removing some of those Ladies further of, amongst others, the Dame de Vervet was one, and to foresee that, the excess of their conservation might not produce other effects, than those of Gallantries. But as they verily believed the Cardinal, to have been the Promoter of his Majesty's resolution in that thing, so they conceived so great a hatred against him, that they had much ado, to be induced to pardon him, though he did not for his part much trouble himself at it, for that he only acted for the service of his King, and the good of the State.   

Politic Observation.  
THough Women are evidently known by Wise men to be incapable of conducting any great Affairs, yet they are sufficiently able to breed divisions, and broils, as also to disclose any secrets. Their Souls are naturally replenished all over with deceit to ensnare, and that Love in which they are dexteriously skilful to engage men, gives them so absolute an Empire over them, that there is hardly any thing which they cannot discover, or persuade them to do, if once they make it their business. That weakness of theirs which lays them open to be Preyed upon, is the thing which gives them most Power over men's Souls; were they but a little stronger to defend themselves from the contrivances of those who have designs upon them; they would not have so great an influence in persuading most men to what ever they desire. I could say it was for this reason that the enemy of our Salvation, designing to involve us in sin, made his first addresses to Eve, rather than upon the man, knowing she would easiliest contribute to the effecting of his intended end, if he could but once make himself Master of her Will. But without being beholding to examples of invisible Spirits; who knoweth not that the Emperor Augustus, affected to make himself be beloved by several of his enemy's Wives, not that he might indulge his Senses, or delight himself in Voluptuous Pleasures; but that he might fish out of them, any Resolutions which were taken to his dis-advantage or Ruin? and Tacitus is the man from whom we learn this excellent device.   

Open War in the State of Genoa.  
Whilst Love was filling England with Mirth, Mars was kindling a Fire of War in Italy. The Duke of Savoys Army assisted by the French, being all well provided, the General would no longer defer the advancing of his Troops into the State of Genoa, the rather because the Spaniards were employed in other places, and the Genoveses had but a few Forces to defend themselves. The Prince of Piedmont was with the Duke his Father, and the Marshal de Crequy, with the Constable his Father-in-law. The King, in Consideration of the Alliance between Savoy and France, consented that the Duke should give the word, and that the Marshal should likewise pay the same respect to the Prince of Piedmont. The Order which they observed was thus, That the Constable should march with the Avaunt guard, towards the Coast of Loppiata, and his Highness with the body of the Army towards Cremolin. The Constable coming before Loppiata, the Inhabitants made some small resistance, but they were soon forced, and their Town Pillaged, to strike a terror into others: this induced those of Gua, a City belonging to the Territories of Genoa, to send their Keys to the Duke, who when he sent the Marquis of St. Reyran with his Regiment, to Quarter there, found some resistance, for that Nicholas Doria in the mean time, had put in some Forces there, to defend it; so the Duke commanded the Count of Veriie, to march thither with certain Companies, which struck such a fright into Doria and his Forces, that they presently lest the place, and Captain Martin Corseque, delivered it at the first summons. The City of Novy which is very large, sent at the same time, to the Constable to assure him they would open their Gates; and accordingly he seized on it, and then turning towards Gavy, he defeated in his march five Companies of Neopolitans, whom the Spaniards had sent to secure the place, and shortly after the Duke of Savoy joined with him to encounter with six thousand men part being of Colonel Gasees, some Modenois, and other some Parmesans, who pretended to defend the Town. But they soon cut one party of them in pieces near Ottage, in a fight which lasted near two hours, and then falling upon four Squadrons of Horse, not far off the same place, they routed them with such good success, that they took the Town and Castle of Ottage with three and twenty Colours, killed above two hundred Neapolitans and Genoveses upon the place, took above a thousand Prisoners, and amongst them the chief Commanders. Upon this defeat, they concluded to make themselves Master of Gavy, which was absolutely necessary for their marching up to Genoa. The Castle is built on a Rock, and the Town well fortified; insomuch that many were of opinion, it would be a hard task to take it, seeing too that Barbarossa in the expedition which he made in the time of Francis the first, into the River of Genoa, could not take it in. But the Constable's courage, which was not used to stoop under any Fear, did not forbear to make his approaches upon the Town. He who commanded it, made a Sally, with about three hundred men, of which two hundred were slain in the place, which so terrified those of the Town, that they sent an assurance that they would open their Gates; provided they might be protected from being Plundered and maintained in their ancient Privileges, which was granted to them; and the Constable being got into the Town, began to besiege the Castle. At the first, the Governor pretended a Resolution to defend it, discharging several shot into the Town, believing that the Castle could not be battered, and supposing there were not any points of Rocks, upon which any Cannon could be mounted to command it; but the Constable soon let him see that there was not any thing impossible to the courage of the French; for in a few days he had raised a Battery upon certain Rocks, which did so awe him, that he was forced to surrender upon Composition on the last of April. Some Spanish Relations say, that the Governor was rather frighted with Pistol shot, then forced by the Cannon to surrender; but their anger was at the Constable, who had made himself Master of the place. After these happy exploits, the Prince of Piedmont took ten thousand men of the Army, to go force the Passages of the Mountain Griego, where the Genoveses were entrenched, and to make way for the Siege of Savonne. He presently forced their Trenches, so that he had full Liberty to march as far as Pleve a Town situated in the Mountains, defended with a good Castle, and several small Forts, his courage made him resolve to carry it by assault, after he had taken in those little Forts, though it seemed capable of holding out a longer Siege, which was executed with so much resolution and good success, that the place was won in an instant, the besieged yielding themselves (as soon as they found the Gates and Walls were already secured) upon condition of saving the lives of all such as should be found without Arms. All which was done with no small resistance, for there were at least two hundred killed and taken, together with seven Colours, which were sent by the Prince, to the Princess of Piedmont, and afterwards to the King, together with those three and twenty others, which were taken at the defeat of Ottage, and the Staffs of two Masters of the Camp, Caracciolo and Catanda, fent by the Duke of Savoy, as the the fruits of those Victories, which his Majesty's Armies had obtained, with a Letter in answer to that which was brought him, by the Marquis de Saluce. The Prince of Piedmont having suffered his Army to Pillage for about six and thirty hours in Pl●ve, he destroyed the Country towards Albengua, the Magistrate of which place, sent to offer to him the obedience of the Inhabitants; accordingly, he entered into the Town with some few Troops, and from thence went towards Orvietta, which the Genoveses had newly surprised, but he forced it in a few day's time. After this once done, he summoned the City of Ventimelia, the inhabitants made some show of resistance, but the Prince being come within a League of it, they soon sent their desires to be admitted to Composition. The Castle made some difficulty of surrendering, but when the Governor had once seen a Battery raised on the points of the Rocks, where five hundred Nissars had drawn the Cannon by the strength of their Arms, he resolved to do as the Town had. Thus in the months of March, April, and May, did the Armies of Savoy, overrun in the State of Genoa, all that did resist them, and made themselves Masters, not only of the places by us named, but of divers others, to the number of one hundred seventy four, strong and weak, so favourable is Fortune to those who undertake any thing with extraordinary boldness and courage.   

Politic Observation.  
FOrtune, or to speak more properly, Divine Providence doth commonly favour those, who being truly generous do attempt any great enterprise. Not that God worketh miracles, for the crowning them with success; but indeed, because couragiousness giveth them great advantages; especially, when it is accompanied with Prudence, and that the Divine Providence co-operating with second Causes, doth assist their endeavours, Courage begetteth a certain hope which like a Spur stirreth up to great attempts, from which Fear had formerly diverted them; courage alone is sufficient to strike terror into an enemy, who fight more by constraint then good will, do usually give ground, when once they find themselves vigorously assaulted. Who knoweth not that it is courage which persuadeth to invade and subject other Countries. Experience hath often evinced, that an invading Prince hath a great advantage over him, who is only intent how to defend himself; especially if he be Prudent in falling on him, in a favourable conjuncture of time, as when his forces are diverted into other employments, or worn out or unarmed. They who have most judiciously weighed the Victories of Caesar, do much ascribe them to his native Generousness, which carried him on to attempt any thing, without the least fear; insomuch that he despised the un-relenting fury both of the Sea and Winds, which spare no man, and commanded the Pilot who conducted him, not to fear, since he carried Caesar's Fortune in his Boat. Never did his Soldiers show their backs, no danger could affright him, well he knew death to be the end of life, but not that it was a misfortune. He built his Glory upon Conquests, and the difficulty of his erterprises re-doubled the Force of his Courage. Fortune was always his friend, and he made it apparent, that nothing was impossible to a man of Resolution.   

The Prosecution of War in Italy.  
FOrtune indeed did much add to the Courage of the Arms of France and Savoy, for the obtaining such great Conquests in so little time, but much of the honour must be ascribed unto the Cardinal, who first advised the expedition, who issued out all Orders under the King's Authority, who executed them in so happy a conjuncture of time, that neither the Spaniards or Genoeses, could possibly defend those places which were assaulted, by reason of their want of Forces: And lastly, who had so good intelligence in the States of Genoa, that he did not a little contribute to the good success of this design. Yet however Fortune, or rather Divine Providence, which over-ruleth Armies, doth but laugh at man's Wisdom, and seemeth to delight in distributing both good and bad success to their designs: Thus was it, with the French and Savoyards, for the Scales seemed to turn against them, and their Conquests came to a Period. The Fame of these great Victories did so trouble the house of Austria, that extraordinary preparations were made in Germany, for the sending of a Potent Army, under the command of Feria, Governor of Milan, for the assisting of the Genoeses. The Marquis de St. Croix, was likewise commanded to put to Sea, a Fleet designed for that purpose, who had embarked near four thousand Soldiers, in twenty five Galleys, and five Galleons of Sicilia. These Forces of the Enemy came with a great advantage, the Plague having consumed at least two thirds of the French since their arrival in Italy. The Marshal de Crequy fell sick of it, and not long after the Constable. Besides, divers Cities of Genoa, seemed to shake off the yoke of their Obedience, with joy and delight, they turned about, and before the end of June, rise against their new Governors and Garrisons with great violence, as if Fortune had purposely done it, to show that misfortunes seldom come single. And lastly, the ill-management of the Artillery, and want of Wagons for the Carriage of Provisions for the Army (of all which the Duke of Savoy was in fault) occasioned more disasters than all the rest; besides the jealousies which grew between him and the Constable, did not a little add to complete them. Things being in this posture, did much encourage the Spaniards, and the Duke de Feria, that he might not lose the advantage of it, entered into Montferrat, about the beginning of July, where he took Spione by force, and not long after Acqui, which the Constable had made his Magazine of Arms, and had therein placed 3. Regiments to guard the munitions which he had there stowed up. The taking of this place necessitated the Prince of Piedmont, and the Constable to recall the Forces then marching towards Savonne, that they might jointly fall on upon the Duke of Feria; but they found him encamped so advantageously at Ferzo between Bistague and Acqui, that they could not possibly come near him, the Passages being so narrow, that only two men could march a Breast.  
At the same time, the inhabitants of Albengua, Novy, and Acquy, revolted against the French Garrisons; and shortly after, divers other less places, and six thousand Genoeses coming before Gavio, the Governor and his son, cowardly surrendered the place, upon condition to be carried safely into France. The Genoeses received them upon this Composition, and conducted them accordingly; but being there arrived, their Treachery was not long unpunished by the Parliament of Provence; Gonvernon the son being hanged, the Father's body taken up, burned, and his Ashes thrown into the Air (death having prevented the execution of judgement upon him.) True it is, Courage doth oftentimes compel Fortune to be favourable, and the French Army, though thus persecuted, did yet make head, against the Duke de Feria, and prevented his further progress, so that he was forced to make some other diversion, by entering upon Piedmont, and lying down before Ast, with design to besiege it. The Constable was yet there, very weak, it being thought he would have died, so that he went off, and the Marshal de Crequy, upon the thirtieth of August, came into his place with four thousand French.  
The same day he made a Sally, with the Prince of Carignan, forced the enemy from a Bridge, which they had kept six days, and made them run away with shame, though they had eighteen thousand foot, and seven hundred horse. Was not this a generous exploit of the French, and did it not sufficiently testify, that had they been near enough to have had recruits and ammunitions from France, or had the Duke of Savoy caused those refreshments to have been brought for the Army which by the Articles of the Treaty he was obliged, they had not so easily lost, what they had so happily obtained. But they were induced to under go those disasters which are incident to all men, who invade a Foreign Country upon the hopes of a League.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough those Wars, which are begun by Princes leagued together, have oftentimes happy beginnings; yet it seldom comes to pass, that they do end in a good success. There need no other proof then that of the Wars, which our Kings have made in Italy, for six score years last passed. But that we may not dwell upon examples, is not that Prince who trusteth in the promise of his Confederates, like the man who exposeth all his Goods upon the Sea in a leaky Vessel? Experience hath showed us in a thousand encounters, that Princes have so many overtures made, by which one may win upon them, and withdraw them from Leagues, that it is almost impossible to have any absolute assurance of them. One of the chiefest ties which holdeth them fast, is to have in possession some strong place, for a gage of their Fidelity; but there are few who will thus dispossess themselves; doubting lest he, into whose hands it be entrusted, will retain it for good and all, by saying or persuading them that they have been defective in their word, in some one thing or other; as Charles the eighth did, after he had received the Florentine Towns in deposit. It is likewise dubious, lest the several Troops or divers Princes in an Army together, should grow jealous of one another, and then the least distrust or broils which might arise between them, were enough to withdraw him, who imagineth himself offended; and if there were nothing else, there need no more but this to draw off Confederates from a League, barely to satisfy them in their particular Interests; for seeing that is it, which is the only end and aim of all Princes, they will no longer hold together, than it may be for their advantage. There do oftentimes too happen very great inconveniences; especially, when their united Forces are to march into far distant places, they who border upon those Countries which are to be assaulted, take no care to refresh themselves, either by new troops or necessary provisions for the War, for that those who inhabit further off, not being easily able to provide for this defect, fall into ruin of themselves, or else their enemies quickly put them to flight. Many united Princes are never comparable to one alone, nor ever capable of encompassing such great enterprises, as a single Prince with his own Subjects, though much inferior to them in point of numbers.   

The Hugonots by the Spaniards Instigation, Arm themselves very potently against the King.  
Whilst Italy served as a Theatre for the acting of several Warlike exploits, the Hugonots inspired not only with that mutinous humour, which is common to them, but also incited by the contrivances of Spain, used their utmost endeavours to divert the King's Army, as also to fortify and strengthen themselves both in Languedoc, and Poictou. The Duke of Rohan, and the Sieur de Soubize, were the chief of the Revolt, the former took the Command upon himself of those Forces in Languedoc, the latter those in Poictou. Now though the Sieur de Soubize, had been repulsed from before the Port of Blavet, yet he got no small advantage by it; for by that means he made himself Master of six great Ships which were the Kings, and the Duke of Nemoure, which gave him opportunity of doing very considerable damages. He had formerly got together, about eleven Ships of War, all very good, and a greater number of Shallops, and small Boats which being assisted with these, he had the ambition to hope he might become Master of the Ocean: In conclusion, he roved up and down upon the Coasts of Poictou and Guien, and committed such savage Cruelties, that more the Turks could not possibly have done, and to secure himself of a near and safe retreat, he seized on the Islands of Ree and Oleron, where he hastened on with the Forts which those of his party had begun to build: Withal, finding the Duke of Espernon, drawn off towards Montauban, whither he was gone to ransack as shall be anon declared; he assembled together a Fleet of about seventy four Sails, of all Sizes, and entering into the Girond towards Bourdeaux, they landed about mid June, three thousand men in Medoc, and seized on the Castle, a small place situated on the River's side, where he entrenched himself; and so overrunning the Plains, where the Burdelois have several houses of Pleasure, he Pillaged them, and committed all other imaginable outrages. But he soon found the Sieur de Thoyras in Front of him, to whom the Cardinal had given Orders from the King to fall upon them, in case they should make any incursions thereabouts, who presently went to find them out with his Troop of light-horse, and thirteen others of the Regiment of Campagne, one Company of the Garrison of Bergerac, commanded by the Sieur de Plessis, sent by the Duke of Espernon, and some few others, who had been raised thereabouts for the same purpose. Now the Sieur de Thoyras finding himself backed with these Troops, fell upon him so resolutely, that he forced him to give ground, and to weigh their Anchors, and fly towards Rochel, leaving good store of Arms, Cannon, Ammunition, and their Baggage in their Trenches behind them. This Rebuke was so sensible to him, that he was possessed with an extreme desire to be revenged for it; so that seeing the Sieur de Thoyras retire, he let go some of his Ships, and sent them under the Conduct of Verger Malagn●t, to make a second attempt on Medoc; who accordingly landed about the Point of Ambes, and committed great Devastations about the plain Country. But the Cardinal had caused Order to be given to the Country people, to be always in a readiness, against any who should attempt upon their goods, who compelled them presently to reimbark, and join with the others under the Sieur de So●bize; by both which it was apparent, that there was no accident, which the Cardinal did not foresee, and apply a remedy to before they did appear.   

Politic observation.  
A Grand Minister is obliged, incessantly to watch after the necessities of the State, for prevention of any erterprises which may be made, it will escape him very narrowly, if (taking an especial care to be informed of all Passages in the Provinces) he be not acquainted withal the Combinations and Contrivances which are on foot, as also the preparations which are in agitation for a Revolt, it being impossible that those several Artifices, which are used for the gaining in of divers and many men, and the most secret preparations of War should be concealed from him; which once coming to his knowledge, he ought in a trice to dispatch forces to that very place, where the Insurrection is designed to be. The only sight of them may perhaps break the neck of the whole design; and if not so, yet they will at least prevent the enemy's Troops to join together, and will cut them in pieces one by one, before they will be in a capacity of attempting any thing whatever. Without th●s diligence he will soon find the State, and his own reputation exposed as a Prey. An Eye watching over a Sceptre, and the Lion King of Beasts, who sleepeth not but with oyen eyes, were the Hieroglyphics, which the Egyptians made use of, to express foresight, and to teach Grandees that it aught to be inseparable from their Authority, if they would not have their people exposed to great misfortunes both by Domestic and Foreign Wars. The Sun which governs the Elementary World in the highest Heavens, goes every day from one end of them to another, that he may make all here below, sensible of the Effects of his Influences; and that Minister who hath a State in charge, aught to employ all his cares, all his mind upon every City, upon every Province, and indeed upon the singular houses of every great man, that he may know what is done there, and apply a remedy to their contrivances. Me thinks they of Syracuse, gave a notable example of this kind of Conduct, when they had received intelligence, that the Athenians would war upon them, and that they already were upon the Sea with a Puissant Fleet, making towards the Coast of Sicily. Hermocrat●s a great Statesman, was not backward in exhorting them, to give necessary Orders for their defence, and to press the Senate accordingly: Whereas Athenagoras on the other side, descried it as much, and shown them sundry reasons, why the Athenians could not arrive to the end of their design and demonstrated to them that it was impossible, endeavouring to dissuade them from making any preparation of War. But the Senators, somewhat wiser than himself followed Hermocrates his advice and resolved to give necessary Orders for defence, that they might not afterwards be forced to do it in a huddle, or to continue in the danger. They began to discuss the business, that in case the news of the Athenians Fleet were true, it would then be needful to make some preparations; if it were false, those preprrations would no whit dis-advantage the City: And that last of all, it is better to suspect then to slight dangers, but not to show the least Fear, by doing any Action unbecoming a Generous Courage.   

The Duke of Rohans Attempts in Languedoc, with the Process in the Parliament of Tholouse, against him, and all his Adherents.  
ABout the same time in the end of April, the Duke of Rohan, having contrived several Cabals in the Huguenot Towns of Languedoc, began the War, and got together about two thousand men, near Castres' the chief place of his Retreat, and where he had a full Power, by means of those Consuls whom he had procured to be elected. He gave out, that the Rocheloiiss had taken Arms, and sworn a League with the Churches of his party, that he might by this pretence get a like Interest in some other Towns, which he had an eye upon; and accordingly, he went to Puilaurens, Ruel, Soreze, St. Paul's Leviate, & Briteste, and made the Consuls swear to the Confederacy, afterwards came before the Gates of Lavaur to surprise it, but his design took no effect.  
The Cardinal having sent out Orders from the King, to the Governors of the Provinces, to fall upon him, as soon as ever he should appear in the Field. The Count of Carmain Governor of Foix, was presently upon his skirts, and impeded not only the Progress of his Rebellion; but also, getting into Ruelle and Soreze, after the other had forsaken them, he so dealt with the Consuls, that they confessed their fault, and protested not to take part with him any more. And as the Authority of Parliaments on such occasions, aught to uphold the Courages and Fidelities of those who Conduct the King's Armies; so that of Tholouse, was not wanting to command the Soldiers who were assembled with the Duke of Rohan to separate themselves, and to give Orders to the Nobility and Commonalty to fall upon them, to forbear all sort of Commerce with those of Castres', and to translate the Royal and Ecclesiastic jurisdictions, and the Receipt of the King's moneys unto the Town of Lautrec, with command to all the Judges and Officers to come thither, as well to prevent the King's moneys from falling into their hands, as also to preserve Justice in its Integrity, and to diminish the Force and Power of that Rebellious City. The same Parliament too, granted an Arrest for the seizure of all the Goods, any ways belonging to those who were revolted, both to punish them, and deter others who were ready to follow them. The Half divided Chamber of Beziers, half Hugonots, and half Papists, did as much, and declared (according to the King's Edict, of the 25th. of January the same year) the said Duke to be guilty of Laesa Majestatis, to be a troubler of the Public Peace, as also all his Abettors and Adherents, and Prohibited both Cities and particular persons, to hold any communication with him, and enjoining all his Majesty's Subjects, to fall upon any Troops that should injure them, to cut them in pieces, and to pull down the Houses and Castles of such Noble men as were of that Faction.  
But the Order which the Cardinal persuaded his Majesty to send was more powerful than all those others; for the preventing the further progress of this Rebellion seeing it was accompanied with an extraordinary diligence. The King sent a Commission to the Marshal de Themines, whom his Majesty sent to those places, to observe what passed, to raise such Troops as were already in the Province, and to advance such others as might form the Body of an Army, which might cut off the growth of this Rebellion in its Cradle. The Marshal had the Marquis de Ragny, and the Count de Carmain for Marshals of the Field, and that no longer time might be lost, he soon after came to the place, where he had designed the Rendezvouz for the whole Army, and upon his way forced the Castles of Blauc and Dovac, which served for Retreits to those who were revolted. After the Companies were assembled together, and a review taken of the whole Army, he made his Forces before Castres' to Plunder the Country. The Sieur de Ferrieres who commanded the Rebel's horse, made a Salley upon the Marshal, as soon as he came within view of the Town, but they were forced to turn back again with more haste than he came out, and not only so, but himself and three or four more of his own party, were lest wounded upon the place. The Pioners and Plunderers played their parts under the Protection of the Army, which countenanced them in it; and notwithstanding the many shot and skirmishes, in which many were hurt and slain, both of one side and tother, they did their work so exactly, that there was not a Tree, Vine, or Stalk of Corn standing any where near the City. In this interim, the Duke of Rohan attempted to become Master of Sommieres, and led up his Army to it, and coming thither just upon day breaking, he approached it by one of the Gates, which being soon thrown down, made way for his entrance; but thinking to surprise the Castle too, Masillac the Governor of it, repelled all his Attempts with such Courage, that having received the succours of ten thousand foot, which the Sieur de Valensay had sent to him from Montpellier, the Duke was forced to retire to Anduze, where he was not well received. After this, the Marshal de Themines went without more ado to besiege St. Paul and Miatte, which lie upon the River Langoust between Castres' and Lavaur; when he had Quartered his Army before St. Paul, he forced it in few days, and rifled divers of the Inhabitants that were got into Miatte; but they had small hopes of any comfort, so they sent to the Marshal to desire Articles, which being granted, he entered and took possession of the Town.  
But all this was nothing worth, if he did not attempt to fight the Duke of Rohan, and cut off his Forces, so he resolved to follow him, and overtaking him at Vianes in Albigeois, he set the Army into Battalia to fight him. The Duke was Quartrred in Vianes, and about two thousand of his Foot were at Peyresequade, which is at the Foot of the Mountains whereon Vianes is situated. The Count de Carmain went to view them, and having reported to the Marshal the Condition in which he found them, it was resolved to fight them. The Marshal with his Sword in his hand marched in the Head of the Army. The Marquis de Cragny and the Count of Carmain, took their Stations one upon his right, t'other upon his left hand, and at the same instant, the whole Army courageously advanced towards the Enemy, with so much Resolution, that nothing more could have been wished, but only that they had made a little more resistance, for that there was not one single man of them saved; for whilst those who made the first encounter were at it, the rest got into Vianes, who were however so closely pursued by the Marshal's forces, that the Regiment of Normandy was hard at their heels, entering into the Town with them. Thus he remained Master of Peyresequade, where there were about one hundred and fifty of the Rebels Soldiers killed and hurt, all which the Duke of Rohan beheld from a Fort in Vianes where he than was, from which time forwards he began to despair of doing any great matters for the future, especially since he saw himself so closely followed, and that the Cardinal had taken such a course in Languedoc, that the King could have raised more men in twenty four hours, than the Duke in a whole month.   

Politic Observation.  
HE who revolteth against a great King, seeketh his own ruin. He cannot hope for Glory from his enterprise, seeing he is neither accompanied with Prudence nor Justice, and he cannot expect any profit by it; for besides that, the weakness or indeed impossibility, unto which he is reduced by the quality of a subject, he forceth as it were his Sovereign to punish his Rebellion, by making him lose both his Life and Estate. Mahomet Prince of the Turks, had all Rebels in such detestation, that he cut off two Falcon's heads for having stooped at an Eagle, the King of Birds, that he might by this teach his Subjects, who durst have the rashness, to follow that example, that they must expect the like punishment; for both Prudence and Justice oblige a Prince to chastise those, who shall take up Arms against his authority. Some Grandees puff up themselves, with the Greatness of Alexander: who with a few Forces which he drew out of Macedon, overthrew the Power of Persia; as also with that of the Romans, who from being at first Masters but of one City, became Lords of the whole World: But they ought to know, that neither the one or tother of them, were presently set upon by any great Prince, but extended their Power by little and little, ever proportionating their Attempss to their Forces. It is true, Fortune and their own Courages did not a little contribute to their successes; but seeing Christianity teacheth us, that this same Fortune is not any thing else but divine Providence, with what reason can he who revolts against his own King, hope for favour from heaven, whilst he doth act against the Laws, and indeavoureth to subvert that order which this Divine Providence hath established in all Kingdoms.   

The Spoil made about Mountauban by the Duke d'Espernon.  
THE Duke of Espernon was neither wanting in the Testimonies of a good Conduct or success in the Pillaging of Mountauban. According to the Orders which he had received, he made his Approaches near it about the beginning of June though there were good store of Soldiers clapped into the Town, for defence of it, this being next to Rochel the greatest prop of the Revolted Party. His design could not be brought to any good effect until after several skirmishes, and sustaining divers Sallies out of the Town. That of the fifteenth of June gave them some advantage over him, for they then killed ten of his, and carried with them as many Prisoners, amongst whom were the Sieurs of Miraude, & de St. Omer; but they were sound paid with Interest too in those following conflicts; especially in that of the twenty seventh of the same month, when they left about two hundred dead, besides wounded on the place, and about forty prisoners; shortly after the Duke caused a fair Meadow to be mowed about a quarter of a League from the Town, to draw out the Rebels, but they had not the Courage to make any more Sallies as as yet. But understanding that the Duke had laid up good store of Corn about a League off, they contrived to surprise it, by the help of a dark night, hoping that it would fall out for their advantage. Now some Scouts of the Dukes about the Town, having perceived what passed, gave intelligence of their being gone out, so they were quickly snapped: The Fight indeed was hot, but at last lafoy Roche who commanded them, being hurt with three Carabine shot, and taken Prisoner too, they presently fled, and left about one hundred dead and wounded on the place. Insomuch that not being able to Reap any Wheat or Hay thereabouts (so exactly had every thing been Pillaged) that at last they began to be in very great necessities.   

Politic Observation.  
AMongst the several ways to reduce a Rebellious Town under Obedience, the devastation of all fruits which are upon the earth near thereabouts, is one of the best and most absolute. The Losses which the Rich receive by it, will engage them to master the Commonalty, and to repel Mutineers by force, and to bring them under the obedience which they own to their Sovereign. There are but a few who can resolve to lose their Goods, to satisfy the rage of an unbridled People. Commonly none but they who are like to get by it, do follow any Revolter. Man is naturally so careful of his own Estate and Goods, that there is hardly any thing which he will prefer before them. But if Devastation be not able to reduce Revolted Towns into their Obedience, without using other force of Arms, who knoweth not that by a close besieging of them too, they will come to find themselves so destitute of Victuals, that it will be impossible for them any long time to hold out? And thus one need not doubt, but that it will in fine bring them down unto their Obedience, either by Force or for their own Interest. As for Rules to be observed in Foraging there are not any; only to destroy all the Fruits thereabouts, to Reap if possible all the Wheat, else to burn it; to make the Grapes into Wine, or else to cut up the Stocks, as also all other Trees that bear Fruit, or from which they may make any advantage. It should be done as near the Walls as possible might be, to take away all conveniences from them; and whilst that the Pioners are at Work, the Army ought to be at hand to defend and shelter them, but in such places where the Cannon shot may not reach them.   

A Victory Obtained by the Duke of Montmorency against the Hugonot●.  
THese Victories which the King got against the Revolted, were not inconsiderable, but that which the Duke of Montmorency got, assisted by the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Roche Foucaud, & de Thoyras, was much beyond them all. The Marshal de Preslin, had been the most part of the year in the Country of Aunis, and the Sieur de Thoyras had been in Fort Lewis before the Gates of Rochel, both to pillage round about that Rebellious Town, whereby to reduce them to such want, that they might not long hold out, as also to prevent their making of any attempts thereabout.  
The Sieur de Soubize finding little assurance on the main land, had fortified himself in the Isles of Ree and Oleron, it was the more important to remove him thence; because else it would be impossible to reduce Rochel into its obedience, so easily and abundantly might he recruit them with necessaries from those fertile Islands. But to give a good success to the business, there was need of a Fleet: To which end his Majesty got together good store of ships, of which one twenty were lent him by the Hollanders, according to the Treaty which had been concluded with them the foregoing year. His Majesty committed the Government of it to the Duke of Montmerency Admiral of France, with order to fight the Sieur de Soubize, and to cause the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Rochefoucaud, & de Thoyras, to pass over with some part of their Forces, into the Isle of Ree, to drive out those Rebels, who were in Garrison in the Forts there, and to fortify themselves. The Sieur de Soubize who had then great and small only thirty nine Vessels, would not expect the coming of the Admiral Montmorency to the King's Ships, though he had procured a promise from the Sieur Hautyn the Hollanders Admiral, under favour of the conformity of their Religion, and had likewise passed his own Parole, that neither part should attempt any thing until the Treaty of Peace, which was agitating at Court, were either absolutely concluded or broken off; which he did not faithfully perform on his part; for taking advantage of his promise given, he took occasion to come upon him unprovided, and on the nineteenth of July he put forth to Sea, and having the Wind and Sea favourable, in half an hour he came up to the Hollanders Ships, and sent two Fire-boats chained together full of Artificial Fireworks, to fall on the Admiral, whom they burned quite down in a very little while, not giving liberty for to save any but such as could swim, so that above a hundred were drowned in it.  
This Action full both of Insolency and breach of Faith, engaged the King's Navy to pursue them four hours together. The Air did ring again with the Cannon shot, which sunk some of their Vessels, and killed divers of their men: But the season was so favourable to him, that he got into St. Martin de Ree, and to Chef de Bay. The Duke of Montmorancy after the first news of the Encounter, was ordered to speed away, and to give them Battle. He was received with a great deal of joy by the whole Fleet, who were very impatient to be revenged on Soubize, for the affront he had put upon them. The Duke put forth to Sea, the Sieurs de Saint Luc, de Rochefoucaud, and de Thoyras made themselves ready to go on shore, under the favour of the Admiral's Arrival. And on Sunday the fourteenth of September about eleven at night, the Duke having given the sign for falling on, they went to Attaque Soubize's Fleet, which lay at Anchor in Joys Channel, under the Island of Re. Upon the first approach near the enemy's Vessels, there were so many Cannon shot discharged on them, that they were forced to retire to the further end of the Channel, and the Sea falling off, they all stuck on the Shelf. The Duke finding them in this Condition, made his Ships advance to shelter the landing of the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Roche-Foucaude, & de Thoyras, amidst the smoke of the Powder, which hindered the Rebels from discovering it. There were also ten other Ships sent out, who were to go to the Road of Chef de Bay, to take order, that the Rochelois might send no new Troops to the Isle of Re, who forced back into the Port the Count de Laval, who was going out upon that design. The King's Army being landed, the Enemy quickly perceived it, and as soon came to receive them, and used their utmost to repel them. The Combat lasted three days outright, with a great deal of obstinacy on both parts, the Rebels defending themselves in every place, that was never so little tenable, but it ended to the great advantage of the King's Army, which must be ascribed to the Valour and Conduct of those who commanded it; for that they presently made themselves Masters of the Isle of Re, cutting some part of the Enemy in pieces, taking other some Prisoners, and letting the rest escape into their Ships. The Sieur de Soubize was one of those, who escaped into Oleron, such care he had, that he might not be taken, that he never came into the Fight at all. They who had got clear into their Ships, would have tried one bout more to have had their revenge, the wind being fair for them: But the Duke kept the Army in a readiness to fight, gave the signal and fell upon them; the Seamen were so dexterous, that they got the wind of them in less than two hours, there were above two thousand shot made; and though the night came on, yet the Fight ended not; for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel, pursued them with such good success, that he came up with them about day break, and two others of their biggest Ships, were not able to get off, for want of water, and so stuck on ground, but long they did not so continue before they were taken. It is true, those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop, and having killed all they met with, the Soldiers who were in the Hold, set fire to the Powder, and blew up all above with such force, that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off, three of the King's Ships were burned with it, and above three hundred men lost, amongst which were the Count of Vauvert, the Sieur de Ville Neufeu, and Veilon a Captain of Holland. This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory, yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happiness of France, in reducing the Rebels to that pass, that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea. Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired, some to Rochel, and some into other places, according as the Wind did drive them, but never durst afterwards appear any more. These things thus ended, the Duke of Montmorancy, landed at Oleron, where he met with no resistance, the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England, so that the whole Province was settled in quiet both by Sea and Land, of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed, who received the news with much joy.   

Politic Observation.  
WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt, yet it is usually seen, that all their designs end in ill success. Experience hath made it often manifest, that such Crimes seldom go unpunished, and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example. They cannot more properly be likened to any thing, then to those high Mountains, the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven, and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bosoms, seem to obscure the light of the Sun, though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day, who making those very same Clouds into Thunderbolts, causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency: And is it not the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebel? After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Sovereign, are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Arms, who takes occasion to crush them to pieces with that Power, which they would have usurped themselves, and did not of right belong unto them? History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth, the many that are, would spoil the design of quoting two or three only. But for the greater illustration of it, I shall say thus much, the injustice of a Cause, is almost an infallible sign of an ill success, seeing Heaven doth commonly confound what Man hath wickedly built: If at any time they shall become so powerful, as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battles, yet they can never obtain a remission from Heaven. They who attempt to grow great by unjust means, will in fine meet their utter ruin. God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States, to obtain advantages for some time; but at last, the violences which they Act fall upon themselves, and they become a just subject for their Sovereign's Revenge.   

The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France, as Legate from the Holy Chair, for the Affairs of the Valtoline.  
Whilst the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc. The Cardinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope, arrived in France and came to Marseille, where he was received with great honour, as also at Lion, according to the Orders sent by the King. He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May, and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition. I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdom, before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to present the Brief, which the Pope hath given him for the employment to the Parliament of Paris, which is a Custom so ancient, that I shall omit speaking any more of it; but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief, to give the King the Title of King of Navarre, which could not be denied to him without Injustice, the Parliament refused to acknowledge it, and obliged him not to make any further procedure in the business until it were amended. The Legate coming to Paris, alighted at St. James de Haut-pas, where the Clergy of the City, the concourse of the Court, and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction. After this, the Prelates of Paris came to do their respects to him; there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him, the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet, as a mark that they had no power in his presence; but the Prelates not being able to stoop to this Order, by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church, it was concluded in the middle way between both, to give some satisfaction to the Legate, that they should go so habited to salute him, and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame, where being come, they were to take off their Mantlets, but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right. The King sent the Duke of Nemours, the Sieur de Bonnevil, the Introductor of Ambassadors, and several other Lords of great quality, to receive him at his first arrival.  
At night Monsieur the King's Brother, waited on him with a great number of Lords, and saluted him with extraordinary respects, and one his entrance accompanying him, gave him the right hand. The same day he had Audience from the King, where nothing passed only Compliments; but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge, he exhorted the King in general terms to Peace, he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State, as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entered into it, and beseeched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy. His Majesty answered to these three Propositions, that he was ever inclined to Peace, and that he would still be induced to it; provided it were for the Public safety, and honourable for him and his Allies. That as to what concerned the Valtoline, the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before, had made provision for all those difficulties, which have risen ever since, and that he desired the execution of it, as to the Cessation of Arms, that he could by no means hearken to it, by reason of the prejudice it would be to himself and his Allies and the great advantage those of the adverse Party might make out of it. This was the sum of what passed on both sides. The King adding in conclusion, that he would send some one of his Council, to wait on him, and try if there might be found out any way of accommodation.  
Within a few days the Cardinal, the Marshal de Schomberg, the Sieur de Herbant▪ Secretary of State, went to wait on the Legate from the King▪ and upon a conference he came to these two points: The first was, to demand the cessation of Arms in Italy; and the tother concerned the giving his Holiness satisfaction, pressing that the places in the Valtoline might be delivered into the Pope's hands, and that the King should make some excuses to him for the proceed of the Marquis de Coeures.  
M●nsi●ur the Cardinal answered, that the King had declared openly enough in his audience his intentions concerning the cessation of Arms in Italy, and that if he should submit to it, it would be a means of giving his enemy's time and leisure to gather their forces together, and to fortify themselves against his Majesty and his Allies: That the Peace would as easily be concluded on as the War, if either party would but hearken to Reason, seeing the principal difficulties of State had been concluded in the Treaty of Madrid. That there need nothing but some provision to be made in point of Religion, to which his Majesty was much inclined: That as to what he desired satisfaction in to his Holiness, his answer was, his Majesty never having consented to the deposit in his Holiness hands any longer than the time limited, in which he ought to have caused the Treaty of Madrid to have been executed, his Holiness had not any reason to complain▪ and especially too considering the several declarations which had been made by the Sieur de Bethun in his Majesty's name, That the King could not any longer suffer the Grisons to be dispossessed of those Forts which did belong unto them; Declarations which his Holiness himself thought to be reasonable, for that he had upon them sent for the Spaniards to chide them for it: Besides the respect which the Marquis de Coeures shown to his Holynesse's Arms and Ensigns in the eye of the whole world, did defend him from any blame which might be laid to his charge, for having been defective in giving due honour to the holy Chair. But that notwithstanding all these things his Majesty did bear so great a reverence to his Holiness, that he would cause his Ambassador, to say all those words of respect and civility which should be thought fit; as also that after the peace should be concluded, his Majesty would consent to deliver up into his Holyness' hands, the Fort of Chi●nuennes, provided that the Spaniards would at the same time do the like by that of Rive, to the intent both of them might be demolished, which once done, he would deliver all the rest up, one after another, until they were every one razed, and that this was the most could be hoped for.  
The Legate had other audiences, and other conferences passed between him and the Ministers, where nothing more was proposed nor answered: But the King being at Fountainbleau, the Legate made a third proposition, which concerned the security of the Catholic Religion in the Val●oline, requiring for that purpose that the Sovereignty of the Grisons over the Valtolines should be moderated, without which he supposed there could be no settlement. His Majesty clearly declared unto him, that the Interests of State and Religion were not to be mingled, and that he would never grant any thing that might impair the Sovereignty of the Grisons, his Allies, over the Valtoline.  
A while after he caused a conference to be had betwixt him, and the Ministers upon that subject, where having made the same proposition, the Cardinal delated hmself upon the reasons of the King's answer, and told the Legate, that his Majesty having taken the protection of the Grisons, he could not consent to the diminition of their Sovereignty, especially since it had been conferred unto them by the Treaty of Madrid, since which time nothing had been altered in point of Religion: That the Treaty was to be observed, and that his Majesty could not departed from it without staining his Honour and Reputation; offering notwithstanding his authority to give all sort of security and freedom to the Catholic Religion. The Legate then declared the Pope was Head of the Church, and could not suffer that the Valtolines should he reduced under the dominion of the Grisons, and that his Holiness having consulted with some of the Clergy at Rome, they had told him, that in conscience he could not consent thereunto.  
The Cardinal was not wanting to tell him, that the divine Laws did oblige the Redelivery of that which did justly belong to a Sovereign, of what Religion soever he be; so there could be no scruple of conscience for the restoring of the Valtolines to the Grisons, their lawful Masters, and that in effect the Treaty of Madrid, by which it was granted to them, had been approved of at Rome by the Pope, as also the said Treaty had not been resolved on, but after a consultation with the Clergy, who found no difficulty in the thing, and that the truth being still the same, his Holiness had not any reason to be scrupulous of it at this present.  
This the Cardinal spoke so smartly, that the Legate perceived that there was no more to be expected in that particular; so that from that time forward they were finding out new ways for the security of Religion; yet still declaring, he would not recede from his first Proposals, but under the Pope and holy see's censure. He proposed several Articles upon that score, to which the King assented; That leaving the Sovereignty to the Grisons which lawfully belonged to them, there should be such provision made for the safety of the Catholics in the Valtoline, that the Grisons should give them full liberty for the exercise of their Religion; that they should not send any Governors amongst them, but such as were Roman Catholics; that all degrees both Secular and Regular might inhabit there with all kind of Freedom; that no Heretics, or their Adherents should buy Houses, nor that those who had then any in possession, should any longer live there, or enjoy their goods but only in the behalf of Catholics. To be short, that there might be a perpetual establishment of the whole business, his Majesty promised to become pledge for the Grisons, and to persuade them to consent to the utter loss of their Sovereignty in the Valtoline, in case they should break the conditions, of which the Pope and his Majesty were to be joint Judges. Nothing more could be desired. But however the Legate, whether it were because he was somewhat cautious, or reserved, or because he had not as yet any great experience in businesses of importance, or whether it were by reason of his Instructions from the Pope, which peradventure might be limited, was very fearful to engage himself to any thing in which he suspected he might be disclaimed; and more especially seeing Count Gondamor, the Spanish Ambassador, then at Court, declared openly, that he was prohibited by his Master to meddle or make in the Treaty; for that his Catholic Majesty would never treat at all until those places were restored into his Holyness' hands. The King had no great reason to be satisfied with this manner of the Legat's proceeding, seeing he every day created new difficulties. It was well known that the Orders which he received from the Pope, was one cause of it. His Holiness apprehending that in case he should consent to the delivery of the Valtoline to the Grisons, the Spaniards would disable the Counsel, in regard several of the Roman Clergy were of opinion, that he could not with a safe conscience allow of it, as also the continual suggestions of the Spaniards, did mightily molest and trouble him.   

The unexpected departure of the Cardinal Barbarini from the French Court.  
NOtwithstanding all this the King did him all honour, caused him to dine with him, sent to visit him in his lodging at Fountainbleau, and made his Officers treat him with extraordinary splendour: But at last they were to settle upon some resolution. The King pressed him, but he instead of facilitating the business, stood firm to his first demands: to which he was answered, that his Majesty had conceded as much as could be reasonably expected, so that he might not hope for any further condescending to them. Whereupon the Legate on a sudden resolves to return to Rome, and having public Audience on the two and twentieth of September, he took leave of the King, giving him great assurances of his Passion for the service of his Crown. His Majesty likewise testified to him, that he had a great kindness towards his Person, a great respect for his Holiness, and an extraordinary devotion for the Holy Chair. And lastly told him, that the Affairs which he had been treated withal, were so important to the public good, that he would gladly before he had made his Final answer, have assembled together the chief Officers of his Kingdom, and of his Supreme Courts to take their advices▪ and that he would gladly have seen him once more to have acquainted him with their resolution. It was hoped he would have expected the result of them, but he departed before it was suspected, and his Officers who were left behind him, could give no other reason for it, but that he did it to avoid the usual Compliments at parting.   

Politic Observations.  
GOD hath established two sorts of Powers, for the Government of the Universe, and he hath had so great a care over man's vanity (as the learned Hinomar, writing to Carloman, and the Bishops of France, saith) that to the intent he might preserve them in obedience, he would totally separate and distinguish the Functions of their respective Authorities. The Persons who have their powers are subject reciprocally each to the other, Kings to Ecclesiastiques, and ecclesiastics to Kings, yet not that their Powers have a reciprocal dependence upon one another. It is true, the Spiritual is superior to the Temporal, according to the order of dignity▪ but not according to the rule of Subjection and Authority; insomuch, that who is endued with it, may not despoil Sovereigns of their Temporal Power nor moderate it. It is very necessary to distinguish between the Subjection of Persons, and that of Powers; for though Jesus Christ hath resolved that all persons of the World should be subjected to his Ministers, and all his Ministers to Kings; yet he hath not ordained that these two Powers should be subject in the same manner; but he hath given to them both an equal Authority to discharge their Functions, without bestowing on either power to destroy the other.  
Which being so, the head of the Church may not assume to himself any other Quality with Temporal Princes, but of a Mediator to end their differences. He hath Power indeed over their Consciences, but not over their Estates, or that Authority which they have received from God for the government of them. It is to no purpose for him to snatch away the Sceptre out of their hands, and whatever Proposal he shall make to them, can be received but as Counsels. It is Glorious for him, as we have said, to accommodate differences, but he may not pretend to do it by his Authority: Out of zeal he is bound to forecast the difficulties which he may meet with, in the persuading both Parties to agree to his Proposals; seeing those which are commonly made to two Princes at Enmity, are like a Medicine which ought to be administered to a person whose Liver is very hot, but his Stomach extremely cold and weak; for the ordering of which, the Physician findeth himself much puzzeled, by reason of those remedies which refresh the one, are commonly stark nought for the other. And thus it is seldom or never seen, that those Propositions which are made by Arbitrators do please both parties. The highest point of Prudence in this case, is to imitate the discreet Physician, who cannot bring to pass his intent of curing his Patient, but by prescribing to him such things as may comfort one, and not annoy another part; for thus it is, unless those Propositions which a Mediator shall lay down, be weighed with Justice; Equality, and Moderation, they will rather provoke, then allay the angers of those Princes who are concerned in them.   

An Assembly of the Nobles, by the King's Order, upon the business of the Cardinal Barbarin's Legation.  
ALthough it were not very needful to take any further advice for a resolution to those Propositions made by the Legate, so evidently disadvantageous were they to France and her Allies; yet it was not thought amiss to call a Chief Assembly, where the chief Lords of the Court, and the principal Officers of the Kingdom, might understand the true state of the case; and to prevent that the keeping of it secret, might not give the Spaniard the liberty of reporting over Europe, that Cardinal Barbarine had made very reasonable Proposals of Peace; but that the King had absolutely refused them, by which he did declare his resolution of continuing the War. Which was not only clear contrary to the Truth, but against the honour was due to the King's Justice, which had ever induced him to settle Peace among his neighbours, when he might do it without offence to his Reputation, or the Interests of his Allies; as also in regard of the great respect which he had showed to the holy Sea upon this very occasion, as also in all others which presented themselves, so that it was not reasonable to let his glory lie under such a blemish. Now the only way to secure it, was declaring the whole Passage before a Council, where should be the major part of all the Nobles; and the Cardinal persuaded the King, that they should be assembled in his Majesty's Presence. They who received this command, were careful to be there accordingly: and the Council being met, the King told them, that he had caused them to be called thither, to consult on the Affairs which might relate to the Public good, upon such Proposals as the Chancellor should make unto them, who beginning at the Treaty made with the Grisons, and renewed from time to time, by which they tied themselves to give a free passage through their Countries at all times, for his Majesty's Armies to go into Italy; as also, not to accord the same to any other, without his permission, showed at last to them, how the Spaniard to the prejudice of these Treaties, had ever endeavoured by fair and foul means, to procure the same Passages might be granted to himself, to further his intended Conquest of the rest of Italy, as occasion should invite him to it; to which purpose he had usurped the Forts of the Valtol●nes, and that his Majesty for the recovery of them, had been constrained to send the Marquis de Coevures thither with an Army, that before his Majesty had made use of any force▪ he had consented that the places should be deposited in the Pope's hands, for a certain time, and upon certain conditions; which conditions being accomplished, and the limited time expired, the Spaniards had however found means to persuade the Pope to retain them yet longer, though of right he ought not so to do, for that they were only deposited with him. That his Holiness had been often urged to return them unto the Spaniard, and that his Holiness had moved them to receive them, which they had refused to do, for that they esteemed them more secure in his Holinesses, then in their own keeping: After which his Holiness being unwilling to disseise himself of them, the Marquis de Coevures was forced to enter upon them by strength of Arms: That but very lately the Spaniards had also induced his Holiness to send his Legate, to try if he could obtain from his Majesty, out of the respect which he did bear to the Holy Chair, that he would surrender up the Forts again to his Holiness, and suffer the Grisons to be deprived of their Sovereignty of the Valtoline. That these Propositions seemed to be so much the stronger, in regard it implied, that his Majesty must give way to the Grisons (who were his Allies) losing of that which was their indubitable right: That his Majesty had still endeavoured to preserve them by the strength of his Arms, and to surrender up into the Pope's hands all that did not belong to them. But that to return all, which did belong to the Grisons could not be done, unless to the great prejudice of the Grisons, to the advantage of the Spaniards, and to the absolute loss of his Majesty's Reputation. That it was upon these Proposals his Majesty did desire their advices, to know whether it were fit to condescend to them, or to continue the War; desiring every one of them to speak freely what he thought proper to be done, that a conclusion might be had and sent to the Legate, who would not stay to take along with him the Result of this Council though he had been importuned to it; but however, he had promised to expect it at Avignon.  
The Marshal de Schomberg took hold of the discourse, and amongst other things told them, That having several times been by his Majesty's command to treat with the Legate, he had smelled out, that his designs were always in the Spaniards behalf, as much as possible could be, of which there needed no other proof, than the two Propositions which he had made to deprive the Grisons of their Sovereignty, and to restore the Forts to the Pope, that the Spaniards might gain time to draw their Forces together, and retreat them, and his sudden departure after he had been refused, though it had been as shameful for the King to have granted them, as it had been hurtful to the Grisons to have endured it. That for his part he was of opinion rather to resolve on the War, and that for divers reasons, which he there alleged, which testified as much Courage as Prudence, then to make a dishonourable Peace, by assenting to Propositions contrary to the Honour and Justice of his Majesty. The chief Precedent of the Parliament of Paris, speaking in the name of all the Officers of the Sovereign Courts, said only thus much, that the King had ever made such good choice of able worthy Ministers, that it would be a piece of Prudence to follow their opinions, and particularly, that he thought what the Marshal de Schamberg had said, was very just and reasonable.  
The Cardinal de Sourdis was of a particular opinion by himself, and proposed for the Cessation of Arms, alleging the inconveniency of the season: But they considering it as a thing which was earnestly desired by the Spaniards, only that they might get time, and draw their Forces together both in Italy and the Valtoline, it was harkened to but by a very few persons, nor seconded either by the Cardinal de la Valette, or the Marshal of Bassompierre, who were both of them well acquainted with the Spaniards Interests and designs, the one by his being at Rome, and the other in Spain; & so delivering their opinions against him, carried it in conclusion for the war. The Cardinal that he might give them the more liberty to speak freely, withdrew a little aside, and coming near the King, testified to him how much he esteemed Peace: That it was his opinion always to prefer it before War, if it could be obtained with safety to his Majesty's honour and reputation, and without hazarding the good of the Kingdom, which was inseparably united with that of his Allies: But that he perceiving nothing in the Legates Proposals, which did not undermine both one and tother, and which only designed the procuring of Glory and advantages to the Spaniard, and which tended to the ruin both of France and his Majesty, or the detriment of his Allies, he could not submit his thoughts to Peace. That for his own particular, he was more against it; for that every one who had never so little acquaintance with the affairs of Spain, well knew, that their chief drift in forcing the Valtoline out of the Grisons Power, was only that they might bring what Troops they had a mind to into Italy, and that by this means they might become Masters of it: That this their design was of no small importance to the Crown of France, which would have somewhat to do, to defend itself from his Arms, if he could once bring it to pass. For a place once taken on the Borders, will serve the enemy to fortify himself and strengthen against him. After this, he gave his Majesty to understand, that he was not ignorant of the many difficulties which would arise for the continuance of the War, and that peradventure the Rebellion of the Hugonots might divert the sending of some part of the Power of France into the Alps. But he added, that the Reputation of a King being to be preferred before all things; for that once gone neither his Authority nor his riches, nor his Arms would be regarded: he was of opinion, and it seemed most expedient to him, that the War should be continued for the preserving his Crown in its lustre, rather than conclude a Peace, upon such shameful Conditions, as those which had been proposed by the Legate. That his Majesty should send such recruits, as should make his Army be feared. That the Superintendents would assure his Majesty, he had Treasure enough for the discharging of four Musters, without touching any thing of the present Incomes. That the Clergy offered six hundred thousand Crowns as a Contribution towards it. That the Hugonots were so abased by those signal Victories which his Majesty had obtained over them that they could never rise again, and that seeing every thing did thus contribute to the carrying on of the War, it was his advice to conclude on it, before any other thing whatever. After he had ended, no one spoke any more, judging that there could not be any other thing worth further Consideration in the business, so the King told them he would give notice of their Result to the Legate, and entirely prosecute what had been then and there concluded.   

Politic Observation.  
WHat ever great parts a King or his Ministers may have either by nature or experience; yet he ought not to ateempt any important affairs; especially if they carry any danger along with them, without assembling the Grandees of his Kingdom, and consulting with them on it. This I think to be profitable not only for the good of the State, but also because it cannot be doubted, but that Counsel hath been ever found and adjudged by wise men, to be the most assured stay, not only of Kingdoms but of particular families. Sallust writ to Caesar, that not only Kingdoms but private Towns too, enjoyed prosperity, whilst good Counsels were in force; and that nothing but misfortunes had befallen them, after that compliance fear, or pleasure had been introduced amongst them: Not that a Sovereign is bound to resolve with a great number of Councillors, of what he should do, but I say he should deliberate with them, and afterwards resolve with his Ministers, what is fittest to be done. He need not fear, that in so doing he doth discover any weakness, or insufficiency for that he is bound to it, by the very Laws of Prudence, & it is argument enough of his ability if he ground his resolution upon the advices and consultation of several persons. Though the Sun be clothed with a wonderful brightness, which ravisheth the eye to behold it; yet God hath not forbidden the Stars from partaking of the government of the Universe; because they have particular Influences which though inferior to those of the Sun, yet do they not cease to be useful for the perfection of the World: Just so too, though Counselors who are called to deliberate on Affairs, may not be compared for understanding or Soul, with the King or a grand Minister; yet as the Earth brings forth several Plants which are particular and proper to it, so their apprehensions and minds may be replenished with such thoughts, as would not perhaps have fallen under the considerations of others; and yet do not for all this become less useful or unprofitable to the common good. But besides this Consideration is it not evident, that Council is necessary to be taken by a grand Minister, if only for his discharge? The most part judge of Advices by the Events, though no rule can be more uncertain, whence it happens, that if any one alone shall pretend to advise his Sovereign, and things fall out contrary to expectation, he will be infallibly blamed for it: And in case there be no great difficulty in affairs, yet it were not amiss to do so, for the satisfaction of the Grandees of a Kingdom. Grandees for the most part, though very expert both in Politic and Military Affairs, are of such a humour, that nothing will like them, nor no Resolution please them, unless they have a hand in it, and they will be most commonly sure to work advantages against that Minister, who shall have persuaded his Sovereign, if the Affairs fall out otherwise then was expected. They are of the same humour, as Cornelius Tacitus saith Cornelius Lacon was of, who being Captain of the Emperor Galba's Guards, was an enemy to all Counsel how good soever, if it came not from himself. Nothing can be more proper to defend a man's self from this blame which is sometimes very troublesome, as also important to one's fortune, than sometimes to assemble an extraordinary Council, when there is any question doth arise: As once when the Spartan Ambassadors came to Rome, accompanied with a certain Captain, whom Porus had sent to give a true account of the affairs in Armenia, though it was not at all needful to call any extraordinary Council to resolve on the War, for that the condition of Affairs did oblige to it; yet Nero called the Principal men of the Town together, as Tacitus reporteth it, and deliberated with them, whether it were more proper to run the hazard of a doubtful War▪ or make a Peace with the Enemy; where it was unanimously concluded to carry on the War, and not a man of the contrary opinion.   

The Deputation of the Valtolines towards his Holiness.  
IF those Proposals made by the Legate were repugnant to the Glory of France, those which the Valtolines Deputies made at Rome, to his Holiness, and the Sieur de Bethune, were absolutely unjust. The Spaniards had excited and wrought the Catholics of those Countries upon the score of Religion, to offer the Sovereignty to his Holiness, and to declare by their Deputies to the Sieur de Bethune, that it was not to be hoped they would ever submit themselves to the Government of the Grisons, a thing they could not do with their Consciences. They also framed a long discourse, in which they pretended to show by many reasons, that the two Crowns of France and Spain, not being able to agree upon the Interest and Right which either pretended in those Countries, there could not be a more proper, more plausible or just expedient found out, then to put themselves into his Holiness hands, who treating the two Kings as a common Father, might grant them passage, as it should seem best unto him, and when he should find it proper for the good of Christendom. This discourse conducing to the Pope's Interests, did not a little elevate his thoughts, and he had made no great Bones to consent to it, had not the Sieur de Bethune once and again dexteriously hinted to him a reason which could admit of no reply, which was this, That the Valtolines could not with Justice assume the liberty of putting themselves under the domination of any one whoever he were, they being born true and natural Subjects to the Grisons, and that the King his Master would never give way to it. He well knew, that to put the Valtoline into the Pope's hands, would be the same thing as if they were given up to the Spaniard, for that the Popes are either by affection or fear, more inclined to the Spaniard then to the French. But it was very ridiculous to see the Artifices which the Deputies did use to persuade the Sieur de Bethune, that the Proposal they had made was for the King's advantage. They several times protested to him, that they themselves and all the rest of the Valtoline, did bear so great a submission to his Majesty's judgement, that they would wish for nothing else, but only that his Majesty would pass his word for the Grisons accommodation, which if he would, they would then do whatever he would command them. But in conclusion, they added that his Majesty would be pleased with their resolutions of neither submitting themselves to the Grisons or Spaniards. Because they evidently knew, there would be little security or advantage to the French, either in one or tother of these expedients; withal, that to oblige them to come under the Grisons, were to force them to fly to the Spaniards, which if his Majesty should do, they must of necessity run to them for assistance; for that they could not trust themselves under the Dominion of the Grisons, for that there was not any other Prince near them, from whom they might receive a more ready or favourable relief. That they would full willingly have desired his Majesty to protect them; but that they doubted it would be a means to engage his Majesty in a perpetual War in their Country against the Spaniard, who would never consent to it; and that all these considered, there could not any other party be found out more proper or fit then the Pope, and that France had some reason to accord to it, in respect that the Pope shown himself very favourable to the French Interests. The Sieur de Bethune, answered them with Civilities, nothing inferior to theirs, assuring them of the affection, which his Majesty did bear to their concerns, and obliging them to be confident he would never abandon them, and that his Majesty would never consent to any Peace, by which they should not have a full and perfect Freedom for the exercise of their Religion: But as to the groundwork of the business he discovered to them, that in case they could find a means to be assured of this Liberty, that then they had no reason to exchange Masters; and especially, seeing they were not in a condition to dispose of themselves. He openly professed to them, That his Majesty did not pretend in the least to the Supreme Power over them, but that his resolution was to preserve them to the Grisons, procuring to them full Liberty for the free exercise of their Religion, and that he would never consent the business should be ended upon other terms. This answer was both resolute and full of Justice; but however, as Passion takes away the use of Reason, so they seemed not to apprehend the reasonableness of it; as also they thought good, That the Spaniards should cause a second discourse to be writ, by a Prelate of Milan, in which they endeavoured to clear by several reasons, which were willingly assented to by the Pope. That the King had no right in the Valtoline to hinder their giving up themselves to the holy See, so unjust and unreasonable is the inconsiderate zeal, into which men do sometimes suffer themselves to be carried for Religion's sake.   

Politic Observation.  
ZEal is a Passion very commendable, when it is confined within the limits of knowledge and Charity; but without this it passeth only for an unreasonable fury, not a virtue. The Apostle would have it accompanied it with these two qualities, and judgeth it to be blame worthy if without them. Indeed it is like Oil cast in the Fire, it provoketh and raiseth up such heat in their Courages, that it hurries them, both beyond Reason and Justice. That people which knoweth not how the son of God hath commanded to honour all Kings of what Religion soever they be, as they who are established by his hand, of which himself shown an example, as also his Apostles do animate themselves with an indiscreet zeal, for the Interests of Religion; if they follow any ways contrary to them, they do easily suffer themselves to be hurried on to shake off the yoke of Obedience to take up Arms to resist them, to conspire against their persons, to ruin all with Fire and Sword, and to over run the whole land with those misfortunes which ever attend on Civil Wars. This is that which made the learned Origen to say, the zeal of God is nothing worth, if it be not accompanied with the knowledge of God, introducing the Jews for an example, who by an inconsiderate zeal for God's glory, made themselves culpable of the most horrible Sacrilege that ever was yet heard of against his Son. I shall add only this, that such a zeal is not only unprofitable for God's service; but also very dangerous and prejudicial to the good of those States and Churches where it is, by that heat of it which hurries on to extremities, and serves for a Torch to kindle Civil Wars, which undermines the Foundations of States, and Religion itself, and furnisheth them whom it possesseth with pretences for the doing of any thing, which Fury itself can be capable of.   

The Hollanders send Deputies to his Majesty to engage him in a League offensive and defensive against the Spaniard.  
Whilst the Legate was at Fountain Bleau, the Ambassador of Holland came thither upon very different thoughts he only designing to bring things to a peaceable conclusion; but they to engage the King in an Offensive and Defensive War against the Spaniards, and desire him to fall in upon their Countries. There had been a Defensive League made with them the foregoing year, which was sufficient to entertain all the Spanish Forces in those Countries, and to give advantage to the States to make some further progress. But as it is troublesome to continue a War any long time, without obtaining some Victories, they having lately lost the Town of Breda for want of good Conduct, made it their earnest desire to the King that he would declare a War against the Spaniards, that they might be revenged on them, The Ambassador represented to the King and the Cardinal that the States Signiories and Lordships, were not the only places the Spaniards had designed to invade, but that France too was comprised in the same design; that the attempts which they had made but lately in Germany, in the Valtoline, and in Italy, were only to make sure of the out-skirts, that they might afterwards with the more ease make themselves Masters of France: That he would not enter into any further proof of it, seeing he was assured it could not be unknown either to his Majesty or his Ninisters; only he beseeched his Majesty to consider, that it was more proper to go find them out in their own Quarters, then to stay until they entered upon theirs. That that which gave them so great advantage in their Conquests was because none had attempted any thing on them, every one keeping himself upon the defensive posture, but that when any thing should be attempted on them, the Palms of their Victory would soon be snatched out of their hands; that they are not really so potent, but only because they dare affault the whole World, and that they have the Courage to fall on others, because none fall on them: Which was too evident to be doubted, That it was impossible to let them any longer follow the course of their Victories, without being a Trophy for their Arms. He did excite and stir up his Majesty upon the score of Glory, representing to him the lives of Cyrus, Hannibal, Alexander, Caesar, and divers illustrious Roman Captains, who had been eternised and made famous by invading of their enemies. That there was only this wan●ing to add to his Majesty's glory, whom Heaven had created for the only good of all Europe, and to preserve the Liberties of his neighbours. Their Artifices were so great, that nothing more could be wished for, only that he would embrace the design. He alleged that England would Potently assist it, That Flanders being subjected under the Spanish Yoke, would gladly be delivered out of it, and would be induced to do any thing which might tend that way; and that for the expense there need no great care be taken for it, seeing the French Soldiers were not harder to be pleased then those of Hannibal, who being asked upon his putting off from Africa, with what he would pay his Army, answered with the Army itself; for as soon as ever he set foot in Europe, the Air, the Earth, the Fire, and all the Goods of those who inhabited it, should be common to them; and in the progress of that affair, he made it evident that he was not mistaken; for during eighteen years that he maintained War both in Spain and Italy, he never received any Supplies from Africa. The most part of these reasons were so true, and the rest so specious, that the King must needs have wanted Courage, had he not been persuaded with them; and especially-seeing his Majesty had often spoken to the Cardinal upon this very point, and that he was sufficiently convinced of the necessity for the Princes of Europe to assault the Spaniard, that they might at last put some limits to his Ambition; as also in relation thereunto, that he had assaulted him in the Valtoline, by stopping the progress of his proceed. But on the other side, his Majesty was not ignorant, that those erterprises which he had already commenced were very great, considering in what condition France then was, and that it would be difficult to undertake any more, until the Hugonots who took advantages of his Wars abroad, and who stayed part of his Forces at home to keep them in obedience were totally ruined. That withal it were absolutely needful, before any thing could be attempted on Flanders, to employ the Arms of the House of Austria, in Germany, and to secure the Passages, by which relief might be sent to them, so that it might be impossible for them to hinder the Conquest of it. His Majesty relying on the Advices of the Cardinal kept himself off from engaging himself in this same offensive League: And the Cardinal took upon himself the trouble of making the State's Ambassador understand the reasons of it, who found them so strong that he had not a word to reply against them; but the King desired the State to be assured, that he would never be deficient in sending them men and moneys, according as he had promised by the Treaty of Alliance; as also; that when a fit opportunity of Time should present itself for the taking of any advantage, he would most certainly engage in it, for that his own glory and their good way interessed in it.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is a small matter though a Sovereign have a generous resolution, which leadeth him to make War, if he have not discretion to choose a fit opportunity for the taking of advantages upon his enemies. It is not always seasonable to take up Arms, and to make Leagues or to break Peace. Before a design be attempted, it should first be known whether it be sure, profitable, and honourable, and if it may be effected with little or no hazard to the person who adviseth it, and whether he runs any part of the danger, and above all it would be known, and that exactly too of what force the enemy is, what succour he doth expect, the diversions which he hath in other places, the advantages which he may have in Combats, by what ways those Troops must pass which come to defend him, from whence he may draw Provisions for his Army; and in short, all the particular estate of the enemy's Affairs. A War never ought to be begun, but with Prudence, that it may be ended with advantage. A resolution ought not to be taken, but on the present State of Affairs, balancing Reason with hope, comparing the present with past, and never proposing those things for easy, which are seen but by halves, otherwise the success will demonstrate, that it was begun with too much heat, and too little Prudence. The French never did so ill as when they broke the Peace with Charles the Fifth, in the year one thousand five hundred fifty five, in confidence of the Counsels and Promises of Pope Paul the Fourth, of the Family of the Cara●fi; for having done it upon like reason and without consideration of his Power whom they set upon in that conjuncture of time, the success of it proved more to their loss then advantage. Hannibal was much to be commended, as T. Livy saith, that in all his Conduct he was acquainted with his enemy's intentions, as well as with his own. That Prince who engageth himself in a War, without such a knowledge seeks after his own ruin; and if there be any affair from which he ought to retain himself, certainly it must be when a Proposal is made to him, grounded on a League; for that offensive Leagues do not always end according to the hopes of them who are Interested in it. If the enterprise will be of long continuance, then only the different Interests of several United Princes, will force them to break off. Besides Time, alteration of Affairs, and the Artifices of the enemy who is assaulted, do commonly work some change. In short, the difference of things and Nations do breed jealousies, and then every one retires to his own Quarter, so that after a great attempt, there is but small success.   

The Hugonots finding their weakness to their own costs, have recourse to the King's Clemency.  
THe signal Victory which his Majesty had obtained by sea before Rochel, and the Isle of Ree, together with the impossibility whereunto the Duke of Rohan was reduced, of attempting any thing in Languedoc, so closely was he followed by the Marshal de Themines, forced the Hugonots to have recourse to his Majesty's Clemency. They begged his Majesty's pardon by their Deputies, whom they sent to him, to testify the sense they had of their fault, and to assure him of their future fidelity and obedience. His Majesty was well pleased with it, and the Deputies coming to him at Fonntain Bleau, about the end of August, whilst the Legate was there, there was no kind of acknowledgements and submissions, which they did not make; both in behalf of themselves, as also of the Duke of Rohan, and the Sieur de Soubize who sent to supplicate him by their particular Deputies, that he would be pleased to employ them in the War of Italy, that they might testify by their Passion to serve him, that there was not any danger in the Sea or Land, to which they would not cheerfully expose themselves, to contribute to his Glory. After they had made their speeches, they presented the Paper of their Complaints, humbly beseeching his Majesty to have regard to it; for that they were grounded upon several Graces, which had been conferred on them by the Edict of Nants, and several other Grants. The King received it, and appointed it to be examined.  
Now although the sweetness of Peace, which charmeth the mind, the Poverty of the people, and those erterprises which the Spaniard made upon the Allies of France, did generally invite all the French; to wish, that his Majesty would accord to them the pardon which they desired, yet some there were, who were divided in opinion, what was most fit to be done upon that affair; one part conceiving, that Rochel having received so great a rebuke, and finding themselves without Island, without Sea, without Soldiers, and without Vessels, they ought not to let slip such an occasion: The reason was, that in so doing they should lose a very advantageous opportunity, to force the City by a Siege which could not hold out above six months, to demolish their Forts, and reduce them under the King's obedience; which once done, the whole party of the Hugonots would be quite ruined; their other Towns disabled to make any resistance, and that thus, the Regal Authority would not only receive a great accruement of Power, but the Church too would receive a very great benefit by it.  
These were the opinions of vulgar thoughts, which look on nothing but what is before them, and just in their noses, but want discretion to look a little further; they considered not that it would always be in his Majesty's Power to take up Arms against the Heretics, seeing now they behaved themselves otherwise then they used to do, as hath been often seen; and that his Majesty might easily keep those advantages which he had upon Rochel, by fortifying the Isles of Ree and Oleron, and keeping a small Army in Fort St. Lewis, and in the Country about Rochel, but that it would not always be seasonable and timely, to oppose the Ambitious design of the Spaniards upon the Grisons or the Valtoline. That the King could not without dishonour, leave off those glorious erterprises which he had already began, and that in case he should, it would give full Liberty to the Spaniards, to make themselves Masters of the Valtoline, as well as of the rest of Italy, where they had already sent their Arms, and had also strongly fortified themselves. That this affair was more important than that of the Hugonots, for that a more favourable opportunity to gain a happy success could not be had when one had a mind to it. Besides that it was not sufficient to be hurried on by an inconsiderate zeal, without any regard had to the Interests of the Kingdom, seeing that their Religion made a part of the Estate; and that also it very little concerned Religion to defer for some time the ruin of the Hugonots, for that War and Violence, did never yet conduce to their Conversion: Heresy being like Saffron, which grows the faster, the more it is trodden under foot, that when Heretics have been burned, they have lived like Salamanders in the fire, when they have been cast into the Water, they have increased like Fishes, and when their heads have been cut off, they have like Trees, put out more new branches than were taken off; so that there was no talk of ruining Heresy, but only of the Party, which was still free for the King to do, considering the frequent grounds they gave for it; for that mutiny was naturalised in them; but that it was far otherwise in the affairs of Italy and of the Valtoline, which might not be abandoned but with extreme great shame, and without ever hoping for another opportunity to root up the Spaniard, if he should be now let alone to grow up and gather new strength. These were the important reasons represented by the Cardinal to the King, and which induced his Majesty to grant a Peace to the Hugonots, that he might carry on his designs in Italy and the Valtoline. After the paper of their grievances had been examined, his Majesty confirmed to them, whatever had been granted by the Edict of Nantes, granting them free Liberty for the exercise of their Religion, in such Towns where they had Churches and Churchyards, and an Act of Oblivion for any thing done in the War, but he would not consent to the demolishing of Fort Lewis, as being too important for the keeping of Rochel in awe and obedience.  
These favours were accepted by the general Deputies of the Hugonots, in the name of all the Huguenot Towns, excepting those of Rochel, Mountauban, Castres', and Milhana, who having been gained by the Duke of Rohan and Sieur de Soubize, and finding that their Leaders had only obtained a single pardon, without any other advantage, and without being employed in Italy, according as they desired, they entreated his Majesty upon other pretences, that he would be pleased to grant some time, till their two chief Officers, and those four Cities, were joined with them. The King granted to them that delay, upon condition it were not over long, who presently sent away the Heads of those Resolutions which had been taken.   

Politic Observation.  
THough the weakening of a Party in a Kingdom, which hath been long breeding, so that they may make no more Insurrections, be a thing much to be desired, yet it will not be peradventure always seasonable to attempt it; it is the duty of a wise Minister to take all occasions for the doing of it, according to the state of Affairs of the Kingdom. Suetonius Paulinus, one of the most experimented Captains of his time, made it appear in an an excellent discourse, upon the beginning of the Civil War between Ottho and Vittellius, as Tacitus reporteth it, that it would be necessary for Vittellius to be diligent: but that Orthoes Party would get advantage to execute their design by delaying of it, until they had nothing else to do. The Dictator Cneus Sulpitius, after a great deal of consideration, resolved not to hasten on the War against the Gauls, upon this reason, that he would not hazard any thing upon an enemy, who was every day declining, and out of his Countries too. Indeed he had endangered himself, had he fought when they pressed him to it; whereas shortly after he might overcome them with ease. He which gives good advice for the State, ought not to be blamed for it; but the discreet Minister deserveth more praise, who not only knows that it is not enough to consider by the resolutions of State, that which is just to be done in the Theory, but also that which the time permits, and complies with opportunities and necessity.   

The King's Army in Italy is recruited with six or seven thousand men, under the Marquis de Vignolles.  
THough the peace with the Hugonots was not fully concluded, yet the Cardinal being informed of the necessity of recruiting the Army in Italy, was not defective to procure his Majesty to give orders for it. The Marquis de Vignolles was dispatched with six or seven thousand men: Who coming into Piedmont with his Forces, found the Siege still before Veriie, a small Town upon the Po, very slenderly inhabited, but defended by a Castle built on a Rock, at the end of a little Hill, which was none of the worst. The Duke of Ferià, drawing his Troops out of Ast, had brought them up thither, hoping for a good success in it: But the Duke of Savoy having intelligence of his resolution, caused the Marquis de Saint Reyran, a Gentleman of Prussia, to march up within view of the Spaniards, with a thousand Foot, and by the advice of the Marshal de Cregny, he likewise caused his Army to advance and Incamp at the foot of the Hill, in certain Intrenchments, which were much stronger than the place itself.  
Above three Months were spent in continnual Sallies and Assaults. The Duke of Feria entrenched himself to his greatest advantage: The Cannon thundered on the place with a great deal of fury; and having made at several times six or seven great breaches: The Spaniards did as often assault them, and were repulsed with a great deal of courage. They opened several Mines, one of which had seven mouths, which they called the Hydra: but every day brought them some misfortune, so that they lost more than the besieged. In short, they got not one foot of land, which was not assoon retaken from them. In the mean time, the ill weather began to come in, and the Po to swell up, which did not a little perplex them, for they were forced to quit one part of their Trenches, by reason it was filled with water, which brought their Battery into such disorder, that most of their Cannon stuck in the Mud, and much ado they had to get them clear off again. These disgraces happening to them, did much add to the French courage: So that on the seventeenth of November, the Constable, the Marshal de Cregny, and the Marquis de Vignolles who was but lately arrived, having considered together what was to be done; cast their thoughts on those Forts which the Spaniards had in the Plain, and resolved to assault them. The Constable gave orders for the attaquing of them; and the Troops being put into Battalia, they began a Combat, which lasted above three hours, with such heat and success to the French, that they carried all the Forts in a trice.  
In the interim, the Duke of Savoy arrived, and the enemy having drawn up three great Squadrons of Foot, and two of Horse, came Matching up in good order against the French, to try if they could recover what they had lost; but they only retook one single Fort, which was resolved to be quitted and the night coming on, ended the Fray; in which they lost above two thousand men, and the French not above one hundred. After this Disaster, they being in great want of victuals, and having small hopes of being Masters of the place; Don Gonsal●s de C●rdova, raised the Siege privately in the night, without noise of Drum or Trumpet, and without giving the Horse any other sign, but by beating certain flint stones one against the other. They lost before this paltry Town an Army of forty thousand men: Their Commanders lost their honour, their Arms got no little discredit by it; and it should seem, God was pleased to abase the vanity of their glory, which hurried them on with extreme ambition to the attempting of unjust designs,   

Politic Observation.  
AMbitious Princes can never raise their designs so high, as that God who humbleth the Proud, and abates their power, should exempt them from divine Justice; which is pleased to pull down the mighty. His Providence doth always confine the●r force, by keeping their Interests and those of their neighbours, in an equal Balance, for the tranquillity of the people. He who is born with a fixed and contented mind, and is satisfied with those limits which he may justly pretend to, and in the protection of his Allies, is not subject to these misfortunes. Honour and glory never departed from him: whereas he who resteth not within his own bounds, but attempteth all ways, tryeth all means to extend them, is usually liable to ruin, for that every one runs upon him, to oppose his designs, and God too is delighted to abase him. The divine wisdom cannot be enough admired in this particular, which having placed two great Kingdoms near one another, maketh the one serve to moderate the ambition of the other, and to break the neck of his designs, for the preservation of his neighbours: It usually endeth in nothing when one shall take from another to enrich himself. The divine wisdom doth bound in the ambition of such, and brings all their designs that way tending to confusion. It is true, God is sometimes pleased to chastise a Sovereign, and permits another to destroy him, but it is but seldom, whereas he doth commonly throw down him who raiseth himself upon the ruins of others. Darius was so insolent, that he caused himself to be styled, the King of Kings, but what befell him? Did not Alexander, whom he had scorned and undervalved, take away his Life and Estates too? In the same manner it was with Arphaxates, King of the M●des, who after he had brought divers Nations under his Empire, and built the famous City Ecbatan, became so proud, as to think nothing was able to resist him; but how quickly God did let him see the contrary, by suffering him to be chastised and conquered by the King of Niniveh? How is he delighted to show by these examples unto Sovereigns, that Humility in their conduct, is that which makes their designs subsist, and end in glory; whereas Ambition exposeth them to misfortunes, losses, and utter ruin?   

Recruits sent to the Marquis de Coewres in the Valtoline.  
THe Cardinal was no less careful to send supplies to the Valtoline then to Italy: For besides those several French Troops which had orders to march thither, those others which were raised by the Grisons, and those which after much ado were sent from Venice, he caused two Regiments to be advanced in the Cantons of Vry and Vndernal, making it appear that nothing could over-match his Prudence, for that these two Cantons are close Leagued with the Spaniards, and that the Marquis d' Ogliang the Spanish Ambassador, as also Scagy the Pope's Nuntio, had used their utmost endeavours to prevent it. These Recruits arrived very seasonably; for the Spaniards had but very lately before received a very great supply, which gave them the means to execute an enterprise, which they made under the Conduct of Papenheim, upon the Terze of Sotto of the Valtoline, and to make themselves Masters of those Trenches which had been committed to the custody of the Albanois and Capelets, amongst whom it struck such a terror, that there was no possible means to make them stand to it; and besides the Army too was at that time very much weakened. The Marquis de Coevures who could not let them go away with this advantage unrevenged, resolved with the Council of War to retake it; and on the seventeenth of October, having appointed Pont de G●des for a Rendezvous, he gave order for the Assault. The Fight was stoutly begun, and after two hours' continuance, the Intrenchments were retaken, which had been formerly lost, but with greater advantage than the Enemies had when they first took them, and with more honour, for that they were at that time exceedingly strong. After this Expedition was over, the Duke of Candale received intelligence, that eight hundred foot, and four hundred of the Spanish party, had seized upon the Fortress of Chaumont amongst the Grisons, which being once known by the Marquis de Coevures, he presently dispatched two thousand to reprise it. The Duke mustered his Army, the better to know his own forces, and so went to invest Chaumont, and the Spaniards within it made show of defending themselves, but the Duke having finished a Battery of six pieces of Cannon, soon made a Breach fit for an Assault, and commanded whole showers of Musket shot to be poured in upon them, who should appear to defend the Breach, and also clapped two Petards against one of the Gates, which forced them in pieces, so that two companies of French entered the Town, and compelled them within to yield upon composition; which was, that they should march away with their Arms only, and leave behind them what Ammunition they had brought into the Town: So accordingly they went out, and left the Town to the Duke of Cand●le. There remained only Morbeign● to take in the Valtoline, and the Marquis de Cuures had twice called a Council of War to contrive a means for the taking of it, but the major part of them alleged, and that very judiciously, that the place was strongly situated, and very hard to be come to for any who would assault it guarded by good store of men, both within, and in the Country thereabouts, that it was impossible to shut them up, for want of Vessels upon the Lake of Come, which was the way which they had all their provisions; and withal they concluded, it was not much material whether they had it, or not; seeing it did not at all help to serve the Spaniards, either to shut up, or open the Passes. Their advice was followed, and their courages submitted to the Laws of Discretion; which made it appear, that it was not wisdom at all time to attempt great Enterprises. Others did wish, that the Conquest of the Valtoline had been begun in this place (as afterwards it was done) for that it is the most important of all the other places, not in relation to the Passages, but the securing of the Valley, and to keep all the rest in their duties; for the Alarm being once taken in the Vale, there are immediately store of Forces clapped into it, for the keeping of it, as being the most considerable of all, and that once done, impossible to be taken.   

Politic observation.  
THE greatest Courages are bound to submit to the Laws of Prudence, when there is a question in hand for the attempting of any great Enterprise. Their Glory is not considered by the successes of their Victories, or the taking of Towns, which many times have no dependency upon them, but by their Resoluteness, and Constancy, which they make appear without the least dread, in doing all that can be done to vanquish. Impossibilities defend them from all blame when as they have done their utmost; for no one can be obliged to do that which is above his power.  
In the making of War in a Foreign Country, it is needful (if possible it may so be done) to begin it by assaulting of the strongest place first, especially if it may not otherwise be taken, then by a surprise. The reason is clear; for what ever assault is made elsewhere, gives an Alarm to the whole Country, so that that the Prince who stands upon his defence, presently claps in both Men and Ammunition into the principal place, that afterwards it will become impossible to surprise it. Let us first seize on Rome (said the Enemies of the Roman Empire, in Herodatus) which is the heart and Castle of the Empire, and we shall quickly have the rest with ease. The like did Caesar say that the Romans could never promise themselves any security in Gaul, until they had become Masters of Authun, which was the chief City, and on which the Conquest of all the rest depended. And as it's true, that the chief Head of an Enterprise having once made himself Master of the City Gates, may at his own pleasure enter upon the whole, so it is likewise most certain, that he who hath once taken the chief Fortress, hath a curb on the rest, so that he may do what he will himself, especially if he can but so order his business, that he may keep it in his power.   

The Duke of Rohan excuseth himself from accepting of those Articles which were granted to those of his party.  
THese were the most remarkable passages, both in Italy and the Valtoline, during that year; but let us now return to the Affairs at home. The Duke of Rohan could not be drawn to conclude a Peace without making some advantage by it, so that he desired to be excused from giving his final Answer unto those Articles which the King had granted to those of his party, until he had conferred with an Assembly which he pretended to make of the high and low Languedoc, insomuch that his particular Interests and private Ambition were the causes which retarded the Peace. In the interim he did his very utmost to surprise some places in Languedoc, either that he might get some advantage, whereby to make himself the more considerable, which might induce the King to give him that employment in Italy which he desired, or some other favourable conditions. He made an attempt upon Tillet in Albigeois, sending five hundred men to surprise it by night, but they were stoutly repulsed, and forced to retire. He had sometime before caused the Towns of Masdazil, Pamiers, and several others of Foix to revolt; from which places he sent out his Scouts, who committed great havocks in the plain Country. Now the evil treating of the Country people, forced the Consuls of some Towns thereabouts, to desire the Marshal de Themines, to come with his Majesty's Army to assist them, and make himself Master of those Towns. Divers were of opinion, that this Proposition ought to be rejected, because admitting it should be followed, it would leave the Duke of Rohan at liberty to go whither he list, whom at that time the Army kept in such awe, that he durst not stir a foot, or attempt any new design. But however, the Count de Carmain, considering this proffer of the Consuls, and in regard they undertook in behalf of the Towns to contribute to the charge of the War, and to refresh the Army which was much distressed before Castres', he let himself be persuaded by their entreaties to go and assist them, and taking some small Forces with him, he went and fell on Calmont, a little Town near Mazeres, from whence several of the Rebels would make frequent excursions, and pillage the neighbour Country. They endured the siege only three days, and then finding themselves ill handled by the Cannon, they ran away in the night, but the Marquis d' Ambres, who was not fare off with his Troop of Light Horse, hearing the noise of their flight, charged them, and cut the most part of them in pieces. Shortly after, they took six or seven other small places, some by storm, and some by composition. They of Masdazil, hearing of these successes, began to be afraid, and sent for a Pass to the Army, to make their Accommodation: But the Duke of Rohan found a means to convey in some Forces to them, which made them resolve to hold out, so that they changed their former resolution, and defended themselves, which drew down the Marshal de Themines, and the Count de Carmaine to besiege them. On the fifteenth of September the Town was encompassed round about, and shortly after the Cannon made a Breach, but whilst the Question was in debate, for the giving an Assault, the Breach was repaired, so that a second was made, and they within grown very resolute, repelled the King's Army with great loss; and that which was worst of all, was the Rains falling increased the River, and so filled up the Trenches with water, that Siege was forced to be raised, which much troubled the Marquis; but it was somewhat moderated, by that advantage which the Marquis d' Ambres got over the Duke of Rohan's Troop of Light Horse, which he killed, took, and put to flight. The Duke of Rohan was much afflicted at the loss of them, and seeing that the holding out of Masdazil did not serve his turn, for that it would at another time be taken with ease, and that the could not make any further good progress, he went to the Assembly at Milhaud, where he made those of his party send a Courier to the King, to accept of the Articles of Peace, which his Majesty had granted to them. His Majesty confirmed them, though they had rendered themselves unworthy, by their new acts of Rebellion. But it was necessary so to be, for the better opposing of the enterprises of Spain, though Rochel was still excepted, by reason of the little inclination they had testified of keeping themselves within their duty.   

Politic Observation.  
THE Ambition of Grandees in a State is oftentimes cause of many evils, and every one knows that they are the principal motives, either to begin, or continue a War. There is not any excess into which Ambition doth not hurry them, to attain those ends which they propose to themselves. It loveth none but itself, and it will easily violate all the rights of obedience, for the procuring of a happy issue to all their designs. It never makes a question of the equity of any cause, but looketh on the advantages which will follow it, if it succeed well. Whence it cometh, that the first thing it doth, is to shut close the eyes against Justice, that it may the more confidently begin, or continue its design. They who are possessed with this same Ambition, never look on any thing but through a false glass, which doth still represent things either more specious, or bigger than really they are: And by this device it so charmeth their thoughts, that they begin to presume, that Fortune which hath bestowed some favours on them, will never forsake them. The rash and fond confidence of their own abilities, makes them despise any fair overtures of Peace; but they ought to remember, that Fortune is like a Glass, which falls down when a man thinks he hath it fast enough; and that God too, who delighteth in peace, doth often send down upon them, those troubles and calamities which they proposed amongst themselves to measure out to others. The Huntsman that he may take the Panther, knowing that he loveth Henbane, hangeth a good quantity of it up in the air, somewhat out of her reach, whence it happens, that she having once seen it, never leaves off leaping and frisking up and down, until she become at last so weary, that she falls down unable any longer to stand, and so dyeth on the place. May it not safely be said, that Fortune doth the self same thing with Grandees? And that she useth the very same artifices to destroy ambitious persons? She proposeth advantages to them, Victories and Conquests, but which are beyond their reach, and above their power, and knowing this to be the surest way to allure their minds, and that for the obtaining of their extravagant ends, they will use any endeavours, or run into any rash heady attempts, she still draweth them further on, until in fine they are forced to sink under the weight of them, and meet with their shame and confusion in those designs, where they well hoped for Honour and Glory.   

Prosecution of the History.  
IT was matter of astonishment, to see the Hugonots so reduced, considering the strong resistances which they had made against the King but a few years before, and those great Armies which had been kept in Languedoc, all little enough to quell them. But they who will but reflect on the strange alteration, which the Cardinal brought with him, will not much wonder at it. I might safely say, that the Army which he caused to be maintained about Rochel, was one cause of it, seeing it did in effect keep under the Country of Aunis and Poicton, that neither of them durst to stir. I could likewise attribute those effects to the sending of those Companies into Languedoc, upon the first beginning of the year, who might be in a readiness to fall on them, in case they should appear, insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to do any thing; and this is really the most certain preventive remedy for all Revolts. But however you may behold another Reason of State, which is the more considerable, for that it did by little and little, and without being perceived, undermine the greatest prop and force of them: The little Authority which the Ministers, who preceded the Cardinal, had caused his Majesty to take upon him, and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at, either of running into the Hugonots party, or of abetting them, whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength. The Princes would openly levy Troops to aid and assist the revolted, and either themselves would go in to them, or at least lend them monies, to make more Levyes. But now the case was altered, and things did not run in their former channels. This Grand Minister persuaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs. His Majesty wanted not daily opportunities to effect it, and at last brought it to such a pass, that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly, and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Favours which were bestowed on them, that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations. Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern, that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them, they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses, as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer.  
But things began now to be carried in another way, and they began to live after another sort, and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience. They now began to perceive it was to no purpose, to think to have that by a high hand, which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification. All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife, began presently to fall back, there having been certain people removed from the Court, who made it their only business to embroil things, and like Wasps, sucked up the best of the Treasures, which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees, who lived at the King's costs and charges, and yet did altogether rail and quarrel with the Government. The taking away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakening, who were never strong, but when assisted elsewhere. Thus it was apparently seen, that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal, they were afterwards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification.   

Politic Observation.  
AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom: A State cannot but be happy, when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought, be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper, or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient; so that as a Physician endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patient's heart, a Ministers ought to study no one thing more, than how to increase and strengthen his Master's power and authority. But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it, he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel, the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience, the splendour which made him be honoured with respect, How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties, seeing they will slight his Authority? And how shall he be able to receive respects from them, when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls? Authority is to a Sovereign the same thing that Light is to the Sun: And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazzleth our eyes, so having once lost his light, he is no longer admired or respected. The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them, and make it evident, that the  and weakness, whereunto he is fallen, serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power. The Governors of Provinces too, they take some share, and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself; every thing is attempted without control, and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force, which they cannot by justice. The Public moneys are turned aside, the people oppressed, and at last all things brought into confusion. Theopompus King of the Lacedæmonians answered a certain man who told him, Spa●ta was governed with a good Discipline, because the Kings knew how to command, That it was rather, because the people knew how to obey: But for my part, I imagine that the happiness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and tother; and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Sovereign's the Liberty of well commanding, and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them. Which if it be true of Kingdoms in general, it is most assuredly so of France in particular, seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King, seeing there is not any thing more proper for the settling of any State whatsoever, in its due order, then to restore him the self same qualities, with which he took his Birth.   

The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King, Queen Mother, Monsieur, and the Princes of the Blood, and others.  
AS the Ties of Birth are but of small force, if not cherished with Affection, so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with settling the King in his Authority over the Princes, but took extraordinary pains, to continue them in a good understanding with his Majesty. The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House, so he used his utmost power to tie her fast to the Kings will. He did the more readily undertake this trouble, because he had for several years, received sundry testimonies of her favour, and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services; and it sorted so happily, that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over; but it was no small matter to be brought to pass; for he was to combat with the Queen Mother's inclinations, & the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her. From the time that the Queen Mother had governed France in the quality of Regent, she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs; though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people, be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations, yet so it is, that the splendour wherewith it is attended, hath such powerful charms, that the discreetest souls, and least ambitious, have much ado to defend themselves against them. The knowledge he had of her inclination still to conserve that power to herself, was a great impediment to his work: And the King, in whose hands the only supreme power resides, was so much the more jealous of it, for that it is ordinary with Grandees to be suspicious of their powers; and that with so much the more reason, for that Justice doth not permit that one should divide the command with them.  
The Cardinal meeting with things in this conjuncture, used his utmost industry to overcome the Queen Mother's inclinations, being assured that it would be afterwards easy to dissipate those suspicions of the King. He insinuated into her soul with all sweetness and address, the truth, which ought to be the foundation of their good correspondence, letting her see, that she ought not to think it any strange thing, that the King should desire to be Master, or that all Affairs were revolved by his order, for that by his birth the Laws of the Kingdom did give him that Authority which no one had any right to deprive him of. He used indeed his utmost address to impress this truth in her, letting her see, that she ought not to pretend to any part of it; That the King quitting all his suspicions, would give her more than she could wish, seeing he was so naturally inclined to pay her all manner of respects. The Queen Mother, who did then much esteem of his counsels, did believe him, and she received such advantages by it, that by letting his Majesty see by her conduct, that she did no longer think of the Government, he restored her into so absolute an Authority, that she had all sort of power in the management of Affairs.  
This was a very great advantage, procured to her by this grand Minister, and which surpassed all those favours which he had at any time received from her Majesty. The State too did not receive less profit by it; for that this good correspondency which united the Affections of the King, and Queen Mother, did put an end to all those Cabals which had formerly divided the whole Nation, so that the Forces of it would not now fly out any more into parties, but remain entire, to oppose the Ambition of Strangers.  
The Cardinal, that he might the more confirm this Union, and make it the stronger, persuaded the King to take Father Suffren for his Confessor, who had been so for a long while to the Queen Mother, assuring himself that this good person, whose soul was so affectionately inclined to Peace, replenished with Piety, and void of Ambition, being the Depository of the secrets of their Consciences, would not be a little conducing to the dispelling of those little suspicions which might arise between them, and that he would have somewhat the more power, in regard women are naturally addicted to be persuaded by their Confessors.  
Next to the Queen Mother, Monsieur was the most considerable person in affairs, as also the most capable to raise Divisions in the Kingdom, as many Princes of his Place and Birth had done, who not being able to stay for command until the time prescribed by the Laws both the Nature and the Kingdom, run out at the persuasion of those who were near them, to seize on the Government. The Cardinal therefore was no whit less industrious to tie him too unto the King's Interests. There was no great need of any extraordinary diligence to bring it to pass, Justice having infused into him with his birth, all those inclinations and dispositions which were proper for him to have towards his Majesty. All which the Cardinal very well knew.  
Neither was he ignorant, That Princes of his condition are usually carried away from their duties by those who are attending near upon them; so that he likewise made himself sure of the Colonel d' Ornano, who had the honour to be nearest to his person, and upon whose advice Monsieur did more rely then any others. Now knowing that this soul naturally ambitious, was not to be captivated by other ties then those of Greatness, he persuaded the King to bestow on him a Marshal's Staff of France, conceiving that this Qualification would force him to become his Majesties very faithful servant. Monsieur the Prince, had the honour to be the first of those of the Blood Royal, and the Cardinal thought it no less expedient to gain him, and satisfy his humour, by giving him a part in Affairs, and the content which he might pretend to in his Interests. He had a great conflict with the Queen Mother's spirit, but at last with a handsome address, he let her see, that there could be no certain quiet and repose in the State, without a good understanding between the King her son and him, and that it was to contribute to his own greatness, not to leave the Prince in those discontents whereunto he had been reduced, and which might in time carry him on to the making of Cabals, and raising of new emotions. But whatever reasons he could then allege, she would not be induced to assent to his coming to the Court; nevertheless the Cardinal so dealt with the King, that his Majesty in some Letters to him, gave him extraordinary expressions and testimonies of his Favour, sometimes by ask his advice, as occasions should present, as also by taking a particular care for the expediting of his Affairs, which was accordingly effected; and the King writing to him, assured him of his kindness towards him, and desiring his opinion of the Affairs of the Valtoline, of the Hugonots, and the War of Italy. By this he received an entire content and satisfaction, so that from thence forward he began to order himself with more affection to his Majesty's Inclinations, then formerly he had done. This straight union which the Cardinal tied in the Royal Family, was an assured foundation of the Nations Peace, and cut off all hopes that any troublesome spirits might have to embroil it.   

Politic Observation.  
THat Minister who would attempt any great designs abroad, is bound to settle all at home, by a strong uniting of the Royal house. The harmony of the prime Qualities is that which preserves our bodies in a convenient health: If one should assault the other, the Natural Justice is violated, and the Union dissolved; which once so, the whole frame falls to nothing. Who knoweth not, that the Union of Grandees, especially those of the Royal Family, is the most sure foundation of Peace and Welfare to a State? They may not be disjoined from their King, neither may any one of them attempt upon his Crown, but Justice will be offended, and their Union broken, which once so, the State is soon exposed to manifold dangers and misfortunes. This was the opinion of Misipsa in Sallust, and Cyrus instructing Cambyses his own Son, advised him always to be in friendship with his kindred, and to give them such advantages as may content them, because it will make him be well beloved by his Subjects, who imagine that a Prince, who doth not affect his own Kindred, deserveth not the affections of any others; and will also give more assurance to his Government, by defending him from any insurrections which might be made by them. And this is the more considerable, as Tacitus saith, for that it is ordinary with the people, to have a particular affection; for the Kindred of a Prince, when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason, exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germanicus, which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius; and it cannot be doubted, but that the particular affection with which the people love them, may give them great advantages to embroil the State, and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts. It cannot be avoided, but that Princes nearly related to a Sovereign, must have some hand in the Government of Affairs, and must partake with him in the Honours of the State; how can it then be done in a good order, unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another? What way can a vessel go, when as they who guide it, do some row towards the Poop, and others towards the Prow; despising the Pilots orders, so that the vessel becomes exposed to be wracked. And what may there be expected from a State, where the Princes of the Blood Royal, who have the Government of the Provinces, fall off from his Majesty's designs and interests, engaging themselves in Factions and Parties? Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars, which being left at random by this disunion, becomes a prey to strangers, who will be sure to take advantage of it?   

The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassador.  
THough the Alliance which had so lately been contracted with England, seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Marriage of the Princess; yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good correspondency. The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies, who had been a long while near, and about her, as also in certain Ecclesiastiques, a little too inconsiderate in their zeal, was in part the occasion of it; for they giving her advices which were not always accompanied with Prudence, did clash with the King her Husband's humour, and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them. The King did not much wonder at it, having of a long time known, how little considerable women's counsels ordinarily are, and how they commonly end in some broil, unless there be some one near them, who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them. But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville, his Extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England, that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen, had caused any more mischiefs; which was the easilier to be done, in regard the Queen wanted neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband, and was only to be blamed, for having relied a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel. But this was not all, there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns, which was this: The Sieur de Soubize, having fled into England, and there saved himself, had taken in times of Peace, and against the approval too of those of Rochel, a small vessel, called the little Saint John, at the Port of Blavet, which he afterwards carried to Plymouth. And not long after the English had detained and unladen another Ship at Dover, called the Merchant Royal, full laden with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers. This kind of acting was as strange as unjust, and a great noise it made. The French Merchants not being able to get a satisfactory answer in it, because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain, seized upon some English Ships, which exasperated them afresh, and hindered the resolution of any thing until the following year.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough the common end of private Marriages tend to concluding of Peace amongst Families, yet it is not always the same thing with Princes. They do never make up any Matches but on the score of Interests, and if any cause of difference arise amongst them, they do not at all value their Alliances; but it is well known, that those Wars which have been between such Princes, have ever been the most bloody. It was imagined, that those many Contracts which had been made between the Princes of the House of Orleans, and those of Burgogne, would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels, but the sequel made it apparent, they all served to no purpose.  
Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan, was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples, yet he undid them by his intrigues: And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England, as when they were allied by some Marriage? And indeed it ought not to seem strange, for a Sovereign hath no Kinsman so nearly related to him as his State. A private man may govern himself according to the Rules of Friendship, but it is otherwise with a Sovereign, who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one. His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs, that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it, which he is not bound to repel by any ways whatsoever.   

The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinal's care.  
THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years' last passed, could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together, in Languedoc, in Poictu, in the Valtoline, and Italy, as also in the Match with England, and defraying of Ambassadors expenses, together with Alliances with States, considering that the Cardinal entering upon the Administration, had found the Treasury not only exhausted, but likewise much indebted, so that they lived upon the next years Revenues. This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence, who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Money in reserve, had quickly so settled the Treasuries, that there was great plenty succeeded that former want. The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders, but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers: The Superintendants were also ordered, not to authorise those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State, but upon good and just consideration. There were divers persons removed from Court, who attended there to no intent or purpose, but only had sometimes the honour to see the King. Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services. There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries, which were so exactly observed, that it was impossible any more to abuse the King's moneys as formerly they had done, so that the Treasury was not only acquitted of those advances which had been made, but was afterwards filled with such great sums, that France had never seen the like.   

Politic Observation.  
THe King who designs great matters, and wants store of moneys to execute them▪ doth only attempt vain erterprises. The most part of Politicians have always been of opinion, that the Riches of a Prince are the Nerves of War; because as it is impossible for a man to go or stand without Sinews; so it cannot be expected that an Army should subsist, or that Soldiers should do their duties, if there be not good store of moneys to pay them, and to provide all necessaries for them. There is not only Machiavelli, who denieth this Position against the Authority of Dion, Quintus Curtius, Vegetius, Cicero and Plutarch, who is of opinion that money is not a Nerve in War. But besides that the Judgement of these great Sages of Antiquity, is at least as considerable as his opinion. So I find not that those reasons of his are solid enough to overthrow so commonly received a maxim. I must confess with him, that War may sometimes have a good success, though the Soldiers be but ill paid, because the Authority of a grand Commander, and their own Courages may very much animate them; but as that doth but seldom happen, so there cannot be any certain conclusion deduced from it. There is hereof a notable example in the Battle of Pavy, where the Imperialists despairing to persuade their Army to fight by reason they were so ill paid, the marquis of Pescaire took the resolution on himself to exhort them, and infused such mettle into them, that they went on with great Courage, and got a great honour over the French. But that Prince who would deduce an absolute Rule from this example, or any of the like nature, and shall follow them in his Conduct, shall only prepare himself for his own Confusion and Ruin: Experience having made it evident on a thousand occasions, that it is unreasonable to hope for a happy success in matters of War, though never so inconsiderable, without great practice. I know that it is not money only, which conduceth to the carrying on of great exploits, but that good Soldiers are also necessary; an experienced old Commander, courteous, generous, able in Counsels, quick in executions, beloved by the Soldiers and endued with several other qualifications necessary for command: But besides all this, though a General and Soldiers should be thus accomplished, yet unless there be good sums of moneys, nothing can be really attempted: For how can a Prince without this, satisfy several Soldiers and Commanders? How can he without this make his preparations of Victuals, Provisions, Ammunitions, Artilleries, and other things which cannot be had without great expenses? And in case his Forces shall be cut off or destroyed, how can he make Recruits or new Levies? Charles the eighth having great occasions for Soldiers to raise the Siege of Navarre, sent the Bailiff of Dion to raise it, but having no money he could procure no Soldiers. In the mean while, the King accorded with the Florentines for the restitution of Pisa, and several other Towns in Hostage, by which means he received great store of moneys, of which he sent a small part into Swizzerland, and the Bailiff who only demanded ten thousand men, brought twenty thousand with him.   

The Assembly of the Clergy for the Condemnation of certain Libels, sent abroad by the Spanish Ambition.  
ALL the rest of the year at least after May, the Bishops and Clergy of France, were assembled at Paris. The chief intent of this meeting was for the renewing of that contract which they made every tenth year with the King, for the payment of those Rents which are imposed upon them. But this was not the only worthy employment which entertained them, the affection which they always had for the King, would not let them give way to the permitting those infamous Books, abortives of the Spanish Ambition which had been sent into France. There need no more then only to read them, and it would soon be apparent that they were full of seditious Doctrine; That they were published only with design to diminish the King's Authority, to detract from his Majesty's glory to raise Wars amongst strangers, to stir up the people to sedition, and to kindle a flame of War in France: The Contents of them were replenished with a thousand specious pretences of Religion. These generous Prelates soon discovered their designs, and made it apparent that they were like Apothecaries, or Mountebanks Boxes, which are marked on the outside with the title of some healing Medicine, but have within nothing but what is very dangerous and hurtful: They condemned the Authors of them as enemies to the public quiet, and seducers of the people to sedition, putting them in mind that God had commanded them to honour Kings as Lieutenants of his power, and required them to be in a strait obedience, by showing honour and respect to his designs and Justice, whom God had placed over them, for the good and happiness of France; and not contented with having thus verbally expressed their affections to his Majesty, they testified their zeal and fidelity to him by granting him six hundred thousand Crowns upon the Churches of France, as a contribution toward the Wars in which the State was engaged, as also to preserve Religion in its splendour, and to maintain the glory of the Crown. It cannot be denied but that many poor low spirits grumbled at it, who considering but one of those ends for which Lands were given to Churches, began to oppose it, as if the Church, which is part of the State, were not bound to contribute to the good of those Corporations of which they were members, and as if the public necessities were not more considerable than the private profits of some particular people who often employ their Revenues to bad uses.   

Politic Observation.  
KIngs may lawfully compel Eccleasiastiques upon an important occasion to contribute to them some part of their Revenues for the maintenance of the State, seeing the goods of the Church are upon such necessities in the same condition with those of others. They are not exempted from ordinary contributions either by the Son of God, or his Apostles; for when as they lived on the earth, the Church had not any immovable Goods, and it is from the favours of Emperors and Kings, that she hath since obtained that privilege; it was never granted to her, but only that they might be employed on the public extraordinary necessities of the State. They are only tied by Religion not to exact it, though they may by absolute authority force it; for if they might not make use of the Church's Goods in a case of urgency, their Sovereign power would be of little worth: And Sovereign's not compelling them in this harsh manner, do so much the more oblige them to do it; for the entreaty of him who may enforce, is a greater tye than his command: And is it not very reasonable, that as all the parts of the Body, even the most noble, do contribute to its conservation, so all the members of a State should do their utmost to preserve it, and to establish the glory of it. The Emperor Gratian ordained, That every one should serve on public occasions, and first of all addressed himself to execute it, not pretending any exemption to due to the privilege of his dignity; and Plato saith, No man but aught to obey necessities, seeing the Gods themselves submit to them. And admit that Ecclesiastiques should deny, or make any difficulty to assist the King on such occasions, might they not with reason be reproached, as the Emperor Dioclesian once did a Philosopher, who petitioned him to hold him excused from some Levy which was laid upon the rest of the people. Thy request, quoth the Emperor to him, is contrary to thy Profession, for that thou pretending to overcome thy Passions, and to tread under thy feet all that which the world delighteth in, dost however, suffer thyself to be possessed with covetousness. So Ecclesiastiques professing to be Imitators and Disciples of Jesus Christ, who recommendended no one thing more than Poverty, and who prohibited his Disciples to heap up Gold and Silver, would do an act much contrary to their profession, if they should pretend to be exempted from those charges which their Kings are forced to lay on the rest of their Subjects in any urgent occasions.   

Troubles in Lorraine hapening upon the Will of Henry Duke of Lorraine.  
IT remaineth that I should now write of some Affairs which passed about the end of this year in Lorraine, and which have such a dependence on the concerns of France, that I may not let them slip. Henry Duke of Lorraine, a little before he died, finding himself without Sons, did by his Will invest his eldest Daughter Madam Nicole, whom he had married to Charles de Lorraine, eldest Son to the Count of Vaudmont, his younger Brother, giving her to understand, that Lorraine and all that which belonged unto it, did really appertain to her, and that Charles her Husband had no right to it, but only in consideration of her. However the Count de Vaudmont, desirous to preserve it to his Son, in case he should outlive his Wife, pretended himself to be heir to the Dutchee, by virtue of the Will of Reynard, King of Sicily; and Duke of Lorraine, his Great Grandfather, dated the twenty fifth of May, in the year one thousand five hundred and six, which until then he had never heard of; by which the said King foreseeing the ruins which usually happeneth to great Houses, by subdividing those possessions which once belonged to them, had incorporated the Dutchees of Lorraine and Bar, the Marquisate of Ponta-Mouson, and the Earldom of Vaudmont, and constituted his eldest Son Anthony, late Duke of Lorraine, sole heir of the said Sovereignty's and Lordship's, willing, and ordaining, that his descendants should succeed him from Male to Male, gradually, and one after another, and that the Daughters should not at all pretend to it. He left in division to Claudius his youngest Son, the possession of Guise, Elbauf, Aumalle, Mayenne, Joinville, and several others which he had in France, substituting and ordaining his Heirs Males for ever to enjoy them, and excluding all Daughters. The original of the Will was very authentic, and Copies of it in divers places to be had. There was moreover an Instrument of Approbation, made by the States of the said Duchy assembled for that purpose, after the decease of the said King, upon the thirteenth of February, in the year fifteen hundred and eight, before Madam Philip of Gueldres, Queen of Sicily, Duchess of Lorraine and Bar, who declared, they were contented to conform themselves to the said Kings Will.  
Now the Count de Vaudmont supposed, that upon consequence of this substitution and order thus established by Will, and confirmed by the States, himself was the only and true Heir of Lorraine, and that his late Brother's Daughters could pretend to it, but that they ought to be married to persons correspondent to their Qualities.  
At last he declared, by a public Instrument, that in consideration of his Son's marriage with Madam Nicole, his late Brother's Daughter, he was content to dispossess himself into the hands of his said Son, and that he did invest him with it, requiring that he should be honoured and obeyed in that quality by all his States, which he renounced to him in his behalf; and that after his decease they should descend to his next Heirs Males, excluding all Females, and still preferring the eldest, who were to give the youngest Pensions, and the Daughter's Portions according to the Honour of the House.  
The King, though somewhat concerned in this agreement, did not oppose it, but esteemed it as frivolous, it being free for him not to take any notice of it, because it was not presented to him for a ratification, though the curious spirits of the time, who are pleased to discuss the Interests of States, not at all concerned in them, but only by the faithfulness of their Affection, did talk diversely of it: Some maintaining that the Will of Reynard the second, upon which the Count de Vaudmont grounded his pretensions, was absolutely void, as also the Contract of disseisure. They alleged for their chief reason, that it was contrary to the Laws and Customs of Lorraine and Barr, observed in the Successions of those Dutchies and Lordships which ever preferred the daughters before the Males who were far removed; and secondly, that it was contrary to the Laws and Customs of France made at Orleans, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty, and at Moulin in one thousand five hundred sixty and six, which prohibit such substitutions for ever, but restrain them to the second degree● Besides the institution which was passed, if it should so stand, it would follow of consequence, that the substitution in behalf of the Males for ever, could not be vallid, especially in relation to Bar, and that which depends on the Crown of France, where his Majesty ought to be considered, not only as common Sovereign, but as Lord Paramout to whom belonged the cognizance of causes of Appeal, and to whom Faith and Homage ought to be paid, as also service with and against all others, it being not allowed to a Vassal, to alter (without the King's authority who is chief Lord) the nature of the Fee, against the Order established by Custom. Thirdly, they added for the confirmation of their opinions, an example very considerable which was this. It had been concluded and agreed upon in a Treaty made at Guerand, in the year one thousand three hundred sixty and four, between John the valiant Count de Montfort, afterwards the Fifth of that name Duke of Britain, son of John Count of Montfort, of the one party, and Jane Duchess of Britain, daughter to Guy Count of Ponthieu, elder brother to the said Count of Montfort, of the other party. That as long as there should be Males of the said House of Britain, no Female should inherit the said Duchy: They did not apprehend this Agreement to be firm and good, unless Charles the Fifth who was Sovereign of the said Duchy should ratify and confirm it, for that it was contrary to the Custom; by virtue of which said Custom, the said Jane had obtained the said Duchy by a solemn Judgement, against her said Uncle the Count of Montfort in being preferred before him, as being the nearest, and daughter to the eldest Brother; and that therefore they entreated the Commissaries and Deputies, who were the Archbishop of Reigns, and the Marshal of Boucica●d, to ratify and confirm their Award, which they did: That upon the score of this Ratification, the Males of the House of Montfort had always succeeded in the said Duchy of Britain, by being preferred before the Females. That Rainard the second in not having followed this order, for the Duchy of Bar, and those other Lands which depended on France, had made his said Will and Substitution absolutely void in itself. Fourthly, the best Historians did moreover allege, That this same Will of R●ynard the second, was not deemed to be vallid in the House of Lorraine, but had been abrogated from time to time: As for those Lands which related to France, they answered, that the said Duke himself had about ten months after, dis-owned his said Will by a solemn Act, whereby he beseeched Lewis the twelfth to grant his consent, that his Heirs Males and Females, might succeed to inherit those lands in France, though the said Claudius was born out of the Kingdom, as may appear by the Letters of Naturalising, granted by the said King at Lions in the year one thousand five hundred and seven, in the month of May, preferring by this Act, the Heirs females of Claudius, before Anthony his eldest son whom he had created Duke of Lorraine, and the sons of the said Anthony. That in Prosecution of his said Deed of Abrogation, the said preferrency had been granted to the daughter of Claudius, in reference to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle; as also in the principality of Joinville; in which it is declared, that the said Daughters should be admitted to inherit the said Lordships and Lands, excluding the sons of the late Duke, at least from all which related to France. Sixthly they added, that as for what hath dependence from the Empire, the Will ought not to be valid, neither for that it is directly contrary to the Custom received and used in all Principalities thereunto belonging, which are upon that side of the Rhine, and particularly against the Custom of Nancy itself: By virtue of which, the daughters have ever succeeded, excluding the Males when ever they were nearer related, and that it was not in the power of Raynard to abolish the said Custom without the Emperor's consent to that purpose, first had and obtained. On the other side there were some others who were of opinion, that the Will of the said Raynard ought to be good and vallid, there being no disposing Power which can exceed a Privilege; that it was true the said substitution was contrary to the Customs, but the Sovereign Liege having power at least with his States to make and to constitute such Ordinances and Laws which might regard the good of his people; provided always that the Supreme Authority from whence he depended, were not injured in it, he might abrogate such usances, and that no one could pretend to oppose it, no not the Lord Paramount himself, for that he was not at all concerned in it, admitting his particular Rights were preserved to him, seeing as the Lawyers say, That whatsoever is resolved by the States of a Country, for the reformation of a Custom ought to be deemed and observed as a Custom of itself. Their main reasons were, That it was necessary to distinguish between a Sovereign Paramount, and a Liege Lord; that indeed it was granted, a Liege Lord had not power to make any Orders or Laws in prejudice of his Superior Lord, but that it is not the same thing as to what concerneth the Powers which appartains unto him, and that he may at least dispose of them with his States, not to alienate; but certainly to substitute and appoint them. That it were indifferent to a Lord Paramount, whether they were Males or Females who succeeded in the Government, it being not any thing of concern to him, provided his rights were preserved to him, and that his Homage, Service, and Obedience were paid him. That if at any time they should oppose such Orders and Laws as were made by a Sovereign Liege and his States, their opposition however were not of any validity, for that no one hath any right to oppose any thing which doth not clash with his own Interests. That withal this reason was so much the more considerable, in respect of those States which have dependence on the Empire; because they are held with much less Subjection than those of the Crown of France, for that the Duke of Lorraine is not at all obliged to pay Homage to the Emperor, but only to serve him, and contribute to the necessities of his State.  
They alleged one very considerable reason, as to what concerned his Majesty's interests, in relation to those Signiors which depended on his Crown, making it apparent, that he was so far from being prejudiced by those constitutions made in favour of the heirs Males, that rather on the contrary, his Majesty would receive a notable advantage by it, seeing by this means, the States of Lorraine, would always remain in the Possession of some small Prince, whose weakness alone, if he should at any time be minded to fall off from his Fidelity, would force him to continue in his duty; whereas if the daughter were admitted to a succession before any Males further removed, it would of consequence fall out, that those Females might fall into the hands of some Potent Prince, from whom his Majesty might probably receive more dis-service than service, as it happened in the case of Inheritrix of Lorraine, who married Raynard, it is apparently known to every one, of what great concern it is (without being beholding to examples) for a King to have small Princes to be his neighbours.  
As to that which concerneth the Ordinances of Orleans and Moulines, which restrained all substitutions made to the fourth degree; besides the first institution, that is to say, from the Institutor, and the instituted, who succeedeth the intestate, they pretended it did not exclude Francis Count of Vaudmont from the substitution, seeing he was the fourth from Anthony, who was the first instituted. For this Anthony left his State of Lorraine to his son Francis, which Francis left them to his son Charles, and Charles to the late Duke Henry his son, who was father to Nicole, which Henry having no sons, Francis Count of Vaudmont his brother ought to be admitted to the succession, he being within the fourth degree of the Ordinances, and that reducing Liege Princes to the condition of ordinary Vassals, that which is permitted to ordinary Vassals, aught at least to be granted and allowed unto them. They likewise answered, in reply to the Treaty at Guerrande, that that example could not prejudice the right which Francis Count de Vaudmont had to the succession, for that a single example createth no Law, as the Lawyers say; because particular persons not well informed may be defective in using their own rights in their utmost extension of Power.  
And lastly they said it was easy to answer all those Allegations brought to make void the Will, and that Reynards' own Act could not nullify it, for that no Testator whatever, contradicting any one Article of his Will during his life, doth at all hinder the standing good of all the rest.  
Besides that, the Ratification made by the States two years after, did sufficiently evince that he did not at all pretend to abrogate those Lands which he had left to his son Anthony, and that it might safely be said, he had only desired Letters of Naturalisation from Lewis the twelfth, that he might make the daughters of his Son Claudius, capable of succeeding in those Lands which he had left him, not that he did pretend by it to prefer them before the far remote Males; but because it might happen in time, that they alone might remain to enter upon their Father's Possessions, and in that case it would be needful, that their Father were naturalised to bring them into Possession. That the same thing might be said, in answer to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle, and the Principalities of Joinville; as also of the Treaty made between King Charles the ninth, and Charles the second Duke of Lorraine; for that there was no colour of reason to believe, that the Messieurs de Guise, who drew on the said Treaty, would act against that Will which called them into the Succession of Lorraine, by excluding of the daughters, seeing it had not as yet been contradicted, there not having hitherto been any daughters, who could pretend to the Succession of the Dutchies of Barr and Lorraine, in exclusion of the Males, but only Madam Nicole, and Claudius of Lorraine, who were then in competition. That as to the form of renunciation made by Anne, daughter to Duke Anthony, and Christian daughter to Duke Charles, they could not null the Will, for that both did protest to be maintained in those rights which did really belong to them, which thing did not however give them any right at all. These answers seemed plausible enough, whence it followed, that those exceptions made against the Will not being considerable in their Judgements, they presently concluded that the Will aught to be in its full force, and put in execution, and these were the reasons alleged by both Parties; but the King could only judge of them, as to what related to his Crown; for that he alone is Sovereign judge of all that concerneth his own interests, and he hath no power but God above, which can Arbitrate concerning it.   

Politic Observation.  
THe substitution of Sovereignty's made in favour of men, seemeth to be so much the more lawful, in regard it is conformable to the Order of God's Providence, who hath created women only to obey; who knoweth not that Moses the Lawgiver of God's people, whose Counsels were inspired by the holy Ghost, hath not permitted the daughters to accept of the Succession, but in default of sons. And doth not Plato in the second book of his Laws say, that it is reasonable that they should fall to the nearest of kin, still observing this Order, The Male should be preferred before the Female, and that at least the Testator should choose one of the Males for his next heir? Sol●n one of the wisest Lawgivers of Antiquity, made a Law to establish this rule in his Commonwealth, as Demosthenes testifies in his Oration against Leocrates: And the Law of the Athenians gave not any right of succession to the daughters, if the sons should present themselves to accept of it, as it may be seen in the Book of Theodosian. Euripides giveth a good reason of it in his Iphigenia, when he saith, the Male children are the Pillars of houses; that to them it belongeth to take up Arms for the good of the People, that the Sacrifices are made in their names, that it belongeth to them, to transact Public affairs, and the daughters instead of preserving those Families into which they are born, do weaken them by dividing the inheritances of them, and carrying them into other places. And if this privilege of Males hath been judged heretofore reasonable amongst private families, it is incomparably much more in Sovereignty's, where the daughters have been always esteemed uncapable by the most discreet. It is true that Liege Lords, being only to gather the profits of their possessions are bound for the making of these substitutions valuable to procure the consents of their Estates in whom the proptiety remains: But an absolute Sovereign ought not to make any difficulty at all of it, because it is very advantageous for them; especially if it be done in the favour of those whose greatness is not to be suspected. This will be a means to preserve the Estate that belongs to him in the hands of a small Prince, whose power he will never have any reason to fear, which is no small advantage to him, whereas letting it fall into the hands of daughters who may marry with Potent Princes, they may become their Masters, and may not only not render that service which is due by Liege men; but on the contrary, may bring such troubles to them, as may oblige them still to attend them as enemies, who may make a War upon him: It seemeth likewise to be without any ground, that he should pretend a power to hinder them, seeing his right extend only to the investiture, to the Homage, to the Tribute, to the Service of War, and fidelity, in which he cannot be damaged if they are preserved to him. Of what importance is it then, whether it be a son or a daughter, which payeth him his Homage Tribute, and other duties as a token of submission. In that case it ought to be indifferent, for it hath only relation to the Liege Prince, whence it comes that every one being in a capacity to dispose his rights, as shall best please himself, especially when no one is prejudiced by it, there can be no impediment for the substituting his estate in the favour of the Males. Provided he always oblige them to pay that that is due to their chief Lord without great reason no alterations ought to be made, in fundamental Customs of Countries; and as it seems not to be allowable in France to abrogate the Salic Law, which excludeth the daughters from the Crown; so it is very doubtful whether it be in the Power of the States themselves of some Countries, to change such Customs as have been received there time out of mind for the successions of Sovereigns.    

Anno 1626.  

The Duke of Savoy's Design to continue the War against the Spaniards.  
WHo so hath at any time beheld the Sun shining through a black Cloud, dissipating those darknesses that cover the earth; dispelling fear out of their Souls who had been affrighted with the Thunder, and rejoicing the World by the presence of his rays, hath seen the Image of that happy Peace which entered upon the beginning of this year, in concluding the Wars wherewith Italy and the V●lteline were so much afflicted: But to go on with the prosecution of that which happened after the raising of the siege of Verrue, until the conclusion of the Treaty; I must tell you, that after those advantages obtained, the Duke of Savoy being suggested by those happy successes, and the Devastations which the Spaniards had made in his Country, desired passionately to fall upon their Army which was retired to Pand stir, as also to enter upon Mallan, that he might engage the two Armies in a long War, and by that means be revenged of them. This was according to the temper of his Soul, who could not endure any quiet, but the Constable ae Lisdiguiers, and the Marshal de Crequy, who desired not to attempt any thing which might not sort to their Master's glory, opposed his design, representing to him that there was no sense of reason to assault the Spanish Army, which consisted of fourteen thousand men effective, entrenched in a place very advantageous with Cannon, and where they might be relieved with all necessary provisions, and that neither the season nor condition of their forces, would consist with the besieging any place in Milan, without hazarding the King's Army and Reputation. These reasons were very considerable, and the Constable without losing any more time, and seeing his presence would be needless during the rest of the Winter in Piedmont, withdrew himself towards Granoble, after he had put the Troops in Garrison, under the Command of the Marquis de Vignolles and Vxelles. In the mean while, it being necessary to give his Majesty an account of the condition of affairs, and to receive his commands, he forthwith dispatched the Marshal de Crequy towards the Court. This journey of the Marshal did much perplex the Duke, because he doubted, that he would induce the King to Peace; as also, lest he might make complaint to his Majesty of the little care which was had for the satisfaction of the Treaty of the League, and lest he might lay all the faults which had happened in his dish. This moved him to resolve upon sending of the Prince of Piedmont towards him, as well to defend his Interest, as to persuade the King to carry on the War in Italy; and having dispatched him a few days after, they both arrived at Court about the beginning of February, where after they had entertained his Majesty according to their own desires, they were obliged for the better consideration of their Propositions to put them down in writing; accordingly, they presented them to his Majesty, who assisted by his Ministers, examined them with great deliberation; and at last resolved in order to that Prince his designs; and withal, the more to oblige him to have a greater care in performing his promises, he was assured of having the chief command of his Army, though the effect of it was diverted by that unexpected negotiation of the Sieur de Fargis in Spain, which ended in the Treaty of Mouson in Arragon.   

Politic Observation.  
HAppy is that Prince whose Counsels in War become unprofitable by a favourable Treaty of Peace, who can doubt but that the one is the source of all miseries, brings all things into necessities, deprives the people of their liberties, maketh the land barren, destroyeth the most glorious Palaces, toeth up the hands of Justice and bringeth the Country men under the barbarous insolency of soldiers; and that on the contrary, the other is acknowledged to be the Mother of Plenty, the beginning of the happiness of Kingdoms, and the joy of Nations, that it giveth all Liberty of Commerce and Labour, leaving to every one the power of enjoying his own Goods, making Arts to flourish, Justice to Reign, and banishing all fear, which keepeth the mind in hell and in a continual unquietness, whilst there are any troubles. It is not much more pleasant to behold the earth, decked with its verdure, painted with all sorts of Flowers, enriched with the diversity of Trees, which either nature or the Labourers hand had Planted, replenished with all fruits and spices, and flowing with Milk and Honey, then when it languisheth by the insufferable hardnesses of Winter, converted into Snow and Ice, become stiff and dis-coloured, and the Land Barren, and over-flowed with Water. So much more satisfaction ought a wise Prince to receive, when Peace cometh to deliver his Subjects from those miseries into which War had precipitated them, to restore them the free use of their own Goods, to give them the means of exercising their own Professions with quiet, to drive away necessity from them, to open the Ports of Trade from one Coast to another about their affairs, then to see them remain idle, and without exercise, in the want of the greatest part of necessaries, not daring to go out of their Gates, besieged by War in their Towns, and slaughtered in their own houses by sickness and famine.   

The Conclusion of the Treaty of Mouson.  
FOr the better understanding in what manner this Treaty was concluded, It will be needful to look a good way back and to take the first rise of Affairs from Count Olivares the chief Minister of Spain, who finding that the Legate could not bring his business to that pass as was expected, resolved to use his utmost to accommodate things in a peaceable manner, and accordingly made several overtures that way tending, to the Sieur de Fargis, Ambassador with his Catholic Majesty, who was not wanting to give speedy notice of it hither; and at the same time the Marquis de Mirabel, Ambassador for the Spaniard certified to the Marshal de Schomberg that his Master desired a Peace. Whereupon orders were sent to the Sieur de Fargis, that he should answer to such overtures as had been made, that his Master would not be unwilling to embrace it, if it might be made upon Honourable and safe conditions; and he was also acquainted with the King's desires in that particular which were reduced under three principal heads. First, that the Spanjards should renounce all pretences to the Passages in the Valtoline, next that the Sovereignty of the Valtoline should be preserved to the Grisons, and last related to the safety of the Catholic Religion, he acquitted himself of their directions very diligently, but with so much heat, that after several meetings and conferences had with the Count d'Olivarez, they at last set down their several proposals in writing, which being agreed upon, they were signed by them, though the Sieur de Fargis, had no power so to do. The Sieur de Fargis conceiving he had dispatched a great affair, presently sent away the Treaty to the King, who was not a little surprised, as also his Ministers, to find a Treaty of peace concluded by his Ambassador, who had no Authority for it, nor had ever sent any word of advice about it. His Majesty seemed by this precedure to be obliged to recall him, and at his return to treat him according to his deserts: but his prudence guiding him in it, he would not presently conclude so to do, but proposed the business to be debated by his Ministers. Many were of opinion absolutely, to reject this pretended Treaty, not only because the Form of it was ill, but because it was likewise an offence to the King's Allies, it being concluded without them; and withal, the haste and eagerness which appeared in the Spaniards was a manifest sign of their weakness, which might not be passed by without taking some advantage of it.  
But the Cardinal taking hold of the discourse, told his Majesty, that prudence did not so much tie men up to consider the Forms as the substances of things, and withal told him that he thought it more proper to stand to the conditions, of the Treaty, then to dispute the manner of the Treaty; and how the Sieur de Fargis had concluded it; He confessed that those Terms which his Majesty had desired, were not expressed with all the circumstances and limitations, as was to be wished, and yet he represented to him, that it was no small matter to have obtained of the Spaniards, the chief points which were demanded; for they renounced the passages in the Valtoline; they were contented the Sovereignty should remain in the Grisons, and in conclusion he freely declared, That to his apprehension it were not proper rashly to reject that Treaty, for that the Spanish Ambassador had lately told the Marshal de Schomberg, that in case there were any thing to be altered in point of form, or if any of the Articles were too harsh, it would be more proper to review and amend them, then to neglect the reuniting of the two Crowns. Then he informed his Majesty, how that his taking up Arms was for the establishing the Grisons in their Sovereignty and to preserve the passages of the Valtoline for France, in excluding the Spaniards quite from them, and that his Majesty obtaining both one and tother he might both with advantage and reputation, harken to the peace. That true it was his Allies might complain of it, but without any season, if once those ends were obtained, for which the league was made, and withal the small success of the Army in Italy made it apparent, there was little to be got by it. In short, he beseeched his Majesty to weigh one thing of great consideration, which was that Rochel not being yet reduced under his obedience, it would be an easy matter for the Spaniards to stir up the Hugonots to revolt, who finding themselves countenanced and supported by several Princes of the Court, would divert one part of his Forces, and would impede his sending of so many Forces as would be needful on t'other side the Hills, so that instead of expecting a good Issue of the wars in Italy, there was great fear of many dangers in it. The Prudence of this incomparable Minister, urged so many strong reasons, that they were impossible to be answered, so that his Majesty resolved to lay hold on those advantages in the Treaty and to amend what should be thought fit in it; To which purpose Orders were dispatched to the Sieur de Fargis, with command to induce the Count d'Olivarez to agree to them, and in case he should make and difficulty of it, that he himself should presently take his leave and return home, to give an account of his business.  
The Sieur de Fargis having received them, on the fifteenth of February, addressed himself with all diligence to repair the fault which he had committed, and also in his letters to his Majesty testified a great deal of sorrow for it, which however did not with hold him from running into a second, for he concluded upon and signed another Treaty with the Count d'Olivarez, somewhat better indeed then the former, but not strictly conformable to his Orders and instructions, so that sending them to his Majesty, they would not be accepted of unless once more amended: and also his Majesty that he might take away all suspicion from the Marquis de Mirabel, that he did approve of this manner of proceeding in his Ambassador he wished in a public audience, that Fargis had been but as discreet as he was; that the first time, he did a thing of his one brain, without any authority, and that in the second he had not followed his Orders and Instructions, for which he should exemplarily be punished. But that in the mean time both himself & the King of Spain did reap some benefit by his Folly, in that they might both discover one another's minds to be without gall, and to be well inclined to peace, of which that he might give an evident testimony, he would send a Treaty to his Ambassador with the least alteration that could be, and such a one as the King of Spain, would not make any scruple to accept of.  
The Treaty was drawn up, and before it was dispatched the King gave one part of it to the Prince of Piedmont, and to the Venetian Ambassador who both having several particular designs quite different from that of the league, neither of them did approve of it, either in substance or form; and the Prince himself took his leave of the King to return into Piedmont. The Marquis de Mirable, was informed of their resentments, who seeming to suspect an absolute breach, pressed very earnestly for a quick dispatching of the Treaty away towards Spain, in such manner and form as his Majesty desired it should be amended, and gave great hopes that all things would be concluded in a happy end. So the Treaty was sent away to the Sieur de Fargis who received it at Barcelona, and as his own Interests as well as those of France did excite him to it, so he played his part so dexterously with the Count d'Olivarez, that it was soon after signed and concluded between them, and antedated from the fifth of March at Mouson, to evade any complaints of Cardinal Barbarini, who had been at Barcelona, before the Treaty was signed and had no hand in it, for fear only of some great delays, which he might have raised, because he had no other answer made him to those overtures of his for peace, but only compliments and thanks, & assurances that the peace was concluded. The chief Articles were, That the Affairs of the Grisons and the Valtoline should be restored into the same state, they were before the war, in the year one thousand six hundred and seventeen, preserving by this means the Sovereignty to the Grisons, and the absolute disposing power of the Passages to France, in whose actual possession they then were; that there never should any exercise of Religion be established in the Valtoline, but only the Roman Catholic and Apostolic, that the Valtolines might elect their own Governors and Magistrates, all Catholics either of the Grisons or the Valtolines. That such elections should be confirmed by the Grisons, who should not however have any power to refuse the Ratification of them: That all the Forts in the Valtoline should be restored into the Pope's hands, to be forth with razed and demolished that the two Kings should proceed with all sincerity, to settle peace between such of their Allies as had engaged in the wars with them, and that neither of them should openly or privately give any abetting or assistance, to the continuing of the war between them, without having first used all fair means and ways, for the settling of a peaceable and friendly agreement. Thus were all the grounds of difference between them ended and concluded, to the great Happiness of Christendom, though by away in itself extravagant enough, and contrary to all usual Forms.   

Politic Observation.  
IN all Treaties of great Importance. It is more material to adhere to the substances than the formalities of conditions. Formalities are indeed, necessary as means to abtain that end which is proposed, and there is great reason to rest satisfied when that same end is once obtained. What sense is there not to accept of that which is aimed at when occasion doth present, but to leave it off to the hazard of time and Fortune, and all to finish it, with certain Ceremonies, which at last cast do not at all advantage the thing doing? The end say the Philosophers, hath this property, That it terminateth all motion; and so a stone resteth when once arrived at the centre of the Earth, the end which the Creator of Nature hath ascribed unto it.  
So the Artificer, when once he hath perfected his workmanship, forbeareth any further labour about it; and it is most certain that all causes whether natural or artificial, do prefer rest before motion, if it were not necessary to admit of Actions for the attaining that end whereunto it tendeth.  
Who knoweth not that Public peace is the end of a wise Prince, and the very thing too for which he doth attempt any war, and that he would never design war but only for the obtaining of a quiet sure rest? The sick person would never have any recourse to the Physician, if he had no need of putting his distempered body into a good order.  
And what Reason could there be for continuation of the war, when there is an overture offered for accepting of an honourable and advantageous peace? to do so were point blank against the prescribed rule of Justice, of which both art & nature giveth us examples. Admit there be some formalities wanting in the Treaty, they ought to be considered in the order of negotiation, in the same manner, as the motions of nature; and as no one maketh any esteem of motion when as the pretended end is once obtained: So the wisest Politicians do lay by the considerations of all formalities, when once they are arrived at that pitch which they propose to themselves.   

The Pope is very glad of the Treaty of Peace, between France and Spain.  
AS soon as the Treaty was concluded, his Majesty's next care was to induce his Allies to ratify it; The Pope was first of all acquainted with it, who was overjoyed at it, and openly declared to the Sieur de B●thune that he took no notice at all, of the extraordinary manner had been use by concluding it without interesting him or letting him have a hand in it, only that he might rejoice with the more liberty to behold the two Crowns of France and Spain in Peace: I shall also add that his Holiness excused himself too, for the Resolution which he had taken of sending six housand men to Pepeinheim, for the guarding of the Fort of Rive, assuring him that he had not done it, but only to vindicate the injury which had been done him by the Spaniards, who were come to that point of Boldness as to say his Holiness favoured the Grisons against the Valtolines; as also in some sort to repel the injury which had been offered to the Holy Chair, when as those Forts were taken which had been guarded under his Ensigns, and that he did moreover pretend by this means to get a greater power over the Spaniards, that he might afterwards the more easily force them to accept of a reasonable Treaty. But he was much more overjoyed at the news of the last Treaty, for he heard at the same time from the Si●ur de Bethune that his Master the King had also accepted of it, and that the Peace was by that means absolutely concluded.   

The sending of the Sieur de Bullion towards the Duke of Savoy, to persuade him to assent to the Treaty before mentioned.  
NOw as this Agreement was the principal thing which could be desired from his Holiness, so the Sieur de Bethune, satisfied him with it, by representing to him, with what respects the King his Master had treated him, by his admitting the Forts should be restored into his Holinesses hands to be by him demolished. All the Princes of Italy, who were not entered into the league, did testify a great deal of joy at the news of the accommodation; but it was not so with the Duke of Savoy, and Commonwealth of Veniee, who upon the first hear-say of it seemed to be much discontented, for that the Treaty had been concluded without them; though in reality, they had no reason to be troubled at the foundation of it, seeing his Majesty had obtained those ends for which their Armies and Forces had been united and leagued together: But in regard the form of the Treaty was contrary to that Order which was usually observed, his Majesty resolved to send his Ambassadors to them, to recompense by some extraordinary 〈◊〉, the default which might be omitted in prejudice of their right. The 〈◊〉 de Bullion was sent towards the Duke of Savoy, by reason of that credit and acquaintance which he had of a long time had with the said Duke. His Instruction consisted of three particualrs, The first to induce his Highness to assent unto the Treaty of Mouson, and to qualify his resentments for that it had been done without him. The second was to dispose him towards a cessation of Arms, with those of Genoa, and to refer the business of their differences to arbitration, and lastly to treat with him, concerning the interests of his house, and withal to proffer him his Majesty's assistance to raise him, to the greatest point of glory, that he could aim at. Upon the first of these three points, the Sieur de Bullion had orders to give his Highness to understand, that the manner of Sieur de Fargis his proceeding in it, had deprived his Majesty of all possible means to communicate it to his Highness, and that his Majesty having had advise upon it, was counselled to lay hold on peace, in regard of the disposition of Affairs both within and without his Kingdom, considering the small progress the Arms of the League had made after two years' time in Italy, and lastly for that those very things were obtained in the Peace, for which the League had been contrived, all which things were much more considerable than any Formalities and Punctilios of honour. Upon the second point the Sieur de Bullion had express charge to tell his Highness, that his Majesty had so much the more willingly consented to the Treaty of Peace, that he might be capable of ending his differences with the Commonwealth of Genoa by arbitration, in respect his Arms had so little contributed to advance his interests as yet, and that if his Highness would be pleased to make known his pretensions. The King would embrace them very affectionately, and as his own; and would also concur with him for the procuring him all possible satisfaction and content, either by disputing the business by reason, and if need were by Arms. Upon the third point, which had no relation to any thing of the League, and yet was no inconsiderable thing neither, for that it was designed only to allay and take off from the Duke's anger and passion, that his Majesty well knowing the courage and magnanimity of this Prince, and that it was his high mind which made him esteem glory above all things, as also that eminent Titles of honour have a great influence on the Souls of those who are touched with greatness, and that it doth bring them to that point which is pretended, commanded the Sieur de Bullion to humour this inclinations, and to let him know that his Majesty had by the Sieur de Bethune proposed to the Pope, to cause him be Crowned King of Cyprus, as well in regard of the pretensions which the house of Savoy hath upon that Kingdom, as also in regard of his particular valour, which was risen to so high an admiration and credit in the whole World, that this Title could not with Justice be denied him, and that there was not any King in Christendom, which would not be well satisfied with the admission of a Prince of his Birth and recommendation, into that degree and quality.   

The Dispatch of the Sieur du Chasteauneuf to the Commonwealth of Venice, for the Affairs ,  
THE Sieur de Bulloin made use of his Reason with so much Judgement and Prudence, that he obtained all he could desire: The Cessation of Arms was consented to; and accordingly, proclaimed in Milan, Genoa, and Piedmont. The referring of the business to Arbitration was well approved of, and his Highness delivered a breviate of his pretensions to the Crown of Cyprus, to the Sieur at Bullion, who assured he would recommend that business particularly to his Majesty; and told him, that most assuredly his Majesty would be very careful of it. On the other side the Sieur de Chasteauneuf was at the same time sent to the Commonwealth of Venice, to induce them to accord to the Treaty and accommodation of Mouson, and from thence for the same purpose to the Grisons, the Valtolines, and the Swisseses. Those first Reasons which were given in charge to the Sieur de Bullion, to represent to the Duke of 〈◊〉 were also included in his Instructions, and he had likewise particular order to ad●… to the Commonwealth of Venice, That they had great reason to be well satisfied with the Peace, seeing it freed them from a chargeable War, subject to many accidents, and in which well they might lose much, but gain little. And because the Venetian Ambassador declared that he did imagine the assurance of the Treaty to consist in the keeping up of those Forts in the Valtoline; the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf had Order to let them know, that such a pretention as that was, would most assuredly have broken off the Treaty of accommodation, and that all that was to be wished, was sometimes impossible to be effected: Besides that, the keeping up of the Fort; would be a great charge, either in relation to the necessary expenses, for the giving of a full satisfaction, or else for the maintaining of a strong Garrison, and who at last cast too, might not peradventure be able to keep out the Spaniard, if at any time he should have a mind to enter upon them with an Army. He was also charged to let them perceive that the natural inclination of the Valtolines, was not to endure any Rule or Government, and that they would never have endured any long time together, that those Forts should remain in the power of a stranger, and that the Spaniards knowing their natures to be such, would always be inciting and assisting them underhand to retake them; so that the keeping up of the Forts, would instead of securing the Treaty, only become an absolute ground of troubles to the Commonwealth; as they who are nearest seated to the Valtoline, who are in perpetual fears and jealousies, and forced still to be upon their Guard against the Spaniards attempts, which would put them to vast charges, and force them too at last to yield to reason. And he was commanded by his Majesty, that he might humour the Commonwealth in its Interests, to tell them, that the King would willingly grant them the Passages of the Valtoline and Grisons for ten years, he knowing how passionately they desired it; and moreover, that his Majesty would in case they should request it, enter into a defensive League with them.  
The Sieur de Chasteauneuf prosecuted these Instructions so luckily, that the Commonwealth was sensible of the honour the King had done them, in sending to them an extraordinary Ambassador upon their Affairs; and left it to his Majesty to consider, whether all those advantages which were to be wished for, were comprised in the Treaty, and that for their particulars, they thought themselves much obliged for his proffer of a defensive League, assuring the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf, that they should be ever ready to continue those testimonies of affection and observance, which they had always had towards the Crown of France, which was as much as could be desired from them. Then the Sieur de Chasteauneuf went towards the Grisons and the Valtoline in prosecution of his Embassiy: The Instructions which he received from his Majesty concerning those parts, was to join himself with the marquis de Coevures and to swear those people to a solemn observaon of the Treaty. The Valtolines made not any difficulty at all at it, but accepted of the Treaty, as also to pay every year unto the Grisons, five and twenty thousand Crowns, which had been imposed on them: But as for the Grisons, there were many meetings and Assemblies held amongst them, without any resolution; but only in general terms they thanked his Majesty, for his assistance, and acknowledged themselves infinitely obliged to him. But as to the Treaty, they desired they might send their Deputies towards his Majesty to represent to him the difficulties which did arise in their acceptation of the said agreement, by reason of the alteration of Justice, seeing the Magistracy and Authority, was given into the hands of the Valtolines. They accordingly sent their Deputies to make their complaints, but after they were once fully informed of the Justice of those reasons which invited them to accept of the Treaty, seeing otherwise it would be impossible to preserve the Sovereignty of the Valtoline to them, or to defend themselves from a perpetual War with the Valtolines, who being under-p●●●pped by the Spaniards, would never submit to their longer government of them; as also that the Sovereignty of Justice was well paid for by a great sum, and that themselves too might be chosen into the Magistracy as well as the Valtolines, they did at last accept of it, and were content to receive the Treaty. So the Sieur de Chasteauneuf continued on his journey towards Switzerland, for the satisfying of his Majesty's pleasure, who had commanded him to induce the Cantons both Catholic and Protestant to accept of the Treaty, seeing they had not a little contributed to the recovery of the Valtoline, by those Troops which they had sent thither, and that it were not amiss to engage them in the execution of those Articles of Peace, for that they might be very much assisting towards the preserving of the Valtoline in that condition as had now been resolved on. To the Catholics he represented, that they had great reason to be satisfied with it, seeing the Catholic Religion was established so firmly in the Valtoline; and to the Protestants he alleged, that considering the Sovereignty was maintained to the Grisons, they had reason to rest contented; accordingly, the Catholics resolved to subscribe to it and to persuade the Grisons to do the like. And the Protestants after some difficulties at first, being shortly after assembled at Aran, resolved likewise to embrace it, excepting as to what concerned Religion, and delivered their Declaration at the same time to the Sieur de Chasteauneuf. And thus the Treaty being accepted of all hands, that were any ways concerned in it, there remained only the putting it in execution.   

Politic Observation.  
AN Ambassador who is employed to make a Treaty of Peace, is chief bound to represent to them, with whom he treateth, the great inconvenicences unto which thich they expose themselves by continuation of the War. For as Interest is the only rise from whence all the motions of Princes do flow, so he need not doubt but that Interest too will lead them to any thing, if he finds a means to persuade them that War will be prejudicial to them. He ought not to be unmindful of letting them know, that a Prince may not either with Justice or Prudence make a War, but only that he may obtain a most certain and advantageous Peace; as also that that Prince who would continue a War, after a Peace is offered to him, with those two conditions annexed, is as unreasonable as an Artificer, who after he hath given his work the best most curious form, that it is capable of, should however still continue his care and pains, to perfect it, though unable to give it any other or better form than he hath already done.  
This once done, it behoveth him to tell them in words tempered both with Prudence and Courage, that the success of War is uncertain, and that many Princes have fallen down from their great hopes and victory into misfortunes and losses: That the divine Providence hath often permitted those Princes, who are over obstinate for the continuing of Wars, to be rebuked with disgraces and shame. That the Holy Scripture giveth us a notable example of this truth in that of the Tribe of Benjamin, who refusing these overtures of Peace, which were made to them, by the rest of the Tribes, when they entreated them to abandon the Gibeonit●s, who had offended them, were shamefully overcome, and their Cities Pillaged; That many having given way to their Ambition to persuade them to the Conquest of their Neighbours. Have seen their own States exposed as a Prey to their particular enemies: That many things appear easy in discourse, which are difficult to be put in execution. That they are not the most generous Princes, who suffer themselves to be led on with Passion, to enlarge their Borders, but they who employ their powers with prudence and equity; That a Prince hath glory enough, if he can but give his Subjects the means of enjoying that felicity which is the end of the Politic Government; which happiness being linked with Peace, he ought not at any time to refuse the accepting of it when proffered with advantageous conditions: In fine, he will make a great impression upon their Souls to incline them to conclude a Peace, when to as he shall discourse to them, that Princes who are ambitious of their neighbouring States, are like unto hunger starved appetites, who never satisfied, but desirous to devour all, do weaken and destroy their natural heat by the excess of those meats wherewith they fill themselves; and that in the same manner it is with those, who not contented with that state and condition whereto their Birth or Fortunes had assigned them, suffer themselves to be hurried away with an insatiable desire of usurping upon others; and in fine, only weaken and impoverish themselves, and their Subjects by a continuation of Wars, which layeth them naked to the cruelty of their enemies, enforceth them to leave their Lands untilled, squeezeth from them all their means towards the Contribution of the War, and sometimes too casteth them into rebellion, when as once they begin to be weary with the violences of the Soldiery: and adding to these misfortunes the constant attendants upon War the want of all those good things which are so plentifully enjoyed with Peace, it will be a most efficacious means to cause them to lay down their Arms and to accept of that peace, which is so offered to them.   

Prosecution of the History.  
IF it was a business of some difficulty to persuade the Allies to accept of the agreement, it was no whit less troublesome, to execute those Articles which had been concluded particularly for demolishing those Forts in the Valtoline: The two Armies could by no means be drawn off until the Forts were slighted, which was no small charge to the two Kings as well as to his Holiness, who had carried six thousand men as far as Milan; whence is followed that it was treated both in France, Spain, Rome, Milan and Valtoline, in what manner it should be done, and so many difficulties did arise, that it was November before any thing was resolved on; and the execution of it deferred until February in the year one thousand six hundred twenty seven. The Treaty was to this effect, that the Forts should be restored into his Holiness hands to be forthwith demolished; but the Pope made some difficulty of charging himself with the doing of it, and only desired that the Forts might be delivered up into his hands, for reparation of the injury, which had been door him as he persuaded himself, when as the Marqueis de Coevures took them from him, and that afterwards he would cause the Spaniards to raze them. France did not at all stand upon restoring them into the Pope's hands, but the King would be well assured that the Pope should not deliver them over into the Spaniards hands to be by them demolished, to which effect he desired that his Holiness, would only send in so many Soldiers, that in appearance only they might seem to be Masters, which his Holiness would not be drawn to, and the Spaniards too dissuaded him from it, as hoping that when his Holiness should have them in his absolute power, they might find some way or other, to get them into theirs and so demolish them, which many amongst them thought to be very honourable, though divers others were of a contrary opinion, as imagining it to be a work ignoble for their Master, who had first caused them to be built.   

The Final agreement for the demolishing of the Forts in the Valtoline.  
AFter many contestations off and on, the King to end all differences, gave full power to the Sieur de Bethune to conclude at Rome with the Pope and Spanish Ambassadors, any thing that was reasonable to be do, and between them it was at last concluded, that the Forts should be delivered into the hands of Torquatus Conty, who commanded the Pope's Forces: that in the mean while the King's Forces were to quarter in such places, as were not included in the deposit, That as soon as ever the Forts were delivered up, they should presently demolish them; That the Arms, Artillery and Ammunitions of war, which belonged to the Spaniards, should be restored to them and that the discharges being granted, his Holiness Forces, as also those of the two Kings should withdraw themselves at the same time from the Valley and the Earldoms of Bormio and Chiav●nnies; These were the principal Articles resolved upon for execution of the Treaty, which after it was ratified by the King, the Marquis de Coevures presently trealed with Torquatus Conty and Don Goneales' de Cordua, whom the Spaniards had sent in Ferras place as a man more inclined to peace, concerning the form of the redemise and demolition of the Forts. There were Commissaries likewise appointed for the giving in of true Inventories of the Artillery, Ammunitions of war, victuals and the deposit, and to make a general discharge which ought to be given to the Pope, upon his entrance into those Forts, which had formerly been delivered to him in deposit. Upon the fifteenth, the demolition was begun, and so many labours came to finish it, that in six days it was all ended. The Marquis de Coevures gave order to the Marquis ae Tequiers to retire with his Majesty's Forces towards France, and his Majesty, for a just and worthy recompense of his services, bestowed in him the Honour of Marshal de Campo; and thus the respect and reference, which the two Crowns made to the Pope, were an assured means for settling them in peace with one another.   

The Reasons which oblige great Princes to show an extrardinary honour to the Pope.  
THere are divers Reasons which invite great Princes to pay an extraordinary respect so the Pope. They are bound to it by duty, seeing as St. Bernard saith, he is the high Priest, the Sovereign Bishop, the Prince of Bishops, Heir to the Apostles, that he is like Abel in his Priority, Noah in his Government, Abraham in his Patriarch-ship, Melchisedech in his Order, Aaron in his dignity, Samuel in the excellency of his Judgement, St. Peter in the Power which he received from the Son of God, seeing he is the chief of Christians, the Shepherd of the people, the Rod of the Mighty, the Hammer of Tyrants, the Father of Kings, the Light of the World, and the Lieutenant of God upon Earth: And who seethe not that all these eminent qualities, do make him amongst other Potentates here below, the same that the Sun is in comparison of the rest of the Stars? And then looking on his Person, and beholding the Object whom he doth represent, which is no other than God himself, ought not every one be persuaded to treat him, withal imaginable respects for the love of God the Almighty Lord, who governing States by the hand of Providence, doth most commonly bless them in that proportion, as Princes respect those for his sake who belong unto him. To speak truth, this honouring them is a Loadstone, which draweth down all kind of blessings from Heaven, which conduce to the Happiness of Kingdoms: And if neither of the two considerations should be potent enough, over the minds of Kings, to persuade them to bear a great reverence to the Pope; yet in my opinion they are bound to it by a very Politic and considerable reason, which is to preserve themselves in Peace. For that it hath been always judged necessary that amongst Princes there should be an Impartial chief, and a general father of Jesus Christ's family, who might accommodate their differences, and might by his Counsels moderate, the violence of those, who make unjust attempts, and who might unite their Arms and Powers to defend the from the violences of its enemies.  
If it should so happen that the Pope should become contemptible by the little respect which is rendered to him, what credit could he have, to conclude or effect such things amongst them? what esteem could he have to end their differences. They might force him to contain himself within the limits of his spiritual jurisdiction, without meddling in temporal affairs, but in the interim, the fire of war would often break out amongst them, with such fury that both themselves & estates would be consumed in the Flames of it: Whereas did they but receive his Counsels with respective honour, and admit of his persuasions with esteem, his dignity would then become venerable amongst them all, and he might with ease accommodate their divisions, by his allotting to each one what belongeth justly unto him, he might restore peace to the Nations, and stop the course of all violent proceed.   

Articles of Peace granted to the Rochelois.  
AS Peace is the most sure Foundation of the happiness of Kingdoms, so the Cardinal was not satisfied to have settled it abroad, but endeavoured the procuring it for those of Rochel, and to establish it in France, both for the greatest good of the people, and the highest glory of his Majesty that could be aimed at. He quickly set on work divers persons of the Town, whom he had gained by opening their eyes, and who were potent enough, with several others, to persuade them to follow the example of the rest of their Party. So that the Deputies who had been sent by the Assemblies of the Hugonots, coming to Court to present to his Majesty the Ratification of the Articles of Peace, which it had pleased his Majesty to accord to them the year last passed, were accompanied with those of Rochel, who came in their behalf to offer their submissions, and to beseech him that they might obtain the same grace and favour which had been granted to the rest of that party. It is true, they did not so much repent for their Rebellion, as they were sorry for those inconveniences, which the King's Army had put upon them, then commanded by the Marshal de Themines, who succeeded the Marshal de Plessis, and who pressed so close upon them, that they could not peep out, but in danger of being taken: For that they no longer had the liberty of enjoying their Goods, and that all their Traffic was spoiled. Affliction doth at last open the eyes of those Rebels, whom insolency and ambition had but lately closed up, of which they gave assured proof, by those earnest entreaties which they made to his Majesty, to forget the Rebellion of which they had been guilty. The same reasons which invited his Majesty to show his Clemency to the rest of that party, did also persuade him to do the like to them of Rochel; as also the Cardinal hinted one more to him, somewhat powerfuller than the rest. There had then been newly discovered a Combinatiyn between divers Princes and Lord, of the Court as shall be anon declared, and amongst others, one of their designs, was to engage Mensieur with the Hugonots Party; so that if Peace had not been granted to Rochel as well as to the other Towns and Cities, it were the ready way to let open a door for War, and to give those Rebels the more means to execute their designs by a high hand; for it were an easy matter by the means of this one City, to raise all the party. And last of all, this great Minister laid down before his Majesty, That the English (being as they were picking a quarrel with us, to which they were inclined) would upon a word speaking find Rochel ready to let them into France. These reasons of State were of great weight, and fit to be considered, of which his Majesty being sensible, he did at last grant the City of Rochel the favour which was desired, and the Cardinal was not a little diligent to watch that this Peace were not concluded upon such shameful Articles, and full of baseness, as formerly they had been. The King consented that the Town should be delivered into the hands of the Corporation, on condition they kept no Ships of War; that they observed those Orders for Traffic which were established in the rest of the Kingdom: That they should restore to the Ecclesiastiques all the Goods which had been taken from them: That they should suffer the Catholics to live freely and quietly in the exercise of the Roman Catholic and Apostolic Religion, and in the enjoyment of those Goods which appertained unto them: That his Majesty should leave what Garrison he thought fit in Fort Lewis, and the Islands of Ree and Oleron, only promising that out of his bounty and goodness, he would settle such a course in it, as those of Rochel, might receive no trouble by it, either in their Commerce, or the enjoyment of their goods. These Articles were agreed on about the beginning of February, and the next day the general and particular Deputies ratified and confirmed them, thinking themselves happy, for having obtained this end from his Majesty's Bounty. By this years' enjoyment of Peace among the Hugonots, his Majesty did with the more ease detect and break the designs of those who were factiously bend, as also he assisted his Allies in Germany, he eased the people, and went on labouring in the means, for restoring of that happiness and glory, which had been so long wished for in the Kingdom. I shall only add, that his Majesty for the surer execution of the Treaty, sent Commissaries to Rochel, who were received there with great honour: Those of Rochel having sent their Deputies to Surgeres, for the establishing the exercise of Religion, and settling things into such order, that there were very great hopes of a true Obedience and long Peace, had not that people been extremely much enured to Rebellion.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough the Rebellions of subjects force a Prince to punish some for an example, yet prudence doth oblige him sometimes to dissemble it, and to give them peace, when as there is any fear of a greater mischief to follow, by any new revolt, which joining their flames with the former, might endanger the putting of the whole into combustion. It could not be any weakness of heart, or necessity (to which as an Ancient saith, the Gods themselves are obedient) will force him to it. It is no fault to fear, when as there is a just ground for it, but it is rather a great piece of prudence, and a virtue, without which there is no enjoyment of happy success in war any long time together of this. Marcellus heretofore gave us a good example, when as Badius, that he might acknowledge the favour which Hannibal had done him, in saving his life, and giving him back his Ransom, made the most part of the inhabitants of Nole revolt against the Romans in the Battle of Cannes. This Captain seeing the conjuncture of Affairs, did oblige him rather to allay then exasperate, used his utmost power to regain Badius, by assuring him, that if he would but return to Rome, those wounds which he had that day received, would bring him great rewards: Badius was much taken with the generousness of the Message, and Marcellus the more to accomplish his design, sent him a very goodly Horse, and five hundred drachmas of Silver, which did so oblige him, that he was ever after very loyal and faithful to him, so that from that time forward he would never inflict any punishment upon those who were revolted. It was more by Prudence then by Force that the Romans became Masters of the Universe. A discreet Minister ought much rather to induce his Master to accommodation on such occasions, then to hazard the State in any eminent danger, by too much stiffness in resolution, for the punishing of those who are revolted, when they are upon the point of having a strong assistance, by which means they may hazard the success of the War.   

An Edict against Duels.  
IT was no small happiness for France to be thus at Peace abroad, and with the Hugonots at home, but the Cardinal could not imagine it sufficient, if not settled amongst the Nobility, who were every day cutting one another's Throats in Duels. It was impossible to persuade them by any reasons, that it was one of the greatest parts of glory, for a wise man and a Christian, to overcome his own emotions of anger, and to forgive his enemies. So this great Minister insinuated into his Majesty, who was already zealously desirous of Justice: That nothing was so contrary to the Law of God, and the welfare of his own State, as Duels, in which there every day perished many of the Nobility, and which hath been always known for one of the greatest Incendiaries of France. It was no hard matter, to persuade him to stop the further course of it, by the terrors of those punishments included ●n an Edict against all such, as should be found guilty of the breach of it. The Edict contained, that all such as should for the future fall into that crime, either challenging or challenged, should be ever after deprived of all their Charges, Pension or other gifts, notwithstanding any letter of favour or grace, which they might procure or obtain, either by surmise or otherways; and that in case they should afterwards attempt any thing against those who should be placed in their Offices, they should presently be degraded out of the Nobility, declared not to be Gentlemen, but Yeomen, and punished with death. And besides, that a third part of their Goods should be confiscated: That the person who carrieth a Challenge should under the Penalties abovesaid be banished three whole years: That all such as should assault or fight with one another▪ upon any occasion, should be proceeded against and punished, as if the design to fight had been premeditated. That all such as should fight out of the Kingdom should be punished in their Goods during their absence, and in their persons after their returns in the same manner, as if it had been committed in France. And lastly, that such as should take with them either a Second or Third, should be punished with out more a do, with death: As also all such, who should the second time carry any one a challenge for Duel.  
These were the chief punishments included in the Edict, and upon the publication of it, his Majesty took a solemn oath, not to she any favour to those who should break it, and commanded his officers, that if it should happen that his Majesty, might by importunity be drawn to grant any pardons for it, they should take no notice of it, and enjoined the Marschals of France to have a great care in ending any difference which might arise between the nobility, giving them authority, that in case any should refuse to give that satisfaction, which should by them be enjoined, they should presently besides those punishments of imprisonment, and such others as might be inflicted on them, be forth with degraded of their nobility▪ It was however much to be doubted, lest those, who should be challenged and did n●t fight would be esteemed as cowards, but to prevent that disorder, his Majesty did also by the same Edict declare, that such refusal to accept of any Challenge should be esteemed as a mark of courage, generous and prudent conduct, and deserving to be employed in Military commands; and he did likewise promise by oath before God, that he would reward such as should forbear to accept of any such challenges.   

Politic Observation.  
PRinces may not permit Duels without partaking in the Crimes of them; for who so hath the Authority in his hands, and maketh not use of it, to punish those offences which are committed against the Laws, is no less guilty, than they who are the absolute Authors of such misdemeanours. The people do not only violate the Law in the persons of their Kings; but the Kings themselves in not punishing the offenders, are guilty of the same crime.  
How unjust is it to leave Duels unpunished, seeing they are condemned by the Judgement of God, when he said, his Blood shall be spilt, that spilleth the Blood of his Neighbour. And under the new Law who so shall take the Sword in hand shall perish by the Sword. I may safely say, there is not any Crime so enormous as this, for the man who committeth it, taketh that Authority which God hath reserved to himself, according to that saying of Saint Paul to the Romans, Vengeance is mine, and I will repay it. And it is not only an attempt upon God's prerogative, but also one of the greatest miseries that a Commonwealth can be afflicted with: For as a great loss of Blood, extinguisheth the vigour of our bodies, maketh our faces become pale, and rendereth nature weak and languishing: So likewise is it with Duels, which draw out the most courageous Blood of the nobility, in which consisteth the Chief strength of the State, which mightily impair the force of it, exstinguishing the lively colours of its beauty, and bringing it into a languishing condition: And if the State be injured in it, those particular persons who perish in such combats are much more exposed to many unhappinesses; for with, the life of their bodies, they likewise lose that of their Souls, by the loss of which the utmost they can hope for is to become objects of Gods Just vengeance, who is seldom wanting to punish even those who escape with the victory, with some notable chastisement, unless they pacify him by a true repentance: For can it be otherwise then very displeasing to him to behold his workmanship so destroyed, which cost him so much, and to see such Souls ruined by the enemy, which have heretofore invited him to show such effects of his power, and such miracles of his love, and all for their sakes?  
The cause of this misfortune is no other than a false and damnable tenant, which finds ways to persuade men, that it is glorious to be revenged, and that to suffer an injury unpunished by their Swords, is a great loss to their Honour. But can there be any reason to think an Action honourable, which is so contrary to God's Laws? It cannot be denied but that the nobility do draw there Chief glory from their courages, but there is a great difference between this virtue of generosity and the Passion of Revenge. This same virtue is no fury, and transportation of the mind, to things against both humane and divine Laws: But it is a vigorous resolution; commendable in a generous Soul which maketh him despise dangers, especially when his Prince commandeth him to fight against the enemies of the State. Valour hath its limitation as all other virtues, and who so goeth beyond those bounds, falleth into the extremity of vice, whence it happened that Agesilaus said, according as Plutarch reporteth it, That valour ought not to be regarded, if not accompanied with Justice. Now that which is showed upon private authority, is it not quite contrary to it? Reason obligeth a man to overcome himself at private and particular quarrels, just as he would his enemies. In Commonwealths well governed Revenge is an Act savouring of a Brute. Socrates once answered a certain man who beat him, If I were an Ass I should run upon thee too, but being a man I must endure it with patience. Is there any reason or sense to fix honour upon an Action prohibited by God, and forbidden by nature? Honour would be but ill grounded, if it had any dependence, upon an unruly passion; it cannot be linked to any thing but virtue, and none but they who are overswayed by passion do pretend to attain it, but by virtuous ways.   

The Condemnation of a Book composed by Sanctarellus the Jesuit.  
WHilst his Majesty was using these just and prudent means, for the establishing of Peace in the State, There did arise very great disputes in the University of Paris, especially between the Doctors of Divinity; and all about a certain book composed by a jesuit, one Sanctarellus by name, which treated of the power Popes had over Kings, which book had been approved by their Chief Precedent, by his Holinefs Vicegerent, and by the Master of the Holy Palace. His Doctrine was very strange, teaching that Popes had a Power of direction, or rather correction over Princes, that they might not only excommunicate them, but deprive them of their Kingdoms too, and absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance, whether it were for Heresy, Apostasy, or any other great public Crime, whether it were for the insufficiency of their persons, or for their not defending the Church; and that his Holiness might at last give their States to such as he should think fit. They who were clear sighted, attributed this work to the Spaniards Ambition, which useth all devices to stir up commotion amongst their neighbours, and fish their own ends out of the troubled Waters, and who did at that time chief aim to draw the hatred of all Christendom upon the King, by reason of the succours which he had given to the Grisons and Hollanders, and of some assistance which the Princes of Germany, who were oppressed by them, did hope for from his Majesty. These tricks of theirs are so ordinary, that it might easily be concluded this in particular was shot out of their Bow, and that it was only a piece forged in the Fire of their Ambition. But that we may not be longer stayed upon the consideration of the promoters of so strange an opinion. I shall only add, that for the present it made a great noise amongst the Doctors, and was opposed by several books, which were then set out; and that the whole Body of divinity did condemn it; some indeed of the old league seemed to favour it; But the Parliament, which is the depositary of the King's power, that they might not let his Majesty's Authority rest Idle, called the chief of the Society of jesus before them, and obliged them to sign a Declaration, by which they should condemn the said Book, and to cause another of the like to be subscribed by all the Provincials and Rectors, and by six of the most ancient of every one of their Colleges in France, and so ordered the said Book to be burned by the Hangman, with prohibition to the Stationers to sell any of them.   

That the Kings of France may not be deposed by the Pope.  
IT is very often no less important to prevent the offending of the Regal Authority, by the publishing of any pernicious Doctrine, then to oppose any violences which are offered to it by Arms. In my opinion he spoke very learnedly, who likened this authority to the apple of the eye, which may not be touched though never so little, but the whole man is suddenly troubled and hurt by it; for to say truth, it can hardly be expressed unto how many inconveniences a State is exposed, when once the authority is entrenched upon, or shaken, though it be but a very little. But would not that Magistrate be very much to blame, who should suffer, that the authority of our Kings should be brought under any other power, which might despoil them of it? Were it not the only ready way to open a gate to the revolts of Grandees, who would find means enough to embroil the State as often as they pleased, if the people might but once be persuaded that the King were guilty of any great sin, uncapable of ruling, suspected of heresy, or a favourer of heretics? were it not the ready way to furnish the ambition of strangers with a pretext for entering upon and invading the Nation, when and as often as they would, or had power so to do? Besides, what appearance of any reason were there to tolerate so dangerous at enent, and which all the Fathers of antiquity have condemned as erroneous, & which too was but now late risen up again, in these last ages, and in the time of Gregory the seventh, who first attempted to make it vallid? The King never ceaseth to be King, until he be deposed by him, who first constituted him to be King, or unless he falls under those conditions which his first Constitutor hath declared should be the means he would use to throw him down from his authority; Our Kings are only appointed by the hand of God: He hath made use of their courages to set the Crown upon their heads, and God hath not appointed, that either Apostasy, Heresy, or any other Crime should be the condition, which should shake them out of their Authority, for that both good and bad do equally reign, as we have heretofore said, and by consequence they cannot be deposed but by God himself; nor can they be deprived of their Authority, for any crime whatever. Besides, if they could be deposed by Popes; it would necessarily follow that the Pope must be superior to them in Temporal Power, for that such deposing must needs be the Act of a superior jurisdiction, now the Popes are so far from being above them in this particular, that rather on the contrary the most ingenious and able writers of antiquity have confessed that they are inferior to them. Pope Gelasius writ to the Emperor Anastasius, Polagius the first to Childebert, one of our Kings, and St. Gregory to the Emperor Mauritius, and that in such express terms that their meaning cannot be questioned; The most moderate of them who uphold this error, cannot maintain against these reasons, the power of dispossing Kings, which they ascribe to the Pope; they say indeed it is not an absolute and direct power that they have, and that they do not so much excercise it in despoiling them from commanding, as in dispensing their subjects from their oaths of allegiance which they had made to them; But how frivolous is this evasion? For the Popes cannot dispense with divine right, and the obedience from subjects to their Princes is commanded by divine right in an hundred express places of Holy writ; But I shall pass farther on, and say that it is not in the power of a King to bring himself under such a condition, as that their subjects can be discharged from their duties and oaths, by any means or way whatsoever, for they may not do any Act which is prejudicial to the Regal Authority, entrusted in their hands, but they are bound to leave it entire, not maimed to their successors. Whence it happened that Philip the Long, intending to make a Treaty with his subjects of Flanders, granted to them for their security of his observing the league, that they might rise against him, and withdraw themselves from his obedience, if he should fail in that which did belong to him or his part, but he was hindered by those of his counsel, who represented to him, that it was unlawful for him to make any such condition.   

The subtle means which the Cardinal used to join the Princes of the lower Saxony, into a league with the Auseatique towns against the house of Austria.  
THough Peace was very necessary for France, yet it was no less needful to prevent the rising of the house of Austria, in Germany, which had usurped the Lands of divers Princes there and oppressed their liberties, especially since the Treaty of ulm. For the same reason it was that the King of great Britain sending Count Mansfeld with an Army, to endeavour the restablishment of his Brother in Law the Palatine, his Majesty aided him with two thousand Horse and a good sum of money, but these Forces were not enough, to oppose those of the Emperor, but it was requisite to send more and greater; England would have engaged the King to have joined in an Offensive league, and declared the war against him, but it was improbable his Majesty would hearken to such proposals, for that affairs were not in a condition fit for such an attempt, so they were rejected: But the Prudence of Monsieur the Cardinal, which is never deficient in the finding out expedients fit for the greatness his Master, and did give life and heat to that design which the Princes of Germany, had heretofore resolved on, of putting themselves into the field, in defence of their liberty, and for the restablishing of those, who had been forced out of their States.  
The King, who hath a most admirable apprehension to Judge of those counsels which are given, quickly conceived the goodness of this, and in order thereunto he sent about the end of the year, last part, the Sieur de la Picardiere, to the King of Denmark, the Princes of the Lower Saxany and the Auseatique Cities; His instructions were to represent to the King of Denmark, and those other Princes, that the King his Master did hear with much joy their resolution to take up Arms, for the establishing of the Prince Elector and his Brothers, and to repel those menaces wherewith they were threatened, and the ancient friendship, which had always kept their States in good Union, obliging his Majesty to be solicitous, of their Interests, had induced him to send a proffer unto them, of what ever was within his power. They had beseeched his Majesty, not to engage himself in any league with Germany, without giving them notice of it, which he had not only order to assure them of, but also to promise them, the sum of a Million of livures in two years' time, and French Troops besides. He had moreover express order to excite them to a quick dispatch, because experience hath made it evident on a thousand occasions, that the success of most enterprises doth usually depend upon the ready and dexterous excecuting of them, and that when as much time is taken in deliberation, the most favourable opportunities are lost by it. But these reasons were needless, for by that time that he came to them, he found them with their Arms in their hands, and the King of Denmark had already sent some Forces by Sea, to join with those of the other Princes, who began to threaten the Empeour, and forced him to send Count Tilly to advance towards them for the opposing of their designs: Yet he did not a little heighten their resolution, setting them on, by proposing to them what a glory it would be to them, to restablish their Allies, and also by telling them with opportunities of advantage, they had against the Emperor's Forces who were but weak, and much dispersed, by reason of the wars in Italy and the Valtoline, whereas their Army was fresh, and numerous, and all their Forces met in a Body together. He had particular order not to demand any thing in prejudice of the Catholics, His Majesty having no other end in his intentions, but the settling the Liberties of Germany and the restating of those Princes. Who had been clapped out of their States; And whereas of lower Saxony is composed of several Auseatique Cities, as well as Princes, which Towns and Cities were no less against the war, than the Princes were for it, by reason their Traffic was into Spain, and they much suspected, lest if they should declare against the house of A●stria, the Spaniard would then stop their Ships and break their Trade; He was commanded to visit them in his progress, and to persuade them, to associate themselves with the Princes in the league, as also to contribute toward the maintenance of the Army, and to represent to them that in case they should refuse to join in the design, they would then run a very great hazard, lest the King of Denmark fall upon them, who had an old grudge to them, and only wanted such a pretence to be upon them, especially now that he had his Arms in his hand: and that if he should be to weak to force them, he might however easily enough ruin their Trade particularly that of Danzik and Lub●c, and of other places too by stopping up the strait of the Zound by which their Ships must necessarily pass, and also that of Hambourg and Breme, by building some Forts on the Rivers Elve and Vezel, which do belong unto him; That in case such a misfortune should befall them, all their Allies, would undoubtedly abandon them; That the King of Spain could not assist them, he being to far off, that he had not one Ship upon that Sea, and that as for himself and the King of great B●itt●ige, they could not in consideration of the King of ●en●ark, take care or notice, to hinder the Hollanders from seizing on their vessels between Calis and Dover, which should make any voyadge into Spain, which being so their Commerce would be for ever ruined and decayed; so that it would be much better for them to league themselves with the Princes, which if he should do his Majesty would undertake their protection against all their enemies, and that the King of England, and Hollanders too would give them the same assistance: These were the chief Instructions which the Sieur de la Picardier received, and all which he effected with so great judgement and good success, that he he went not from them until he had seen their Army march into the field, and persuaded the Auseatique Towns, to join in League with the Princes. This was not a work of small importance; for the resolution of this Enterprise, was one of the chief motives which induced the Spaniards to conclude the Treaty of Mouson, forced them to abandon the Valtolin●, and to relinquish the designs, which they had in Italy, and leave all the rest of the Allies of France remain in peace and quiet. His Majesty testified to him that he was well pleased with his conduct and management of the business, for carrying on to that perfection, the design of uniting the Auseatique Towns and the Princes of Germany, and accordingly his Majesty sent them Troops and Forces and such moneys as he had engaged to them, as also to keep an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men upon the Frontiers of Campaign, to engage some part of the Emperor's forces to stay in Alsatia, by which means he might give the more advantage to those of the League, who did in the revolution of the year, make a great progress by this means against the Emperor's Armies.   

It is the highest piece of Prudence to assault one's enemy by a third Person.  
IF it is advantageous for the King to settle a Peace at home in his own Kingdom, it will be no less needful for him to drive on some War among his neighbouring Princes, to the intent that they being forced to defend themselves might be so prevented from attempting any thing against France. It is one of the best pieces of Policy for which Lewis the eleventh is commended in History; for he knowing the designs which the English and the Duke of Bourgogne had contrived against him, did raise them so many new broils, that he hrought them to an impossibility of executing their wicked intentions against him. Above all this one means ought to be made use of, when as a Sovereign doth once begin to grow so Potent by his Arms, that he becomes terrible by reason of his Victories. The safety of States doth consist in the equality of the neighbouring Princes, and there is great reason of fear, if any one of them shall grow to be too Potent; for that Ambition which is natural to all Princes, cannot well contain itself within bounds when it is once accompanied with Power.  
It is the highest point of Wisdom, to assault one's enemy by a third hand, to raise a League against him, in which one is not any thing concerned; but only to contribute some moneys, or send some Troops thither, which may be as occasion serves disowned; for is not this the way to obtain the end which a man doth propose, without any great expense, and without putting any thing in hazard or danger? An Enemy is sometimes overcome by this way with more advantage, then if the whole force of a State had been employed against him; at least he will by this means be so busied, that he will not have any time to think of attempting any thing on his neighbours, but rather how he may best defend himself, and yet one is not all this while forced to break with him, but preserveth Peace in his own Country, one is at little or no charge, and the Soldiers will be spent who under go many great inconveniences in strange Countries: The Ambassador who is to negotiate such a Treaty, after he hath resolved upon, and set down this truth for the foundation of his good success. That Princes have no other motives in their designs then their own particular Interest is obliged, to induce them to whom he is sent to have a good opinion in his Audiences, and to represent all those things and reasons which may further and countenance the design which he would insinuate and persuade them to. He ought to let them know, that the Peace in which a great Prince is left, doth raise great suspicions, and serves to no other end, but only to augment his Force, and establish his Power, that not long after he may attempt new designs. That many Princes have in fine been ruined by being two great Lovers of the Sweets of Peace: That it is much better to prevent an Enemy, then to stay in expectation of him; by which means he may be taken unprovided, and consequently be the easilier ruined, whereas staying for him, will give the less abilities to ourselves for our defences, by letting him take what advantages he pleaseth against us: That those who love quiet in an over great measure, do never subsist long; for it is to their enemies a most evident sign of little courage, and less resolution, to repulse any attempts which may be made upon them: That nothing is more shameful than a Peace which giveth way to our enemies, to fortify themselves for the commencing a War, and that he who neglecteth first to fall on them, when he hath reason on his side, both but add to their Insolences and Courages: That a false gloss of Peace, will at last deprave into a base and true servitude: That after all, it will be easy for them to vanquish and overcome their enemies, if they will join and unite their Forces; for by every ones contributing the to War, they will have a greater power, and with less charge than their enemies: That it will be very honourable and glorious for them to have kerbed his Ambition, whose Arms begin to strike a terror into all the World; and by thus insinuating to them the glory, utility and facility of the design, they cannot but let themselves be persuaded to engage in it with a great deal of readiness and affection.   

Combinations of divers Grandees of the Court against the King and State.  
IT is as impossible long to keep France in quiet, as to prevent the agitation of the Sea by Winds. The humour of the French is full of Action, and they are no sooner clear of one broil or War, but they are desirous of beginning another. The Cardinal had used his utmost endeavour to settle the Kingdom in quiet, but divers young Princes and Lords of the Court, not able to relish the sweetness of such a Calm, did still engage it in some new Commotions. Peace indeed did not so much grate upon their humours, as the cause which gave it, which was nothing else, but the Authority with which his Majesty dispatched the Affairs of the Realm, and the necessities which he laid upon them to live within the limits of their duties: Now as they had much ado to submit after they had many years lived in an entire licentiousness, they resolved to employ all their endeavours to shake off the yoke. The most expert amongst them, acquainted the rest how the Cardinal was the man, who had persuaded his Majesty to take this power into his own hands; whence if followed that they laid their heads together and contrived, how they might bring him into some disgrace, or remove him by what means soever it were from the Stern. As their design was extravagant, so the ways which they proposed to accomplish it were extremely difficult. They despaired of doing any good upon the King's mind towards it, for that he was too clear sighted, not to be mindful of those signal advantages which he had received from the sage advices of this great Minister, and too too indulgent of his States good, to deprive it of so prudent a supporter; so that they concluded there remained only 2 ways, proper to attain their end. The first was to put all things into confusion, & then to force the Sceptre out of the King's hand, by which means they might bring things to that pass, that they might have none above them, but God to Pray too. The other was to form so powerful a Party amongst the Princes, that they might be able to give the Law to his Majesty, to constrain him to banish the Cardinal, and to compel him to be ruled by their directions. This Cabal consisted of a great many persons, which as it could not be done but with a multitude, so there wanted not some who spoke very rashly of it: There were divers reports spreadabroad of what they intended, which were published, though whisperingly, with a great deal of insolency, and at the same time it was known that a Favourite of Buckingham's, said openly in England, That there was so great a Faction contriving against the King, and carried on by Monsieurs Counsellors, that all the Catholics of the Queen's house might be driven out without any danger, and Heretics placed in their room, though contrary to the Articles of marriage. There were some two of the Bourbonnois engaged in this Combination, who talked so openly and confidently, that notice being given of it to the King and his Ministers; it was adjudged that they intended to carry things to extremity, and that it would not be much amiss to give Commission of Enquiry to the Vice-Seneschal of the Bourbonnois, to make enquiry of the truth, who gave a great light of the whole matter, by his informations. It was likewise discovered that Madam de Che●●reuse, being discontented that her private intelligences with the English Ambassador were so publicly taken notice of, did not a little promote the undertake, by her animating of Monsieur the Grand Prior, and Chalais to execute it; both which were engaged by love to her; as also that the Colonel de Ornano, abusing Monsieurs goodness, and the credit which his place gave him, did absolutely divert him from the marriage which his Majesty had so earnestly desired should be celebrated.  
The Cardinal on the other side having been acquainted that Lovugry who was one of the cabal, being deeply in love with a Lady of quality; had discovered to her the sum of their design, and amongst other things had assured her, that Chalais was one of the chief instruments in the enterprise, he resolved to go pass away some time at Chailliot, in Chalais father in Laws house, that he might the better make use of his prudence to discover more particulars of the business. His design took effect, and as there are few things in his wish which the greatness of his prudence cannot accomplish, it is said that he found a device to learn several things from Chalais own mouth, and that he assured him both of his own assistance and his Majesty's favour in case he should do that which was desired of him in this business of discovery. He likewise found out how the Colonel d' Ornano, was the Ringleader of the Plot, hurried into it by like for fear lest if Mounsieur should marry, his Princess would assume to herself, those advantages which he then had over his Spirit; That their chief end was to unite all the Princes so close together that they might enforce his Majesty, not to remove any of them from the Court, and with all to permit them to live in the same licentiousness that they had a long while formerly enjoyed; That to this effect, they endeavoured the breaking of the match between Monsieur and Madamoiselle de M●ntpensier, and to bring on that of Madamoiselle de Bourbon, which would more nearly engage Monsieur to their Interests; or else to persuade him to marry some other stranger Princess, which might be a means to shelter, and defend their designs by the Forces and assistances which they might reasonably expect from such a family. That this once effected, they intended the Count de Soissons should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier, that the Houses of Guise and Bourbon might be united together, and in this manner, they would in a moment huddle up together almost all the leading potent persons of Court. It was no small advantage for the Affairs of the State to know that end this Cabal did drive at. The Cardinal was not defective, in acknowledging the services which Chalais had done in that particular, and he might certainly have made very great advantages by it, had he not relapsed into former contrivances and designs.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is a very great Imprudence, to engage in any Faction against the Prince of State, under hope of not being discovered. It cannot be denied, but most ill-doers do believe their disorders will lie concealed; For who would commit them, if he thought he should be detected? But who knoweth not, that there is a certain blindness which attendeth on sin, like a thick curtain spread over the eyes of the Soul, which obstructeth the seeing such things as are most in themselves perspicuous and hurrieth the mind into excess of Rashness? Whosoever will suffer himself to be reduced by the Error, must of necessity be ignorant of what the Son of God hath said in the Gospel, That there is nothing hid which shall not be found out, nor nothing how secret soever, but time shall discover, God who over-ruleth Kingdoms, and watcheth for their conservation, will not permit, that those Plots and conspiraces which are contrived against them by some particular persons, should remain concealed; and it oftentimes so falls out, That Justice being guided by his Providence, causeth the very Author himself to become the discoverer before he be ware of it. All great secret is a great Burden to the Bearer, and experience hath often showed, that it is almost impossible, for a man to keep it any long time without disburthening his Breast of it: If perchance a man hath the power to bridle his tongue from discovering it, yet can he never forbear the discovery of it, by some Actions, which will speak it to those of understanding. And truly it seem God permitteth it so to be for the glory of innocence, under whose Laws, few would enforce themselves to live, if Treachery had discretion enough to conceal itself.  
Aristole, did judiciously answer him, who demanded what was the most difficult thing in the World? when he said, that it was to conceal that which was not fit to be made known; since no man could be thought capable of keeping a secret, but he who could endure a burning Coal upon his Tongue. Indeed whatever is once known to three persons, is quickly after made common to all; for that each of them having an itching desire to speak of, relateth it to his friend, and so from one to another it comes to be published. According to which, History too hath recoreded many wicked designs closely contrived, yet at length brought unto light.  
Plutarch saith, that in the Cyprian War one Aristocrates chief of the Messenians, was the cause of their being cut in pieces by a notable piece of Treasons, into which the desire of rule had engaged him, and that twenty years after it pleased God to permit his wickedness to be found out, and himself severely punished; and it were needless to produce any the like examples, for that History is full of them,   

The Marshal of Ornano Arrested at Fountainbleau, and carried Prisoner to the Castle of Bois de Vincennes.  
●T were a dangerous folly to give them who contrive against the State, time to execute their designs. Accordingly the King resolved with advice of his Council to secure the Ringleaders of the conspiracy, yet still pretending ignorance both of the persons and their intentions. He had been ever since the beginning of the Spring at Fountainbleau, not so much for his recreation, as because it was easier to dive into the bottom of those Intrigues in such little Towns then at Paris, the vastness and confusion of which is sufficient to hid and shelter the greatest wickednesses. The whole Court attended him, and the chief of that Faction failed not to be there. But his Majesty needed no other witness then his own eyes to discover their frequent meetings, nor other proofs but his own ears to convince the Marshal de Ornano to be the chief of that Cabal, and of the extreme Passion that they had to hinder Monsieurs match by his frequent discoursing with his Majesty whole hours together upon that Subject. He was not ignorant, that Princes were jealous of no one thing more, then of their own authority, and upon that ground it was, that he principally endeavoured to incite the King, by making him believe, that those who persuaded him to marry Monsieur were not very affectionate to his service, that this marriage of Monsieur would quickly raise him up Children, and as soon as he should have a Male, every one would consider him as a rising Sun, that the Grandees would forsake his Majesty to follow him, and that he would soon find a power set up in the State, able to confront his own Authority. This Artifice was subtle, and fitted to cast a Mist before his Majesty's eyes, had he not been before hand well informed of his design; and if after mature consideration of the reason, he had not concluded it of less consequence than the breaking of his wicked devices. His importunities the true witnesses of his excessive Passion, made his Majesty conclude that it was not safe any longer to defer the securing of his Person, and he thought it so much the more necessary, from the rule which he had learned in Tacitus, that for the hindering the progress of a Conspiracy against the State, it would be needful to make sure of the chief; because most commonly all the others are then left with as little motion, as the Members of the body, after the head is once cut off; besides imprisoning of him, Monsieur too was in a manner secured; accordingly his Majesty returning from hunting upon the fourth of May, gave command to some Companies of his Lifeguard, to beset the ways between Fountain-bleau and Paris, to seize upon those of the Cabal, if they should endeavour to save themselves by flight; in fine, his Majesty caused him to be Arrested by the Sieur de Hallire Captain of his Guard, he was imprisoned in the Castle, and from thence guarded to the Bois de Vincennes, where a few months after he died of a stoppage in the Bladder.  
In the mean while his Majesty, who never speaks openly any one syllable, which may be of consequence in affairs, kept close the reasons which obliged him to restrain him, neither did he show any coldness in his carriage to his Complices, as well that he might prevent their running into extremities, and oblige them to quit themselves of wicked designs; as also that he might have an opportunity to seize on Monsieur de Vendosm, who was suspected to be of that party, his Majesty was pleased to signify to the Queen his Mother, that he had imprisoned him by reason of-some broils he had intended to raise between him and his Brother: Monsieur having notice of it, went presently to wait upon the King, who assured him of the truth of it, and told him the same reason which he had sent the Queen his Mother; to which Monsieur answered, that if he should be convinced of the truth of it, he would be the first that should prosecute Justice against him; but withal, that it were proper to consider whether his enemies had not made this contrivance against him; but he could not contain himself upon this occasion, as in divers others from testifying his displeasure at it.   

Politic Observation.  
●T is expedient after the discovery of a Conspiracy, to wink at those who are guilty, for the better preventing of them, and seizing on their chief instruments: The reason is, because they soon draw their necks out of the Collar, if they have the least suspicion of being detected; and sometimes so fortify themselves, that it becomes almost impossible to hinder the execution of their intentions, or to secure their persons. Lewis the eleventh was very dexterious in this particular, as Philip de Consinus relates in several places of his History, particularly in the reception he gave the Constable of St. Paul, when he came to him near Noyon in the year one thousand four hundred seventy three, he received him with so many endearments, and gave him so many fair words, that the Constable thought himself bound to believe him. The King dissembled for two years together, the hatred which he bore unto him, because his other affairs did not concur with his resolution of chastising him; but at last he cut off his head, it is likewise reported, that he would let his son Charles the eighth, learn any other Latin then the Proverb, Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare, so much did he esteem dissimulation to be a quality necessary in a Prince, which amongst private men passeth most commonly for a Vice. The wise Fowler spreadeth not his Nets for one or two Birds, but expects until the whole flight, or the greatest part of them light together, that he may take a great many at once; and so a wise Prince who would secure himself of the chief heads of a Conspiracy, knows well how to dissemble with them, till such time as occasion presents itself, that he may snap them all together, or at least those without whom the rest are not able to attempt any thing considerable, that he may bring in practice the saying of Seneca the Tragedian, that he who takes notice of a Conspiracy before the Complices be imprisoned, looseth the occasion of punishing them.   

The Cardinal beseecheth the King to permit his retirement from the Court.  
THE Soul of Monsieur the Cardinal did like the Palm undergo with Courage all those burdens which were imposed upon him, neither was he much moved at those pernicious contrivances, though he knew his own ruin was the principal which they aimed at. However to remove all pretences which his enemies might raise to asperse him. That his fortune was built upon the loss of divers men of quality, if they should be punished according to their deserts, and to take off any pretext for their making of Factions in the State, should they but arrive to the end which they proposed to themselves, he resolved to beseech the King to give him leave to retire himself from the Court. He could not be reproached for this Act without injustice, seeing the discontent of all those Factious persons was only grounded upon the Power, Authority, and Glory, which he had acquired for his Master, and the good Order and Government which he had established in the State. Great and Noble Souls, cannot endure that Envy herself should have the least occasion to detract from their Glory; and accordingly, he testified to the whole Nation, that he did not at all consider his own Interests. Now that he might the easilier obtain his request of withdrawing himself, and that he might the better dispose his Majesty to grant it, he entreated the King being then at Fountainbleau, that he would give him leave to pass away some few days at Limours, by reason of some indisposition, which he found growing upon him, which the King gave way to, and being there, he was visited by Monsieur, what resentments soever he had for the Marshal de Ornano's imprisonment, as also by Monsieur the Prince of Condy, whom he had persuaded the Queen Mother to Caresse; notwithstanding all her aversions from it, that he might engage him in his Majesty's interests, and divert him from taking part with those of the Cabal. From thence it was, that Monsieur the Cardinal writ to his Majesty, beseeching him, that he would be pleased to let him withdraw himself. He presented to him, that for his own part he never had any other designs in his service, than his glory and the good of his State; but was now extremely much discontented to find the Court divided upon his occasion, and the fire of dissension ready to flame out, and all with design for his ruin. That he would little esteem his life, if employed in his Majesty's service, and for the good of his Crown; but that it could not but trouble him, to see himself basely Butchered in the midst of the Court, as it was almost impossible for him to avoid it, he being every day attended by a multitude of men, whom he knew not, and not having any one near him, who could defend him from any violence which might be offered to him, that in case his Majesty's pleasure were such, that he would command him to continue near him, and in this danger he would most gladly obey him without the least repugnancy, because there was not any thing which he would prefer before his Majesties Will. But the confidence he had that his Majesty could not take any delight to behold him, ending his days by such a death, to which he could not be exposed, but his Majesty must remain injured and offended; did oblige him to think good to retire himself from the Court. He added, that his want of health too which was much impaired, by that great concourse of people, with which he was daily over-pressed; did make him believe, he could not long hold out in the management of Affairs, and that his Majesty had so much the more reason to grant him his request, in regard his weakness would in a little while make him useless in his service.  
He writ to the same effect unto the Queen Mother, and begged her to employ her Power with his Majesty to obtain his requests. But their Majesties were so far from having the least inclination to admit of his retirement; that on the contrary, the King openly declared, he would never give his consent to it, he being sensible enough of those great happinesses which he had procured to the Kingdom already, of that credit and esteem, which he had raised his Arms unto amongst strangers, of the submission to which he had reduced the Heretics, of the good Order which he had established in the Treasuries, and of the great height whereunto he had advanced the Authority of his Sceptre. The Queen Mother too, considering over and above these reasons which were not unknown to her what a loss it is to a State, to be deprived of a grand Minister, how useful the Cardinal was to her Counsels and Interests, at the same instant resolved to oppose his removal, so that it was by their common advices concluded to command him, no longer to think of absenting himself, and to let him know that his services were too well known, to procure an assent for his departure; and lastly, that he need not be afflicted at the sense of those wicked designs which were contrived against him, nor at the inconveniences which he suffered in point of health, for that it were easy to remedy both one and tother. Monsieur the Cardinal who prefers nothing in respect of their Majesty's will and pleasure, submitted all his resolutions accordingly. The King too, that he might provide for the safety both of his life and health, assigned Guards to him, who were to wait on him every where, and defend him from any attempts of his enemies, he commanded the Sieur de Folain, to have an especial care, that his health were not prejudiced by the multitude of people who made addresses to him, but that entrance were only permitted unto such as had occasion to speak with him, about some urgent Affairs. These Provisions of the King were so many certain testimonies of the good Will, which his Majesty did bear towards him, and I think that the honour he got in this Action, was more considerable than all the rest; for by it he evinced to the whole Nation, that he was not tied to the Court; but only for his Majesty's service, and that his own particular interests and concerns were not valued at all by him.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is impossible to prevent that the splendour of an extraordinary virtue, honoured by a Prince with a great power, should not raise up the Envy of those who have never so little Ambition in them. The Sun doth not more naturally attract divers vapours from the earth, which afterwards become Clouds and darken his light, than a grand Minister doth ordinarily see his own merit, and the greatness of his Genius draw upon him the hatred of the Grandees, that they make use of factions and divisions against him. We have elsewhere said, that Fortune was never yet seen to defend them from this infelicity, and I shall now add that the chief and ready way for great men to exempt themselves from the blame and the troubles which envy may stir up against them, is to manifest, that their meddling in affairs of Public concern, is free from all manner of self-interest, which may easily be done, by their desiring to withdraw themselves from the trouble of Government, to lead a private life. This moderation will stop the mouths of the most embittered men, who after this, cannot find any thing to object against the power wherewith they are honoured, and are forced to convert their hatred into admiration. Lucullus finding that the glory of his Triumph, had laid him open to the hatred of some leading men in the Commonwealth, withdrew himself from the management of Public affairs, to spend the time in studying of Arts; but he was instantly entreated by the wiser sort, not to follow his own inclinations in that particular, and at such a time, for it was not unknown, that he was only able to curb the ambition of Pompey. And Augustus (as Suetonius reporteth) did often desire to quit the Empire, when he found how difficult it was to deal with the people of Rome. The Pope St. Gregory the Great, in the like manner, knowing that the course of his life, did offend many persons, who could not endure that his example should oblige them to live retiredly and reservedly, and had designed to choose another Pope in his place, he declared to them; that he for his part should be very much afflicted to find any storms arise in the Church upon his score, and that he would much more willingly surrender the Government, then see any Schism arise amongst them. But this his modesty and humility, represented him so venerable a person, that those very men, who did not resent his Government, were obliged to acknowledge the greatness of his worth. Lastly, although it be commendable in a great State's man to make show of such moderation, to the end he may silence that Envy to which he is exposed; yet a King is bound to make some difficulty in ascenting to his retirement, on such an occasion. No Counsel can better be followed, then that of the wise man (who said) he who hath found a faithful servant, aught to cherish him like his Soul, and to esteem him as a brother; and it cannot be denied, but that to deprive a Kingdom of the assistance and guidance of a Soul highly generous and understanding, were to take away the Sun from it, and to fill it with horror and confusion.   

The Imprisonment of the Duke de Vendosm, and the Grand Prior of France his Brother, at Blois.  
IT had been little to the purpose, barely to have imprisoned the Marshal de Ornano, if some others too of the chief Complices had not been secured, and especially, the Grand Prior, who was much to be feared, he being a person of greater abilities to carry on a design then all the rest. His Brother too, the Duke of Vondosm was not to be neglected, considering the intelligence which his Majesty had but newly received of his endeavours, to withdraw the people from the obedience which they own to his Crown: That he had caused himself to be called Monsieur the Duke without any other Title: That he had commanded this form of Prayer to be used in the Church, Pro famulo tuo duce, domino nostro: That he had sundry times attempted by money to corrupt the Sieur de Cange, than Lieutenant of the Castle of Nants: That he felt the Pulse of the Nobility, the Parliament, and Chamber of Account, that he might the better fortify himself in the Province; an intelligence which ought so much the more to be looked into, in regard two brothers do not usually enter upon any great design, but by a joint consent; that some pretensions they might have (though weak ones) upon Britain, and that nothing doth sooner engage great men in the Factions of a Court then Ambition. Now although it was very needful to arrest him, yet it was difficult to be done in Britain, by reason of the great Power he held there, so it was thought fit to withdraw him, and engage him to wait upon his Majesty upon some pretence or other. No way was imagined to be more expedient for it, then to work upon the Grand Prior, by feeding him with hopes of the Admiralty, concerning which he was to treat with the Sieur de Montmorancy, or at least by persuading him that in case that charge were taken away, as it was then intended, he was the only man who should have the Commission to discharge that Office.  
These Proposals were made to him, with so much address, that they made sure of him, and absolutely convinced him that there was not any suspicion in the least of him, and the King going to Blois, where it was not known that he intended to pass on any further, his Majesty told him how glad he should be, that the Duke of Vendosm would come to him, so he presently took upon himself to go to him, and to persuade him to come and pay all signs of obedience ●o his Majesty. Some have said, that he being doubtful, lest his Majesty had already conceived some apprehensions against the Duke of Vendosm, did demand assurance for his bringing him to his Majesty at Blois, and that his Prudence returned such an answer, which though it obliged him to nothing, yet it gave the Grand Prior satisfaction enough to engage the Duke to undertake the journey. I pass my word to you (quoth the King, as is reported) that he may come to me, and that he shall have no more hurt done him then yourself, though for my part I cannot but much doubt of this particular passage; but true it is he went from the Court and shortly after brought the Duke his Brother with him to Blois, where his Majesty received them with so many, embraces and endearments, that they could not in the least suspect the resolution which was taken for securing of their persons.  
Before I proceed to the manner of their being taken. I cannot but observe, how very recessary it is, that the Chief Offices of the administration, be supplied with persons of courage as well as of Integrity, The King sent for the seal to the Lord Chancellor Haligie, the very same day that the Grant Prior went to fetch the Duke of Vendosme. The Honesty of his Minister was not unknown to all the world, but it could not be denied, that his mind was low and full of fear which he did sufficiently make appear▪ when as upon the taking of the Marshal d'Ornano, he had not the courage to justify his Majesty's counsels in that particular before Monsieur, although the thing itself were one of the most important accidents, that had a long time happened for the good of the State. This passion of timerousness, is a very improper quality in a supreme Minister of Justice, who is bound to make head against all wickedness, and not only that, but also to use courage and force to resist and overcome it; this was it which obliged his Majesty to take the seal from him, and to intrust it with the Sieur de Marillac, superintendent of the treasury, whose loyalty was then in great credit amongst all well affected men, and who had testified a great deal of resoluteness in the dispatch of those affairs which presented themselves unto him. The super-intendency was bestowed on the Monsieur d'Effiat, whose judgement and discreet conduct was well known in sundry occasions, particularly in the late affair of the Match with England. But that I may now return, to the two Brothers, who were come to wait on this Majesty at Bloys, his Majesty being retired to his bed, sent about two hours after mid night to find out the Sieurs d'Hallier and the Marquis de Moicy, Captains of his Guards, and commanded them to go into their Chambers, and make sure of their persons; accordingly they seized on them and it is reported that, the Duke of Vendosm, beginning first to speak should say, looking on his Brother, well Brother, did not I tell you in Britain, that we should be arrested? and that the Grand Prior should answer, would I were dead, upon condition you were safe there again, and then that the Duke should reply. I told you the truth when I said the Castle of Blois was a place fatal to Princes. They then made a thousand excuses, each telling the other that he was the cause of their imprisonment, and that they themselves confessed, that they were advised that evening by a letter how they should be imprisoned, but that they could not believe it. That whole morning, they had liberty to disburden their miracles by their complaints, of the misfortune in which they found themselves embroiled. Afterward they were carried to the Castle of Amboyse, and thence to the Bois de Vincennes. This blow gave the alarm to the whose Cabal, though his Majesty who would content himself with punishing of some few, pretended to be ignorant of the rest: He also sent a commission to the Count de Soissons, to command during his absence in and about Paris, for the securing of it. It's true he would not trust himself there, but chose rather to pass away, some little time either in Savoy or Italy. A certain Princess took the boldness to say unto some who went to visit her that notwithstanding the assurance, which the King had given to the Grand Prior, in behalf of his Brother the Duke of Vendosm, yet that both of them were arrested; which did clearly evince, that those were near his Majesty did persuade him to break his promises; which being reported to the King, it is said he was pleased to answer, that the was not well informed of the whole passage, and that he was not concerned to entertain such discourse, for that if they knew themselves innocent, they would never have thought of demanding a security to come and wait upon him: and that who so doth require an assurance for his attending on his Sovereign, doth in effect condemn himself to be guilty, and that the promises which are made on such an occasion ought not to be his warrant, unless they be very clear and express to that purpose.   

Politic Reflection.  
ALthough all absolute promises which are made by Kings, aught to be kept, and that even with seditious persons; yet it is not the same thing, where a divers sense may be imposed on them, or where there is an apparent good will showed on purpose to draw them on into a snare prepared to arrest them. To punish them and hinder their troubling the repose of the Kingdom, cannot be denied for an Act of Justice, which if it cannot be done but by giving them fair hopes and good words to a muse them, than such means are to be made use of accordingly, provided always, that there be no express promise granted unto them. King Antigonus having understood how that Pitho Governor of Media, did raise Soldiers, and money, to revolt against him; pretended not to believe those informations, but gave out, that he would send him an Army to command upon some exploit or other, designing that Pitho when he once heard how affectionately he was esteemed, would peradventure come to wait upon him; which indeed happened accordingly, for he presently repaired to the Court, showing himself highly pleased with the Honour which the King did him, and that he came on purpose to receive his Majesty's Commands, whereas Antigonus finding him within his power chasticed him according to his deserts.  
Pope Leo, made use of the self same device, to imprison John Paul Baylloni and to punish him for those Crimes which he had committed, and he answered those who complained of being deceived by his promises, that evil doers could not think themselves deceived; when they were chastised for their falls, but that they were deceived, when as there were permitted to continue Scot free in their Crimes, and when their liberties and lives, of which they were unworthy were continued and granted to them. The proceeding of Artaxerxes King of the Persians towards Artaban is not improper to be remembered on this occasion. This Prince having understood how the other had contrived to kill him, and seize upon his Kingdom, resolved to prevent him; but he being cunning and always well guarded, he had recourse to his wit dissembled the suspicion which he had against him, and that so handsomely that Artabanus, imagined himself to stand very right in his opinion; To complete his design, he gave out that he intended a certain foreign invasion, and gave him order to levy his Troops, and draw them together, which being all assembled, Artaxerxes desired to see them mustered in his own presence, and coming up to him in the head of his Forces, seemed to be much taken with the handsomeness of his Arms, and desired to make an Exchange with him, Artaban finding himself obliged to put them off, forth with disarnied himself, and presented them to the King, who seeing him naked would not lose that opportunity, but fell on him, and killed him with his own hand. I know there are some Politicians, who are of opinion that there need not any great care be taken concerning performance of promises, nay not those which are absolute and express, though made by Princes in the way of assurance and security; and that it is sufficient for them to answer those who shall complain of the breach of them, as Agesilaus did a friend, who taxed him upon a promise, which he afterwards had found to be unreasonable. If what you demand be Just, I have promised it, but if it be unjust, I am not obliged to be as good as my word, and when he was answered that a Prince, aught to perform whatever he promiseth, yes Quoth he, and a subject ought not to request any thing of his Sovereign which is unreasonable. But for my particular I am of opinion, that a Prince is obliged inviolably to observe all express promises, and that it is only permitted to his Ministers for Justice sake to be less than their words. I should rather imagine that a Prince should on such occasions make use of all violent means, rather than delusions, because Force is reputed for a virtue, when backed by authority, and nothing can be alleged against it; whereas deceit cannot be taken for any other thing, than a kind of malice unbecoming the Majesty of a Sovereign.   

The Assembly of the States at Nantes the King being present.  
UPon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment, it was mistrusted least divers persons, whom he had won to his Interests in Britain might stir up some Commotion with hopes to enforce the King to grant him his liberty; but as his Majesty's presence only was sufficient, to deprive them both of the means and liberty to do so, he went to Nantes, and shortly after summoned all the States to meet there, where such as were any ways suspected were not suffered to appear. The King was pleased to be personally present at their first Assembly, and the Lord keeper gave them to understand, that his Majesty's design, was only to consider of what means and ways were most proper for settling the peace of that Province, which was the principal thing there debated, and at last it was so happily concluded by the King's Authority, and the Prudent conduct of the Marshal de Themines, (to whom his Majesty had committed the Government of it upon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment) that there did not any difficulties arise in it. The chief means to settle all was to disarm such as were suspected, and to deliver them to others who were known to be right and honest. To destroy some strong places, many of which belonged to the Duke of Vendosme, and served only to countenance a revolt. Which being thus ended, The King began to debate with the Queen Mother and his Counselors, whether it were proper to marry Monsieur or not; for that was one of the main pretexts of the Cabal, who had endeavoured to possess Monsieur with the opinion, That having no other liberty or freedom, he might choose his own wife, and in that particular follow his own inclinations; but it was easy to undeceive him, by laying before him, how the liberty incident to Marriages was civil, that it is ordered by the Laws of the Kingdom, which do prohibit any Princes to marry themselves, without the King's consent, and that he for his part could not do better then to be governed by the King, who loved him very dearly, and would undoubtedly match him, which such a person as would be most proper for him. Divers reasons were urged both of the one and t'other part, all sorts of Interests were considered with great deliberation, and all the consequences incident upon his marrying or not marrying, were examined to the full, and in conclusion the King of his own motion said, he indeed apprehended several reasons which were sufficient to take him off from any thoughts of marrying him, but with all that the Quiet of his State, seeming to oblige him to marry him, he resolved to do accordingly: That his intentions in it being good, he could not but hope Heaven would bless it with good success; and in case the enemies of the public Peace should attempt to raise contrary effects out of it, that he had power enough in his hand to remedy and defend it.  
It is reported, That Monsieur the Cardinal, did only represent to his Majesty those reasons, which might seem either to invite or dissuade the marrying of him, without inclining more to the one then to the other, as well because he knew his Majesty to be prudent enough, and not to want any advices in what did so nearly concern the power of his Authority, as also because it was a business in which his Majesty ought to follow his own will and pleasure, and was not obliged to conclude off or on but with his own satisfaction and content, it is very dangerous to second too strongly such counsels, whose effects are liable to the changes of Fortune, and it were a great folly for a man to think himself safe and sure, of that, which is often perverted by the wickedness of some men, who by it raise advantages to themselves.  
At last it being generally resolved, the Queen mother passionately desirous, that Monsieur should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier, sent to Madam de G●ise, to come forthwith to Nantes, and to bring her with her, as also she presently proposed to execute those Articles which had been so long since concluded on. This Princess, who indeed was the richest match of France, had been betrothed to the late Duke of Orleans, in the year one thousand six hundred & eight, whilst the King was then living, and the young Prince dying about the year one thousand six hundred and eleven, both the King and Queen Mother, had passed their words to marry her to Monsieur who was to succeed in the quality of Duke of Orleans. Both being now of an age fit to be married; Madam de Guise did oftentimes urge that the promises which had been made to her, might be performed, and Monsieur who had always preserved himself, in a total resignation of his own to the Kings will, was the more easily induced to effect it, in regard of those most excellent qualities wherewith Heaven had blessed both the Person and mind of that Princess; but however, the liberty which is usually permitted to Princes of his age, did allay the over hasty execution of it neither did his Majesty press it, until he had discovered by the dangerousness of the Cabal, that one of the only means to shop the farther progress of them, was to hasten on his marriage. The King did not approve of his marrying any Foreign Princess, lest it might prove an inlet for Factions in the State, and lest it might open a door for strangers to invade the Kingdom, as often as they would raise any discontents to themselves; but he liked well of this Match with Madamoiselle de Montpensier, her Birth and virtue rendering her worthy to be admitted into the Royal family. The Queen Mother, who could not be hearty persuaded to love Monsieur the Prince did not like of the Match between his Daughter Madamoiselle de Bourbonne, and Monsieur, though the Cabal did much drive it on: Withal Madamoiselle de Montpensier being left sole inheritrix of her whole house, was extremely rich, and would very well serve to make up Monsieurs affairs, as also ease the Exchequer of great Pensions which otherwise must of necessity be bestowed on him. They of the Cabal were vexed at heart, to find things so carried on, but they were necessitated to be quiet and to hold their peaces too▪ Shortly after, the King declared some part of his thoughts to Monsieur, who answered him that if it were his Majesty's pleasure to marry him there, he should totally resign himself to his Majesty's will; By which and in several other occasion, he hath always showed, That Heaven did with his birth infuse into him extraordinary respects for the King, which had doubtless inseparably linked him to his Majesty, had not the malicious devices of those, in whom he placed some confidence diverted him. Monsieur scent M. le Coigneux his Chancellor to Madam de Guise, to assure her of his kindnesses, and particularly of the affection which he had to conclude the Match, between himself and Mademoiselle her daughter, and charging him afterwards to wait upon Madamoiselle de Montpensier, he commanded him to assure her on his behalf, that he would be a better Husband, than he had been a Servant, He was received with a great deal of Honour, both by one and tother, and with as many testimonies of joy, as the modesty of that sex could allow of, and the next day Madamoiselle de Montpensier going to wait on the Queen Mother, the called her Daughter, and made her sit down near to her. To conclude, the marriage was celebrated soon after to the quiet and content of the whole Kingdom: And thus the King assisted by the sage counsels of Monsieur the Cardinal, did dispel all those small contrivances which were designed to oppose it, and brought to nothing all the Cabals which divers Princes and Lords of Court had projected upon that occasion, both with England, Spain, Holland and some places of Italy, with the Hugonots, nay with the very household Servants of his Majesty, and some of them were such as had nearest access to his person.   

Politic Observation.  
THe Marriages of Princes of the Blood ought to be contracted with a great deal of freedom, seeing that liberty is an essential part of marriage; but they ought to be mindful, that this same liberty doth not consist in a power of marrying whom they please, and when & upon what terms they think fit. Liberty in general (as Ulpian saith) consisteth barely of a power to do what the Laws do permit, and speaking more particularly concerning Marriages, he saith; That the Liberty which Lawyers do allow of, can be grounded upon no other thing then the mere power, of contracting one's self in that manner as the Laws do approve of. And the old Law allowed of none to be legitimate, but such as were conformable to the Laws of the State. Civil Liberty keeps a medium between those two extremities of servitude and licentiousness, and is neither one or tother of them; for as it hath no absolute dependence upon Slavery; so is it also limited by Laws not to do whatever it shall think fit; it consisteth in a Liberty of doing that which is justifiable by the Law, whence it follows, that the Princes of the Blood in France, being by a fundamental Law prohibited to marry without the King's permission, they are deprived of the Liberty to conclude any match upon their own heads or power. The great St. Basil saith in the first letter which he writ to Amphilochius, that those contracts which are made by them who are not masters of themselves, aught to be esteemed for void, if not confirmed by the power upon which they depend. But what may be the reason hereof? It cannot be said that they are not voluntary, for than they could not be termed contracts, which is so evidently clear, that it cannot be denied; but however it is true, they are not concluded with the Civil Freedom, that is, not guided by the Law, and for that reason cannot be accounted valid. The reason of this Custom is grounded upon a Maxim of Law, which saith, what belongeth to us cannot be taken away without our consents, whence it followeth that those who depend upon another, and who have not any thing which doth not belong to those upon whom they depend have not any lawful power to dispose of themselves, and in case they should do it, it were only an Act of licentiousness, and is declared void by Law. Moreover, what St. Basil saith, speaking of Contracts in general; in his first, he doth more particularly set forth, concerning his marriage in his second letter, when he declareth in express terms: That such marriages as are made without the Authority of those upon whom they depend are absolute Fornications, of which no other reason can be given then this, that they who contracted themselves did not consent to it with a lawful power, and that they could not dispose of themselves, in regard of their dependency upon a superior Authority. He who is not master of himself, cannot give himself to a wife, and it will necessarily follow from thence, that the marriages of the Princes of the Blood of France, cannot be esteemed valid, when they are not accompanied with their King's consents, for that they do absolutely depend upon their Majesties.   

The Sieur de Chalais is Imprisoned.  
I Shall not put an end to this discourse in only acquainting you with the Marshal de Ornano's imprisonment, or the arresting of the two Brothers, with their confidents Modene and Deagan; for that suddenly after Tronson and Sauveterre were removed from the Court, for having contrived many devices for hindering Monsieurs marriage; as also Marsillac Governor of Sommieres, was sent Prisoner to the Castle of Ancennis, for having talked too boldly concerning the same subject: But as the greatest part of all these designs were discovered in the process against Chalais, presently after the finishing of the marriage; so I think it proper to treat more particularly of it. Chalais had the honour to be the Master of the King's Wardrobe, and to be brought up from his Infancy near his Majesty; but his Soul being overmastered by ambition, he every where discovered a great discontent against fortune, openly saying, that it would be needful for him to seek out a more liberal Master then the King, if he did intent to better his own condition; it was thought that this Passion was that which engaged him in the Faction then at Court, but it is true, that the love which he bore to Madam Cheureuse, did no less engage him in it. The King was informed of his Intrigues from Paris, and though his Majesty had pardoned him upon the assurances which he had given him, and Monsieur the Cardinal; of his future living in loyalty, yet he did not cease to re-embroyl himself, so potent are those two troublesome and giddy Passions, and so great a power have they over the Souls of those, whom experience hath not well instructed in the affairs of the world.  
It was known, that upon the first imprisonment of Monsieur de Vendosm, he had dispatched a Messenger from Blois to Monsieur and the Count de Soissons, by which he gave them intelligence quite contrary to his Majesty's interest and service. The King had good reason to be offended at it, yet his Clemency carried him on to command the Cardinal only to tell him, that he did run counter to those protestations of Fidelity which he had formerly made, that his Contrivances were better known than he was ware off, and that he should be careful of his Actions. Chalais was informed at the same time by others, that the King was angry with him, and finding himself guilty, he desired to discourse with Monsieur the Cardinal to disguise his faults. The Commander de Valenhay, was the person who accompanied him to Beau-regard, where the Cardinal then lay, and being come thither he attempted to surprise the Prudence of that incomparable Minister, by divers devices; but Monsieur the Cardinal well informed of his ill deportment, advised him to beware of himself and become more faithful to the King his Master, giving him to understand, that he was the more obliged to do so, in regard the King being well informed of his actions, gave him so much time to look back into himself, that he might not destroy him. He seemed to be very ready to withdraw himself from those imbroyls, and also took occasions to speak unto the King, whiles he was making of him ready, to assure him that he would never be defective in his duty; yet notwithstanding all this, his turbulent Soul was not able to contain itself in this resolution; for it was known, that a certain messenger sent by some one from the Cabal, was kept private in his lodging at Tours, while the King stayed there, and that Louviece who belonged to him, being one in whom he much confided, was gone upon a private message for him, these things gave reason to believe. That he still persisted in his first designs, and being a person of a bold nature, and ready to run into all sorts of extremities, the King was counselled to secure him at Nants.   

Politic Observation.  
IN concernments of State it is dangerous to rely upon the promises of those who are overmastered either by love or ambition. These two Passions do so hurry away the Soul, so animate it with violent ebulitions and so blind it, that they prepare it for any wickedness. We have hereofore shown what attempts ambition maketh upon the valiant, and we have evidenced that there is no sort of wickedness which it will not persuade for the attaining of its designs. And it is not more easy to verify the same concerning lusts, which corrupteth both the mind and understanding, which beleaguereth and burneth up the heart with a brutish heat, and which doth so alter the nature and complexion of the most temperate, when they are once engaged by it, that there is not any unlawfulness into which it doth not transport them; it is a fatal sore from whence arise horrors, sacrileges, wars, perfidiousness, murders, Parricides, and cruelties, until it leads them to the acting of such things, as both Heaven and Earth do blush at the sight of. The History of Italy, furnisheth us with a memorable example, to evidence that there is not any abomination whatever, into which these two Passions are not able to precipitate a man; it is in the person of Caesar Borgia Cardinal de Valence, whose Ambition not brooking the Pope's giving the charge of General of the Church Armies to the Duke of Candy his elder brother, an office which he himself aimed at, and who likewise was passionately enamoured of his wife; his Sister in Law, caused him one night to be assassinated, as he rid alone through Rome, and his body to be cast into Tiber. And that we may particularly look into the wicked effects of a dishonest love, Antiquity hath afforded us a notable testimony of the disorders which he is liable to, who permits himself to be blinded with this Passion, when it saith; that Jupiter himself the first of their reputed Gods, could not be both wise and in love at the same time. And one of the best advices which can be given to those that attempt to raise their fortunes at Court, is, that they forbear to engage themselves in the love of women who are factiously bend; for admitting them to be engaged in any Cabal, they have so powerful an Art to persuade what they endeavour, that it is impossible to defend one's self from them; and as they have no small Passions, they blindly engage themselves in prosecution of their malice and revenge, that a man insensibly finds himself upon precipices, from whence it is impossible for him to get off.   

The Cabal of Chalais, punished by Arrest from the Chamber of Justices at Nants.  
CHalais being once arrested, condemned himself as guilty, and desired in order to making of his peace, that he might speak with Monsieur the Cardinal, the Duke de Belligard, and the marquis de Effiat, who were placed near the Cardinal. The King was advised of it, who commanded them to go to him: Twice they went, and the Cardinal never spoke to him, but in hearing of the Sieur de Belligard. At first Chalais desired and endeavoured to justify his innocence, but finding by the Cardinal's discourses that his faults were but too well known, so that that was not the way to do his work; he afterwards freely confessed to him those Delinquencies which could not be excused, he acknowledged the advice which he had given Monsieur upon the imprisonment of the Duke of Vendosm, and the grand Prior his brother, and confessed that he was then of opinion, that Monsieur should withdraw himself from the Court, and discovered several other things of concernment. But having twice abused the King's Grace, his Confession now availed him little. The King gave Commission to the Lord Keeper Marillac, and the Sieur de Beauclere, Secretary of his commands, privately to inform themselves of the whole Plot, and his Majesty desired that Monsieur would declare in their presence, that which he had discovered to him in particular, after he had been sensible of the little justice and reason there was to engage him in their embroils. At first, he made some scruple at it, but at length having considered of the duty which he owed his Majesty, and how much reason Princes themselves have to chastise them who engage them by their evil counsels in designs against the State, without any other motion than their particular discontent and private interest, he resolved upon it, and discoursed the whole to them in the King's presence. That M●nsieur de Soissons was the correspondent which he had at Court to inform him of all the news that passed there, that Chalais was the Internuncius, that his advice had been to gain Madam Villars, by means of Monsieur the grand Prior, to the end he might make sure of Haure if occasion should be, and that he should endeavour to obtain the government of Pont de l' Arch, for the marquis de Coevures, with hopes that the grand Prior would at Monsieurs request deliver up that place which was upon the way to Haure, and might serve for a retreat in case he went thither: That Chalais did likewise persuade him to deal with the Hugonots, and to make use of them for a revolt in the State, and that he had lent him Louviere to be sent towards the Duke de Lavalete, to engage him in the business, and to make sure of Mats; in fine, that it was he who had advised him, that the King had ten thousand men about Nants to stop his going from Court. This Declaration was signed by the King. the Queen Mother, the Lord Keeper Marillac, the Sieur de Beauclere, Monsieur the Cardinal, and the Marquis de Effiat; insomuch that for the chastising these insolent and rash actions the King set up a Chamber of Justice in Nants.   

Politic Observation.  
THough Clemency be one of the worthiest Ornaments in a Sovereign, yet it is not permitted him to make use of it, when it is prejudicial to the public. That gentleness which is showed to the Ringleaders of a Conspiracy, is a dangerous cruelty to the State. Cato was of opinion, that they who did not hinder evil-doers when they might do it, by chastizing them, ought themselves to be punished. For that were to encourage their abettors to follow their evil examples, it is true Arostole saith, The subjects love is the chief foundation of Royal Authority, and that they are not easily induced to love Kings, unless upon their own advantage. And it is very necessary for them to punish the factions, without which they would be hourly exposed to the dangers of civil war, which are the cause of the greatest misfortunes, that can afflict a State. And the same Philosopher in his Morals, esteemeth him uncapable to command, who is never angry, but affects to show himself merciful, on all occasions whatsoever. To speak truth, a King is bound to show as much severity to them, whom the public Interest obligeth to be chastised, as bounty to them that keep themselves within their duties. It is the only means, saith Tacitus in his Annals, to render him as well feared by the wicked, as esteemed and honoured by the good; who receive no less satisfaction in the punishment of crimes, than in the receiving of those rewards, which art due to their virtue.   

The Sentence of death passed against the Sieur de Chalais.  
THe King commited the trial of Chalais rather to a Chamber of Justice than any private Court not only because he would have it expedited, it being improper to be delayed, but also to keep private the names of his considerateth and their designs, which were dangerous to be published. His Majesty made the Lord keeper Marillac Precedent, and appointed for Judges the Sieurs de Cusse and Brie Precedents of the Parliament of Britain, The Sieurs Fonquet Merchant, Chriqueville Master of Request, and six Councillors of the Parliament of Britain. They met several times for instruction of the Process. Chalais was often times examined, and having found by discourse with several people with whom he conversed, that there was full information made of all his wicked designs, he confessed not only what was contained in Monsieurs Declaration, but withal divers other things of which Lorraine accused him, and which were testified by Monsieur de Bellegarde, Le Sieur d'Effiat, by the Maust exempt, who had the charge of his person, and by one of the Lifeguard, to all which he made no denial being brought face to face. He discovered the Major part of his Associates, he confessed that he would have carried Monsieur from the Court, that he would have persuaded him to take up arms, to hold Intelligence with the Governors and Hugonots, to make himself Master of Haure, Mets, and divers other places of the Kingdom, and withal that being once at a Council, where the grand Prior and those of his faction were present, he proposed to them to take the Marshal d'Ornano out of prison, to poniard the Cardinal, and then to fly into Flanders; thinking that this once done, they might easily obtain all their desires. There were several other charges produced against him, and amongst others, certain letters from the Sieur de Moison the Kings Resident with the Countess of Hanault in Germany, and of the Sieur de Vatembourg his Majesty's Resident with the Emperor, by which they gave advice of the Marshal d'Ornano's conspiracy, of certain letters which Chalais had writ to the Duchess de Cheureuse in Biscay, in which there were discourses to the King's dishonour, and also certain letters in characters to the same Lady, the Declaration of Monsieur the King's Brother, and the informations of the Vice-Seneschal de Moulins.  
These enermous crimes rendered him guilty and worthy of death, in regard he was the King's Domestic Servant, and that he had the honour to be in a charge, which obliged him to be always near his Majesty's person. Justice could not save him, and the several relapses, which proceeded from the fierceness and ambition of his Spirit, tied up the King's Arms from mercy. So this Chamber of Justice condemned him to be attainted and convicted decrimine lesae Majestatis, and to be beheaded in the Befroy of Nantes; That his head should be put upon a spear over the gate of Sanvetour, that his body should be quartered into four parts, and hung upon the four principal places of the City, that his posterity should be ignoble and of the Yeomantry; His houses razed, and that for the farther discovery of all his Abettors, he should be put on the Rack. But the King's clemency, seconded by the affection, which he always had for him, moderated the judgement, and only commanded his head to be cut off, and that they should show him the Rack, but not torture him.  
They, who understood not, that the whole Intrigue was discovered, or that there were sufficient poofs to convict him, were astonished, that he should so freely confess those crimes, whereof he was accused, and withal some were so bold, to report, that he had confessed his crimes thus frankly, upon the Cardinal's suggestian, and persuading him to believe, that it was the only means to obtain the King's favour, the attainment of which, he gave him great cause to hope for. But there need no other proof for conviction of this lie, than the answer which Chalais made to the Sieurs des Cartes & de Lourie, Councillors of the Parliament, both persons of a clear reputation, and entrusted to exame him: after judgement had passed upon him; who having told him, that a report was spread abroad, that he had confessed his crimes wherewith he was charged, partly through fear and partly through hope of life, conjured him, he being now shortly to render an account of his actions before God, to discover, if it were so or not, or if he had impeached any one in prejudice to the truth and his conscience; and had no other answer from him, but that, what he had said, was truth, excepting only, where he had in anger spoke too hardly against Madam de Cheureuse, who had given him no reason for it▪ and that he should be very wicked and senseless to discover so many horrible crimes, to clear himself and charge innocent persons, and all for the satisfaction of another man's passion. This proof was so much the more certain, in regard it proceeded from the last passages of his life, in which he testified, that he would dispose himself by a true repentance, to obtain pardon from God of his faults. There was hereupon great reason to admire the King's clemency, seeing that he might in justice imprison and punish divers Grandees of the Court, whom he had accused, who were no small number; but his Majesty in stead of Publishing their design was pleased to punish all their great faults in one man only, keeping some in prison and sending Madam de Cheureuse into Lorraine, not having ground to hope that she could live in the Court and not raise new broils.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough it be expedient to detect the chief contrivers of a compiracy either against the Public quiet or their King's person, yet wise Politicians have not thought it proper, to pray too exactly into all the complices, or the plot itself, if any great number of potent leading men have engaged in it. It being to be feared, lest either their quality or number, might draw others in, or that the pretences of their design might be so specious, that many persons might be concerned in it, who never knew at all the true depth of the business. It was upon this account, that the Senate of Rome, condemned Lucius Vectius, and Tarqvinius for discovering, that Caesar and Croesus, were parties in Catiline's conspiracy, it being by them feared, and that with reason, lest a greater number who were admirers of those two eminent persons, might betake themselves to the same party: A little dissembling upon such an occasion, will be more, than the strictest inquisition as Pompey made appear, upon Sertorius his death; for Perpenna having sent him a great chest full of Letters, which the Romans had sent to Sertorius, engaging themselves in his quarrel, he would not read one of them but cast them all into the fire, fearing least instead of one Sertorius, twenty might spring up in Rome, when they should find themselves discovered; and for his part it was not his desire to force, or oblige them by violence to unite themselves together, for their own defence. Thus Alexander, having intercepted some of Darius his letters, by which he had encouraged certain Grecians of his own Army to kill him, was in a great doubt, whether he should suppress or discover them, at least to those to whom they were directed; but having asked Parmenio's advice in the business, he was counselled not to speak of it to any one whatever, because in a multitude there are never wanting some seditious persons, who only lack a head and prop, to make the wickedness of their hearts apparent, and are naturally so baseminded, that the bare report of a Faction, is ground enough to engage them in it.   

Certain Broils sprung up in the Court of England, by the ill Counsel of some of the Queen's household.  
THe Court of France was not the only Scene, of Factions: England was no less pestered with imbroyles by those divisions which happened between the King and Queen, but ended by the returning into France, all the Queen's officers, though by the Articles of marriage it had been concluded, That her Majesty should be attended by officers who were French and Catholics. But it was most certain, the English never intended long to keep them, which they sufficiently shown, by the entertainment, given them at Dover, where they could hardly get meat for their money, and soon after their arrival, they laid hold on several occasions to put what that had concluded on in execution. It is reported that some ecclesiastics and women, did sow jealousies and discontents between the King and Queen, which exasperated the King very much against them, whereupon the Duke of Buckingham designed that his Wife, Sister, and Niece, might be her Bedchamber Women, which being contrary to the Articles of Marriage, which did prohibit any to bear office in the Queen's Family, who were not Catholics, it was denied him; which angered him the more, in regard he had used to dispose of all affairs in England with a great deal of Authority: It was indeed proposed not long after to do that Honour to his Mother, who was a Catholic, and to his Wife, who was that way inclined, but he being unsatisfied with it, did from that time forward use his utmost endeavours, to foment and revenge it. But it is on the other side reported, that Madam de Chewreuse, discontented in the French Court, and having got a good acquaintance in England, blew the Coals of this division, only to be revenged; and withal that Buckingham, was much blamed by the Parliament of England, for having admitted of divers Articles the Treaty of Marriage, which were prejudicial, to the Religion of the Country, and threatened to be called to an account, for a vast sum of money, which was pretended he had diverted to his own use.  
Now to satisfy the Parliament, who are of great power in England, he made it his business to fall upon the Catholics, especially the Queen's officers, and all that he might testify to the Parliament, how he would conform himself to their pleasure in every thing: But he was vexed most of all when he went into Holland, upon some affairs, with design to pass to the Court of France, and the King gave the King of England to understand, that he did not like of the Journey; The Earl of Holland too, did not a little set on those divisions, for that the French, who were near the Queen, had hindered him from being overseer of her Majesty's Revenue, and had persuaded her to bestow that place upon the Bishop of Manned, which exasperated him very much, so that he made use of his power both with the King, and Bukingham, to drive on the business to such a height, that it was at last concluded, that all her Majesty's officers should be returned into France, which was accordingly performed, and about the beginning of August, they were forced to cross the Sea.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is Common upon the marrying of great Princesses with a Foreign King, to give them officers of their own Country, but it is seldom seen, that they continue any long time near them. It cannot be avoided, but that there will jealousies and heart burn arise between them and the Natives of the Country, concerning their enjoying those offices, which they believe are due to themselves? which jealousy doth usually raise such storms; that their ruin is included in it: but admit, no jealousy did arise, yet the mere diversity of their language and Customs, were enough to create differences and divisions between them; Foreign officers cannot forbear discoursing together in their own language, which createth suspicions in those who understand it not. By reason of the diversity of their fashions, they laugh at one another, which commonly breeds quarrels between them; and withal, let a man be never so complaisant in his humour, yet there is always a jealous eye upon them, that they contrive some thing against the State. Of this, there are divers examples in all times, as particularly in the reign of Francis the first, in which Bellay reporteth that Affairs were very much embroiled by strangers, instancing, the Bishop of Liege, the Prince of Orange, the Marquis of Mantua, and Andreas Doria; hence Bodin in his Commonwealth, doth much blame the Venetians, for admitting of all kind of strangers amongst them, Lypsius observeth, That as when many crickets come into a house, it is one assured sign, of their sudden destruction, so when a great multitude of strangers shall live in a Nation, it is a certain, Index of some revolution near at hand. Indeed, they have not usually any great deal of affection, for the Country where they live, so that they do not hearty embrace the Interests of it, and in case a war should break out, none would be so ready as they to entertain intelligence and give advices to the enemies. They are also easily provoked against the natural inhabitants of the Country, upon any suspicion, that they are less esteemed by them, than others, which induceth them to stick close together and to raise Factions against the State: withal their bodies may not be punished, though there be some kind of reason for it, lest they should generally resent it, and raise up a thousand Broils. These are the chief reasons why it is impossible to preserve a Family of Officers, Strangers in a Queens Court. This was it which did oblige those of Sparta, as Xenophon reporteth it, not to suffer any strangers to live in their Commonwealth, which made the Athenians take the same resolution, as Plutarch observeth in the life of Pericles, and which made Suetonius commend Augustus, that he would rarely grant to any the being free or naturals of his Kingdom, and which induced Polydore Virgil to say in his History of England, That it was not the custom of English to admit of many strangers amongst them, lest the difference of their customs and fashions, might cause them, not to live in a good intelligence with the natives of the Country.   

The King sends the Marshal de Bassompierre into England.  
THe Queen Mother, having been acquainted with the disorder which had happened in the Queen of England's Family, first sent the Sieur de Bar to her, to testify to her that she was sorry for her and took part in her discontents; and shortly after, there being no reason to put up such an injury, the Cardinal advised his Majesty to dispatch the Marshal de Bassompierre as extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England, for a redress in the business.  
Amongst divers others he was more particularly made choice of for that employment, because there had been many of his near kindred retained near the Queen, who were now all sent back again; So that it was thought considering the near Interest of his family, that he would be the more zealously affectionate, in dispatching such instructions, as should from time to time be sent to him. He was but coldly entertained in England, because audience had been denied to the Lord Montague, who was sent into France upon the return of those Officers; however he was no whit discouraged, at it, knowing that any Ambassador, aught to shut his eyes, at all little difficulties and obstructions, so he may carry on his Master's work to a good issue. The King of England appointed Commissioners to treat with him upon that affair, who being met together, he represented to them, in order to his instructions, that amongst other things comprehended in the Articles of Marriage, it had been concluded and agreed on, That the Queen of England should have free excercise of her Religion, that she should have a Bishop and a certain number of Priests, to exercise the Offices of her Religion, That all her household should be Catholics and French, and that all the English Catholics should in general receive greater privileges, than had been granted them, if the Treaty with Spain had been effected: That the late King James, and the present King Charles his son then Prince of Wales, had confirmed it by oath, and that King James had commanded his Officers, not to trouble or molest the Catholics any more, whereupon that the King his Master, had conceived great hopes of prosperity and happiness, for the Queen his Sister, neither could he believe that the King of England his Brother in Law, would break his word given upon the consideration of Royal Marriage, who until then had amongst other virtues the reputation of being Just to his promises. That this new Alliance instead of reuniting their persons and Interests would now rather, breed great divisions between them, and at such a time, when they had most need of being in amity with one another, both for assisting of their Allies, and their own particular preservation. And that notwithstanding all these premises, the King of England had sent back all those Officers, of the Queen, contrary to the Treaty, which had been confirmed by oath; that he placed about her, Officers who were English, and of a Religion contrary to hers; and besides all this that the Catholics in General, were every where troubled and ill treated for their Religion sake. So that the King his Master, unable to abandon the Queen his Sister's Interest, had sent him to his Majesty of Great Britain, to put him in mind of his promises, and to persuade him. That her Majesty's Catholic Officers might be readmitted to her, as also that his Catholic subjects might be more favourably dealt withal, The English Commissioners could not deny what had been concluded in the Treaty; but they would lay the fault of the Officers return, upon their own shoulders, pretending that they had raised troubles in the Kingdom, in his Majesties own Family, and that of his dear consort the Queen, but they did not produce any sufficient proofs upon the business: And as to that which concerned the English Catholics, they pleaded, that it had only been granted for formalities sake, and to satisfy the Pope. But the Marshal producing before them the late King's Oaths, confirmed too by another of the present King, than Prince of Wales, they could no longer tell what to say to the business, but fled to other complaints, not material or any ways relating to the matter in question. The Marshal replied and that very tartly, that he could not sufficiently admire that the Articles of Marriage, and confirmed by Oath, were not observed: That the Queen's Officers were sent back, under pretence that they troubled the State, without giving the King his Master any notice of it, and without acquainting him in the least with those crimes which were presented to be committed, That presently thereupon, English Officers and those Protestants, should be placed in their rooms, That indeed those accusations were to be esteemed as frivolous, and admitting them for just, yet ought they to be chastised only, and others French and Catholic put into their places, by the rules of the Treaty. But that indeed those pretended quarrels or Jars raised by the Queen's French Officers, were so far from being the true cause of their return, that on the contrary, the Lord Mo●ntague had been at Nantes, not many days before their being sent over to congratulate the King and Queen Mother, concerning the good understanding, which was between their Majesties of Great Britain, and concerning the great satisfaction which the King received at the Queen his wife's behaviour. That of the sudden and unlooked for discharge of her Officers happening so immediately upon the neck of this joy, could not but appear strange, and that as it did much wound the King of England's Reputation, so it likewise injured the King his Master's Generosity, who was not resolved to put up such a wrong; who after he had tried all fair means to get satisfaction done to him, would, if not granted, use all lawful means (of what kind soever) to procure it. These replies were so just and resolute, that in reason they should have produced those effects which were expected. But the before recited Passages had so exasperated Buckingham, that he obstructed the procuring of that satisfaction, which France did so earnestly expect.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is very unseemly that a King's Officers should persuade him to be worse than his word, only to satisfy their own Passions. It were the ready way to subjugate the glory of the Master, to the Will of the servant, and to suffer the least Stars to eclipse the splendour of the Sun, who have no light; but what they borrow from his rays. Private affections have ever been hurtful to public consultations, as Titus Livy recordeth, neither was his judgement to be questioned, when he said, there are cereain Clouds which do darken the Soul, and make it like a dis-tempered eye, which seethe all things far different from what they really are. The word of a Prince is a sacred pledge, and his glory is linked with it. The Minister who is to see it performed, is obliged to effect it with inviolable respect, much less, not to abuse it for his own particular anger and Passion. How can it seem lawful for a Minister to obstruct it by so profane an abuse, when it is not permitted to a King himself to recede from it, though the good of his State were never so deeply concerned in it. Good Princes, as Traian saith, are more bound to perform what they promise, then to effect what themselves desire, so that it is not permitted them in a Treaty to be worse than their words, under pretence of the public good; or to say their Counsel doth imagine the contrary to be more proper, or that the necessity of their affairs doth require it. If once a Prince should do so he would ever pass for a Prince without Faith, which is the greatest misfortune can betid them, and thus Mimus Publicanus saith, he who hath once forfeited his Faith, hath nothing else to lose, because all the Goods and Honour of a man depend thereupon. It is indeed fit to consider of Treaties with deliberation before they are entered into, but when once a Prince shall have passed his word to observe them, there cannot then be any starting hole to creep out at. It is a shameful excuse for them to allege they did not think of it. Bias saith, they cannot make no lawful excuse, for he that loseth the credit and glory of being esteemed faithful, hath a more considerable damage, then if he lost the thing which he promised. After Cinna had sent for Marius, he made a question whether or no he should receive him; but Sertorius understanding he had sent for him, told him it would be unfit to propose it to him; for (quoth he) the obligation of Faith, doth not allow of the consideration of what is once promised. But certainly it is a very great abuse to the Majesty of a King to break his Oath, for by it he doth seem to mock God, whom he invoketh as a witness of his promise. Cicero saith in his Offices, that an Oath never ought to be broken, and the Egyptians punished Perjury with death, because they who were guilty of it, did not only violate the worship of God, but broke faith which is the greatest and strongest tie of humane society.   

The Traffic at Sea established.  
DUring all these civil and foreign broils, the Cardinal was intent upon repairing those losses which France had sustained in the late Wars, and upon settling such an Order in the three States, that happiness might succeed their miseries and abundance those wants which they had undergone; in this, he imitated the wise Physician, who having recovered his Patient, maketh it his work to restore his former strength. There only wanted this one thing to the completing of it. That they upon whom the executing of his designs did depend, would lend their assisting hands to it. Now Commerce at Sea, being one of the chief Fountains of a Nations riches, he made it his first care to settle that in a safe course, which his Majesty having assented to, he gave notice of it to the Undertakers, and that he should be glad to see them enter into Companies and Partnerships; assuring them, that they should have all possible assistance from him, and that he doubted not but they might in time, receive as great advantages by it, as the Hollanders did by that which is settled amongst them, or as the Spaniards did from the Mines of Peru. There wanted not divers who were ready to adventure on such a design, Montmor in the name of one hundred others, presented to the Council, Articles of establishment for a Company, to Traffic both into the East and West, by Sea and Land. He proffered in their behalf to raise a stock of six hundred thousand Livres, and that the moiety of the profits thereof, should still go towards the increasing of the said stock: That he would expend the sum of six hundred thousand Livres in building of ships and settling the groundworks of their Trade. These Proposals were very advantageous; his Majesty approved of them, and commanded the Cardinal to conclude upon the Articles with the Company. So they had divers Privileges and Liberties granted to them, in regard of Foreign Wars, and the Wealth which followeth Traffic, as also in consideration of the accruement of power and shipping by Sea, which was no slight matter, for that the Spaniards, English, and Hollanders had become very potent at Sea, by this means, and have often thereupon fallen in upon our Coasts at their own pleasures. The Cardinal withal, persuaded his Majesty, at the same time, to lay out a great sum of money, to buy Ships both at Amsterdam, Denmark, and other places of France, to defend themselves from the like incursions.   

Politic Observation.  
TWo things chief are necessary to render a Kingdom flourishing, Government and Commerce, and as without the former it is impossible that it should long subsist, so without the latter, we find it want many things important to the life of man, and that the Nation cannot attain unto any great riches. Those Politicians have deceived themselves, who measure happiness by virtue alone, and think that all their cares and dangers whereunto they expose themselves, are to no purpose. We are not now in those times, when men lived on Acorns dropping from Oaks, or when the Fruits of the Earth were the greatest delicacies without art or labour. Many more things are now require to entertain 〈◊〉 ●…en heretofore, and the neglect of Commerce were to deprive one's self of them by laziness. And admitting it were not so, have not sundry Philosophers used Traffic as a means to attain the experience of many excellent things. Sol●n amongst the Athenians rendered himself capable of giving Laws to his Country. Thales one of the Sages of Greece, made no difficulty to employ part of his time therein, and Plato himself did the same thing to get the charges of his voyage into Egypt, by carrying Oils thither to sell, that he might purchase knowledge. Withal, we live not now so much by the Commerce of Elements, as by that of Gold and Silver, those are the great Springs which more all the rest, and without them, Kingdoms can neither be Potent in War, or flourish in Peace. Politicians acknowledge them for the Sinews of War, and as for Peace, never any poor State was yet considerable, or ever came to any great height, and what brings greater riches than Commerce? France aboundeth in many sorts of Grain, but wanteth Gold and Silver. Now the only means which it hath to come by it, is to send abroad to its neighbours who want many of those commodities, what it can well spare by way of Commerce, a means so powerful, that sending only what is superfluous, it may bring in the greatest part of their wealth.   

Monsieur the Cardinal is made by the King, grand Master and Superintendent of the Traffic and Commerce of France.  
IT was necessary upon settling the Company of Trade, to appoint them a head, who might have a full power amongst them, and whose reputation and knowledge might countenance their undertake, it being most certain, that such designs as are out of the common road fall to nothing, if not upheld by some particular favour or an extraordinary understanding. To the Admiral's care it could not be committed, unless their speedy ruin had been intended, for that he assumed of late so great a power over all Traders, that instead of assisting, he undid them. The only difficulty was, that it being fit the head of this Company should be absolute, there would every day arise some disputes between the Admiral and him; but the King to avoid this inconvenience, was of opinion, rather to cease the Admiralty, then to break off the settling of Trade; for that the Admirals were no less chargeable to the State then to the Merchants, they drawing at least one hundred thousand Livres out of the Treasury every year, without any advantage by it. Hereupon the King resolved about the beginning of the year, to take the Admiralty out of Montmorency's hands, who seemed willing enough to part with it, by his readiness to treat thereupon, and in conclusion, he had a good round sum paid him for it. This resolution was of such concernment, that without it, not only the Trading of France had been quite broke, but the King's Subjects had been liable to daily Inroads and Pillagings, for that of late years, above four thousand Christians, had been been made Slaves by the Turks, above one hundred Vessels taken, sunk, and burned, by which means a great many families were brought to Beggary.  
The King too good, just, and generous to suffer such injuries, which by diminishing his People's goods, did no less take off from his reputation and glory, resolved to contrive some remedy for it. It was ordered that the Admiralty should be suppressed, and that a chief, grand Master, and superintendent of Commerce of France should be set up instead of it, endowing him with full power to execute the Office of Admiral, in such cases as might advantage the benefit of Trade, or the Kingdom, and cutting off all other power which might prejudice either of them. There was now only wanting a person of quality to execute this charge who ought to be resolute and clear from all private Interest, in regard of honour, or the public good. The Cardinal had made it apparent that these qualifications are eminent in himself, so his Majesty made choice of him, who accepted of it, but in receiving the Office, he would not take those Allowances and Pays which had formerly been due to the Admiralty, for that his Majesty had suppressed that Office, partly to save the expense of it, so that instead of contracting any charge in this new Office, his Majesty saved above one hundred thousand Livres per annum, heretofore assigned to the Admiralty, besides he had now the power of commanding his Fleets wheresoever he pleased, but before the command of them was annexed to the Admirals, though they were not endued with qualifications necessary. for such a charge, and which is most to be observed, that though the Cardinal might as easily have obtained the Office of Admiral, and executed it with the same advantage for the King, the benefit of France, and Trade, as that of superintendent of the Sea, yet he waved that honour and contended himself with the means to serve him in a condition less honourable, and less subject to emulation.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is great discretion in a Minister to wave those Titles, which only serve by reason of their noise, to expose him unto Envy. They are but low Souls which affect airy Titles, neither do they consider how that by ambition they do provoke Fortune, and instead of making their authority respected, they do most commonly render themselves ridiculous in the eyes of all wise men. Modesty is the thing which makes greatness honoured, whereas ostentation offending every one, attracts the hatred of all the World, and becomes insupportable. Who so is advanced to any eminent pitch of Honour ought to imitate great Rivers, which glide a long, with little murmuring, though great profit to the people; whereas torrents being less profitable do perpetually vex the head with their noise. Great men ought more especially to shun such titles of Honour, as may render them odious. Scipio Affricanus, a man who wanted neither courage nor discretion, gave us a notable example of this particular, as Titus Livy hath observed, when as the Spaniards called him King, and he refused that little, which he knew would be disrellished by the Commonwealth, and told them that that of General of the Army was the greatest Honour, he did aspire to, That having indeed a royal soul he should not much take it amiss if they thought him worthy of that Honour; but he beseeched them to forbear the other, lest that might breed a jealousy upon his Person.  
Did not Augustus in the same manner testify a great deal of Prudence, when in taking upon him the Imperial Crown, he refused to be called Emperors, and contented himself with the name of Prince, which could not exasperate the Roman people, it being a name in use amongst them, and a fashion to create a Prince of the Senate? his discretion told him, That the Romans would easilier undergo slavery itself, than the name of it: and therefore he would prudently sweeten the displeasure which they might apprehend at their being brought under his command by a Title full of modesty, He also aimed at the names of Consul, Father of his Country, Tribune, and High Priests, only because the people did not mislike them, designing rather to add a new power to an old Title, then to assume upon himself such odious qualifications as would only render his power feared and redoubted.   

An Assembly at Paris, to redress disorders of State.  
THe setlement of Trade was sufficient to bring great profit to the Kingdom, but it was likewise necessary, to use divers other means, for the raising of it to its height and greatness. The King had long before concluded on it, but finding himself unfurnished of a Minister, to put it in execution, the affairs had still continued in some lameness, until at last seeing himself assisted by the Cardinal he resolved to assemble the Chief Officers of his Kingdom, especially those who had acquired most experience and shown best conduct in affairs. And for the better resolving upon the means, he appointed them to attend him a Paris, where being met together, his Majesty himself opened the reasons of their Assembling, upon the second of Dece●ber in the Thuill●ries; He was pleased to tell them, That he had called them together to provide some remedies against the disorders of the State, and that the Lord Chancellor should farther acquaint them with the rest of his desires; and the Lord Chancellor beginning his speech, represented to them, the great disorders that had crept into the Kingdom, whilst the King was employed abroad to repel his enemies and the great expenses he was at for the keeping up of his Armies: and then told them that his Majesty was resolved for the establishing of the Kingdom in its ancient splendour, to employ powerful redresses, and so to regulate his Treasuries, that there might always be a sufficient foundation to supply the occasions of the State, without being forced to overcharge the people as of late: He gave them to understand, that the King was contriving to lessen the expenses of his house, and even those which he was at for the paying of several Garrisons in places of no importance which he was resolved to dismantle: To settle Trade with ●ll possible advantages, for the enriching of his subjects: So to govern his Soldiers both in garrison and the field, that his subjects might be no more oppressed; upon which it chief was, that his Majesty had desired their advices. When he had concluded, the Cardinal made a most excellent speech, in which his eloquence was no less to be admired at then his prudence. He laid before that Illustrious Assembly, how visibly God had made use of his Majesty to achieve that in a little time for the public good, which many thought impossible to have been effected in an age. He gave them to understand, that as there had been great charges and expenses, so the King and Queen had received very great advantages by it, in relation to that Honour and Glory which is due to them; and that if any good success had at any time happened, it was only the dawning of those resolutions which his Majesty had taken, for the easing of his people, and restating the Kingdom in its former Splendour. That as only God can make something out of nothing, so it was necessary to lay a good foundation in the Treasury, and to that end, to cut off from the extravagant expenses, and add to the receipts, or indeed to do both at once. He shown them, how that every one, regarding the advancement of his own private Interest, it might possibly provoke some to anger, if their expenses were moderated; but he added withal, that no one could justly complain at it, since nothing was to be preferred before the Public good, and that the King and Queen Mother, were both resolved to give a good example, by contracting the expenses of their families.  
He told them, that if in great tempests there was sometimes a necessary to part with the goods, to ease the vessel and defend her from shipwreck, prudence did direct the like thing in a State; Which ought not to be cast away for the preservation of any ones particular good, and that they themselves were bound in reason to conform themselves to the resolution thereof, for that it is impossible private and particular men's plenty and Riches, should long last, when the State is poor and needy, in fine, he told them, that settling a good government in the Affairs and Treasuries, they would in a very few years find, both the King and Kingdom raised to a greater pitch of glory, then ever it had formerly been, but he added, it would not be so necessary to order such things unless they were really put in execution; That the glory of settling the Nation being reserved for his Majesty, they who were deputies ought to esteem it a great Honour done them, in that he gave them part of it, and that for his own particular, he should esteem himself most happy to die in the prosecution of so glorious a design.  
After this first overture, the King sent divers proposals to the Assembly by his Solicitor General, upon all which such courses were resolved, as were thought most necessary for the setlement of the State. But it was first of all concluded, what order should be observed in the levying of men, as also for the maintaining of them, in such order, that the Country man might not be injured by them. It was thought fit to keep two Armies in readiness of between eighteen and twenty thousand foot, and two thousand Horse, as well to secure the Public Peace, as to support the King's Authority, and also to keep Foreigners in a due respect. It is true, there were sufficient means found out to prevent the people's damage, but it was to be doubted, that the Soldiers would not so readily observe those commands which his Majesty had been so careful to order. Next of all it was considered, what unnecessary expenses of the State should be cut off, as well to pay off two and fifty Millions of Livers, which the Exchequer was indebt, as also to acquit the charges of the Nation without increasing the taxes. In order to which it was thought fit to contract the expenses of the King and Queen's Families, according to the resolution taken before the late King's death: Not to exceed the sum of two Millions in Pensions, which was the sum appointed by the late King Henry the Great for that business, and lastly the Assembly proposed to his Majesty, the dismantelling of a great number of strong places, which being in the heart of the Kingdom, or at least remote from the Frontiers, did only serve to countenance Rebellions, and consume a vast sum of money for payment of the Garrison Soldiers, and building unnecessary Fortifications. There was also care taken, (with reference to his Majesty's good pleasure) for the relief of divers poor Gentlemen, Captains and Soldiers, wounded in his Majesty's service; And at last the Assembly made earnest request to his Majesty, that he would for the future prevent, those revolts of the Grandees, which were commonly made every year to the great trouble of the State, and that he would punish some for example sake, who had the Boldness, to take up Arms against his Authority, or to divide the State into Factions. They also proposed to his Majesty to admit into his Council, a certain number of Gentlemen, to bring them up to do him the more service, by the knowledge which they might get in State affairs, and in conclusion, they gave his Majesty most Prudent Counsel concerning the ordering and decreasing of the taxes, for the suppressing of divers useless Officers, for the redemption of his Lands which were in Mortgage, by paying them in whose hands they were; the moneys lent upon them, or full Interest, out of the account of the Revenue, to settle an order in the Treasury to prevent all future relapses for the settlement of Commerce both by Sea and Land, for the distribution of charges as well military as others, which have dependence on the Chief Officers of the Crown, it being improper that they should be bestowed by any but the King himself. And these were the Chief things then brought into debate before them, and resolved on. So their was a Paper drawn up of those things which they proposed to his Majesty, the most part of which, appeared so reasonable and judicious, that they have ever since served for Maxims and a Rule for the Government of the State; The Cardinal having put them in practice one after another, as fast as ever the Civil wars, the Factions at Court, and the attempts of the house of Austria upon France and its Allies would give way for it.   

Politic Observation.  
HE who would settle a discomposed Kingdom must resolve upon the course whereby to do it, with the advice of the States, or at least of them, who have gotten a great reputation of by experience in Affairs, by their qualities and conditions or the great understanding they are Masters of. On such an occasion, divers have had recourse to an Assembly of States: which because they are ordinarily accompanied with confusion by reason of the multitude, besides the great expense which they draw on, I should think it much more proper to make use of a selected Assembly, who are the only persons, whose opinions serve for guides to the rest, now no one can doubt but that their advices will be very necessary for a State on such an occasion, for that those great persons are like so many twinkling stars, whose counsels are replenished with so much light, that they soon make their Judgements of with is fit to be done, to shine forth. Not to need Counsel, is to be more than man, and not to make use of Counsel in affairs of concern, is to be less then man. God is not contented only with overuling the Elementary World and to make it fruitful in all kind of Science, by the influences and light of the Sun, but he hath imparted some share of his Luster to the other stars, and hath asigned so considerable a proportion of work to them that every one reputeth them in part to be the universal causes of all sublunary things; so it may safely be said too, that God creating a Minister in a Kingdom, whose Souls he replenisheth with any extraordinary part of understanding, doth not however forbear to bestow some light upon others too, though peradventure inferior both for sufficiency and quality, that they may contribute with him to the General good, by the particular knowledge which he may infuse into them, and by the Counsels wherewith he may inspire them. And if their advices may be of use in a Kingdom, they cannot be less advantageous, unto a Minister, on such an occasion, in which the angering of divers persons, cannot possibly be avoided. There never yet was any reformation for the public good, but many particular private persons were angered at it. They who Judge of all things by their own private Interest, are ever discontented, and conceive no little ill will, against that Minister who is guided only by his own will, and direction: Whereas if it were done by those, whose wisdom is esteemed, and whose Prudence is respected, it would silence all men, and make that sweet and easy, which else would be bitter and insupportable. It is very dangerous it, for a Minister to undertake great enterprises upon, his own head only? For good success is not inherent in any man, seeing all are subject to Deficiencies in Actions and inconstancy; withal it is not to be doubted, but that the greatest part judging of things by the event, would charge him home with blame if any misfortune should happen. How many great men who promised themselves high matters, have seen the success fall contrary to their expectations, and have been exposed to the disgraces of their King and People for their ill success, which might have been secured too, had they but proposed their designs, and taken good advice upon them in a Counsel of the most considerable Grandees in the State? He who attempts nothing without good advice, secures himself from any ill accident whatever. Tiberius' thought in no derogation from his honour, to acquaint the Senate with every affair, though never so little considerable. Anthony the Debonair never took any thing in hand either in Peace or War, which he did not first communicate to several wise men, protesting that it was more reasonable to accommodate his opinion to their advices then to oblige them to follow his Will.   

The Sieur de Baradas removed from Court.  
ABout this time was Baradas removed from the Court, a person who had been much in favour with the King: He had been the first Gentleman of his Chamber, and chief Equerry of his Majesty's little Stable: And as great favours puff up the mind, and destroy the judgement of many, if not qualified with a great understanding, he did so much forget himself, that he would oftentimes make himself Master of the Kings Will, and interpose in matters of concernment, in which he had neither ability or authority. His Majesty was much grieved at it, being a Prince who did not delight to see that they whom he favoured should abuse themselves, and be defective in that respect which is due unto him; but it one day fell out, that he being too importunate to persuade his Majesty to bestow a very great place upon a certain Kinsman of his, who must of necessity be daily attending upon his Majesty, being a person too whom his Majesty did mislike, his Majesty resolved to deprive him, not only of his Offices or Charge which he held near his person but of that extraordinary familiarity wherewith he had formerly honoured him, and accordingly commanded him to retire to his employment in little Bourbon of chief Equerry, an Office of no small advantage. But as nothing is so displeasing to Favourites as to find themselves cast off, he was so transported by it, that he suffered himself to be deprived by despair, of that little judgement which he had: There need no other indiscretion be alleged, but that one thing which he did in his Majesty's Chamber, when the Governor of Sovure came in thither, whom he supposed one of the causers of his discredit; he began to quarrel with him, and told him that he should be very glad to meet him with his Sword in his hand: Which so insolent discourse being before his Majesty, he told him, that he did not remember the p●ace where he was, and that he deserved to be sent to the Bastile, there to be punished according to the Act for Duels, but he only commanded him to get him gone, from which time forward he was no more seen at Court.   

Politic Observation.  
THere are but few Favourites who know how to moderate themselves, and so to manage their Affairs, that they may preserve their Master's good affection. A man ought to be of an excellent temper, well to digest any very great favour. It is most certainly true, that as excess of meat stuffeth up the stomach, and choketh the natural heat, so an extraordinary favour depriveth most men of their judgement, intoxicateth them, and makes them lose the exercise of their reason And for this cause it is, that they enjoy those favours of fortune to their Graves, as it hath in all ages been seen, that the most part having been led in Triumph as it ●ere unto the highest point of Glory, have precipitated themselves into the greatest gulfs of misery, and have so bruised themselves against the favour which they possessed, as if it had been purposely turned into a Rock for their ruin. The wise man considereth that an indifferent favour is much more certain than those great ones, and contenteth himself with what his Master bestoweth; Fortune doth no sooner raise him up but his discretion presently tells him, that her smiles are inconstant, and that nothing can so much contribute to his preservation, as to use them with moderation. He oftentimes reflecteth on that memorable passage of Sosistratus, who being drawn in his Triumphant Chariot by four Kings, entertained himself with observing the motion of the Wheels, how that which was now uppermost presently became lowest, and being asked the reason of his contemplation, answered, that he delighted to remark the turning of his Wheels, and was by it put in mind of the inconstancy of humane Affairs, and that the same Fortune which had raised him to that height of prosperity above those four Kings, than sub-jugaged to him, might shortly bring him to the same condition. The wise Favourite fixing his mind upon the inconstancy of Fortune, as upon a sure maxim, never permitteth her to blind his mind with vanity, but keeps himself upon his Guard, not putting himself on in matters of State, but as his Master calls him, and payeth him the greater respects, as his obligations increase. He is industriously careful not to abuse his Master's favour▪ by assuming too great a power on himself, remembering how Calisthenes lost Alexander's good will, by reason of his too great presumption, and the vanities which he did commit in the Emperor's presence: nothing doth so much destroy Favourites, as their affecting too great an Authority, and taking upon them too much power over their Masters: He likewise knoweth, that it is with them as with the Moon, who hideth herself when ever she approacheth near the Sun, it being from him that she receiveth her light, and that so Favourites ought not to exercise any kind of authority when they are near Kings, but are rather bound to show them in their requests all imaginable respects whatsoever: it is his care not to intermeddle in the administration, nor doth he ever attempt to add the power of governing the State, to that of his Masters good affection: But on the contrary, he takes so much the less upon him, when the Testimonies which he receiveth of his Master's Favour seem to give him most power, and it is his daily fear to be raised to too eminent a degree, lest he should by it be exposed to too great a fall which might totally destroy him.   

Differences between the Bishop of Verdun, and the Officers of the City.  
ABout the end of this year, great differences did arise, between the Bishop and the Officers of Verdun. This being a Frontier Town was then looked upon as somewhat considerable, in regard Monsieur de Lorraine, seemed to be active and able to attempt something upon France, which obliged the King to go on with the design which he had long before resolved of, building a Citadel there. The Abbey of St. Vannes was ever reputed the most proper place of all the City for that purpose, whence it happened, that in the Charter of the said Abbey, as was to be seen, there had been divers Articles concluded between the Bishop of Verdun, to whom that place hath ever belonged, in which they bond themselves to build their Church in some other place, if it should be found necessary to make use of some part of it for the raising of a Citadel. However the Lines were so contrived, that the Church was saved, but that of the Capucines was forced to be taken down, which was afterwards done, and rebuilt in another place.  
Now the Bishop of Verdun, being a Kinsman of Monsieur de Lorraine, had no other motion but what came from him, so that not considering what dependence he had upon the King, suffered himself to be engaged by the Duke to prevent with his utmost power, the building of the Citadel. His Temporal power was but weak to manage his design, so he had recourse to his spiritual; and accordingly on the l●st of December, he published a Monitorium, fixed upon all public places, against all such as should labour about it. But as the spiritual power hath no authority over the Temporal to deprive it of its rights, so this procedure was looked on as a strange thing by the King's Officers, who wanted neither courage nor loyalty in this affair. The Sieur Guillet Lieutenant at the Royal Siege in the Town, presently called a Council of his Majesty's Officers of the Town, to consider of what was to be done, where it was concluded to tear down such Papers as had been any where Posted up, and to set others in their places of a contrary tenor in the King's behalf, which was presently put in execution: The Bishop was much offended at it, and to be revenged for it he thundered out an Excommunication the next day against Gillet, which he fastened in divers places, and having given Orders to his great Vicars not to act any thing in prejudice of his pretended Authority, he departed from Verdun, and rid Post to Cologne. In the mean while the Sieur Charp●nti●r, his Majesty's Precedent in Mets, Thoul and V●rdun being acquainted with the whose proceeding, and considering how Derogatory it was from the Power who was Sovereign of the Town, and consequentially, had absolute authority to fortify it, as himself should think fit, as also to give such assurances to his Officers who should execute his royal commands, as might secure them from any Bishop, Excommunication, only for doing their duties, he declared the said Monitorium to be abusive and scandalous, and commanded it to be torn and burned by the Hangman: That for reparation of such a proceeding, the said Bishop should be sent Prisoner under a safe conduct to Paris: That his Benefices should in the mean time remain in his Majesty's hands; and that he should pay ten thousand Livres fine for his said fault. The Judgement was put in execution with the usual form, excepting only, as to the Bishops being sent to Paris, so that he resolving not to suffer himself to be thus despoiled of his Goods, thought his best course to send to the King to pacify him for his rashness, as also he gave order to one of his Vicars to absolve the Sieur Guillet, and to licence the going on of the Fortifications.   

Politic Observation.  
AMongst the sundry Privileges, which our Kings bestow on those whom they call to their service, one of the most just and ancient is, that they may not be Excommunicated by the Prelates for such actions as they do in discharge of their duties. There need no other evidence of it but reason itself, and the order established by God between the Spiritual and Temporal Power, which is such, that either reserving himself within his prescribed bounds, ought not to attempt upon the others Power. And doth not History furnish us with divers examples, which are as so many proofs in this particular. I have seen an Act resolved by an Assembly, selected in Normandy, dated the year twelve hundred and five, which containeth, that no Archbishop or Bishop, may Excommunicate any Barons, Bailiffs or Sergeants without his Majesty's permission; and the Archbishop of Roijen, thereupon promised his Majesty in the year twelve hundred and seventeen, not to excommunicate any of his Officers without his consent. The Bishop of Chartres in the year thirteen hundred sixty nine, having attempted to Excommunicate the King's Officers at Manto, was condemned by a Judgement to recall the Excommunication, or lose his Temporal Goods which were taken into Custody. The Official of Roijen in the same manner too, having thundered out an Excommunication against one of the King's Bailiffs, in the year thirteen hundred and seventy, who refused to deliver a Clerk to him whom he had taken Prisoner in coloured , was condemned by a judgement of the same nature to take off his Excommunication. And was not a Cardinal Bishop of Man's condemned by an Arrest in the year one thousand four hundred sixty and five, to absolve those Officers of his Majesty, whom he had attempted to excommunicate with an inhibition, not to attempt the like any more hereafter. The Parliament of Grenoble, approving of the Cardinal de Clermont's power, who was the Pope's Legate in Avignon, in the year fifteen hundred and sixteen, declared, That the King's Officers who were in his jurisdiction, should not be any ways liable to Ecclesiastical censures or interdictions. And when the Bishop of Castres' excommunicated two Counsellors of Tholouse, in the year one thousand five hundred sixty six, was he not adjudged to pay ten thousand Livres fine, and to repeal his Excommunication besides. And of latter time. when the Cardinal de Sourdis, attempted to excommunicate certain Counselors of the Parliament, Anno one thousand six hundred and six, his Temporalties were seized on, and himself condemned by Arrest of the said Parliament to call in his Excommunication. It were easy to allege many more like examples. But besides (though there are proofs enough to convince that this privilege doth really belong unto the King's Officers.) It is expressly said in the Arrest against the Bishop of Chartres, made on the year thirteen hundred sixty nine, and in those Articles proposed to the Assembly, Anno, fiteen hundred eighty three, at St. German en Lay, that they have enjoyed it time out of mind.  
Neither is this privilege particular to them alone, for Matthew Paris saith, in the life of H●nry the second King of England, that the King of England's Officers could not be excommunicated, unless the Prelates had first obtained his Majesty's leave for it.    

Anno 1627.  

The Insolent Revolt of the Rochelois.  
EVERY one verily believed, considering the Peace concluded with the Spaniards and Hugonots: That France which had a long while like a floating Vessel been Wether beaten, would now cast Anchor in a quiet settled Harbour: It was every man's hope, now to enjoy the fruits of so many labours, and that the Clouds passing away would make room for Serene Calms: But just as it was going to this Port, the Hugonots and most of the neighbour Princes, appeared on the shore to prevent its settlement on Land: They raised new stirs, they cast up Shelves of sand upon one another, and beat the Waves with such violence and fury, that the end of one storm was but the beginning of another, and that a greater than the former. Those of Rochel having been of late accustomed to live in an insolent licentiousness, could not endure to see the Articles of Peace which the King had accorded to them, put in execution; and Rebellion had taken so deep rooting in their minds, that the yoke of Obedience was become insupportable to them; they could not permit, that the Rules of Commerce, observed over all France, should be taken notice of amongst them. The cutting off of that absolute authority which they had made use of, in the Isles of Ree and Oleron, and other places bordering upon their City was looked on, as an outrage; the excercise of the Catholic Religion being settled amongst them, was esteemed as a great slavery, and as a rigorous constraint imposed upon that whereof they made profession. They complained of those Soldiers in Fort Lewis, and the Isles of Ree and Oleron, left there only to prevent their relapsing into their former insolences, as a most insufferable tyranny. They resented his Majesty's Commissaries Acts in order to the execution of the Treaty, as so many unjust attempts upon their Liberties, and would needs have it be believed, that the continuation of Fort Lewis, was a breach of those promises, which had been made to them. These were the Chief complaints which they every where spread abroad; These were the Griefs which filled their Manifests; These were the Motives which they made use of to persuade the rest of the Huguenot Towns, to revolt, to form themselves into a Commonwealth, and to obtain that by force from his Majesty, which with Justice they could not expect: But these complaints were made with little reason for that subjects, cannot pretend any thing for their attempting on their King's authority: and accordingly the answer which they could have, when they had the boldness to present them either to his Majesty or his Minister was, That being born subjects to his Majesty, they neither aught or could pretend to any exemption from the Laws of obedience; That their complaints of violences offered to their Religion, was groundless; for that they had a full liberty of conscience under his Majesty's protection and that all such, as troubled them in it, were chastised as disturbers, of the public Peace: That true it was, by the Treaty of Monpellier, Fort Lewis ought to have been demolished but with all, That they had made themselves unworthy of it, by their refusal, to execute several Articles of the Treaty, and amongst others, to establish, the excercise of the Catholic Religion, in their City as they had engaged to his Majesty: and moreover, that the Honest's men of the City, the most sufficient, and such as had most to lose, having represented to his Majesty, that in case the Fort were slighted, They should be exposed to the mercy of the Rascality, who would put a thousand outrages and affronts upon them, he could not deny their so just a request: Besides the sixth Article of Peace granted them in February last year did expressly say, that his Majesty would not assent to the destroying of that Fort: They were also told, That being subjects of his Majesty, they had no cause to complain, of the Commissaries being there, especially seeing one of them too, was of their own Religion, and that they had not been then there, but for those delays which were by them made, in the execution of the Treaty: As to the quartering of Troops about their City and the adjacent Isles, it was answered; That they had no reason at all to complain of it, for that they gave the occasion, by their daily mutinies, by their slow proceed in the demolishing of Fort Tadon, and which they did so slightly too, that it was an easy matter to repair it; and that last of all, those Troops living very civilly, they enjoyed the self same liberty which his Majesty's subjects did many other Town, where there was a garrison and that they could not think it strange, his Majesty should so watch them, who had so often revolted after several protestations of obedience to procure his pardon for their faults. But nothing would satisfy them, so that finding they could not procure their desires, they concluded to prosecute it, with Arms, and to form themselves into a Commonwealth.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is neither safe nor Just for a City, born under a Regal power, to shake off that obedience and become a Commonwealth. The injustice of them who should attempt so to do cannot be defended, seeing Kings are the Lively Images of the God head, Livenants of his power, and that he hath subjected people in such dependencies, that no one but himself alone, can revoke their Commission. I advise thee, saith the Wiseman, to have a care of the King's mouth, and to keep the oath, that thou hast sworn unto him: beware that thou withdraw not thyself from his power or slight his commands, for otherwise he will deal with thee as he listeth and no one can say unto him, What dost thou? And as this Procedure is very unjust, so it is not safe for them who would engage in it, for that no Government is so bad as a Popular. There is indeed a certain kind of apparent liberty, which charmeth, and worketh upon the Souls of them, who do not under stand it, but it is most sure, that it is a liberty which exposeth a City, to the greatest misfortunes, that can befall to it. All Kings propose Honour and the Public good for the end of their Government knowing all their glory depends thereupon; whereas in a Popular State, every one proposeth his own particular advantage, and by that he measureth the Weal Public, and then comes Honour in the very rear of all other thoughts. Wise discreet Counsels are so little esteemed in Popular States, that they cannot remedy any inconvenience though accompanied with a very little difficulty. For though in State affairs most voices ought to be considered; yet it is not to be thought in point of number, but the Prudence of them who Judge: whereas admitting the people to be Master, most voices carrieth it clear from the rest though better grounded, by far. The Senate of Rome chose rather to allot Tribunes to the people, by whose mouths they might deliver their opinion, then to leave them in a Licentions power, concluding that though the Authority of those Tribunes would be in some sort superlative, yet that it would be much more supportable, then that of the people, that many headed beast which having no Judgement, loveth change, and moveth more by impetuosity then reason. This Beast, nourisheth itself with a thousand vain hopes, its designs are accompanied with fury, when the danger is farthest off; but soon looseth his courage when brought upon peril; and as it hath but a small portion of abilities, so it knoweth not who are men of understanding, or who do them good service. Whence it doth ordinarily well reward, such as do them ill service, and ill reward such as do them good service. Was it not heretofore seen that the Athenian banished Miltiades, ordered him to pay a great fine, and kept him in durance until he had paid it, as a reward for having with ten thousand men saved their City from a dangerous siege, and beaten one hundred and ten thousand Persians, by his good Conduct? The like they did to Themistocles, Arist●der, Alcibiades and divers other Captains, who had served them, very eminently without any regard had to their services. He that would esteem a Popular Authority, ought not to know what it is: And Agesilaus did wisely answer one who would have changed the Government of Parthia into a democracy, when he advised him only to set up a Demoraty in his own Dominion, which would discover to him, the rashness and disorder of a Popular Government.   

The Designs of the Duke of Rohan in Languedoc.  
THe Duke of Rohan, discontented for that he had made no advantage by the Peace▪ at lest to render himself the more considerable, did not a little foment those Mutinies of the Rochelois, to which end, he under hand sowed divisions among the Consuls of the Chief Huguenot Towns in Languedoc, and some he made for his own party; that they might lead the people to rebel, when ever he should hold up his finger; but finding that his design did not absolutely take in those parts, he resolved to accept of those proffers, which the King of Great Britain had made to the Duke of Sonbize his Brother, and the deputies of those of his party, presently after the Treaty of Peace which had been then newly concluded, about the end of the last year. They could not away with the putting off the Treaty in execution, as to many particular Articles, which the discreerest men among them, had persuaded them to agree unto; They dispatched certain Deputies, towards the King of England, to beseech him that he would use his power and Authority with the King his Brother in Law, to persuade him, to demolish Fort St. Lewis which kept them in a wonderful subjection; who being presented to him by the Duke de Sonbize, who retired himself into England in the year one thousand six hundred twenty and five, they were well received and had promises given them of a strong assistance. Now the Duke of Rohan not to lose these hopes, sent amongst the Deputies the Sieur de Blancard a person of quality, to procure a quick dispatch, they had many fair promises made them, and a confirmation of whatever had formerly been resolved on, so that the Revolt was now concluded on; It was so much the easier to obtain those succours, for that of late, England had conceived some ill designs against France. It much troubled them, to see the Huguenot Party, and those of Rochel, reduced to greater weaknesses than ever, and they took so great a share in their Interest that one of the Chief Ministers of State there, said in full Counsel, that it was less considerable to his Majesty to lose Ireland, then to suffer Rochel to be taken by the King of France. Withal Buckingham's particular Spleen, which carried himself and swayed most of the great ones there, did not a little increase it, who were all mad to be dealing with France; so much do Courtiers follow the inclinations of Favourites. We have in the former year laid down the causes of his particular hatred, I shall now only add the resentment which he took, at his Majesty's denial to let him come into France, was that, and only that which incensed him to that height: But the Cardinal foreseeing what effects, that refusal would in reason produce advised his Majesty to permit him to come to the Court, assuring him, that it would be easy to raise some advantages, out of that earnest passion which he had to come thither, and that at last he could only end as Icarus did, who perished for aspiring too high. Yet however the Queen Mother seconding the King's resolution for his non-admittance, she became Mistress of the Counsel, which so exasperated Buckingham, that he vowed shortly to come into France so well attended, that they should not be able to deny him entrance Madam de Cheureuse, who was discontented too, and then in Lorraine, did not a little blow the Coals of his passion, and serve to nourish his anger; but as it would have been more to his discredit then Honour, to have openly declared it, so he wanted some pretences to cloak it. He pretended that the King of England his Master had been surety for the performance of those promises which the King and his Ministers had made to the Hugonots upon the conclusion of the Peace. Now the Chancellor having told their Deputies, in presence of the English Ambassadors, that though the King could not be induced, to assent unto the demolition of Fort Lewis, yet that they might hope for it from his Bounty in Time, in case they lived within the bounds of a due obedience. These hopes would he needs have pass for absolute promises, and for Articles agreed on with Ambassadors, and in prosecution of them, he would fain have it be believed that the King his Master, was bound, by way of caution to see the demolishing of it put in execution. He had likewise the boldness to let the King know from his Master of Great Britain, by his Ambassador, that he was likewise engaged to see the performance, of a certain Declaration made to the Hugonots by the Earl of Holland and the Lord Charlton; Extraordinary Ambassadors then at that Treaty, in which they had construed the Chancellor Haligres words in that sense, as was most agreeable to the Hugonots, and all, that they might engage them the more unto their Interests, and not want a pretence to embroil things when ever they had a mind to it. But it was absolutely denied, that the King of England did ever become engaged to see those promises made to them of Rochel, performed, or that he had been treated with, or his Ambassadors, in any sort whatever; But on the contrary, it was represented to them, how it was not forgotten, what message his Majesty then sent to the Earl of Holland and the Lord Charleton, by the Duke of Cheureuse and the Bishop of Manned which was, that in case, they should pretend to intermeddle in the Treaty, the King would not give his consent to any thing, but if upon condition that the King of England would engage to assist him with a strong Fleet to compel the Rochelois, if they should fall back from their duties. This had been told them once and again, and that plainly enough, as also confirmed by Monsieur the Cardinal, so that their pretences of the King of Great Britain's, being Pledge for Performance of those Articles granted to the Rochelois, were groundless: as also that frivolous pretext; of making use of the Earl of Hollands and the Lord Charle●ous Declaration, which being a thing of their own drawing, and done as best pleased themselves was of no value. However it was one of the chiefest Arguments they made use of, in their Declaration to justify their Arms, when they entered upon Ree; And the Duke of Buckingham manifested to all people, that his only design was to protect the Rochelois and reform Churches of France, though it was not unknown, that his private Spleen, was the true cause of his design; yet he was cunning enough to dissemble it to the King of England, and pretend assisting of the Rochelois, and withal to assure him that the whole party of the Hugonots, would revolt and upon the arrival of his Fleet put such and such Towns into his hands, that he might set on foot his old pretences upon France, and enter upon it with security and advantage. Upon these scores the King of England, laboured very industriously for the rigging out of his Fleet, all April, May and June; not at all discovering his design though both his Majesty and the Cardinal, were not so ill informed but that they perfectly knew it was prepared for France.   

Politic Observation.  
KIngs when they have a mind to make a war, never want pretences to disguise the injustice of it; however it is an absurd rashness to engage in any, without urgent necessity. I like well of T. Livius Judgement who saith war is then Just, when it is necessary; and that Arms are never attended with Justice, but when there are no other hopes but from them. And who can think otherwise of it, seeing war is followed by all sorts of miseries? War it is which ushers in disorders, and evil customs, which taketh away the lives of the Innocent, which bringeth the Rich into want, and which generally banisheth all the pleasures of life to set up troubles and afflictions; So that a man can hardly fancy any thing more to be deplored then war, from whence it followeth, that who so gins it, without absolute necessity, may be well compared to those Chemists, who administer such potions to their patients, that they thence suffer more griefs and pains then from their sicknesses and diseases. A wise man will abstain from war, saith Xenophon, though he have some reason for it. Croesus' did ever prefer peace before war, if only for this reason, because in war Fathers did bury their Children against the Laws of Nature. The He Wolf is so ravenous according to Pliny, that having seized upon one Prey, and discovering another, he presently leaveth his first and pursueth his second game, though he be uncertain of taking it: He who would undertake a war without being absolutely necessitated to it, doth not he do the same thing? doth he not hazard the pleasures and certainties of Peace, to obtain victories by his Arms, which by the opinions of all Wise men, depend rather upon Fortune then Valour? He who designs another's ruin, is himself often included in it, and that Prince who would blemish his Neighbour's reputation, doth often find his own exposed to those disgraces which he had provided for others: He doth not only exhaust his own Treasures, but maketh himself hated by his subjects, in drawing from them contributions, for the carrying on of his war, in leading them to slaughter, and exposing his Country to ruin; for that the divine Providence is well pleased to chastise arrogances and Public in Justice, and raiseth such a flame as may destroy perchance his own Country, instead of his Neighbours. The flames of war are not so easily extinguished as lighted, and many Grand Monarches designing to employ them, for the subversion of others, have only raised them, for the last piles of their own glory and Honours. It is no less unjust to raise a war, not necessitated to it, then infamous to remain within doors, when the Public Interests oblige the undertaking of it.   

The King animated by the save Counsels of the Cardinal, resolves on the siege of Rochel.  
THe Cardinal must of necessity have had less courage and zeal for his Majesty's service, than hitherto he had expressed, longer to have ●…ted the Rochelois to go away unpunished, for their insolent mutinies; S●… Grand Minister who was eminently endued with those two admirable qualities, openly told the King, (who chanced to discourse with him upon that affair) that there was not any reason longer to put up their indignities, and that he thought it expedient for him to make use of his Arms, for the curbing in of the Insolence of those Rebels, who hourly disturbed the Repose of his Country. He briefly represented to him, the several insurrections which the Hugonots had of late years, raised up in the Kingdom. That of all the Towns, Rochel was the support, of their Revolts, as also the firebrand, which Foreign Princes made use of to inflame the Kingdom with war, That that one City was an obstacle to the undertaking of any great designs, That it was a shame to see those Edicts how just or necessary soever, not regarded or observed in their City. That it served for a Road to discontents, and a retreat for Rebels: That Peace could never be certainly established, in the Kingdom nor abroad, whilst that place was in a condition to second a Faction: That France could not be in security from strangers, whilst that place was in its own power to set open their Gates: and on the contrary, that there was reason to hope; for a happy and prosperous Peace, that place being once disarmed and their Forts reduced to nothing, by which they would be forced to live in their obedience. This discourse once ended, it was no hard matter to resolve his Majesty's inclinations, for the reducing them to the rules of obedience by a potent siege, especially seeing he was not of so little courage as to suffer such obstacles and indignities unpunished any longer: But though it were regretful longer to suffer it, yet it was no less, difficult to prevent it. The reason he had to punish them, was apparently visible, but the means how to do it, not easily found out; But as difficulties serve only to augment great courages, who are carried on by any extraordinary sense of glory, so the King animated by the generous Counsels of the Cardinal, fixed upon the Resolution of making strong preparations for the siege of it.  
I shall moreover say, That the Cardinal knowing that no one ought to shut his eyes in dangers, but rather to look upon them, exactly to consider them, and if possibly apply preventive remedies to overcome them, so he did not disguise any thing to the King which might happen in the siedg. He represented to them, the strength of the Huguenot party, grounded upon many strong places, fortified with intelligence from abroad, cemented by the Interests of divers Grandees of the Kingdom; and supported by their own Forces; that whatever the Precedent Kings had gained in many Battles, and a long tract of various war, served only to make Treaties of Peace, which are as so many marks, of their uncomptrouled insurrections. He desired him to remember the Ambition of Grandees, the Passion of Ministers, the insolences of them of this Faction; their Plots, Cabal; and animosities, and he clearly told him, That it was the more necessary to remove all these obstacles, with his very utmost power, in regard if he did not, instead of healing it would fester the wound, and diminish instead of making his Arms more considerable. But withal he assured him that in case his Majesty, thought fit to do his utmost upon this rebellious place, there was reason to hope for a good success, seeing he had Peace with Germany and no enemy to divert him, the English only excepted, who at that time were not strong enough to be much feared; That in case any one should attempt upon France, there might however be means found out to put off or hinder their designs; which being so, he did not find any difficulties, but what were under his own power. That the Sea Port of this City might be blocked up, if he would go to the Charge of it, and that making a line about it with Forts and Redouts, all hopes either of men or victuals would be cut off from them. That bringing good store of vessels which might be drawn out from several ports of France, the English attempts in case their Fleet should arrive, would be to no purpose seeing his Majesty's Ships would be all under the shelter of his Forts and Batteries, which might be raised at the mouth of the Channel; by which means Rochel would in a little while be reduced to necessity, forced to deliver upon mercy and then so ordered, that they should never be in a condition, but of obeying for the Future. The●e considerations were laid down with so much discretion and proposed with such clearness, that his Majesty could not be ignorant of the just grounds he had to hope for a good success in his design upon this City. So he resolved about the beginning of the year to go on with it, and his whole thoughts were bend upon the preparations for the siedg, though it were very secretly carried that they might have no suspicion of it, before all things were ready for to assault the place,  
The Cardinal caused almost exact Platform of Rochel to be drawn out, and of all the adjacent places. He saw all their Forts, their Form height and bigness, the breadth and depth of their ditches, and whatever was strong or weak in the whole Fortification. The ways and passages of the whole Country were not omitted, nor the length and largeness of the Channel, the places where Batteries might be raised, with Forts for defence of the Port, and oftentimes considering this Map with the Marshal de Schomberg and other able Engineers for such exploits, he framed so perfect an Idea of all that could happen in the siege foreseeing effects in their causes, That he did no longer doubt of the victory; And having discoursed more at large with his Majesty concerning it, he told him, that he could now almost assure his Majesty of a good success in this design, if it pleased God to Prosper it with his blessing, as there was great reason to hope, seeing he acted for the good of the Church, and the glory of his own name. The King was overjoyed at it, and from that time forwards preparations were made in all the adjacent Provinces, of warlike amunitions, great store of Cannon were sent before hand towards the place that they might be in a readiness when time should serve; divers means were thought on, to block up the Channel, and to begin with those of less charge, to prevent greater expenses, in case they might do the work; a private computation was made of what horse and foot, would be requisite to invest the place, and secure the neighbouring Isles, and to be short, every thing was disposed to the best advantage for the carrying on of the siedg.   

Politic Observation.  
HE who shutteth his eyes at those difficulties which he shall meet with in war, deceiveth himself: Commonly they that do so, are quickly reduced to an impossibility of executing their designs, If there be any one Action which ought maturely to be deliberated, in its beginning, progress and end, without doubt war is chief the thing, it being as Scipio saith, absolutely important, not to begin it, unless Fortune presents a favourable occasion, with advantage: but when the means necessary for its continuation are certain, and when there is a sure way to come off with Honour. Though Fortune should be cross, yet after so many considerations, it can hardly end in a bad success, whereas with blinded eyes and no considerations had of the means to overcome such obstacles may arise as nothing, but confusion and disorder and ruin can fo●low: Tiberius is very much commended in Tacitus, for having so great knowledge of his enemy's Plots, designs, and resolutions, in so much, that those very subtleties which they proposed for to get a victory, he made use of for their destruction: And T. Livy saith of Hannibal, that one of the principal causes which gave him many advantages in war, was, the knowing his enemy's Counsels as well as he did his own resolutions. A discreet Pilot foresees a storm and secureth himself, neither doth a Grand Minister of State attempt any thing of concern, but he foresees the difficulties which may happen in it. It is for Fencers, not Princes to resolve on a sudden. A wise man, never brings himself within danger of repentance, and as he knows his designs may be countermined, so he is accordingly careful not only to provide all such means as may carry his business to a happy issue, but also such remedies as may overcome any obstacles which may chance to be made in opposition of it. He never lets his courage be quelled with difficulties, but makes them only serve to fix his resolution the more strongly against all resistances; by this means he will see all things fall out according to his own forecast, and he will force Fortune herself to become favourable to him.   

The Duke of Lorraine comes to the King at Paris, to complain of his Majesty's Actions towards the Bishop of Verdun, and to do him Homage for the Dutchee of Bar.  
GReat enterprises are not to be ended in a moment, so that some months had passed before the English were in a condition to make good their promise to the Rochelois; during which time, divers remarkable things intervened. The Duke of Lorraine about the beginning of the year came to his Majesty at Paris, and made great complaints of his Majesty's Officers Actions against the Bishop of Verdun his Kinsman, how that they had seized on all his Goods, translated the charge of his Offices to other persons, that they had Posted up Papers against him, and had resolved to have seized on his Person, if it had been in their power: But as he had not to do with such Ministers, who had either fear or weakness, or knew not how or when to maintain their Master's Interests, so he was quickly answered. That Bishops of what condition soever, being his Majesty's subjects, own as much respect and obedience to him, as others of his degree, that when they fall off from their duties, it is then the more just to punish their faults, their Delinquency being an ill example, to which most people are apt to follow: That enjoying their Temporal States only in order to the Oath of Allegiance, which they all swear to his Majesty, they do most especially deserve to be deprived of them, when they break their said oath; That his Majesty was more especially obsigned to maintain his Right in Verdun, which was a Fontier Town, and in regard too, that the Bishop had attempted against his Royal Authority in hindering the building of the Citadel, though it were a thing only relating to the Sovereignty, and in which he was not all concerned: These answers were so Just and grounded upon such solid reasons, that nothing could be replied against them, so the Duke had recourse, to his entreaties and beseeched his Majesty for his sake, to wink at with was past, to order restitution of his seizures, and to command the Bishop Officers to be reestablished in their former charges. He was very urgent in his behalf, and because at the same time the Emperor having writ to his Majesty in his favour, the King had returned him answer, That at his desire, he should willingly grant him any reasonable favour, the Duke obtained his request but upon condition however, That the Bishop should first send a Commission to one of his Vicars, to revoke the Censures which had been given out against his Majesty's Officers, and them who worked on the Citadel, and that in feature he should comport himself with more respect and moderation. The Duke did willingly become bound for his performance, and having sent the Commission the King discharged the seizures and settled all things in their former state. But notwithstanding all the Duke's seeming affection & forwardness in this affair, yet that was not the chief end of his Journey. He had been newly put into possession of the States of Lorraine and Bar, by virtue of Reynard the second King of Sicily's will, and by the resignment of his Father, the Count of Vaudmont pretending to hold them of his Liege in his own proper name, though the late Duke of Lorraine his Predecessor had, and that with reason declared, by giving him his eldest Daughter to wife, that she should be the true Inheretrix of his States, and that he should only enjoy them in her right.  
He also made his entry into Nancy, with Balls and public rejoicings in his Court, and all that he might celebrate with the more Honour his arrival to the Crown of Lorraine, hereupon he pretended to do Homage to the King in his own name, for the dutch of Bar, as appertaining to him in Fee, and not in right of his wife, but he therein met with greater obstacles then in that of the Bishop of Verdun.  
It was presently given him to understand, that he had not a little offended his Majesty, in that he had upon his own head assumed upon himself the Investiture of Bar, and not expected his Majesty's introduction, to whom the Sovereignty did belong. That he had expedited all letters Patents in his own name, without mentioning that of the Duchess his wife, for that no vassal hath any thing by descent in his Fee, until he be invested by his Sovereign to whom he doth Homage; That he gave a just ground to be disseised of it, if he should possess himself thereof, before he were lawfully introduced; That he had also committed no small fault when as he attempted to alter the quality of Tenure of Bar, and so create it Masculine, whereas the Chief Sovereign could only alter the nature of Fees, and dispense with Customs. The inconsiderate and lofty humour of this Prince, was such, that he could have wished he had not been dependant on any other, and gave him not leave to consider the Justice of these reasons; he answered those Ministers with whom he treated, that it being indifferent to his Majesty, whether the Homage of Bar were Masculine or Feminine, he imagined that R●ynard King of Sicily his great Grandfather, had lawfully constituted it upon the Males, in exclusion of the Females; and that in consequence it was become his own right, that he was ready to pay unto his Majesty that homage which is due unto him; and lastly he added, that in his judgement he had no power to annul the right which he had acquired. He made use of the Duke de Ch●ureuse, who made many journeys too and fro, to make his argument pass amongst the Ministers for good, and some others too, which being inconsiderable I shall pass by. But he was ever told that his Majesty had reason enough and interest withal, to oppose that an Homage dependant upon his Crown might be altered in quality; that the Customs of Countries and succession of States, were not at all altered, seeing such changes are reserved in his only power and in no other whatever: That he ought to know the Customs of Bar were never changeable but by his Majesty's permission; and moreover, on condition that they were confirmed by the Parliament of Paris: That he could not be ignorant how the custom of both Bar, and all those lands bordering upon the Rhine did grant the succession to daughters; in exclusion of any Males descended from a second Brother, they being daughters of the eldest, and that he had so much the less reason to change this custom without the King's Authority, in regard this one Article was of greater concern than all the rest; that such a change was contrary to the fundamental Laws of Lorraine, and that he debarred the Duchess his wife, of the right which indubitably belonged to her. Now as he could not possibly make any satisfactory answer to these objections, so he was forced to return without doing any thing at all in it, only he procured some time to make out his pretensions, and to furnish himself with Titles and Reasons to second and uphold them.   

Politic Observation.  
THE wisest Politicians have thought it dangerous to the good of the State, to alter any Laws without urgent occasion, or unless the change carry some great advantage with it. Aristotle saith, it makes subjects slight rules and powers, and doth much diminish their Authority; Thucydid●s hath gone a little further, thinking it safer and more proper inviolably to continue the Laws of a Country though ill ordered, rather than set up new ones and better in their place. St. Austin saith, that as in sickness it is good to continue the use of those medicines, which till then the sick person had used; so likewise, it is the effect of a great discretion, to preserve the observation of those Laws which had formerly enough in them to remedy any inconveniences in the State: Which if true, of Laws in general, is then, much more necessary in Fundamentals, which have been the establishers of a State, seeing they are no less conducing to its preservation, than the Foundation of a house for the subsistence of it. To speak ingeniously, such Laws are the Pillars which uphold Authority, and as a building, if the Foundation be undermined and shaken, soon falls to the earth; so a State too quickly comes to ruin, if those Laws upon which it is established once come to destruction or alteration. For this reason, Adrian ordained that no one should intraduce any new Customs into Rome. Plato in his Commonwealth, prohibiteth the changing of any thing in it, even Childrens-play; for novelties altar manners, and bring antiquity into , a thing of great consequence. I should like well of the alteration of some rules of Justice, because the manners of men are variable, and the punishing of Crimes too may admit of change, according to the disposition of men and times. But it is not the same thing in fundamentals, which rule the government, and which settle the election which God hath made of a Sovereign, which do authorise the order established by former Princes, for the ordering of the people, and which are the known rules for the preservation of the common good; indeed such ought no more to be changed then the Laws of nature, for both are equally founded upon God's Law: He it is who divideth the earth amongst Nations, who establisheth Kings families and inheritances, so that without his will no alteration may be intraduced to change those Customs which have been anciently in use.   

The Duchess of Orleans death, upon her lying in of a Daughter.  
THE King was much troubled soon after the Duke of Lorrain's departure for the Duchess of Orleans his Sister in Law. We have in the former yeart related, how many broils the marrying of this Princess did raise at Court, and how most of the Princes of Christendom endeavoured to hinder it, now we are come to wonder at the blindness of Grandees, who turmoil themselves in extremity, who move heaven and earth by their broils, and all for those things, which death, and the inconstancy of humane affairs cause to vanish in a moment. The marriage was concluded but more for discretion than love in his part, yet God so blessed it, that Love had quickly united both their affections very strongly; notwithstanding all the endeavours or devices of Monsieurs Favourites and Creatures, to make him  her, and her not to love him; the particular merit of this Princess gave great reason to believe, that Monsieur could come to be sensible of it, and would by his esteem and affection give her a great power over his Soul: Now his Favourites finding if things went in that way, it would be a great prejudice to their affairs, and lessen the power which they pretended to have in his house, left no stone unturned, that they might engage his affections elsewhere, at least lessen his kindness to the Princess; but Monsieurs good nature animated by the virtue of this Princess, was above the malice of those Factious Interests: So that love having joined their wills in a true affection, death could not separate them, but to their great griefs. The Princess growing big in a few months after her marriage, was about the end of May brought to bed of a daughter, but so misfortunately that there was little hopes of saving her life. Monsieur was every hour with her, so that it could not be concealed from him, and he unable to dissemble the greatness of his affection, she was forced to comfort him, by testifying her readiness to submit to whatever God should c●dain. In the interim, the Physicians employed their utmost Art but to little purpose, so that after she had disposed herself to leave this world, by all religious actions which might make her fit for heaven, she died and by her death taught all great men, that in greatness nothing is more certain than inconstancy, and that greatness ought to be considered only as a game of Fortune, which after a fair flourish, bring all to nothing in a moment. The King who did no less honour her virtue then Monsieur, was much affected at it; but above all the house of Guise. They saw all their hopes and the great designs which they had projected upon her Marriage, to be brought to nothing, which made them continue along while in their discomforts.   

Politic Observation.  
HE spoke very wisely concerning worldly greatnesses, who said they are obtained with much peril, kept with no less vexation and inconstancy; and lost with as great prize; What ever lustre and dazzling the Sun makes in our eyes yet we see him set everyday, and though men attain to never so great glory, yet must they be laid in the dust. The same cause which gives us life, leads us on to death, yet as the same Sun which ushers in the morning light leaveth us in darkness at his departure. The same Sun going out of the first degree Aries, resteth not until his return; and we too, once borne, are hurried on to death. Nothing is here beneath more certain than incertainty, more constant than inconstancy. Though Fortune be so favourable as to let us enjoy greatness some little time, yet then comes death and snatcheth all away, forcing us to pay that duty which we own, what ever resistance we make against its assaults, it will at last force us to stoop under its Laws; its dart is unavoidable, so that there can be no greater wisdom then to resolve of being overcome, and to enjoy that without regret which Fortune prepareth for us. In our expectation of deaths coming to deprive us of all we ought to attend it, with the greater care in regard the limits of man's life are so uncertain, and when it comes, we ought not to think it hath made too much haste, since no death is precipitated upon us: and considering the uncertainty of the time, when it will come, we ought however to be assured, that one day it will come, and carry us out of this World. Let the World flatter itself with all its glories, yet death will cut all down: After the earth hath been enamelled with Flowers, replenished with a thousand sweets, arrayed with infinite plants, and laden with rich Harvests, yet a few months, and her beauty withers, she becomes covered with snows, hails and storms, she is glued up with frosts and drowned in reins. So shall the greatest Princes find their lustre and glory terminated by death in the grave. Their Splendour shall fade like Flowers, their prosperities melt like snow, and though like Torrents they have astonished the world by their noise, at last they shall pass away like a flash of lightning.   

A Duel between the Marquis de Praslin, and the Sieur de Bouteville severely punished.  
THough the King had made so strict an Edict against Duels, yet such was the blind fury which had seized on the souls of the Nobility, that some of them could not refrain fight. This Error which had built glory upon Revenge, and caused Duels to pass for a teste of courage, had taken such deep roots in most of their thoughts, that it was impossible totally to extirpate it: and as heretofore among the Macedonians, he was accounted an unworthy fellow, who had not slain some of his Country's enemies, so in France, he who had not killed one or more in Duelling, could not be thought valiant. The King had made rigorous Edicts against this lamentable evil, which had untimely ravished a number of Brave men out of France, since Henry the second's time. But as it is to small purpose to make laws unless they who violate them, be punished accordingly, so his Majesty was very strict in chastising those Gentlemen which should offend in that particular: The Marquis de Praslin, son to the late Marshal, had the boldness to fight with the Baron du Bar; for his punishment he was deprived of his Lieutenant General's place in Champagne, and forced to live some years away from the Court. About the same time there was some suspicion upon the Sieur de Liancourt, for having challenged the Sieur de Cressia from the Duc d' Alvin, and though there were only conjectures of it, yet the King forbidden them the Court: and also resolved to dispose of the place of first Gentleman of his Bedchamber, which belonged to the Sieur de Lian Court, and had accordingly done it, but that some persons of quality, who served them in that affair testified that there had not any challenge passed in it. This was so exemplary a punishment that every one began to hope, the Nobility would at length, be undeceived, of that belief which they had, that the Laws of Honour were contrary to those of virtue and Christianity. But rashness hath no bounds, The Sieurs de Bouteville and des Chapelles carried themselves to such excess, that his Majesty was forced to make use of his Justice to punish them, with more than ordinary severity, being unable to pardon them, without giving way and countenancing the neglects of his Crown, and a madness which cried for Justice from Heaven and Earth.  
The Sieur de Bouteville was indeed to be commended for his good courage, as his very enemies would confess, but it not being guided with discretion, it depraved into such a fury, that there was hardly any one at Court reputed for a stout man, but he must needs meet him with his Sword in his hand; Not a day how holy soever, but he would profane by his Duels, no place how public soever which he would not bathe with the blood of some one or other, so little reckoning did he make of the King's Prohibition; after the coming out of the Edict, he had fought with the Count de Thorigny and slain him: about the end of the foregoing year, and the beginning of this he had another Duel with la Frete, where his second was killed, which quarrels of his were so much the less to be connived at, in regard those of the best quality were still parties in it. So the King resolved to punish him, which he having notice of withdrew himself into Flanders, where he found means to persuade the Archduchess to Interest herself in his affairs upon the score of the Damoizelle de Montmorency her favourite, who writ to his Majesty to beg his pardon, The King took advice of his Confessor, and as there was no reason to forgive such offences, so he counselled him not to grant it, and made it evident to him, that he could not do it, with a safe conscience; but that his Majesty might not seem totally to deny the Infante, he sent her word that at her request he should not be questioned for what was past, provided he came not either to Paris or the Court. This was as much as a Just Mercy could well do; But the same fury which had formerly engaged Bouteville in those quarrels, did so provoke him upon his Majesty's denial of a total pardon, that he openly vowed he would ere long fight in Paris, nay, and in the Place Royal itself; accordingly not long after thither he came, and having given notice of it to the Marquis de Bewron, with whom he had a quarrel, that he was ready to give him satisfaction for those differences between them, which he had not the liberty to do in Flanders, whither Bewron had come to find him out, by reason of the promise which he had engaged to the Infante, not to fight on any of her Territories: So they made choice of the Place Royal for their combats, where being met three against three, Bouteville, des Chapelles and La Berte, against  Bussi, d' Amboyse and Bouquet, they fought and  was killed out right, by Chapelles, La Barte desperately wounded by Bouquet, and Bouteville with Beruuron close grappling together, with a good will to be at it with their daggers, but having cast away their Swords, it is reported how in this equality of advantage they mutually asked one another's life, to go part their friends. This was all that could be got from their neglecting the Kings will, and the fury which led them to entertain such detestiable offences. The King heard of it, and soon after that, Bussy's Mother had arrested Bouteville, by a Gentleman of hers, and des Chapelles at Vitry, from whence they were conducted to safe Custody to Paris and there delivered over to the Parliament, to be proceeded against, his Majesty having absolutely refused to show them any favour, though their kindred made great requests for it, and at last their heads were struck off at the Greve, by order of the Parliament.   

Politic Observation.  
HE who defendeth the wicked, and he who offendeth the good, are both in equal abomination before the Lord, as Solomon saith in his Proverb's, I should therefore submit to that of St. Chrisostome who saith, That as Justice without Mercy is not Justice, but cruelty: So Mercy without Justice, is not Mercy but extreme rashness. It were not less improper, to pardon all Crimes, then to use on all occasions the extremity of Justice. Both aught to be moderated by discretion, without which there are as many inconveniences which will follow gentleness as severity. Philip advised his son Alexander to be very courteous to his subjects, whilst he was not King, for it would not be fit for him to use so great indulgence towards them, when as he should arrive to the Throne; Judging, with great wisdom, that it is impossible for him who ruleth, to treat all with clemency; not only because the Interest of his subjects doth sometimes compel him to be severe, but also because unless he punish the wicked, it will be a dimination of his own authority: The Heathens say, Jupiter himself cannot reign without Justice. And Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius saith, nothing is more becoming a Prince, than the excercise of this virtue; and doth not Solomon who is much more authentic, say, The Throne of a King is established by Justice. St. Cyprian in his Tract of the twelve abuses, saith the Justice of the King, is the Peace of the people, the Nurse of Children, the defence of the Country, the comfort of the poor, and himself the hope of Heaven to come. And if a Sovereign ever may make use of it, he ought not to let it lie idle, when it sends to the purging of his Court from such seditious companions, as engage his nobles daily to cut one another's throats.  
It is a Crime more than Brutal; for the instinct of nature, forbiddeth beasts to fall upon one another. It is reported that Neurians are Wolves one six mouths of the year, & men t'other six mouths, but I should with more Justice imagine their swash bucklers, not to be men at all, but that by their greediness of spilling man's blood, that are beasts Wolves and Tigers, all their lives. Their courage is not courage but a fury, which hurrieth them on to dip their hands in their brother's blood, not a courage but a Rage which maketh them madly expose their bodies to death, and their souls to damnation. It is not any just Law of Arms which obligeth that to be thus barbarous, but a Devilish Charm which deprives them, of their reason. The foolish passion of an imaginary honour which animateth them, is a monster begot by vanity, brought up by fury and nourished by blood; as it is said of that in Habacuc, the greatest, the noblest and most courageous serve it for a prey. What apparency of reason can there be alleged, for renewing the old Butchery of Haman flesh, before the images, not of a Moloc; a Saturn, but a vain fantasy of honour? What Justice to tolerate that, which God hath so expressly forbid and condemned to be punished with death, which heaven abhors, which the Laws detest and which is only worthy of Hell fire? But above all things, it ought not to be permitted, when committed in dirsion of the Regal authority, for once admitting a King's power to be trampled on, the next thing which follows, will be the people's revolt, and a general confusion in the whole Kingdom.   

The King of England's and divers other Prince's endeavours to divert the King from his resolution against Rochel.  
THough the design of besieging Rochel were kept very secret, yet some little suspicions there were of it which allarumd all the neighbouring Princes. The English who had already concluded upon their entering into France, resolved to redouble the Forces which had been allotted to take shipping, and others too were no less jealous of it. They knew how much it behoved them, to uphold the Huguenot party in France, which would disunite the Force of the Kingdom, and so employ the King whenever they had a mind to it, that he should not be able to march out of his own Frontiers, to oppose any designs of theirs, or attempt any thing upon them: They well knew France was not a little to be feared, when as it was at its full liberty, and no remora at home to hinder, the going out of their powers. That it hath pretensions upon all her neighbours, and that if the Hugonots were but once quashed, and Rochel their strongest support destroyed, his Majesty would then be at full liberty, to prosecute his pretences. So every one preferring his own Interests before Justice and Religion, sought for opportunities to divert his Majesty's Arms and force him, instead of assaulting others, to defend himself, they consulted together by means of their Ambassadors, and made a league to assault France in divers places at one and the same time. The King of Great Britain being Chief of the league took care to send from one place to another, to resolve particularly what should be done.   

Politic Observation.  
Policy obligeth Kings to foment the beginnings of division amongst their neighbours, but it ought to be accompanied with Justice, else it cannot pass for a virtue, and is to be used only towards enemies. The Laws both of nature and Christianity forbiddeth the doing of that to others, which we would not have done to ourselves, they who deal otherwise do invert the rules of humane society. Bajazet the Turkish Emperor was to be pardoned for that answer of his to Sigismonds' Ambassadors, (who remonstrated to him that having no right or Title to Bulgaria, he was bound in Justice to withdraw his Arms from it) that he had such Guns in his Arcenal, as gave him a right not only to Bulgaria, but as much as he could finger too, in any other place. An answer I say excusable in a Tyrant, who openly professeth to trample all Equity under foot, but not so in Christian Princes, whose victories ought always to be bounded in with Justice. That which Antigonus the Great, replied to one, who would needs persuade him, that whatever Kings had a mind to, was lawful, was much more praise worthy, he told him true, it was so, but amongst Barbarian Kings, not them who profess Justice, and to whom all injustice is an abomination. God hath in the Scriptures appointed distinct Laws both for Princes and private men; and as particular persons may not do any thing against the Common good, so Princes cannot attempt any thing of injustice without offence. Plutarch blameth Marius very much, for not executing Justice, but when it was advantageous, and because he always took profit to be honest, not regarding truth so he might be stronger, but measured the worth of the one by the value of t'other, and attempted the executing of that by craft which he could not obtain by Force. God, saith Isaiah, reproveth the counsels of them which are not conformable to his Laws, and Princes do but in vain hope to bring their designs to a good pass, when as there is no resistance of God's decrees.   

Prosecution of the History.  
THe Abbot of Scaglia was one of the Prime men in this confederacy, by the Duke of Savoys means, who desirous to revenge himself, because the Treaty of Mouson had been concluded without his knowledge; made choice of him, as a person capable to embroil things, who went about it the more passionately, because he was offended with the Cardinal, for having driven him out of France, for making of cabals, against the State. His first voyage was into Holland, to see how they stood inclined, and to draw them into the league. But meeting with some there who negotiated his Majesty's affairs, he could make but little progress in it, his reasons not being seconded with that money which theirs was. Thence he went for England where finding their minds according to his own desire, he still used his best endeavours to drive on the quarrel; which being once concluded, The King of England sent about the month of April, the Lord Mountagu, to take particular orders for execution of it, both in Savoy and Lorraine, and with the Duke of Rohan. It was needful to have some pretence to disquiet Montague's Journey, and no one was thought more fit, then for him to pretend he was desperately in love with Madam de Cheurcuse then in Lorraine, with whom he was to discourse, that he might be fully informed of all the Factions at the French Court, the Chief of which kept a strict correspondence with her. So he began his Treaty with the nearest State first and that was Lorraine; besides Buckingham had a particular intercourse with Monsieur de Lorraine by Madam de Cheureuses' means, and all that he might fully know the State of the Intrigues of France, He having found the Duke much exasperated, and that he only wanted an opportunity to let the King feel effects of his anger, he engaged to him to enter upon France, at the same time that the English Fleet should land there: The Duke also gave him hopes, that his attempts should be the more considerable, in regard the Emperor, who he was assured did blow the coals of the French Faction, would send him Forces for his assistance being at last fully instructed, and having disposed the Duke of Lorraine to the doing whatever he could demand, he went into Languedoc, where meeting the Duke of Rohan, he gave him an account of their whole design, who being thus filled with hopes of potent succours from England, Savoy and Lorraine, he resolved to rise at the same time with the rest. Thence he went to Savoy where the Duke animated against France, and particularly against the Cardinal, his only work there was to receive the Duke's assurances, of entering upon Dauphine as soon as the English put to Sea, to which purpose part of his Forces, were already upon their march: He presently dispatched one to the Duke of Rohan, to assure him of the assistance of six thousand foot, and five hundred Horse, exhorting him to be careful and courageous, for that their business was in a good condition. They fancied to themselves, that they did all ready cast that thunder bolt with which they ruined the whole Kingdom of France. Mountagu shortly after returns through France to Lorraine, but the King was not ignorant of his Intrigues, having had a continual watch upon him four months together, that he might snap him upon his return, and learn more particularly, by the contents of his Papers, the quality of his negotiations; and accordingly he was very fortunatly taken upon the Borders of the Kingdom by the Marquis de Bourbonne, whom his Majesty had commanded to apprehend him. About him was found a little cabinet of papers which contained the depth of his employment, and it was the happier for France, that he was so improvident to carry such papers about him, which could only serve to cause him be taken and put to great trouble, It was about the end of September that he was arrested and at first carried into Coffie. The Duke of Orleans hearing of it, took his part, made a great noise, about it, and fancying to himself that the English were landed in the I'll of Ree, that they and the Marshal de Thoyras were close engaged together, he dispatched the Sieurs de Ville and de Leven-Court, one in the neck of t'other to the Queen Mother, then at Paris in his Majesty absence, to demand Mountagu of her; and in case she did refuse it, to let him know it within four and twenty hour's time, protesting withal, that he well knew how to carve his own satisfaction, for this injury which he pretended had been done him, because he said Mountagu had been taken in his territories. He had at that time his Arms in his hand to second the English and Duke of Savoy, and at the same time that he send to the Queen Mother he resolved to besiedg Coffie, where Mountagu was then Prisoner, as also to assault divers other Frontier Towns, whilst his Majesty was busied in resisting the English: But the diligence used in removing of Mountagu from Coiffie to Paris, together with the defeat given the English at Ree, as shall anon be declared, made him and the Duke of Savoy too, change their resolutions for that they found the King in a condition able to deal with both of them at once.  
They were likewise told that in case they would oblige his Majesty to come out of Poictou, they might both of them pay the charges of his Journey: So the Duke of Savoy turned his design upon Genova, which he thought to surprise, by a Stratugem which had been contrived, and the Duke of Lorraine was contented to be quiet upon assurance given him, that Mountagu should be set at liberty, soon after his Majesty's return to Paris.  
His anger was like storms which after much noise, are quelled in a moment she resolved without any great entreaty, to expect the King's return to Paris, whither he soon after arrived: Mountaigu's Person not being so considerable as his Papers, from which there had been discovered as much as was desired, his Majesty brought him out of the Bastile and delivered him up unto him reserving that punishment for another time which he had resolved for the Duke of Lorraine, and which he had deserved by his engaging in such intrigues. In the mean time the King was very glad to see in these Papers, that the Duke of Savoy knew of the English design to land in Ree, that he had promised to assist them; That he had persuade the Duke of Rohan to revolt; that he had assisted him with succours; That he had engaged to fall upon the Dauphine with six thousand foot, and twelve hundred Horse. There was by them likewise discovered the design which the English had projected against Toulon, for the sending certain Ships pretending to trade in the Levant, and how the Duke of Savoy engaged to assist them with men and Galleys; That the same Duke had a hand too in that attempt which was afterwards made against Montpelier; That he had intended to have surprised Brecon and Valence, and besides all this there were amongst them divers bloody Manifests against the King, his Ministers of State, and the Government of his affairs.   

Politic Observation.  
TO be employed without good cause for the troubling of a Foreign Prince's State, is a Commission, as little happy as honourable. If it tend to the Arming of his subjects against him, It hath ever had such ill success, that one may say of him who arms them, that in shaking the Pillars of the State, Justice, and obedience, he only burries them in their own ruins. If it be for the making of confederacies with neighbouring Princes to make a war upon another, they last so little, that there is not any hopes of more expectation from them: Either of the Chiefs would have more power in the Army then his companion. Then comes distrust between them, no one obtains any glory, which t'other doth not envy, nay and hinder too if he can; Great designs raised upon such weak grounds fall to ruin, like structures built upon a foundation of sand. War is of itself so uncertain, that he who gins it, is not sure to gain any thing by it. A Command misapprehended, an Order ill executed, an enterprise not well timed, an inconsiderate rashness, and in short one poor single word may sometimes put a whole Army to the rout; Besides negotiations being often considered, by their Events, all the blame will be assuredly laid in his dish, who first persuaded to the design. On the other side, God favoureth Just Arms, and valour signifies nothing saith B●llisarius, without Justice, so that he who engageth any, without a lawful cause, may expect nothing but misfortune and confusion.  
But to waht dangers doth he expose himself whilst he passeth through his States, against whom he attempteth to make a war? Not to stop him, were a madness in any Prince, and a greater, not to punish him for his rashness. But admit he escape that misfortune, his very Commission is contemptible seeing it usually brings trouble and charge to his Country. I have ever much esteemed of Photions' words in Plutarch, to Leosthenes, who in an Oration endeavoured to engage the Ethenians in the Lamian war after Alexander's death; Thy speech quoth he is like a Cypress large and full, but beareth no fruit, for just thus thou makest the people conceive victories and thy words puff them up with signal advantages, but indeed there is not any just ground to hope for any certain fruit, from such a war tending to the States good, so inconstant misfortunate and expensive are all wars whatever. What did all those turbulent Souls carry away but blame and misfortune, who employed their whole time, provoked to it, only by their particular passions any unjust reasons, to raise wars amongst Princes. The Count de St. Paul may serve for a notable example in this kind. After he had spent all his days in Broils and turmoils, his glory vanished like smoke, and at last he paid for those Treacheries by death which he had put upon Lewis the Eleventh. In the same manner Savanorolla had passed for a Saint amongst the Florentines, but for that seditious Spirit, which animated him against the house of Medicis, and excited him to make a war even against his own Citizens; but the blame he reaped by it, sullied all his glory, and in my opinion whoever engageth himself in such a Commission may not expect any greater honour by it.   

Turbulent Spirits clapped up in the Bastille.  
THese Foreign designs were not a loan to be feared, there were divers other Grandees of the Kingdom sediously disposed who had some notice of the intended siege of Rochel, The Major part of them foresaw that in case Rochel, were taken, they must then of necessity live in an exact obedience, That it would carry with it an absolute ruin to all the Huguenot party; and that there would be no more means left them to rise up against the King's authority in future, when they had a mind to procure any thing by force: neither were they a little startled at the assurance of the design his Majesty had resolutely taken, of carrying the place. The Grandees have always thought the increase of the Royal Power, a diminution to their own private authorities, and they of France were not ignorant, that in case the Huguenot party were destroyed, they had then no game left to play but that of submission. This induced some of the most factious to cast out such discourses, as could only be deemed the Symptoms of a Revolt, though as yet there had not been any appearance of a formal contrived design. The King had learned from some of the old Court, that that which hindered the taking odd Rochel, when as Charles the ninth besieged it, was only, the little inclination which many of the Grandees then at the siege had, that it should be taken as the Marshal de Montlue testified on the place by divers letters: So that he resolved to prevent this inconveniency; neither was it less needful to prevent the growing of this cabal, lest they should by joining themselves with the Hugonots and strangers force his Majesty to draw off his Armies and to attend their motions. The wise and discreet resolution which his Majesty took, to give an assured remedy hereunto, was, to clap up in the Bastille several seditious turbulent persons, who began to speak aloud such things, as neither the Laws of obedience or respect could allow of, but with order that they should be well treated and want nothing, it being his Majesty's desire only to prevent them from doing any hurt. The Marquis de Rouillat de Bounivet, de Montpinson & d' Oy, were first of all secured, and shortly after Fancan and La Milletiere, with other inferiors to keep them Company, which made them perceive, who had the good Fortune not to be interressed in any of these Broils; that the King was no more to be dallied with and that it would become them to live within their limits, and that they could not avoid lodging in the same place, if they gave any cause of suspicion by their behaviour: Thus every one for love or fear was quiet, and the King had the freedom to continue his preparations for the siege of Rochel.   

Politic Observation.  
A King is no less obliged to search after those who are able to trouble the repose of his State, than those who are able to serve him; It is needful for him to have certain marks both for one and tother that he may judge of either. Now amongst them who are able to engage in a Faction, he ought to make little account of such who have great stirring Spirits, but little Prudence, for they of his Temper are usually wicked, ambitious, Lovers of Novelties, insurrections and all sorts of intrigues. Grobus would needs have us esteem Alcibiades for a person of this condition, when he represented him to be as exquisite in his vices as his virtues, and T. Livy puts Hannibal amongst the same number, when after a recital of his virtues he addeth that his vices were full as eminent. On the other side, he ought to be vigilant over those, who are ready to undergo any meannesses, upon hopes of getting any advantage or greatness; as Caesar did according to Dions' report, who condescended to bestow embraces beneath the quality of his person, on mean and base men, if he found them any ways conducing to the advancing of his Power. In this last age M●ns●eur ae Guise hath done the same thing, in the eyes of all men, but was slain at Blois in his attempt of making himself Master of the French Crown. Withal, he ought no less distrust those persons of quality who are grown poor, or who have been laid by from employments and affairs. For Tacitus on the life of Ottho saith, there is not any one thing which persons of Courage and Quality do suffer with more regret than that of poverty, do we not read that poverty was it which gave so much boldness to Sylla in his attempts. That Cneus Piso was engaged in all his undertake, by his being reduced to extreme necessity, and of doing those things which were unworthy of his Birth: Then he ought to be no less watchful of those who comporting themselves to the present times, change their Fashions when they please, who of Lion's turn to be Lambs, and from Lambs become Lions again, and this with much facility, all to make advantage of whatsoever comes uppermost, to swim with the stream, and to join their Interests with those only from whom they have expectations of gain and advantage: He had need be jealous of those who under pretence of their own private Affairs pass from one Country to another, without any apparent reasons for it, of such as only converse with turbulent minds; of such as seem to be discontented at affairs, of such as are in debt, or have received some distastes in their private interests. I could produce examples to fortify the reasonableness of all these several propositions, and how that all these sorts of persons ought to be suspected, if the brevity of these Maxims would give way to it. But making profession of being short, I shall only for conclusion say, that both Prudence and Justice oblige to make sure of such persons, especially on the least occasion given to suspect, that they are disposed to engage themselves in any Intrigue. The least delay which shall be given them, will only fix them so much the more, whereas the dispatch in securing of them rather sooner than later, is a kind of Pity, for that it warranteth them from a more severe chastisement, by preventing them from falling into greater Crimes. Ambition, Covetousness, Revenge, and Poverty, meeting in a turbulent Factious Soul, never let him be at rest, or free from some embroil or other, if he be not curbed in either by force or necessity. And when it shall so happen that he may be of himself persuaded to keep within his duties, yet it will be less inconvenient to make sure of him by a just rigour, then to leave him in a licentiousness of ill-doing by too imprudent a compassion.   

Differences between the Duke of Espernon and the Parliament of Bourdeaux, reconciled by the discreet foresight of the Cardinal.  
THere was about the same time, ground enough to suspect lest the bitterness which had about a year since disunited the Duke of Espernon, Governor of Guyenne, and the Parliament of Bourdeaux, might prejudice his Majesty's service in this juncture, where it was needful that all his Arms and Justice might concentre to stifle rebellion in its birth, and to keep the people in their duty. Monsieur the Cardinal spoke to his Majesty, and persuaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Counsellor of State to Bourdeaux, to endeavour their reconcilement, and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesty's affairs. The ground of their difference was this, the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace, granted by the King to the Hugonots, to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been registered in the Parliament. Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat, fining him 1500 livres, and ordered the rest to appear in Court, and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them. The Duke of Espernon would not put up the business, but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest, and confirmed Minuelle in his Office, grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace. The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the King's Authority entrusted with him; but the Duke of Espernon being not of an humour easily to submit to any others will, then that of the Kings, persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest. The Parliament made a third; so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing, and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace, which was then made by the Parliaments Authority. In sine, an extreme feud rise between them, and the Parliament came to that point, that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes, yet not without taking care for all that concerned the King's service. This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne, and had it continued until the Hugonots next revolt, they had doubtless taken advantage of it, it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth, when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel. The King finding of what consequence it might prove, dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux, to dispose the Duke to give the Parliament satisfaction, and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the public good. The Sieur de Leon came thither, and finding the Parliament resolute, that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault, could gain nothing more of the Duke then only this, that he would go to the Parliament and pay them some compliments of honour and respect. The Parliament was not contented with it, so their accommodation was deferred, till at last the news being come, that the English Fleet was at Sea, every one addressed himself to serve the King, and to hinder their landing in Guienne: And then the Cardinal de Sourdis, Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them, persuaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and compliments which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them. At last unto the Parliament he came, and having complemented them with great civility; they answered him in the like, without the least mention of any thing past, and thus this great storm was allayed.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesty's service, to permit Parliaments and Governors to fall out amongst themselves; for they discovering one another's defects by their division, give occasion to redress them, and withal, each one feareth to offend, that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him. It keepeth affairs in an equal balance, and produceth the same effects, as a weight equally divided in two Scales, which hindereth the overbalancing of either part. If they always should continue in a strict intelligence, each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself, and their Sovereign never the wiser. Thus said Cato to them, who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Caesar had ruined the Commonwealth. It is true, it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot, but the friendship which had formerly been between them, was the first and chief cause. Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater, who afterwards finding it begin to break by the deceases of Pompey and Crassus, their wives which served to preserve it, there fell out great broils between them concerning the Government; Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority than himself, and Pompey that Caeser should be his equal. The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties, and that every thing went to decay, chose Pompey sole Consul, giving him an extraordinary Authority to balance the power of the Magistrates, and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed. Seneca with great reason compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault, which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it, that the more weight is laid on it, the stronger it bears it up; whereas it would easily be broken, if made of one stone alone. In fine, this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses, to the looking more strictly into things, and the keeping every one in his duty. It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governors were firmly united toward his Majesty's service, and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Province; but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more than in the four humours of man's body; and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study ways to settle them in an immutable intelligence. One of the chief is, when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority, to oppose the power of a Governor, and if a Governor abuse his power, to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament: And thus was it according to Tacitus, that the Roman common people, balancing the Nobilities power, did along while prefer their liberty. Yet above all, it would be necessary to hinder such dissensions from too much clashing, and that the Parliament and Governors be not left alone to fly out into extremities, from whence strange accidents might follow. If heat or any other quality of man's body superabound, either death follows, or at least great sickness; and doubtless such contests happening among Governors, either in Kingdoms or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them, or at least breed great disorders amongst them. The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people, and the Senate, caused great evils; and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla, Pompey and Caesar did break out, every one siding with some party, took up Arms, from whence followed strange murders, and Tragedies, and the People's Liberty became enslaved to the Emperors Will.   

The King going from Paris towards Rochel, falls sick at Villeroy, after the first day of his setting out.  
Whilst these different affairs happened within the Kingdom, the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to invade France. The happy address wherewith Heaven had blessed Monsieur the Cardinal, enabling him to discover the most secret of Foreign Affairs, gave him to understand all the particulars of their designs; his Majesty thus informed of their resolution, suddenly hoist Sail and resolved to go from Paris to Rochel, that he might encourage his Soldiers, to whom nothing is invincible when he is in presence. But God who over-ruleth the designs of all men, did not permit the effecting of it, so soon as his Majesty desired. It pleased his Providence to visit him with sickness from the first day of his departure from Paris, which increasing, forced him to stay at Villeroy: His fits were so violent that his recovery was questioned. The Physicians imagining that the sense of Affairs did increase his Fever, beseeched his Majesty to disburden his thoughts of it; and experience having told him, that it was but reasonable, he committed all to the Queen Mothers and the Cardinal's management. But the Queen Mother was so troubled at this accident, that her sadness would not give her leave to think on any thing. The whole burden than lay upon the Cardinal. Not but that grief too had made a great impression upon his Soul, as well as upon the Queen Mothers; but as great spirits quit not the helm at the violence of the storm; so he behaved himself in the giving such Orders as were necessary and conducing to prevent the English Fleets attempt, together with the Rebellion of the Rochelois, that it seemed Heaven had preserved all his senses to him to increase his glory. It cannot be denied, but that this was one of the most considerable affairs that had a long time happened to the Kingdom. It was a parting blow, upon which depended the settlement of the public quiet, and which particularly concerned the glory of his Master. So he gave himself up to employ his utmost industry in it, and his prudence effected such things, which cannot pass but for miracles.  
Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do, since the King had commanded him to ease himself, as much as possible he could for his health sake, which did not well agree with the continual cares of this Grand Minister: He had induced his Majesty to think good, that he should take for his share, the care of what related to his Majesty's glory, or the conduct of his State. This moderation of his was to be admired at, and such as few are endued with. In that he represented to his Majesty that having entrusted the Seals with Marillac, who was a person Active, Lively, and full of Understanding, he might absolutely depend upon him for the Justice, and on the marquis de Effiat in matters of the Treasuries of which he had made him superintendent, which being thus, he could apply all his care to the government of the State, and give a happy dispatch to all his Majesty's commands. And lastly, that he did not think it either proper or profitable for France, or any other State, that one man alone should have the over-seeing of all manner of affairs, for that employing one part of his mind on those of Justice and the Treasury, he must have so much the less ability to look after the rest of the Kingdom, which in France too would take up one man's whole care and time. His Majesty did not a little esteem both his judgement and modesty; far different from the Ambition of divers other Ministers, who are never satisfied until they rule all, so he was pleased to admit of his request, which he did the more readily grant, in regard he thought it might much conduce to his health, which could not long subsist under the care of all things, though he knew he had a Soul able to govern the whole world. From that time forward, he meddled only in matters of State, and left all the rest to the other Ministers.   

Politic Observation.  
A Prudent Minister who knows the work of well-governing a Kingdom, never burdens himself with the care of all manner of Affairs. He who pretends to a super-intendency of all businesses, is a rash inconsiderate man, and he will find nothing but confusion in his Government, and hatred upon his person. The Soul of man of what quality soever he be, is like a River whose course runs but weakly and slowly when exhausted into several little Brooks; and true it is, who so divideth the strength of his Genius, in the management of all affairs, can act but feebly in those of great weight, and by consequence to the detriment of the public good. It is with Souls as with Appetites, they who suffer themselves to be drawn along by sauces and delicate meats, over-charge themselves, and convert the greatest part of their nourishment into ill humours, thus those minds which would govern all, leave all in disorder. Plutarch speaking of the Government of a Kingdom saith, that the Prince ought to be like a hand, which should employ several Ministers under his Authority; the hand hath divers fingers to work. There need no other proof of this truth, than that knowledge and prudence which is required in the Conduct of a State; besides the administration of Justice, and the superintendency of the Treasuries. A chief Minister ought to have his eye not only upon all things, affairs, and persons of concernment in the Kingdom; but likewise upon all the bordering Princes and Allies; yes, and upon their Ministers too, to discover if possible their designs, and either by policy or force to break such, as may be any way prejudicial to his Master.  
He ought to have his Engines on work, to dive into the Counsels of the Pope, the Emperor, the Spaniard, and all other neighbour Princes. He ought from time to time to acquaint himself with their humours, their inclinations, passion, exercises, and all that may conduce to the Government. In case any of them attempt a design which may make them too potent, he is bound to oppose it. If his Allies be set upon, he must be as careful to defend & protect them, as the outguards of his Kingdom. As for that which is considerable at home, the King his Master will take up a great deal of his time, either in his applications to preserve his favour, or to dissipate such jealousies as his enemies may have infused into him, or to propose to his Majesty such expedients and counsels, as may be proper and profitable together. The Princes of the blood too, will find him some work to keep them in such a condition as they may not trouble the public Peace; but that they may however live in some kind of satisfaction, it being true, that either the good or bad Fortune of a Kingdom, doth most commonly depend upon them: He ought also to have an eye upon the Clergy and Prelates, to keep them in such decorum, that they clash not by any misunderstandings to the bringing of Religion into contempt: That they do not so greedily swallow down the respects which are paid unto them as to abuse that power of Souls which is entrusted with them, in prejudice of the King's royal authority. What care ought he to have to maintain the chief Officers of the Crown, the Governors of Provinces and Towns, and generally all the Grandees of the Kingdom in their duties, doth it not concern him to know what ever considerable thing is done amongst them, their designs, Cabals, Interests, Abilities, and their very inclinations, that he may take order with them according to their dispositions, and the common good, and to divert such Mutinies as they may in time raise? aught not his duty lead him to look into the Commerce and Trade, that it be preserved in its greatness as the Fountain of the Kingdom's wealth? The Common Rabble will call upon his thoughts sometimes to be resettled in the duties they own their King and Country: But what proportion of his time then will the affairs of war take up, when there is a necessity of raising Forces? Will it not behoove him to give all necessary dispatches, either for quarterings or marching of Regiments, or to lead them on to fight with courage either for ammunition, or the exact observation of military discipline? It would need a long discourse particularly so set down the great duties of a principal Minister, but the Briefness which I have proposed to follow, gives me not leave to describe them, These are enough to guess that he will have somewhat to do to go through with them, and that upon these considerations a Chief Minister ought to be satisfied and totally to acquit himself, of the Burdens which accompany both the Justice and Treasuries.   

The English Fleets arrival before Ree.  
DUring his Majesty's sickness about six in the morning upon the 28 of July the English Fleet appeared about Olonne between 18 and 20 Ships. At first it was supposed they were Dunkirk, who might have perchance some design upon the Dutch Fleet then in the Road. But when they were perceived to draw near the I'll of Ree, that their number increased, and the Hollanders not afraid of them, it was easily concluded that they were the English Fleet, of which there was quickly a greater assurance, when they saw all their Ships at anchor at the mouth of Breton near the Cape d' Ars. The rest drew near one of the Forts in the I'll of Ree called La Pray, against which they shot very much all day long, and the next day too until night in so much that the Ships encompassed the Point of Sablanceau, within half musket shot of the Land, and some of them adventured within Pistol shot: Which made the Sieur de Thoyras, than Governor of the Citadel St. Martin in the I'll of Ree, Judge that they intended to there abouts, so he drew out as many of his men as he could well spare to prevent their designs, and carried them as near as possibly he could to that place, that he might fall on them in their disbarking. But their Landing being favoured by above two thousand pieces which shot continually. They had the opportunity to set on shore about ten thousand men. The Sieur de Thoyras had not with him above two hundred Horse and eight hundred foot, yet it being for his Majesty's Honour to welcome them at their first footing, he resolved to assault them, notwithstanding the incredible violence of the Cannon, which beat down every thing that did but appear upon the shore. He hoped for a good success from the Justness of his cause, and that his Soldiers would force Fortune to be favourable unto them. He divided his Horse into seven parties, five of which were commanded to give the Charge, and break the English ranks, and the foot had order to follow on; the two other parties were to keep off for a reserve, upon the first signal of the Fight, The first went on in good order, but were forced to Gallop off again, for that the English Cannon put them in such confusion, that the most part of them were routed before ever they came to engage, some killed, some wounded and others unhorsed; but their courage who were in a condition to march on, stood firm, so they advanced up to the English Battalions, and there did what ever could be expected from high resolutions. The English astonished to see the French come thundering in that manner upon them through the midst of the Flames and Cannon shot, were put into such disorder, that many of them swum to their Ships. The French now finding they were not pursued, and seeing that they were not in condition to fight, they rallied together and charged them once more, before ever the foot came up; but at last they came and fell in, doing more than could be expected; but the violence of the Cannon was such, that it was fit to sound the retreat, and to expect a more favourable occasion to fight with them. Rostaincler the Sieur de Thoyras his Brother, the Baron of Chautail, Navailles and divers other Gentlemen and light Horse, and about one hundred and fifty Soldiers were slain in the excounter, most part of the Officers being wounded: neither had the English a less loss. Fifteen Officers of their Army were killed besides divers Lieutenant's and Ensigns. They likewise lost one of their Colours, and upon a view taken they found between five and six hundred killed and wounded. So they had but little stomach for that present to advance any farther into the Ilaud: but in 3 dages time they fortified themselves on the shore side, keeping under shelter of their Ships, neither would they stir one foot, till they were informed that the French intended to defend the Citadel of St. Martin, and not meet them any more in the field.   

Politic Observation.  
I Think it impossible to prevent a strong Fleet from landing in an Island, where they may come on shore in sundry places unfortefied. The night alone is enough to favour their landing, and admitting there were Forces enough to meet them in all places, yet the Canon would make such havoc, that at last there would be a necessity of giving them leave to come on shore. Thus hath Machiavelli, and the wisest Politions observed, That it seldom happened, that ever any Fleet especially if accompanied with a good Army, was hindered from opening any passage if undefended by a good Castle. When Francis the first undertook the war in Italy, The Spaniards being on t'other side the River Beuchamby, with very great Forces to hinder his passage, were forced to make way for him, when they saw Monsieur de Guise, with his Sword in his hand followed by all the Troops to take water that they might come fight with them. In the like manner Philip de Valois having commanded Godemar du Fay to keep the Passage of the River Somme at Blanchetacque with a thousand men at Arms besides the Bowman of Genoa, and six thousand foot did quickly notwithstanding all this see the English Army force the pass, and in less than six hours, to be all over, whilst the Sea flowed back again. It were easy to produce many the like examples. But I rather think the wisest course which can be taken on such occasions is to make them pay dearly for their Landing by cutting good store of them in pieces, and to adventure on them at their first footing with courage and resolution. The first attempts are they which make way for all the rest. An Enemy finds himself astonished at the death of some of his party, and at the great resistance which he meeteth. The difficulties which are foreseen in obtaining of victories disheartens all those who have but a little courage: and it hath been often found that an enemy will more willingly retire himself, then run the hazard of a second rout. Cruelty is allowable in such occasions, to strike terror into an enemy, to shake their resolutions, and to affright them, for many from fearfall to despair of victory, whilst they judge, considering the strong resistance made in defence of a pass, it must needs be a mark of the assured resolution they have taken to defend themselves in a place when once they are besieged.   

Prosecution of the History.  
THE news of the English Fleets arrival was soon brought to the Court, but the Cardinal's Prudence was such that he would not let the King be acquainted with it, lest it might increase his Fever, neverthlesse his Great Genius, who findeth remedies for all things, did take wonderful care by his orders to repel them. The King had already, upon Intelligence that the English were setting out, commanded many Regiments of Foot and Troops of light Horse and dispatched several Commissions to raise more Forces with order to all Officers, to come to the rendezvous at Poictou, and there to be in a readiness, for such employments as occasion should require: He had also given the charge of this Army to the Duke of Angoulesme, who at his first coming, gave all necessary orders, for the safety of Brovage, and the Isles of Oleron, relying entirely as to the I'll of Ree, on the courage and Loyalty of the Sieur de Thoyras, Monsieur d' Angoulesme had also put into Fort Lewis, all kinds of Ammunition with great diligence, whereby to repel the English, if they should come to assault it and he made use of a Stratagem, which was the probable cause of staying the English at the I'll of Ree, as also of preventing them from coming on the Mainland. His devise was this; He gave order, upon his first coming to the Quarter Master General of the Army to go to all the Boroughs and Villages there abouts, to provide Quarters for an Army between fifteen and twenty thousand men, though he had not in all; above the half of that number.  
The Rochelois hereupon swallowing this fiction for a truth, presently advised the English of it, who apprehending the encounter of so great Forces, went to the I'll of Ree. He also observed the order given him by the Cardinal, not to provoke the Rochelois, nor give them the least jealousy of any thought to besiege them. This Great Minister well knew, That the people are easily transported to all extremities, when they fear any severe punishment to fall upon them, and particularly that the Rochelois having called in the English to vindicate their Liberty, would never be induced totally to give themselves up to them, whilst they did not fear a siege, and that therefore it would be proper, not to give them any suspicion. And for the same reason it was, that the Duke of Angoulosme, did so favourably receive their Deputies, assuring them, that the King intended nothing else, but to let them enjoy their privileges, on condition they deserved it by their submission; he also suffered them to gather in their harvests thinking it less inconvenient to let them make that provision, which at best could not much prolong the siege, then to give them occasien, by declaring their design to deliver up themselves to the English.  
This disposal of his was accompanied with great Prudence, yet not sufficient to drive the English out of the I'll of Ree, or hinder them being Masters thereof to go on the Mainland. Monsieur the Cardinal, who had the Charge under the Authority of the King and Queen Mother, to provide against this necessity, employed more effectual means, for the procuring those happy successes, which forced the World to believe, that the King could bring such things to pass, as his predecessors could not aspire to; He used extraordinary diligence to hasten the Levies, and to draw together good store of shipping, to secure Ree as also to hinder the English from entering into the Channel of Rochel, in case they should attempt it, one of his Chief cares was to prohibit by an Edict all sorts of Maritine commerce; and at the same time he sent into parts, to man those vessels formerly employed, and with all speed to bring them near Roch●l; he sent to Haure de Grace and deep Commissions and money, for the dispatching of the Ships which he had there prepared, and unto Oleron, Brovage and ●uyenne, to have victuals and ammunition in a readiness. He gave Charge to the Abbot of Marsillac, to pass by the Coast of Olonne to raise Mariners, and to the Sieur de Beaumout Chief comptroller of the King's house, intimate friend of Monsieur de Thoyras, to emyloy his utmost care and industry to put provisions into the Citadel of Ree. Withal, Touredes was dispatched to St. Mallos to rig out three great Ships, and Beaulieur Courcelles, with Cant●lona, Sea Captains unto Ol●nne, to contrive away how to clap victuals into Ree. Beauli●● Persac was sent to execuse a design he had proposed to set fire on some of the English Ships, and to throw himself into the Citadel of St. Martin, but he could not effect it. La Rinterre, after Greffier was sent along the Coast to press all the Shallops, that went with oar, he sent Magnac to the Duke d'Espernon, and several Couriers, to the Towns upon the Garronne, to draw together all the Barks, Galliots, and small vessels which might be serviceable. He sent post into Holland to the Commander de Gouttes, who commanded the King's Ships to come away with all speed, and at the same time understanding that the Hollanders were solicited by the English to assist them with their shipping, he set a Treaty of renewing alliance on foot by his Majesty's Ambassador there, whereby to divert them. Which was soon agreed upon by giving them certain monies, and so the Articles were signed; amongst which this was one, that they should assist the King with their shipping, if need were. This Grand Minister exercised with admirable Prudence the advice of an Ancient, who counselled him that had two enemies, that he should compound with one of them, the better to make war with t'other: He likewise employed the Bishop of Nismez, Monsieur de Thoyras his Brother, and Monsieur Desplan one of his best friends, to advance those succours with all diligence. He made divers promises of ten thousand Crowns to them who should convey victuals into Ree, in short from July to the end of August there was nothing to be seen but Couriers of all qualities posting up and down the Country, and others to advance the succours which at last arrived as we shall hereafter declare, and relieved Ree, to the shame of the English and the King's immortal Glory.   

Politic Observation.  
PRudence is a Helmet which secureth a Kingdom from all sinister accidents which may betid it. It is the Eye of a Minister, of State which helpeth him to see all that is needful to be done, as his valour is the hand which serves him to put it in execution. Without it, he were more feeble than a Blind man; and might expect nothing but confusion from the resistances which he shall make against the enemies of the State; whereas with Prudence every thing is possible. Antiquity hath said that a Wise man is Fortune's Master, and that there is not any thing in the power of that blind Goddess, but is subjected to the Laws of virtue; and which may not be diverted by the prudent Counsel of a Wise man. Plutarch on the life of Fabius saith, God only gives good success to men's actions, according to their being messured by virtue and Prudence; and the Example of the Emperor Antonius the Debonnaire, may serve to Illustrate this truth; He had so many good successes in all his undertake, it is said he never repent of any his resolutions, and that he saw all his designs come to pass according as he contrived them; Now a certain Roman Senator taking the boldness, to ask him the reason of it, after he had testified how much he esteemed his conduct, and with what wonder he was possessed to see so happy an end crown all his endeavours; he was answered that he did as much as was possible, foresee all those accidents which might fall out and thereupon he prepared proper remedies for them: That he spared neither his care nor discretion, to bring his designs to pass, and that he committed the executing of them to person fit for it: This is the Rule of Prudence, and true it is that as the light of the Sun shows the way to any place where a man would go; so this virtue when possessed in any eminent degree, inlightens the Soul of a Minister with so much Splendour, that it gives him a means to obtain whatever he can propose to himself. It discovereth to him infallible ways to arrive unto the ends of his undertake, guideth his motions, ordereth his Counsels, regulateth his affections, composeth his Actions, Governeth his wisdom, appointeth his orders, and discovereth to him, whatever is able to stop the course of his designs: And as it teacheth never to attempt impossibilities so it is a most certain way to arrive unto whatever is within compass of being brought to pass. And thus it may safely be said, that by Prudence it is, that God doth prepare the ways of happiness and good success for mankind.   

Buckingham stormeth the Citadel of St. Martin.  
NO one but God alone moveth in an instant. The succours could not be put into Ree on a sudden, and the English finding no body come to trouble them, in the fortifications upon the shore, resolved to besiege the Citadel of St. Martin. The Duke of Buckingham, conceived such great hopes of making himself Master of the place, that he writ to his Master of Great Britain, that in eight days he would set up his Colours in it, and his Majesty published a Declaration inviting his subjects to go and inhabit the Island of Ree, promising them great privileges and freedoms, and that he would take care to hunt out all the French. That which made Buckingham thus confident was, he found himself on the Island very strong, and knew there were but few French in the Citadel, and his Engineers assured him of making such devices, that it should be impossible for his Majesty to relieve it. To which purpose, he made his approaches upon the Citadel on the sixth day after his arrival, and on the seventh commanded six piece of Cannon to be planted upon the Port of St. Martin, who began to batter the place from day break with such effect, that beating all down where the Mills stood, they wantest but little of bearing them clear away; but the besieged laboured with that dexteriousnesse and diligence that they covered, and so saved them; and withal their Battery shot at that of the English, so luckily, that they soon dismounted all their Cannon. This discredit madded the English, who the next day raised another Battery to be revenged of it, and drew their Trenches about the Citadel, that they might make their nearer approach.  
Now the Sieur de Thoyras not acquainted with letting his enemies make their avenues, without going out to meet them, fell upon them in their works; and the English were no sooner at their labour, but he sallied out upon them with great violence and courage. But above all, on the very first day he made use of one for to secure a Haven where such Barks as came to relieve him, might land in safety, and raised a work round about it upon the shore-side, which he kept as carefully as the Citadel itself, and from thence it was that he received those succours which afterwards delivered him out of trouble. The enemy's Trenches were not such, but that he had intelligence with those of the Island, especially the Catholics, who were a good number, and such as might furnish him with many necessaries for the Citadel; which the Duke of Buckingham perceiving, sent them all away in Boats, so that there was now no other hopes of relief but from the main land. The English in the mean time trifled out a month more, without doing any thing, but at last growing impatient; they resolved to assault a Half Moon, not quite finished, and by favour of the night fell upon it; but being got on the top of the Wall, they were knocked off again by the Halberds, and so ill-handled, that after the loss of about one hundred and fifty men, they drew off again, whereas we had only four soldiers hurt. This vexed them indeed, and made them resolve to try once more what good they could do upon the same Half Moon, but they were then also beaten off with good success. The Sieurs Montant, Praron, Montandre, Caisac, and Saint Previl received the assault with a great deal of courage; of the French party Beauli●u only miscarried, and the greatest hurt which the English did, was this, they poisoned a certain Well near the Half Moon, that they might the more incommodate the besieged, who to say truth, did very much want water, and thereupon they resolved not to stir any more, but to force the place by Famine, and to put them to all imaginable inconveniences, which might compel them to surrender.   

Politic Observation.  
A Pass being once forced, it is discretion in him who is repelled to retreat unto some strong hold, especially if he be too weak to keep the Field. Pericles when he saw his Country assaulted by the Lacedæmonians, did thus for though they burnt and pillaged the whole State, yet would be not stir out to fight them; choosing rather with safety to preserve, then hazard those few Forces which he had. In the defence of a Place four things ought to be observed, The Governor, the Soldiers, The Fortifications, and the Ammunitions. As for that which concerneth the Commander in Chief, he ought to be a person of an unquestionable fidelity, not to be corrupted by money, one whose courage is invincible, and who knoweth not what fear is; His vigilance ought to be extreme great, and uncapable of surprise, he ought to have a body enured to labour, and used to undergo the Inconveniencies of a town and ill diet; to have a confidence in his Soldiers that he may lead them on whether ever he pleaseth. The choice of Soldiers is no less observable, and it were a madness to make use of new raised Troops, unacquainted with trouble or the business of war; None but old experienced Soldiers ought to be put in a place of concernment; For this reason was it that the Romans always disposed such old Soldiers as could no longer keep the field, into Garrison: For all Fortifications how strong so ever, are to little purpose, if they be not animated by the courage and valour of the Soldiers within them. Courage is a thing so potent, that by it we have seen many places defended against most great Armies; Fortifications however ought not to be neglected, but on the contrary, in case they be not regular and in good order, when a place is first besieged, than he who is overseer of them ought to work day and night with extraordinary care and diligence until they be brought to a condition, of not fearing any assault. It is impossible whole to defend them from the violence of the Cannon, but the Governor ought always to have in readiness good store of Baskets Faggots, sacks of wool, and Hogsheads filled with earth to make up any Breaches, which shall be made. Now as to that which relateth to Munitions of war and victuals. The care of them is not less considerable, for that the Soldiers who are to defend a place must both eat and fight, and he who is Governor of them must make sure of such provisions, as may suffice to endure the siedg to the very utmost. No exact measure can be set down, but they ought to be proportioned to the places themselves, so that if the place be Tenable for a long siedg there ought then to be a greater quantity of provision made, and if it be liable to a surprise by assault then the less will serve turn. If in case there should be any defect in making of necessary provision, he is then obliged to use his utmost care and endeavour for the bringing of it to the place, his ruin being unavoidable, if he want means to prevent it; and that he may secure away to receive such provisions he must as much as possibly he may make sure of the Avenues of the Port, if it be a Sea Town, and if it be an Inland place then those passes which lie next to it. Thus did Corbul●●, when he was besieged as Tacitus relateth it by King Tyridates, he contrived away to make sure of those passages by which he received his Provisions and Recruits from the Pontic Sea and the City of Trabesond, by building a certain Fort upon an adjoining Mountain, by which means he had all necessaries brought to him, so that his enemies attempts proved all to no purpose.   

Prosecution of the History.  
THis procedure of the English brought the besieged in the Citadel of St. Martin to great necessity. When the siege first began, they were furnished with store of victuals butter, and wine, but there were for many Gentlemen volunteers to be fed, so many footmen and Officers besides the Regiment and a grea● many Catholic inhabitants of the Hand that in a short time they were reduced to bread and water. Their greatest trouble was to be six weeks without hearing any thing from the Main Land; all the boats which had attempted to come to them, to assure them of a strong succour, had been stopped by the enemy, excepting one only which brought them some victuals upon the thirteenth day of august, so that they knew not what to hope for. That which most of all perplexed them was, that the English made several inventions, to stop up the mouth of the haven, and to prevent the means of their succours; they first of all built a certain Fort upon three or four great Ships fast tied together, upon which they planted eight or ten piece of Cannon, to hit between wind and water any boats that should attempt to pass: they made a certain raing of Ships before the place, which shut up the passage: Withal they tied great Cabals from one vessel to another, upon which they hung certain barrels to keep them up above water, and hinder any relief. The Sea indeed and the winds laughed at their devises, overwhelming them in the water, so that the English were forced to untie their Cables, seeing in what danger their Ships were, when the wind began to rise and the Sea to be troubled; But however, they having blocked up the passage, so that it was impossible for the besieged to send or receive any boats to or from the many Land, it the much troubled them, and divers Soldiers of the Citadel annoyed with hunger and other necessities found means to get out and surrender themselves to the enemy, discovering the straits to which the besieged were reduced: Whereupon the Duke of Buckingham, that he might make use of this advantage, writ to the Sieur de Thoyras, where after he had highly commended his courage, he invited him to surrender himself and deliver up and place upon honourable conditions, that he might withdraw himself from that imminent peril to which he was like to be exposed, by the evil treatment, which if vanquished, he would force upon himself. The Sieur de Thoyras endured this necessity with delight, because it was accompanied with glory, nor was he at all moved at the receipt of the Letter; but he returned answer to the Duke, that neither the despair of relief, nor the fear of being ill treated, though to the greatest extremity, should ever be able to make him quit his design of defending the place; That he confessed himself obliged to him for his civil proposal, but that he should think himself unworthy of any of his favours, should he omit any one point of his duty in this occasion, the success of which could not but be very honourable unto him, However, that he might take off from the impatience of the English, he thought it proper, and that by the Council of his friends to pretend a Treaty with them, which he continued with such address, that his enemies verily believed that his thoughts were inclined rather to surrender than to gain time in hopes of relief: The Duke of Buckingham supposing it impossible that they should be relieved, considering his engines, and the great number of his Ships, which lay in the Road before the place, sought rather to face the besieged by famine than to run new hazards by assaulting them after his first ill success. In the mean while as necessity doth quicken industry, so the Sieur de Thoyras found means to send three Soldiers to the Main Land by swimming, to give his Majesty notice of the condition in which he was, & to hasten away relief. One of them called Le Pierre passed the Sea, forcing its waves to yield to his resolution. He came to the Army before Rochel and delivered the Letters which he had for the King, and others the Sieur de Thoyras his friends. The Duke of Angoulesme dispatched that to his Majesty, then at Villeroy, and his cares for sending the relief were doubled; so that the Sieur de Thoyras his friends, knowing in what condition he was, and how important it was to the King's honour to assist him, did use their utmost endeavours to heasten away his relief.   

Politic Observation.  
ONe of the greatest difficulties, to which a man can be brought in ordinary sieges is the inability of sending intelligence to them, from whom he doth expect relief; and one of them greatest cares of the who besiege a place, is to stop all ways that nothing way pass in or out. Some have made use of the night for this purpose as the Goths did, when they would send news to Vitigez, being besieged in Ormuz, by Belligarius; they made a great noise at one of the Gates, pretending as if they would sally out upon their enemies, to the intent that Bellisarius might draw all his Forces theither and leave but a few at that quarter, by which they designed to send away their Messenger. A Stratagem indeed very advantageous, when managed with prudence. The same Goths, as Procopus reports, used another devise upon the same occasion to send news to Vitigez, which was, They corrupted some sentinels for money, an invention easy to be practised in civil wars, where both parties are acquainted with one another. But that which is the most certain way, which they who are besieged may make use of, to send a broad intelligence, aught to be guided by discretion, according as occasions present themselves, and executed them with all possible address; for it is an art, not to be laid down by certain Rules, neither can it be learned by precepts; but natural industry infuseth it by divers instincts, and experience teacheth it in war. I shall only add that there are sundry and divers means to be met with in History, which great Captains have used on this occasion. The Campany being besieged by the Romans, sent a man, who counterfeited himself mad, with letters for the Carthaginians in his girdle, Hircius Consul, writ to Decius Brutus then besieged in Modena by Antonius, and sent his Letters made up in lead, fastened to the Arms of those who swum over the River. The same man did some times keep up Pigeons in the dark without giving them to eat, and then finding them almost famished, carried them as near the place as possibly he could, then let them go; which flying to the houses with their letters about their necks, were either taken down or killed by Brutus. Justine reports that Harpagus, that he might convey Letters to Cyrus, put them up in the belly of an hare and sent them by a faithful Servant, who passed through King Arbactus guards for an Huntsman.  
Others have used as many different devised, as their wits and opportunities could attain to. That which ought to be observed, is this, that such Letters ought not to be writ in Characters or such cyphers which are legible. We are not now in Caesar's days; who designing to send Cicero word that he was at hand to relieve him, writ to him only in Greek: At this time there are no cyphers, which are not easily found out. It were fit that they were like the Characters of Chinenses, which signify things not Letters, who writing as many different Characters as there are things, it must needs be an hard matter to decipher them. These Characters, too for the greater security should be writ with the juice of Limmons or Onions between the Lines of Letters, in which there is nothing of concern, because that which is writ with this juice cannot be read, but by water or fire. It were not amiss too, if he who is Governor, before the siedg, agree with him to whom he would send intelligences of the manner he would write to him, and there might be only certain words in each line, which composed together should discover his thoughts, and yet taken with the rest, would be thought to treat of other business than that which is really intended.   

The I'll of Ree relieved.  
THE Relief of the Island was due to the Cardinal after his great or rather extreme care. One of the chiefest means he used to effect it was this, He sent to Bayonne for 15 flat vessels, called Primaces, built both to sail and row and withal very fleet, and able to endure a storm, He judged by his prudence, that the English having none of this fashion, they might easily get to Ree in the night, without being discovered. The order was dispatched to the Count de Grand-Mont with command to put them under the conduct of the Sieur de Chalar Captain of one of the King's Ships, then in Spain, and in case he should not be come back, then to whom he thought fit. The Count provided the 15 Primaces with all haste, he armed then with Muskets and piks the best he could, in each of them he put 20 seamen, and took care if nothing was wanting. The Sieur de Chalar not being returned, he committed the conduct of them to Captain Baslin, one of the most experienced and stoutest Sea Captain in those Parts. About the end of August, he came with his Primaces to the Sands of Olonne, where the Abbot of Marsillac received him with great joy, and his vessels being well stored with victuals add ammunition, he lent him six score men of the Regiment de Champany with some Volunteers, to put off upon the first occasion. Upon the fifth of September, he set sail in the head of his little Fleet about 6 of the clock at night. Soon after he knew that he was near the Enemy's Fleet, he speed abroad his great sails, and was presently discovered. But the Primaces going very swift could not be stopped by the English Vessels; they went without loss, only some sails and one or two Masts were shattered, and one shot through with a bullet. Baslin having thus passed the Enemies, fell upon the Baracado which they had made, to hunger relief, which consisted of great Masts linked together with iron chains and tied with Cabels fastened to great Anchors; however many of the Primances by reason, of their lightness and swiftness passed over, the rest as it pleased God did light upon a certain place, where the foregoing night a tempest had broken part of their Baracado, through which they passed without difficulty; so that about two in the night they ran ashore near one of the Bastilions of the Citadel, a place where the English could not hurt them. The relief was great both for their reputation and assistance; It came so opportunely, that it gave them new courage, who were till then hardly able to breath, and it may safely be said that this one action was the deciding of the controversy. The passage was afterward clear, The besieged persuaded themselves that they should now want nothing, and the English were so astonished at it, that they sent to his Majesty's Hab●rin the Duke of Buckingham's Kinsman, to see if he would make any propositions of Peace; but he was sent back as he went, without speaking with the King, who could no more resolve to see him, than to suffer the English to go away without treating them as they deserved, that they might have no great will to come another time.  
Divers other vessels attempted to pass unto the Island, but being heavier than the Pinnaces, they were forced to go off, some one way and some another through the English Fleet. It was then resolved, that 10 other Pinnaces should be got from Bayonne, which the Count de Grant-Mont rigged out and sent under the Command of Captain Audoum, upon the 4 of October they came upon the Sands of Olonne, They were soon laded and accompanied with 25 other little Vessels, 300 Soldiers went abroad them and 60 choice Gentlemen. Upon the 6 of October they put off. The Sieur de Cusar, and Captain Audovin were Commanders of the Squadron. But the wind changing, as soon as ever they were at Sea, two days past before they came to Ree, and that by day too. The English Fleet soon discovered them, and engaged them in a rough fight. Musket and Canon shot were not spared, but their courage surmounting their danger, 29 of the Vessels got clear to the Citadel, where they run ashore on Friday morning the 8 of October; five of their Vessels were forced to give back: One only in which were the Sieurs de Beaulieu and R●zilly, was taken by the Enemy. The English were so incensed at it, that they made in 24 hours above 2000 great shot upon the Port St. Martin so that there were only 5 Pinnaces and one Traversin in condition to sail; but the vessels were unladed, and the Gentlemen and Soldiers happily landed in the Citadel.   

Politic Observation.  
THE Relieving of a place is of such importance, that without it no place is able to hold out, when the besiegers appear to be resolute before it. He who relieves them, is acknowledges for their deliver, and does considerable service to his Prince. Although Seaports are more easily assisted than Inland Towns, especially with a strong Fleet, because it is hard, if the winds, which with their inconstancy have an absolute Empire over the Sea, should not at some one time or other present a favourable occasion to break through all the obstacles, which their enemies Ships can make; yet it is not the same thing when there is a want of great Ships to fight with those of the Enemy. When it happens thus, Prudence joined with Fortune must surpass all those difficulties, which oppose the relief of the place. There must of necessity be an expectation till Fortune presents a favourable wind, without which, what were it but rashly to run into danger? But when the wind sits right, the opportunity ought not to be lost, and then a wise Pilot guided by his industry, may hope for a good success from his enterprise.  
The Chief points, which he ought to observe, are, to provide store of light vessels, which may pass the quicker. For besides that diligence, the Mother of good success, it is particularly needful, when a strong Fleet is to be broke through; and it gives great advantages, in regard the Enemies great Ships cannot sail so nimbly. It is true the light ones may be stopped by the Enemies which are of the same bulk, but it is an hard matter, if carrying a great number for the succour, some should not escape, especially, because the smaller vessels of the enemy are usually dispersed abroad upon the guard and cannot so quickly come into the fight; for that wind which is good to some, is contrary to others, and the succours having no great number of Ships for fight, one part advanceth through, whiles the others bears the brunt.  
Besides, it were necessary to be very secret in providing the Convoy, and lading the Barks; and if it be possible to prevent the Enemy's knowledge of it, they will not be so strict in their watch, a dispersing their small vessels abroad. Withal an Enemy taken unprepared is not so terrible as when advised, and in readiness. The night gives a great help, and ought chief be made choice of, as well for its darkness, which hinders their being discovered, as because then great Ships dare not be too bold lest they run on ground, so that the little ones are they which must pursue the fight. But above all the Command ought to be given to a courageous prudent Captain, followed by choice Soldiers, Victory being obtained more by valour then multitude. Such men ought to be chosen, who neither fear Musket nor Canon, but are resolved to run the hazard. Canon's indeed are not much to be feared in the night, because they can hardly be leveled a right by reason of the darkness, and the swiftness of the vessels motion.   

Prosecution of the subject.  
THe King unable to come to Rochel so suddenly, as his courage persuaded him, resolved to send thither Monsieur the Duke of Orleans his brother; those succours conducted by Andonin, were an effect of his care and vigilance to serve the King on this occasion; for having seen that the first Pinnaces guided by Baslin had haply arrived at the Island, he thought it would not be amiss to procure others to send a fresh supply, and therefore he dispatched away a Servant of his, one Saint Florent to the Count de Grant-mont to entreat him to make ready ten others, and to send them by some Captain, of whom he had a particular knowledge: The Gentleman departing the 14 of September, arrived the 4 of October with them to the Sands of Olonne. To speak some thing of the power which Monsieur had before Rochel, it was an effect of the King's Prudence and the Cardinal's council, who was not ignorant how that certain persons, whom he confided in, had craft enough to raise some discontent in him, if he had not been employed in the war; And the King thinking it necessary to send a Chieftain in his absence of such quality, whose presence might animate the Soldiers, and whose condition might oblige the Grandees to obey him without jealousy, chose Monsieur and sent him full power as Lieutenant General of the Camp at Rochel, of his Forces in coition, X●in onge, Angoumois and Aulnis. Monsieur shown in several encounters that he had no less Valour or conduct, than those who had spent all their time in Arms: Insomuch that he once engaged his Person in a skirmish with the Rochelois, where they had much a do to bring him off. He was extreme careful for the bringing up of the Forces to the Camp, and oftentimes attempted the relief of the Isle of Ree, and to keep the Army in discipline. The King arrived at Rochel. and testified a great satisfaction at his extraordinary conduct by Caresses, sufficient to have obliged him, to have expected the issue of such glorious designs in his Majesty's company, had not his confidence diverted him from it and persuaded him after the defeat of the English to return to Paris. They made him believe that the Cardinal had all the authority and that himself had only the name, although this Grand Minister was never deficient in paying him all respects. These seditious Spirits were so pricked with envy to see him act such glorious things. It is true they likewise found that the Cardinal's design was, by thus employing Monsieur in an affair whereby he was obliged to be every hour with the King, to make a good understanding between them; a thing no whit desired by them, who rather endeavoured continually to sow distrusts between them, which would render themselves the more considerable by their seeming to be loyal and useful. This procedure is ordinary with them, who serve great Princes for their private Interests; they still fear, lest their Master should confide more in others than themselves, and there is no device which they make not use of to prevent it. This was the true reason, which carried Monsieur back to Paris, his Highness having given more credit to their counsels, which he thought were accompanied with faithfulness than to his own passion, which carried him on to the wars, when he might testify his courage to be no way inferior to his birth.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is necessary for the good of a State so to employ the Princes of the blood, especially him who is Heir apparent to the crown, that they live contented, but withal that they affirm not too great authority in affairs Alexander's procedure was very barbarous, when passing into Asia, he killed all his kindred, excepting one of his Bastard brothers, of whom he had no suspicion: A Barbarousness only received among Turks, where it passeth for a piece of Policy. I cannot less blame the Kings of Orinus, who before they were beaten by the Portugals, took away the lives of most of their kindred. The Kings of China too are no less to be blamed, who shut them up in a place, from whence they never are permitted to come out, excepting only him, who is to succeed in the Empire: Christianity hath Laws more moderate, and approveth not of this rigorous tyranny, but it well liketh those prudent counsels, which Kings take, so to treat them that they may not have any grounds of discontent which might carry them to broils, and that they become not too powerful in the State. It is wisdom to be kind unto them, to deal favourably with them as occasion shall serve, to employ them in the Court with honour and in such Offices, which have more credit than power, not to give them the Authority of a great province, of any strong places, or the command of an Army, at least for no long time, without a faithful Lieutenant, who by his credit with the Soldiers may hinder them from abusing their power. If but a little be added to the greatness of their birth, they become too potent and assume too great authority. The desire of Command, which their birth hath given them, doth blind their minds, when they find themselves with their Swords in their hands. Command saith Titus Livy, takes off from the Loyalty of the nearest relations, and makes their Counsels prejudicial to the public good.  
Artaxerxes had no sooner caused his son to be chosen King but he was in danger, of being killed by him. So Selimus being made partner of the Government by his father Bajazet slew him, that he alone might have the sole command. And Don Charles would have had done as much to his Father Philip King of Spain, not being able to stay until his natural death should make way for his coming to the Crown? Hardly an Age passeth, but some examples of this kind have appeared, which have made it evident, that great power in the Prince's Royal, is incompatible with the Public Quiet, or the safety of a Sovereign.   

The King after his Recovery comes to Rochel to beat the English out of Ree.  
THE first succours, which had been sent to Ree, had been to little purpose, if the ●ing had not come in person, and sent over an Army to drive out the English; It was an enterprise full of hazard to expose all the Forces which his Majesty had on foot at Poictou, to the mercy of the Sea, to dis-garrison all the Ports of the Main Land, to relieve a Fort half lost, and to land in an Island in sight of a potent Army; seeing especially that in so doing, Rochel would be in some sort left as a prey to strangers. However necessity persuaded to wink at all hazards; it was impossible to overcome them but in the King's presence, at whose sight there is not any difficulty, which the courage of the French would not surmount. His Majesty having recovered his health, forthwith resolved to departed from Paris. He forgot not before his departure to provide for the safety of those Provinces, from whence he departed to which end, he sent the Duke d' Elboeuf to the coasts of Picardy and the Duke de Longueville to those of Normandy, with Forces and power to oppose the English, if they should make any incursion there about. He sent other Commissions to divers Lords to raise new Troops and to hasten them away with the first, toward Poictou. He dispatched the Duke de Guise to command the Fleet, part of which was already drawn together. He accepted of the offer made by Don Diego de M●xie from the King of Spain, of a Fleet to serve him against the English, but the truth was with design rather to hinder the Spaniards from assisting his Enemies under hand, than for any great help he expected from it. In fine, he gave power to the Queen Mother, to govern, during his absence, the Provinces in and about Paris; and then he set forwards toward Rochel, that he might be there with the first. The news of his departure did much encourage the besieged, as also the Army, which lay in expectation of him, before Rochel. They were all on fire to be at it with their Enemies. His Majesty knew with what earnest desire they expected him, so he would not make any stay in his journey, only at Saumer where is the Church De Nostre Dame des Ardelliers. The King knew that victory was the gift of Heaven, that it is rather Gods than the Soldier's hands which procure it, and that men do in vain attempt if not favoured by his providence. He commanded public prayers to be made over all Franc●, for the imploring of God's assistance. He rested one day at Saumer, where he fasted with such devotion and confidence, that every one hoped for an happy success from his fervent prayers. Neither was it in vain, for shortly after Audovin got into the besieged Citadel, the news whereof came to his Majesty then at Niort upon the 9 of October, from whence he forthwith departed toward Rochel.   

Politic Observation.  
AS God is the Author, so his Providence is the Governor of Kingdoms. His wisdom is an all seeing eye, to look into whatever is necessary for them: and his hand is omnipotent to provide all waves for their glory. That Creature which is born in the Sea, finds his livelihood there. The Tree which grows on the earth, is nourished there. The Fruit which owes its birth to the Tree, owes also its maturity. The Sun compleateth the Gold which he formeth, and thus States established by God ought to expect all their happiness and good successes from his providence. That is it which infuseth into Kings the knowledge of what is proper to be done, both in Peace and War: It is he who holdeth the hearts of all subjects in his hands, who inspireth them with respects due to their Authority, and keepeth them in obedience. How easily can God humble at his own pleasure, the minds of Rebels, abate their Fury, pull down their courage and force them to live, within their limits! And is he not the God of Battles too, who bestoweth victory where he pleaseth, defendeth Justice by the Arms of the Soldier, striketh terror amongst his Enemies; and many times gives greater success, than reason and the means would admit to be hoped for? To him it is Kings ought to have recourse in matters of concernment. David never went to war, but he consulted with God. Constantine the Great, in that war which he made with the Persians, caused a little Oratory in form of a Church to be carried with him, that in it he might do his devotions, and every Legion had its Templum Mobile wherein the Priests and Deacons said Mass, to implore God's assistance. By Prayers, is Peace continued, and Enemies by it are overthrown. Every Prince who is engaged in any great enterprise, is bound to believe it, and to have recourse to God, by Prayers, by works of Piety and Religion, assuring themselves upon his promise, of giving them what ever they shall hearty request, because he is just, and will be near them, who shall call upon him; that he will fulfil their desires who fear him; Exalt the faithful, who hope in him; and keep those who love him.   

Ree is relieved.  
UPon the King's arrival, all thoughts were bend to execute the resolution taken at Paris, to send a strong relief, into Ree, not only that the English might be forced from the siege, but quite driven out of the Island; The King's courage would have carried him to go fight his enemies in person at Sea, but the Cardinal and his Generals by their entreaties, foreseeing into how great danger he run, persuaded him to the contrary. His Majesty would not by any means give leave, that the Cardinal should go, but desired, he might stay behind, to take the Chief care of sending the relief upon him, it being easy to judge, that if his counsels were so successful in his absence, he might obtain by his presence what ever could be desired. Hereupon the Cardinal commanded, that some of the vessels designed for the business, should be made ready with whatever was necessary for the sick and the sound, with store of Munition, and the day following the Sieur de Beaumond commanded them to Fort Delapree, which place the English did not much secure; for they had victuals sufficient for six months for one hundred men that kept it; the same day he likewise sent order to Oleron, for the conveying part of the Regiment of Plessis-Prasilin, to begin certain Trenches, and to draw certain lines and redoubts about the port which might favour the coming of the great relief; They all got safe in and lost not a man; this good success put the rest of the Soldiers in heart who were to pass thither. Without losing more time the Duke of Orleans was sent by the King to Plumb, that he might put aboard the Ships Le Sieur de Canaples, seven hundred men of the guard, the Regiment of Beaumout, some Volunteers and good store of Munition, who though he were then only eighteen year old, yet disposed all things so prudently, as if experience had made him grow old in arms; After the five and twentith of October, the King who knew the names and persons of most of his old Soldiers, had filled up all the Troops, the Masters of the Camp, Captains, and all the rest, who were to go. His Majesty knew, that it is not the number which gets the victory but courage, and therefore he would not have one man amongst them of whom he had not some experience: These Forces commanded by the Sieur de Canoples, came all safe within two hours to the Fort De La Pree; The air was of a light fire with the shot which were made at them, but not a Ship pursued them, so they received no loss. St. Previll seeing them approach, went out to discover who they were, and told the Sieur de Canoples, that the enemy informed of their embarking, were in ambush behind certain old houses with intention to fall upon them at their Landing; hereupon he commanded the Sieurs de Fourille, de Malicy, de Tilladat and de Porcheus presently to Land their Soldiers, he shown Sergeant Major Brierees the several Posts where every one should be, and gave orders for the fight. The Duke of Buckingham, who commanded in his own person hearing the noise of their landing, drew out his Forces into three divisions, and leading them towards the Port, they were not discovered until they came just upon the King's Forces, and that only by the light of their Matches, so dark was the night. Tillades' Chief Sergeant, who led on the forlorn hope first espying them gave them a salute which laid some of them on the ground, however the rest came on; The Sieur de Canoples' seeing them not above fifty paces from Fourilles Squadron, resolved, after he had proposed it to the other Captains, to fall on them, which put an end to the business. Fourille went up and that so near them, that not a Musket was shot off but at push a Pikes. The two Battalions of the French and English discharged at the same time, the fight grew hot, Both Commanders and Soldiers, were at emulation with one another to show that, it was not without reason, the King had made choice of them, in this occasion. Their Courages saved them, for the Enemy was much more numerous than they were. Indeed the Sieur de Canoples good conduct did not a little further the business, for knowing the strength of the English, he had commanded the Captains to draw all their Soldiers, into the Counter Scarps of the Fort, but he had not so ordered his business, had it not been in the night; for Buckingham seeing his first Battalia in disorder, and thinking he had only met with the Forlorn Hope, commanded a retreat. He left six and thirty on the place, and of his Majesty's party, there were only six and twenty killed and wounded, amongst the rest, Mausan, Tourilles Lieutenant, was found dead of a Musket shot, and two cuts with a Halberd.   

Politic Observation.  
WHen there is a necessity at first dash to fight an enemy, it is more discretion to fall on him, then to expect him; and especially being inferior to him in force, for then pure valour must carry it. Soldiers are ever more courageous in assaulting then receiving an enemy. An assault distracteth an enemy, maketh in suspect some further stratagem, and puts him often into disorder. Julius Caesar made an experiment hereof, when passing the Hellespont in one only Galliot, he met Crassius, Captain of the contrary Faction, with ten Galleys. A courage less resolute than his would have endeavoured to save himself by the lightness of his vessel, but in stead of flying be put himself into a posture of defence, went directly up against Crassius, and so terrified him, that Crassius delivered up himself. When such encounters are foreseen, it is needful to be accompanied with choice resolute Soldiers, such as know not what fear is, for fear is repelled by any the least resistance. A timorous Soldier never yet did any thing worth notice, but to a resolute man, every thing makes way. It is said of Cajus Marius that in his youth, he was so hardy in all his enterprises, that nothing could resist him, but that in his age, his Valour decreased, with the heat of his Blood which lost him some part, of his reputation. Bertrand du Gueslin was both one of the most valiant and Fortunate, of his times; But every one doth ascribe those great advantages, which he obtained in Battles to that resolution of his, which would sometimes so transport him, that he would with a dozen Soldiers, fall into the midst of his Enemies, who unable to withstand the effects of so admirable a valour, would presently be put to disorder. Robert de La March, hath afforded us one more notable example of the success which attendeth on valour: it was in the Battle of Navarre, where being touched with a fatherly affection, he rushed into the Battle of the Swisseses then victorious, that he might save his Sons Florange and Jamets', who lay upon the ground much wounded: Which resolution of his was so successful, that though seconded but by a few Horse yet it so terrified the Swissers, that they could not prevent his bringing of them off in safety.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
THe Duke of Buckingham finding it would be a difficult thing for him, in future to prevent the access of relief to the Island, as well because divers Vessels of his Fleet were lost, as also by reason of the small success he had hitherto had, resolved to make his last attempt upon the Citadel of St. Martin. He was not ignorant of those other and greater preparations which were in agitation upon the main land, to send a stronger supply than any yet; so that there was a necessity of taking the place, or hazarding a sharp conflict. The Sieur de Thoyras had divers conjectures of his design, and that he might put himself into a condition of defending himself he sent advice to the Fort de la Pree, desiring them to have their Forces in a readiness, to assist him, when he should discharge three Canon shot, for a sign that the enemy began their assault. Presently hereupon, the Sieur de Canaples called the Officers together, to consult of what was proper to be done, and it was unanimously concluded, that all their Forces should be put into Battalia by break of day: That they should march towards Abbay, and that upon hearing of the Signal, they should go directly to the enemy to divert them from the Assault. This Order was exercised accordingly, and they were no sooner drawn up together, but the Cannons gave them notice of the assault: the Sieur de Canaples went directly towards the Citadel. It is reported, that there were between four and five thousand English at the assault: However, they made but two considerable attempts, one upon the Bastion de Thoyras, which was not quite finished; they got up upon the Ramparts, but were so ill treated by the Besieged, that they were forced to give back, and to make such hast down their Ladders, that some of them never touched but the last round. The t'other Attempt was at the Bastion Antioch, where the English had no better success, for many of them were killed with Musket shot, Stones, and long Staffs which were in the Half Moon, so they fled and were pursued home to their Trenches. That which forced them most to fall back, was to see the Forces which were come out from Pray so near them. The Duke of Buckingham gues●ing their design was to fall upon his Trenches, and to charge them in the Rear, drew off his forces, and set them in order to receive them: But the King's forces finding the assault given over, and the enemy embattled made an halt, the Sieur de Canaples being unwilling to undertake any thing but the defence of the Citadel, until the great relief were arrived, that he might not hazard his men to no purpose. The two Armies lay in view of each other, the rest of the day, without doing any thing, and night coming on, they of the King's party, withdrew to Pray. In the mean while, the Sieur de Canaples unwilling as hath been said to attempt any thing, was informed how the besieged had taken all the Ladders of the English, fifty Prisoners, most of which were Captains and Officers, that they had killed between five and six hundred, without losing above eighteen or twenty men, and some few wounded, amongst which were the Sieurs de Sardaignes and Gran Val, who being shot through the Bodies died in a few days after. This Victory did much rejoice the King's Army, and his Majesty himself too, who was diligently informed of it. The English doubting their Trenches would not secure them, forsook the one half of them, and shortly after resolved to go back for England.   

Politic Observation.  
TWo things are chief necessary for the repelling of an assault, men and fortifications. It cannot be denied but that fortifications are needful; for it were a vanity to believe, that a few men blocked up in a place, should be able to resist a whole Army, if they be not defended with Bastions, half Moons, and other Forts raised up to a sufficient height to protect them, whence it follows, that his chief care who doth command a place when he foresee an assault, aught to be, to provide his fortifications, that they be in a condition proper for it, and that he have preparations in a readiness to repair the breaches. He will find it too no small advantage against his enemies, since it is much easier to repulse an enemy, who attempts to enter a place by Scaling-Ladders, then if there were a Breach where many might come in a Breast, or his Fortifications should be in want of repair. But whatever advantage it is to have good and strong Fortifications, yet the valour of the Soldiers, is that which is most of all considerable. What said Pompey? It is not Walls or Houses which makes Towns, but men, neither can they be defeated, be they what they will, without the help of men; we often see the very strongest places soon delivered up, when not defended by men of heart and courage. Azarius being besieged in Quires, by Vastius, had indeed notable good Fortifications, and had also placed in the Breach, store of combustible matter, with Fireworks, but all would not hinder the Town from being taken, for that no one man appeared to withstand the Assault. Archimedes his Engines could not defend the loss of Syracuse: Engines and Fortifications are all in animate, and their Powers are limited to certain effects, in despite of all which, a Besieging Army, will soon take in any place, if there be not men of resolution and courage to resist their attempts. But that we may mention some order which History teacheth in enduring a Siege, or sustaining an Assault, it ought to be known, That he who commandeth a place, must not then draw up his Soldiers, when the enemy appears at the Breach, or mount their Ladders; but he ought so to dispose them into every Quarter how strong soever it be, that no part be left without a sufficient number of men to guard it. Caesar when he committed this fault, by staying until Pharnaces was at his Elbow, found himself much perplexed and troubled. Jugurtius as Sallust reporteth it, having been defective in this one point, gave Marius' opportunity to become Master of one of his strongest places. Thrasybulus took Sicyonian's Port, finding it dis-furnished of Soldiers, who were all gone to a certain Breach which he had made, and where he only pretended he would assault them. Vegetius? adviseth, that the first assault be sustained by the most experienced and stoutest soldiers; because an enemy when he meets with resolute opposition, and finds himself ill handled, loseth his Courage, and few have any mind to march over their Companions dead bodies unto a second assault. But I shall refer the prosecution of this discourse to them who have written whole Tracts upon it.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
THE King having been informed of the good success in the late encounter, dispatched in great haste the remaining four thousand five hundred foot and Horse, allotted out for the Relief with good store of Munitions. It cannot be expressed how careful his Majesty was for the shipping off of them, how diligent in choosing the Officers and Soldiers one by one; animating by his presence those who carried the provisions into the Ships, and encouraging those who went aboard on this expedition; telling them, they might be confident of victory, seeing they fought for God's cause. The Marshal de Schomberg was appointed Marshal de Camp. The wind changing about just as they were put off to Sea, they were forced to give back again, some one way, some another; But the Marillac came at last to the point of Sablanceau without being hindered by the Enemy, and passed without difficulty to the Fort De La Pree: and the next day the Marshal de Schomberg came with fifty Barks about three in the morn being the eight day of November. He Landed very fortunately being not discovered by the Enemy, and his Soldiers being all upon the shore, he forthwith ranged them into four Battalions, and his Horse likewise into four Squadrons, which he extended into two wings, and in this order they marched up to the Fort. About day break they came up, where he found all the Forces which had formerly been sent thither draw into order, according as he had instructed Marillac. When he had been informed of what had passed, he sent out to discover the enemy, and put all things in order to fight. But first he would hear Mass, that he might implore God's assistance, without which, there is no hopes of good success, as also he caused the general Prayers to be made, which are used in all Battles.  
Then he caused his Soldiers to eat, that they might be strong, at which time, he was informed that the enemy had drawn part of their Forces, out of their Trenches and made as if they would retreit, whereupon he concluded there was no more time to be lost. So he reviewed the Army, to see if every one were in readiness, and then marched upon the head of them, toward St. Martin. The Sieur de Thoyras came out to meet him, with as much joy as a person delivered from such eminent peril could express, for the Enemy had forsaken their Trenches and left him the liberty of coming forth. The Marshal having likewise intelligence, that the enemy had quited the Town of St. Martin, presently called a Counsel of war, to consider of what was fit to be done. The Sieur de Thoyras proposed to march up directly to them, being confident, that in the fear they were, it would be easy to cut them in pieces; The Sieur de Marillac, was of a contrary opinion, thinking that nothing ought to be hazarded, seeing the success of Arms is uncertain, That his Majesty's Army was not sure of a victory against the Enemy, though they retreited, and concluded it improper to fight with them. But the business having been debated, it was resolved that a Medium should be taken, that without quitting the Station they had taken, the Motion of the Enemy should be observed; and that in case they should pass unto the I'll d'Oye, (where it was not unknown that they had prepared a Passage for their reimbarquing) then to follow them in order of Array, and charge them when they were half over, but without putting any thing in hazard.  
This resolution accompanied with prudence, was excecuted with Courage, for the English advancing towards the place of their retreat; the King's Army marched up to them in Battalia, and being arrived to the Marsh, The Sieur de Thoyras could no longer suffer them to go away, without paying for the trouble, which they had put him to; but concluding that the Honour of France obliged him to have a parting bout with them, and that it would be a wrong to the King's Arms to let them go clear off when such an advantage was offered against them, went on, and the Command being given, the Horse had order to begin. Piedmont and Champain followed, and each of them observing their respective Commands, put the English to the Rout: Their Horse were all lost in the ma●n, their Cornet and 24. Colours, and four Cannon were taken The French did nothing but kill and slay, in so much that there lay above six hundred dead upon the place, besides what were drowned in the Sea. Divers of their Colonels, Gentlemen of quality and above one hundred and fifty Officers of all sorts were killed, above three thousand Arms taken in the field, and above fifteen hundred Soldiers laden with their Spoils. Thus the Marshal de Schomberg in the same day, landed, saw the siege raised, and beat his Enemies. It is reported that the English had at their first setting foot on the Island at least seven thousand men, and that a recruit of three thousand came afterwards to them, but they carried off only eighteen hundred, the rest being either dead with sickness or killed, and of them too the greatest part died soon after their return to England, by reason of the discommodities they there suffered.   

Politic Observation.  
JOhn James Triwlae, Marshal of France saith it is a great imprudence to give Battle in a man's own Country, if not invited to it, by some great advantage or forced by necessity. He who adventureth to do it, runs no less hazard than the loss of his Kingdom: Darius saw himself despoiled of his Kingdom, by being guided by his Courage; and fight a Pitch Battle with Alexander. He might well have harraised him with his Horse on many occasions, as the Partheans did the Romans: whereas being eager to meet him in the field, and fearing lest he would return into his own Country, and not be fought with, he made after him to give him Battle. Alexander seeing him near at hand, assaulted him, and reduced him to that deplorable condition, as is not unknown by History to every one; Fabius was wiser than so, he was contented, only to follow Hanibals Army, and to pull him down in divers conflicts, and by the great Inconveniences which an Army endureth, when it passeth through an enemy's Country, destitute of Towns to refresh them, and where they meet with resistances on every hand; By these delays he discomfited Hannibal, without endangering his Soldier's lives, a thing very considerable among the Romans, who thought it a greater Honour to wear the Civique-Crown, bestowed on those who had saved any Citizen's life, then that which is called Muralis, given to them who had first scaled the Walls of their Enemies: or the naval Crown granted to such as had done some notable exploit at Sea, hence Guiccardi● tells us, there is no victory more beneficial or glorious, then that which is obtained without hazarding the blood and lives of the Soldiers: when an Enemy hath entered upon a State, he is sufficiently beaten and overcome, with Glory and Honour, if he be only wearied out and tired so that he have but little mind to return a second time. In fine, the Title of victory and the Honour of a Battle, doth not appertain to him who killeth most enemies or taketh most Prisoners; but to him who obtains the end of his design. Which made Don Alphonso King of Naples say; When he was provoked by Monsieur d' Anjou to give him Battle; That it was the part of a Captain to overcome and not to fight. Philip de Valois fought a pitched Battle with the English at Cressy, but he was overcome. King John confiding in his Forces, chose rather to give the same English Battle near Poitiers, then to vanquish them by famine, and those other Incommodities which an Army undergoeth in a strange Country, but he was taken and died a prisoner. Charles the fifth following the advice of Fabius, would never be drawn to hazard a Battle with them, but deprived them of all provisions, and by that means took all Guyenne over their heads, and made himself Master of most of the Duke of Bretaigns' Chief Cities.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
THE English were hard put to it in the Marisb, so that divers of them were taken prisoners, and amongst others, my Lord Mountjoy the Earl of Hollands, Brother, Grace Lieutenant of the Artillery, The General of the Horse, thirty five Captains and Officers, twelve Gentlemen, and one hundred or sixscore Soldiers; but they served for an object of the King's Bounty and Clemency, For hearing many of them were stripped, he caused them to be clothed and shortly after causing the chief of them to be brought to him, he paid down their ransoms to those who had taken them, sent them on their words to the Queen of England, Commanding the Meau to present them to her with this assurance, that it was only for her sake he had given them their Freedoms, nothing could be more noble, and the Cardinal had no small share in it. But it was an usage much different from that of the English, towards the French, whom they had taken in divers encounters. For the English would not stick to deny them meat for money, some of whom assured his Majesty, that in case My Lord Mountjoy and some others had not been taken, themselves had been starved to death: He was by others informed that they had seen the English throw some Prisoners into the water, whom they so tied that they could not save themselves by swimming. Indeed his Majesty's Civil treatment of the English, engaged the King of England, to deal better with the French, for presently after they were more courteously entertained and so returned into France.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is no little Glory to treat Prisoners of War with civility either by testifying a sense of compassion for the condition whereunto they are reduced, or by doing them all the good Offices they might expect. It as a mark of true generousness in a Prince, and that which sets off his Glory and Clemency with Luster and Splendour, the two best flowers in his Crown. He ought to remember himself to be God's Image here on Earth, and that as nothing is more essential to God then Bounty, so likewise his Glory can never appear more Illustrious them by conferring favours on them, who are taken in fight by the Chance of War. It is reported that Cleomens' being asked what a good King ought to do, answered, that he must do no good for his friends and all the mischief he could, to his Enemies: But Aristo answered him with much reason, that it was much more commendable to do good, not only to friends but even to Enemies; For by that means a King makes himself beloved by all the World. It is no small advantage to be esteemed merciful to the conquered. Plato gives a good reason for it, for saith he, it doth increase the Soldier's Courage, for admitting their Enemies should take them, yet they were obliged not to deal harshly with them. Besides Prisoners do become so sensible of those kindnese which are heaped on them, that they often are the Instruments of Peace Lewis the Eleventh found it so, when as he kindly entertained the S●ig●eor de Conty his Prisoner of War, who concluded the Treaty of Peace with Charles de Bourgogne. A Prince is obliged to it, if it were only by the Compassion which a noble Courage ever hath of them who are overcome. Haloyoneus Son to Antigonus, having after a victory lighted upon Heleneus, Phyrrus his Son, in a sad deplorable condition, clothed with a Mantle unbefiting his greatness, embraced him with all possible kindness, and having so brought him to Antigonus his Father, he did the like: But withal he told his Son he had not done all which he was bound to do, in leaving that cloak upon his shoulders; And at last having restored him to an honourable attendance, and treated him with great kindness and humanity, he returned him safe to his Kingdom of Epire.   

The Siege of Rochel.  
AFter the King had obtained this signal victory against the English, he bent all his thoughts towards the besiedging of Rochel, that with their Walls he might destroy their pride. This town as others, was at first but little, yet the Port being commodious, it grew great by Commerce, and so insolent after heresy had set its standard there, that they would make those privileges, which our Kings had from time to time granted them, pass for contracts, and to destablish a kind of Commonwealth in the State. They durst not openly declare this pretention to the King by their Deputies, but their manner of proceeding was an assured proof of it, a procedure the more insupportable in that it was the support of all factions, both of the Huguenot party and the Grandees of the Kingdom upon any discontents. Their Rebellion was become natural, and shortly after this, they auguented their Crimes, by calling in the English to protect their offences. Some rich Merchants indeed there were who having somewhat to lose, would have been contented to be quiet, but on the otherside it was filled with store of Sea men surely and proud, as also very poor, who having nothing wherein to employ themselves, proposed, that they might be at more ease to make an insurrection in the Town, concerning their privileges. In order to this design, they made a Manifest, to spread abroad their complaints, as a poison in the minds of the Ignorant People of the Hugonots party, which might induce them to take up Arms, and to shake of the yoke of obedience. This resolution of theirs took them off, from paying any respect to the King; They drove out the Sieur Doux Maistre des Requests, sent by his Majesty to them, in quality of supper intendent of Justice, with so much violence and outrage, that they threatened to throw him into the Sea.  
They openly assisted the English in whatever was within their power, They solemnly buried the English Lords and Gentlemen, and such French Rebels as were killed at the Landing on Ree. They sent Londriere with three hundred men to second the English, when they found themselves too weak in Ree.  
They received Madam de Rohan the Mother, and the Sieur de Soubize; who assisted at their assemblies and inflamed them more and more. There was no reason longer to suffer these things unpunished. The King about the beginning of August, when they declared themselves so openly for the English, made his approaches upon the Town, several companies of the Regiment of the guard, with two other Regiments and two hundred Horse, were sent before it. The Duke d'Angoulesme begins to work upon the Fort De La Moulinette to lodge Forces there, as well as in that of Fort Lewis. They requested the Sieur de Commings Captain of the Regiment of the guard, that he would come to their assembly to advise upon some means of accommodation; and as they saw no Declaration of an absolute siege, until the English were forced from Ree, they thought to be excused as heretofore by renewing their Protestations of fidelily: But their words were not to be believed. All their proposals tended only to comfirm their resolutions against the King. His Majesty thereupon, after the defeat of the English, took his last resolution of forcing them to acknowledge their faults, and to live within their bounds by a strong siege. The Order of the whole circumvallation was prescribed by his Majesty; he raised 13 Forts and several redoubts upon the Trenches the circuit of which were three Leagues or there about, all out of musket or falcon shot, but not of Cannon. The King's design was by making these works, to compel them by famine and necessity to surrender, neither did they much trouble themselves to hinder their work by their Sallies, upon hope of being easily relieved by Sea; forsomuch as they were soon, finished by the care of the Cardinal, and the Marshals de Scomberg, and Bassompierre. His Majesty being well assured of their faithfulness, would not employ any other persons indifferently, as formerly had been done in Charles the ninth's time, and that so inconsiderately, that the very Commanders of the Siege had no desire to take the Town. This circumrallation thus finished, cut off all relief by Land, and it happened that having supplied the English with a good part of their prousions, they had been quickly brought by necessity to surrender, had they not been assisted by Sea. But shortly after, they were so close blocked up there too, that they durst not show their heads.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is equally base and inconsiderate to suffer the insolency of a City, which not contented to revolt against its Sovereign alone, doth also call in strangers to uphold their Rebellion. After the reducing of them by fair means hath been tried to no purpose, than ought all forcible means be used, to bring then within their bounds. That King, who is deficient in this particular will soon find himself exposed to scorn, both in his designs at home by his neighbours, and in prosecution he will inevitably find both one and the other take up arms against him. His neighbours, if they know his aversion to war, and how unwilling he is to appear in the field, will soon rush in upon him; and a party once accustomed to revolts, and permitted to attempt against the Sovereign authority, will soon shake off the yoke of obedience. He ought therefore equality to be disposed both for peace and war; He ought to intent nothing more than the chastising of Rebels upon such an occasion. The expenses, dangers, and cares ought not to be considered by him. It is equally dangerours for a Prince, to be more inclined either to war or peace. Hence Marius was blamed because he exercised not his authority in times of peace, by which means he could never keep the Commonwealth in quiet.  
Perseus' lost his Kingdom by slothfulness, and to much loving of money, desiring rather to kept in coffers than to expend it, in paying Soldiers necessary for his defence; Thus he lost his Kingdom, and his treasures were ransacked before his face. Pipin had never been so bold, as to have put his Master's Crown upon his own heads, had Childerick loved arms, as well as himself, and opposed those first attempts which were made against his Kingdom. Francis Sforzza from a private Soldier, became Duke of Milan, and his Children who were Princes and Dukes, became private Gentlemen, for want of experience in the war, and because they would deceive others by their cheats, rather than render themselves famours by battles. Less than this cannot befall a King, who suffers the Rebellion of a strong Town to go away unpunished, especially when it serves for a prop to uphold the revolt of any great party, or to countenance the attempts of strangers. He ought to be in the field as soon as they begin to declare themselves, and to take up arms with so much the more courage, for that Trasan saith, God doth usually overwhelm the enemies of peace, and those who are the disturbers of others by war; as heretofore in the example of Pyrchus and of later ages, in that of Charles Duke of Bourgoign, I shall add, that for the quicker and more secure reducing of his subjects to obedience, he ought not to expect till their revolts make Levies. He ought always to have Regiments ready in Garrisons, as the Macedonians had their Argyraspi●es. the Romans their Legions, the Sultan's of Egypt their Mammalukes, and the Turks their Janissaries By this means, a Town shall no sooner seem to mutiny, but it will be assaulted, and if any of their Forces shall appear in the field, they will be soon cut in pieces.   

Prosecution of the History.  
IT were of small consequence to have shut up the Rochelois by Land, had they not also been blocked up by Sea. The Cardinal acquainted the King with the necessity of it, and those contrivances formerly resolved on for that purpose were put in execution. The Cardinal had the Chief conduct of it, because he had examined with an extraordinary care all the means of finishing the siege with good success, and was more capable than any other to effect it. He was so modest that he suffered himself to be directed by Pomp●jus. Targon an Italian Engineer, who had wrought with the Spaniards in blocking up the Channel of ostend, he thought good to make a chain of Masts and other great pieces linked together, with Harping Irons and Cables, but the first shot forced them in sunder, and spoiled the work. He built certain Castles upon Ships some floating, and some fixed in the Sea. He contrived other engines which were Square, and of great pieces of timber, such as he called Bridges, for the planting of Cannon upon them, leveled just between wind and water. But all these inventions were more for show than use, though very chargeable, so the Cardinal was forced to follow his own thoughts and the design which himself had contrived for stopping the passage: and as there is no soul like his, so no invention could equal that, whic● himself had projected. It was to raise a certain bank, thwart the Channel, leaving only an entrance in the middle for the ebbing of the Sea. This design seemed difficult for that the Sea is uncapable of any obstacles, which humane industry can raise against it. But as the stars obey great Souls, so it was unjust that the Elements should resist his will. Two things induced him to judge, that this bank would easilier be raised than divers imagined. First, the advantage of stones which might be had on both sides of the Channel, and the great multitude of labourers, which might be drawn out of the bordering Countries and from the Army itself for a quick dispatch of the work. It was begun in a place where the River is seven hundred and forty fathom broad, where the Cannon of Rochel could not reach but at random, so that the work could not be hindered. The Cardinal allowed 12 fathom of depth, which quickly passing over, they left a stoping in the bottom, and made a plat form of four fathom upon the surface, which should be raised to such an height, that the highest tide could not reach it. It was built of dry stones laid upon one another, without other mortar than what the Sea brought, and to strengthen it the better at every 12 foot, there was an addition of great timber.  
This grand Minister knowing the taking of Rochel depended on this Bank, did oftentimes go to see it, not regarding the Cannon shot which the Rochelois continually made: He spared no money for the encouragement of the workmen, and he obliged them by the charms of his words, which carry men on to whatever he pleaseth. It was so advanced in two month's time, that the Rochelois who had hoped that it would only serve for a laughingstock to the Ocean, could now only at several times pass four or five small Vessels over it. However, it was a vast work such as passed belief, neither was it finished, till 7 or 8 months were ended. Besides this, the passages in the middle, for the ebbing of the Sea, was to be stopped up, to hinder the going in or out of any Vessels. Three great Fences were found out, such as could not be bettered. The first was a Range of about 40 Vessels filled with Stones and sunk to the bottom. The second was a kind of palisado made about as many floating Vessels linked together with Chains and Cables, which were guarded by a whole Regiment. The third was of great stakes, fastened in the bottom of the Sea, made Taper ways which for that reason were called Chandelie●s. Thus was the Passage quite blocked up, and there was no other way for the Rochelo, to be relieved by Sea, unless the English whose assistance they implored should send them a puissant Fleet, which might break through all these obstacles.   

Politic Observation.  
IT of so great importance to hinder the coming in of Provision to besieged Towns that that being once secured the taking of them cannot be avoided, & they who have forced them by famine, have by the Ancients been more honoured than those who have taken them by the sword, because they are lest subject to hazards, and their Soldiers lives not in danger. A thing very considerable. In long sieges the only thing intended, is by necessity to force the besieged to open their Gates; the truth is, most commonly this is a work of time, and consequently of great expense; but on the other side, it saves a great many Soldier's lives, which is a recompense great enough. It was one of Caesar's advices, in forcing of Towns rather to do it by Famine then the Sword, as the Physician saveth his Patients more by abstinence then forcible Medicines. The truth is, I imagine this to be the better and safer way, in regard necessity is such a thing, as nothing whatever can resist. Now as it is a way very advantageous, so is not less difficult, especially in Sea Towns, heretofore esteemed impregnable because of the incertainty of the Sea, and weather, which seldom lets a Fleet lie long in safety, to prevent relief, as also by reason of its violence, which commonly laughs at all those inventions contrived to stop up a Port or Haven: Though this latter opinion, is at present but weak and frivolous, seeing men have by industry found out several means to overcome all manner of obstacles of this nature. Alexander the Great besieged the City of Tyre, stopped up the Channel by a Bank, took away all hopes of relief, and at last forced them to surrender to his mercy, after they had refused to deliver up upon fair and honourable terms. Caesar did the like before Duras; as also St. Lewis upon the R●●s being a Branch of the River Nile, the Prince of Parma at Antwerp, and Spinola at Ostend, all which by some invention or other found means to hinder any shipping to come near the places which they besieged. But amongst all, none is like a Bank, because in Tempests the Sea doth usually spoil and break all their Engines, of Masts, Cables, Timber, or the like. Neither are Chains to be trusted in such occasions, for that small Vessels may pass over them, as C●eus Duellius the Roman Consul did, who being blocked up in the Court of Syracuse, caused all his men and luggage to be removed into the Stern of his Galley, and his Oarmen rowing with all their strength passed them half over, and then removing all his goods and men into the Prow, they rowed over the other half and so got clear away, the like did the Spanish Forces at Marcelia, when they found their enterprise was discovered.   

The Sieur de Machiavelli, is sent to the Electors of Baviers and Treves, to dispose them towards the settlement of a Peace in the Empire.  
THose great cares which the Cardinal was necessitated to undergo, both in opposition of the English Forces, and in the reducing of Rochel, did not prevent him from providing for the Interests of those Germane Princes, who were Allies to the Crown of France. His great Soul (like universal causes) produced a tho●sand several effects, at the same time, nor could the management of any one important affair, divert him from being circumspect in several others. He advised his Majesty to dispatch the Sieur de Machiavelli, towards the Electors of Baviers and Treves for the negotiating divers affairs, particularly to induce them to settle Peace in the Empire. His Majesty had learned that the Emperor had designed to have his Son King of Hungary elected King of the Romans: That the Electors did much desire his Majesty would invite the Prince Palatine to retire himself into France; That the Elector of Treves was well inclined to league himself with the French Interests, and th●t divers Princes of the Catholic League, did wish his Majesty would employ himself to negotiate either a Peace, or a Cessation of Arms in Germany. Upon these four points it was, that he gave the Sieur de Machiavelli instructions to treat with them. As to the first, he was forbidden to thwart the Emperor's design. His Majesty not thinking it fit to declare himself against the Emperor, to the end he might have more power and freedom towards the settling of his own affairs. But he was commanded to flatter the Duke of Bavian upon that account and dexterously to humour him, in his imaginary hopes of the Empire, by representing to him, as likewise unto the rest of the Electors, That it would very much concern them to promote some subject of less greatness than those of the House of Austria unto that dignity, by which means the head of the Empire having a nearer equality and correspondency with the rest of the Members, their union would be the stronger, and their conditions the more secure. And in case he should find the Electors averse from that Proposal, he was then commanded quaintly to hint unto them, but not too openly; that the Emperor not being troubled by Age, or Sickness, it would not be amiss to defer their Election of the Roman King unto some other time, seeing by this delay they would render themselves the more considerable towards the Princes of Germany, and the Emperor himself who would be the more careful to preserve their friendship, it being so conducing to his design; whereas having attained his ends, and finding himself in a condition of being no more beholding to them, neither for himself or his, it was to be feared lest he should endeavour to extend the limits of his Ambition to their prejudice. This was he expressly charged not openly to declare, because the King thought it more proper, to insinuate into the minds of those Princes, the resolution of excluding the King of Hungary from the Empire, or at least to defer his Election, rather than to discover himself. However he was commanded to advise them, in case they were peremptorily resolved to choose him, that it would concern them to take advantage of this affair, in which the Emperor was necessited to make use of them, that they might draw him to condescend unto such conditions as might settle a firm Peace in the Empire, which it would concern them to do before the Election, lest he might be the more averse to peace, when he should find the Empire once assured upon his Son.  
As to the second particular, which relateth unto the Palatins retreat unto this Kingdom, he was commanded to tell those Princes, that his Majesty, could not assent unto it, whatever proposals they made, of entertaining him at their Costs and Charges; His reasons were these, That it was not beseeming the Dignity of a King to capiticlate concerning the Pension of any Prince, unto whom his Majesty pretended to be a refuge; and likewise that there was no reason, why he should draw upon himself so great a Charge, not being necessitated thereunto; and in case they should offer to pay all his Pension without any treaty, he was then commanded freely to reply unto them, that their Promises did not at all make sure the Pension, and if it should chance not to be paid his Majesty could not then avoid the entertaining both of him, and his whole family. Besides if the young Prince should come into France, his Majesty was in Honour bound, never to consent unto the Peace of Germany until he were restored unto his States, and that he could not give him a Retreat, without promising to protect him, which he knew would not sort with their Interests. That which concerned the Elector of Treves was not so difficult, seeing there wanted nothing but the assuring him of his Majesty's affection and good Will. He went accompanied with that which gave him a very particular satisfaction; but the secret management of it, being of great consequence that he might serve his Majesty without suspicion, the knowledge of this hath not been discovered unto any one but themselves. As to the fourth and last which concerneth the Peace, at least a Cessation of Arms, it was in relation to the erterprises of the King of Denmark, and the Princes of the Lower Saxony, which had but ill success; so that he had Order to negotiate it the more effectually, not only because his Majesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities, which had brought Germany into so miserable a condition, but also for the Interests of this Crown, which being concerned with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Austria, oblige him to hinder the Emperor's becoming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute, by weakening the Prince's Electors, and ruining the Protestants. This was the more considerable, in regard his Majesty, was not then in a Capacity to redress their aggrievances by force of Arms; he was likewise commanded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours coming to treat together, would doubtless resolve and conclude a Peace; whereas if they should manage their affairs by their Doctors, who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria, there could be but slender hopes of a good success. His Instructions Charged him, to acquaint them, that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms, both with the Emperor, the King of Denmark, and themselves, and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it, provided that they would, engage unto his Majesty, by Instruments drawn up in form, that they would, after the King of Denmark should assent unto it, procure the Emperor to do the like, and that themselves would do the same on their parts, and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet, where the Peace should be ratified as also a confirmation of their Alliance with France.  
These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Machiavelli Instructions; in which he bestirred himself with such diligence, that he prevailed upon the Prince's Electors (without discovering his Majesty's Intentions) to defer the Election of the Roman King, That he persuaded them to think it improper for the Prince Elector to retire into France; That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesty's Interests, by Chains of Gold, and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen. He himself came thither, and represented to them, those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany, in such effectual language, that they became more inclined to Peace, then formerly they had been. And the year following the Peace was accordingly concluded, which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent, had not France interposed in the business.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allies, when the war is not favourable to them. It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory, seeing it is no small reputation to become an Arbitrator between Sovereigns, for God himself, who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself, The God of Peace. But besides this consideration, those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war, are mutually bound to assist him, in his occasions, he having preserved them from destruction, withal the quality of Ally doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them, it being a means proper to preserve their Union, and an Act necessary for their conservation. The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities, do more especially enjoin it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them, and that after many frowns of war, their ruin cannot be avoided. When once they are reduced to extremity, it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace; for victory puffs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way, to lose the advantages he hath gotten; and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms, it must be upon hard and shameful terms. It is easy to conceive, how dangerous it is, long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war, seeing that Prince: who once loses either part of his reputation or forces, doth for the most part undergo duly crosses, and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune. It was not without great reason, that Scipio said unto Antiochus, The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power, to a more indifferent degree, as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree, unto the lowest ebb of Fortune. Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio, the African before the last battle which he fought, in which he was overcome; and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it, when offered unto them, by the Romans, after they had been often worsted by them. I might hereunto add, that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace, for this Allies, doth not a little serve his own Interests, for that a King's Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allies, as in that of his own subjects. There is so strict an Union between the States of Allies, that no one of them can receive any considerable loss, but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest. The Power of Allies is like the strength of the Frontiers to a Kingdom, and as an Enemy, having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters, hath a notable advantage against the Town, itself, so the Allies of a King can neither be weakened nor ruined, but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions, and is rendered the less able to make resistance in regard his Allies are not in a condition to relieve him. It was for this cause that Thucydides said, he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allies, is careless of his own safety, and I conceive, that a Prince who sees his Allies groaning under the hand of War, is equally bound to assist them, by mediating a Peace for them, lest his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbour's house on fire, is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it, lest his own house come into the like danger.   

The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent, the Duke of Mantova in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary.  
AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany, His Majesty who thought himself equally concerned in the Interests of his Allies, as the Affairs of his own State, sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassador to the Duke of Mantova. The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death, and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome, the suit which he made there, for dissolution of the marriage, which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo, who though she had charms enough to persuade him to marry her, yet was too old to bear Children. The King could have answered him by letters, but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Nevers his Interests, who only hoped for his Majesty's assistance, he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassador thither. The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment, and commanded to signify to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Duke's death, but of the Joy he had in this accident, to find the succession devolved upon him, whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities, and from whom he might receive the same respects, both as to his person and the Public good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor. He had order to proffer unto him, his Friendships and Royal assistance, of his Credit, Name, and Authority, assuring him that he should find the effects of it, not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there, but also, in all other things,  occasion should be: next of all he was to inform him, of the design which the Spaniards had, to marry him, after dissolution of his late contract, to one of the Emperor's Daughters, and then dexterously to observe to him, that the States of Mantova and Montferrat, being very considerable in Italy, for their situations and fertility, as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended, were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governor of Milan, that they might take some advantage over them, and that he not being able to defend himself against them, but by the Union and Correspondency which he held with France, and the Princes of Italy, was obliged so to carry himself, as neither of them might be jealous of him: Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things, would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends, by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him; but in case he should so change, that instead of the Free and absolute Sovereignty in which God had now settled him, he would find himself reduced, to a perfect dependence on the Spaniards, who would expose him to the scorn of others, and cause him to lose his reputation of friendship and fidelity: that all things considered he could not do better, then to remain Neuter, to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France, Austria, and the Princes of Italy, without doing any thing which might incense either one or tother; but perceiving an entire affection for France, as for him who desired his good, prosperity, and settlement, and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least. But above all, the marquis was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Niece to Duke Vincent, with the Duke de Rethelois, and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Father. However he himself was inclined to marry her, could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome. He had instructions likewise to tell him, how much his so doing would settle his affairs, and authority, against his neighbour's designs, who peradventure if his succession were not declared, would be the bolder to attempt upon him, and not unlikely on his person too. These were the chief points of the marquis his Commission, upon his coming to Mantua; he was resolved with all kind of honour, usually showed to an extraordinary Ambassador of France. After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions, the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him; telling him withal, that he received it with the greater respect; in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation. He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage, that he might afterwards wed, not one of the Emperor's daughters as was supposed, but the Princess Maria his Niece, whom he passionately loved, and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him. As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois, he ever spoke of him with great respect, as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed, and whom he looked on as his successor, in case he died without issue. The Marquis de Saint Chaumont, thought it improper to propose to him, when he found him so inclined, the marrying of the Princess Maria to the Duke de Rethelois, it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself: But talking in private with the marquis de Strigio, chief Minister of Mantova, he discovered it to him, and engaged him to contribute his assistance to it, in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained, as the only and principal means to preserve his Master's Life, giving him withal to observe that this once done, the house of Austria, and Duke of Saxony must of necessity cease their pretensions, which whilst the Duke was without a Successor were too many, any longer to be permitted. He pressed him too the more earnestly, in regard, the marquis de Strigio told him, how that the Physicians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist, his body being sickly. The Marquis de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular, and faithfully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect 〈◊〉. As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns, the Duke would oftentimes tell the marquis that his heart was French, that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him; and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be grateful in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand; and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him. The marquis having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair, took his leave of the Duke, to return to his Majesty, and to give him an account of what he had done.   

Politic Observation.  
A King is no less obliged to he careful of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdom. He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members, which ought to provide for their conservation, Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection either by fair means or foul. This made Theopompus, answer one who demanded of him, how a King might reign in safety. That he ought to fear nothing, but permit all reasonable things to his friends, and be careful of his own Subjects, that they received no injury from any one. Divers Princes have been ruined by their toleration of injuries against those who have depended on them. We have a remarkable example hereof, in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias', for having been deaf in his behalf, in not defending a wrong which had been done unto him. Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings, than the observation of this thing. It is an action resembling the divinity, to protect the weak against the mighty, and to defend them from oppression. Great Monarches are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes, but only in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and protect the execution of Justice: Besides they have by so doing a great and notable advantage to themselves, in abating the insolent and ambitious pretensions of those who would usurp their Subjects rights, and become terrible to their neighbours by their too great power. If this rule be worth consideration in general, it is much more to be observed in respect of the rights which may befall his Majesty's Subjects in Italy, where it is absolutely necessary to prevent the increasing greatness of the house of Austria. They have already become Masters of the greatest part of Germany, and there is not any more certain way to balance their growing power. then by Alliances with the Princes of Italy, by finding out some means to set foot in their Country, be it either by gaining some of their States, as divers of our late Kings have attempted, or by establishing such French in them, as want not pretences to them, and which might be able to let in the Arms of France, when the Princes of Italy should have occasion to make use of them, and there is no doubt, but the Princes of Italy would be very glad to see the Arms of our Kings in their Country, opposing those of the Spaniard whom they hate because they fear. To speak the truth, it is an action which doth beget, both glory and affection in those who shall succeed; the honour which is to be achieved in so doing will shine through all parts, and render them venerable amongst all strangers.   

The Marriage of the Prince de Rethelois, with the Princess Maria, the Inheritrix of Mantua.  
UPon the news which his Majesty received by the marquis de St. Chaumont; that there was little hopes of Duke Vincents long life, he concluded it to be very necessary that he should use his utmost endeavours to make up the Match, between the Prince de Rethelois, and the Princess Maria, as also to procure that he might be declared the Successor to the States of Mantua and Montferrat, after the decease of his Father the Duke de Nevers. The Cardinal by his Counsels, seconded his Majesty's judgement, and that with the more eagerness, in regard the Duke of Savoy, and Governor of Milan, did both begin to declare their pretences. This made his Majesty resolve upon sending away the marquis de Saint Chaumont into Italy. The Instruction which he received was only of two particulars, in which he was to bestir himself: The first was in his Majesty's name to make an end of those differences between the Duke of Savoy and Mantua; to which end, he was to pass by Turin, to dispose Duke Ferdinand to the making of some other overtures for their accommodation, and then to propose them to the Duke of Mantua, to see if any conclusion could be had; withal, to let them both know, that a good correspondence were not amiss for the good of their States; in regard their enemies by their divisions, would be furnished with opportunities to make attempts upon them: The second was to labour very earnestly with the Duke of Mantua, for the concluding of the Match between his Niece, and the Prince de Rethelois, and that he might be declared successor to his States, after the decease of his Father the Duke of Nevers. At that present it was the easier to be effected, in regard the Pope had solemnly protested he would never grant a dispensation of his first marriage. He was also commanded to show unto him, that as this marriage was of great advantage and benefit to the Duke of Nevers, and Rethelois whom he loved, by assuring them of the succession, so it was not less necessary to defend and secure himself from the attempts which the Spaniard, and Duke of Savoy might make upon his life and State, for that they did already begin to discover their intentions against him. He was farther Commanded, That if Duke Vincent should chance to die, whilst he was near him, then to animate in his Majesty name the Chief leading men of the States of Montua and Montferrat by all arguments of reason and persuasion, to preserve the liberties of their Country, to keep the faith obedience which they did owe unto Monsieur de Nevers, as their Lawful Prince, and to declare him for successor to Duke Vincent, according to the usual Forms of those Countries; and lastly to assure them, that his Majesty would protect them against any Forces that should molest or trouble them, that himself would invite the Pope and all other Princes of Italy to join with them in defence of their liberties. These were the Chief Instructions in the Marquis his Commission.  
In order to them, he went to the Duke of Savoy to persuade him to some agreement with Mounsieur de Mantua. He told him how the report went of his being in league with the Spaniards, for the deviding of Montferrat, But the Duke seemed to be angry at it, and wondered that after the having done such good Offices to his Majesty be should imagine such a thing of them. Yet he did not disown his apprehensions of the advantage which he might now take during Duke Vincents sickness, to regain that which did belong to him in Montferrat, adding withal, that it would be much more for his Majesty's Interest, if it were is his hands rather than the Spaniards, and that at last in case he were joined with the Spaniards, yet it was no more than his Majesty himself had done, seeing they sent him a Fleet to Rochel; But the Marquis that he might lay the foundation of an agreement, proposed to him, to renew the Treaty which had been between the late Duke Ferdinand and himself, as to that which was in dispute between them, in Montferrat: all the answer he could get was this, he demanded fifteen thousand Crowns rend, for his pretensions there, and twenty thousand for the Damages he had sustained for want of execution of his promises made of marrying his little Daughter with the Cardinal his Son: By these his unreasonable demands he evidenced that he only sought an occasion to justify his breach with him; and the Marquis finding after divers other conferences had with him, that there was no good to be done, made no longer stay there, but went to Mantua, he came thither so opportunely, as if Fortune had lead him by the hand, for within five days after his arrival there, the Duke died. He found that the Marquis de Strigio had disposed the Duke, with a great deal of address to all that could be desired, That he had stirred him up, on the designs which his Enemies might set on foot both against his life and State, to declare by his Letters Patents, the Duke de Nevers his only and Lawful successor, in all his States, and the Duke de Rethelois his Lieutenant General, ordering him to marry his Niece the Princess Marie before his decease, and to cause the Governors of all strong places faithfully to keep them for the Duke de Nevers. There wanted indeed a dispense for the marriage, but the Duke sent in all haste to demand it of his Holiness; When the Marquis de Chaumont came thither. It was not as yet arrived, but hourly expected, and though it was not brought but only a very few minutes before his death, yet the Marquis of Strigio who knew how necessary it was for the State of affairs, told the Prince de Rethelois and the Princess Maria, that they must forthwith marry, or else be assured never to enjoy the States of Mantua. It was a business of so great importance, that it would admit of no longer consultation, so that it was concluded, and married they were about nine in the night, on Christmas Eve; the marriage was consummated, and not long after the news of Duke Vincents death was brought unto them. This accident was of very great concern to the Duke de Nevers. Who without it, might perchance never have enjoined the Dukedom of Mantua. At that present he was in France, but hearing of it, he took post and about the end of January came to Mantua, where finding all things according to his own desire, he took proffession of the State, and the Marquis de Chaumont returned back to France. He passed by Thurin, and used new endeavours to persuade the Duke of Savoy to an accommodation, but it would not be: yet he served the King in this occasion, by withdrawing divers of the Nobility of Dauphine, from the Duke of Savoy's Army, who had engaged themselves with him, not knowing his design was upon Montferrat which the Duke hearing of, was much offended, and told him, it would not be safe for him to stay any longer in Turin.   

Politic Observation.  
THat Prudence, which obligeth all Sovereigns to provide against such accidents as may trouble the present State of their affairs, doth equally direct them to make sure of such remedies as may prevent the future disturbance of their Peace and quiety which cannot safely be effected, without the assurance of an Hair to succeed. Augustus affordeth us a memorable example in this particular, who governing an Empire not Hereditary, would however, join with himself some one of his nearest kindred, in the conduct of affairs, to the end that ingratiating himself with the Senators, Soldiers and people, he might by that means seem to deserve the Sovereignty. For this reason it was, according as Tacitus hath well observed, that he finding himself destitute of Sons, and that Fortune had taken from him, first Marcus Agrippa, and afterwards Cajus and Lucius his Nephews, advanced Tiberus, who though he had a Son then grown up, he caused to adopt Germanicus, to the succession of the Empie, and this he did as the Historian observes that the Crown might be assured upon divers supports. By this means he cut off the Senators hopes of reforming the State into a Republic, and from his Enemies the means of aspiring to the Crowns.  
Adrian in the like manner, seeing he had not any Sons, which exposed him to the fury of some ambitious mind or other, who for the Empire's sake might be persuaded to attempt upon his Person, adopted Antoninus and also required that Antoninus should in the like manner, he having no Sons neither nominate two more successors, as Dion hath observed in his life; and all this was, with intent, that they who were to succeed in the Empire, might be always ready to receive it, and to prevent his Enemies from attempting against his person in hopes to obtain it for themselves.  
To how many misfortunes have they, who have been defective in this Care, exposed their Countries? Jane the second, Queen of Napels' dying, without nominating her successor, d' An●ou, whom she had once named, being deceased before her, left her Kingdom cruelly torn in pieces by War, and him whom she least of all desired, to inherit after her. It is very rarely seen, that a Kingdom changeth its Family, without great wars, and that Prince, whom God hath not blessed with Children will find many attempts made upon his person; whence it follows, that he who would secure his Life and State from misfortunes, ought betimes to appoint his successor, to keep him near to him, with Honour, to instruct him in all affairs but not to admit him unto the partaking of the Sovereignty, for that were to cure one evil by a greater, seeing the ambition which usually attendeth young Princes, might perchance engage him in some ill design, to be master of it, before his time.   

Cabals of the Duke de Rohan in Languedoc, and the Succours wrought by means of the Duke de Soubize his brother in England for the Rochelois.  
THE Duke de Rohan was by his brother assured of the English assistance; and long before their landing in Ree, he did nothing but contrive Cabals in Languedoc, that he might place Consuls for his own turn in the Huguenot Towns, and engage considerable persons in his private interests. Presently after their landing, he openly declared himself, strengthened his party with Men, persuaded some places to rise, and solicited others to do the like. He gave them great hopes of high and mighty advantages by the inundation of strangers and he provoked them the more by insinuating into them the ruin of their Religion and divers other imaginary evils. That he m●●ht the better strike these Panic fears into them, he sent them a Manifest, filled with all those specious apparencies mentioned in the beginning of this year; But may it not be said, that he imitated those Pirates, who seeming to instruct the course which Ships ought to keep in the Sea, set up Lanterns upon the tops of Rocks to draw Pirates thither and so to wrack them? For thus did he lay before the sight of them, who were sufficiently inclined to ●action, divers seemingly fair reasons of the preservation of their party and Religion; by which means he drew them into that revolt and engaged them in those misfortunes, which have since been the cause of the ruining of their Towns and of levelling their Walls and fortifications with the ground. Now that he might the more strictly bind the Huguenot towns to his designs, he ●ound means to make an assembly in the Vi●e d'Vsez, where divers of their Deputies met together, and as he had no less eloquence than courage, he persuaded them to whatever he had a mind to. They approved of those succours, which he had negotiated in England, as just and necessary, they commended his prudence and zeal; and gave him a thousand thanks for it: But this was not all; They assured him not to enter into any Treaty of Peace with his Majesty, without the King of England's consent, and his own in particular. Hereupon they deputed some of the most seditious of their faction to go to the Towns of Languedoc and Guyenn●; withal they writ to those of Dauphine and Vivarez to encourage them to unite with them, for the good of the cause: They drew up a form of oath to be sworn by the Consuls, the Governors of Towns, Lords and Gentlemen who would engage with them. An union very strange, which divided the members from the head, and so separated subjects from their Prince. After the Duke of Rohan had used all his devises, and seen the English Land at Ree, he took up arms and appeared in the field. He summoned the Duke of Savoy to send those Forces, which he had promised, but he could not obtain them, because the Spaniards, who never wanted a good will to fall upon him, had at that time an Army in Milan, as we shall here after declare, which made him jealous: besides desiring to attend the English success, he saw them ruined in their designs at Ree; All that he could draw from him, was a promise of fifty thousand Crowns. Those Towns; which delivered up to him, were Nismes, Vsez, St. Ambrose, Alets, Anduse, Le Vignan, St. Hippolyta, St. J●an de Grandam●nque, Samen, La Salle, and other smalller places; and joining the devises of his prudence with those Forces, which they had drawn together, he took during his year Realmont, Renel, Naves, Mazeres, Pamiers, Castres', Soyon, and other Towns upon the Rhofere and in Vivarez, and more he had done, had not the Cardinal by his care under the King's authority prevented him. It cannot be imagined with how much care and trouble, he kept those together, who were engaged in his party; how low he was fain to stoop to work upon the meaner sort of people; how many impertinencies he was forced to bear; how many inconsiderate discourses he was necessitated to hear, and yet seem not to understand them, and to how much constraint he was compelled to subject himself. He hath since protested to divers of his friends, ingeniously confessing to them, that there is no care like that of retaining a mutinous people in that order, which is necessary for him to make them follow, who would raise any advantage to himself by their revolt.   

Politic Observation.  
HE who makes himself head of a Rebellious party, engaged himself into an Action full of hazard, and from which he cannot expect either good success or honour. Whatever advantages or victories he get, yet he is still branded with the Title of Rebellious. But though we wave this last consideration, and I am of opinion, that every one will conclude with me, no man would embark himself, into such dangers, did he foresee what cares vexations, and troubles, he undertaketh. If there be any person of quality of his party, he must court him with all kind of respects, for in Revolts, every one would be Master & Command. They who are of an inferior condition do often carry themselves to extremities, as thinking themselves the most necessary, in the vanities of their Inconstancies. He may be assured, that as they are tied to him, only by Interest, so they will forsake him, when they once perceive it best to adhear unto their King's mercy. It is indeed a difficulty to believe, how low he must stoop, and what mean Acts he must do to keep them together. Rebellions withal, being for the most part amongst the vulgar sort of people, it is impossible to imagine how many dangers and hazards he will be forced to run with them. He who in war depends on the Common people, builds upon sand. They are hardly eight days together in the same opinion. Their fury is like that of Sea, they are only guided by the Inconstancy of the winds. The least disaster is enough to turn them quit about; and they are so fickle, that they presently slight him, whose Fortune is but a little averse: They ascribe all their good success to themselves, and their bad to their General. They are ever suspicious of those who love them, and when ever the disorders which are inseparable from war, chance to trample on them, they can as soon fall back, as they came on; The least injury which they apprehend though really it be not any, is enough to lead them to other resolutions. Neither will they in their Passion stick to sacrifice him to their rage, whom not long before they had chosen to govern and direct them. The History of Flanders hath an example of this very kind, in the person of James d' Arteville every one knows the power he had in Gant, and how well the people there loved him, yet for all that, a little jealousy which they apprehended of his fidelity, precipitated them to kill him, neither would they hear his reasons to satisfy them, of the contrary. The Admiral de Chastillon, one of the bravest men of his Age after he had experimented the misfortunes of this quality, was glad and thought himself happy, in that he could withdraw himself; he had much rather expose himself to all the hazards of Fortune, then put himself upon the mercy of an unbridled people, who like a Proteus, change every moment, and who speak big words, when they are far enough out of danger; but sneak in their Horns, when they find their Master once coming near them, with his Sword in his hand.   

The Deputation of the Sieur Galland, Privy Counsellor to his Majesty towards these Huguenot Towns which the Duke of Rohan had attempted to revolt, that he might confirm them in their obedience.  
THe Cardinal, whose Vigilance was such, that nothing passed in the Kingdom, which he was not acquainted with, having discovered these designs of Monsieur de Rohan, represented to his Majesty how necessary it would be to take some good Course to prevent his future attempts, either by opposing his progress with Forces, or by confirming those Towns in their obedience, which he had solicited to revolt. As to the first, It was needful to form the body of an Army, which should be in those parts; and for the second, it was requisity to dispatch thither some person of ability and credit with those of the Hogonot party. The King soon apprehended how expedient this advice was, so he made choice of the Sieur Galland, one of his Counselors of State who was qualified for that employment, besides he was one of their own Religion, which gave his Majesty reason to hope, they would be directed by him. His Commission was dispatched, with all necessary Instructions, for his Journey into Languedoc, Foix, Lauvaguez, Vivarets & de levennes, that he might hinder the Duke of Rohans' contrivances of raising the Huguenot Towns up in Arms; This was a great Honour, unto this old Servant of the King, having received his Commission, he presently set forward, and went directly unto Montauban, the Chief Town of their party, next unto Rochel and by which most of the other Towns would be guided. Upon his first arrival, he called the Inhabitants together; he acquainted them with his Majesty pleasure; gave them his letter of Credence, writ by his Majesty unto them, and began to confirm them in their obedience. He laid before them in a speech, (wherein he ommitted not the least particle, that might move, and persuade them to what he desired) the duty of subjects towards their Prince; The miseries and Calamities, which they had suffered, whilst they fell off from their obedience; he represented to them the disasters which would infallibly fall upon them, if they should suffer themselves to be led away, by some who endeavoured it; he informed them, of the small reason or hopes they had to believe the Duke of Rohan's promises, or the assistance of the English Fleet, which could not hinder the relieving of the I'll of Ree; his words thus animated, what with his address, and the confidence which they bade in him, so wrought on them, that they subscribed a Declaration which they delivered to him, in which they protested to live and die, in that Loyalty, which they owed unto his Majesty. This was as much as could be wished; for all the other Towns great and small, uningaged in the Rebellion, did the like, and his Prudence was so successful, that the Towns of Briateste, Castres', Pamiers, Puyl●urens, Mazares, Saint Amand, Cabarede, Maz●res, Masdazil, ●alat and many others made the like Declarations under their hands and seals. But the misfortune was, that having left divers mutinous and factious Spirit, of ●onsieur de Rohans' Party in Castres', Pamiers and some others of those Towns, before named, they did not remain firm to the Resolutions he had insinuated to them, by which means the Duke of Rohan, soon after became Master of them.   

Politic Observation.  
IN Public exhortations, Prudence is many times as effectual, as Force. But for the safety of Towns, the Inhabitants ought to be prevented, their Arms taken away, and the most Factious amongst them, turned out from them. To prevent them, is of great consequence they being like the Camileon, which taketh any colour, that is laid before it. Sometimes a very little matter will settle them, if applied in time, and before Faction hath got any great power in their minds. One man well prepared and esteemed by them may easily stop their violent proceed by laying the miseries which follow war before them; by acquainting them with their own weaknesses, and by assuring them of enjoying their goods in Liberty and Peace. A mutinous people may at first be wrought upon by their own Interests, the Rule by which they Judge of all things. For they naturally think well of nothing but what pleaseth them, and reject that for evil which putteth them to any pains or trouble. To believe their promises and not disarm them were a madness; seeing they never hold long in the same humour; the least show of liberty charmeth them: They are always Enemies of the present State of Affairs: Lovers of Novelties; moved with any winds nay those of their own raising: They do more affectionately embrace those things which are prohibited, than those which are permitted them: Great friends they are to innovations: infidelity is a Quality which they eat and drink, not to be separated from them: insomuch that to leave them armed, when a revolt is mistrusted were to permit a Sword in a mad man's hand. The apprehending and securing of seditious persons, is the next thing considerable, which ought especially to be done. A discreet Physician, doth make it his first work to draw out all the ill humours from his Patient's body, which serve to nourish his Fever: and the first thing which a Minister is bound to observe, in a place where Rebellion is like to break out, is to withdraw all such discontented, mutinous and Factious persons as are any way likely to carry the people to revolt.  
That rigour which is used to such persons ought to be esteemed as a Commendable Pity. If they should complain of their condition, it is much better, to suffer the Insolences of their words in a place, where they cannot do any hurt, then to run the hazard of their mutinous Actions in a City which they may probably cause to revolt.   

The King unable to stop the Duke of Rohan's proceed by fair means, maketh use of force.  
THe way which his Majesty used to hinder the proceed of Monsieur de Rohan, was very advantageous, but it did not totally to the business. The King finding it, commanded an Army to be raised, and committed the Conduct of it to the Prince of Conde, sending him a Commission of Lieutenant General of his Forces, in Languedoc, Dauphine, Guienne, and Lyonnois. He had upon the first rumour of those revolts there, expedited certain Regiments thither; but finding there would be need of a greater power, to stifle the Rebellion in its Cradle; he dispatched this Commission to the Prince of Conde, with order to raise new Levies, and to take the Field with the first. He presently hereupon came to Lion, but upon better consideration, it was found proper to divide the Army into two parts, because there were several places to be looked after, and far distant from one another, so the Prince of Conde had the better half, the tother being committed to the Duke the Montmorency's care, than Governor of Languedoc. Monsieur the Prince, marched out of Lion about the beginning of December, ●●●nded by the marquis de Bourg and de Ragny, Marshals of the Camp, the Marquess de Nangis, Comte de Tournon, Comte de Charlus, Vicomte de l' Estrange, Montreal, and divers other Gentlemen Volunteers. He had two Troops of Carabins, and near about two thousand foot, with these he lay before Soyon, a strong place upon the Rhone, which did very much trouble the passage of the River; he assaulted it, and in two days forced them to deliver.  
There was likewise another little Town not far off Saint Aubin, which did much infest those parts, the Prince surrounded it, took it by storm, and put all the Soldiers in it to the Sword. From thence he went to Aiguemortes to confer with the Duke de Montmorancy who was then there; and having sent for ten Companies of the Regiment of Normandy, he commanded them to march against some certain places, which the Duke of Rohan by reason of their importance had resolved to defend; but the very fear which the Inhabitants and Soldiers, apprehended on sight of the Army, made them open their gates so they entered without resistance. At the same time he commanded the marquis de Fossez Governor of Montpellier, to go and besiege Corconne, and the Sieur de Ornano to secure Aubenas, both of them behaved themselves with courage in it, and performed his commands, the former taking Corconne a place strong of situation, being the Key to Seveunes, and the second making himself Master of Aubenas, by persuading the Nobility of those parts to fall into it. In the mean while, the Duke de Rohan, was in the Comte de Foix, whether the Duke de Montmorency pursued him, as well to fight him, as to oppose his designs. They followed him some days, without doing any thing worth notice: But the Duke de Montmorency who had too much courage, came up so near him near castle Naudau, that he could not avoid the fight. Orders were accordingly, and the Duke de Rohan being charged on the left, by the Sieur de Arpageon, seconded by the Company of the Baron de Lignieres, & Monsieurs de Vantadours Guards, and on the right by the Comte de Bioule, and the Sieur de Enox who led on Monsieur the Montmorency's Company, and the Sieur de la Croix who commanded his Guards, seconded by the Comte de Bioules Regiment, he was at last constrained to give ground, yet he maintained the fight above two hours, and saw about one hundred & six score Soldiers, fifteen men of his guard, and seven or eight Captains of his Troops killed, and divers others wounded: And in conclusion, he found to the misfortune of his Rebellion this other added, of being beaten in the Field, and saw at the years end, that he had very little, or not at all, advanced his design.   

Politic Observation.  
TRue Religion giveth a very great advantage to them, who fight for the defence of it. He hath Justice for his second, which is the Bulwark of strong place, the Rampard of Towns, the upholder of Crowns, the Pillar of Authority and the Chain of obedience; an Engine it is, much stronger than any of Archimedes seeing it brings down God himself upon Earth to assist it. The Divine Providence, ordained that the first Assizes of Justice, should be kept under Palms, to teach them, who make any enterprises, as Philo observeth, That Justice is the most assured pledge of victory. What can that Prince fear then, who fighteth to uphold it, seeing God fighteth for him? No power can resist that of God, who hath always, overthrown the designs of them, that rise up against him unless when he hath designed a people to be the Instruments of his Justice for punishing the wicked.  
In the old Testament he causeth himself to be called the God of Battles, and the Lord of Hosts, to teach the people, that he is Master of them; and that he it is who turneth the victory where he pleaseth. What did ever the greatest Soldiers bring to pass, who have risen up against him? They have only felt his power, and seen their own weakness: And every one may observe in History that their Counsels have not only been vain and ridiculous, but have likewise precipitated them into great ruins: They are like Icarus, who designing to counterfeit wings, by joining certain Feathers together with wax, melted them at the Sun Beams; just thus their rising up and soaring a lost, only serveth to make their ●●ls the greater, and their ruins the more certain.  
And who knoweth not that the cause of true Religion maketh Soldiers courageous? Hence it happens that valour being the groundwork of victory, is in this particular infallible. Machiavelli in his discourses upon T. Livy showeth us, That Religion is a wonderful Foundation and Instrument of great Actions▪ That the Romans made use of it to govern their City, in the carrying on of their designs an● in pacifing all tumults and seditions which did at any time happen in their Commonwealth. Now if the false Imagination of a false deity, which this people did believe were the punishers of Crimes and Rewarders of good Actions, by a quiet repose in the Elysian fields, could make such great impressions, upon their courages, what may not the true Religion cause us to hope for, which promiseth unto us the infinite rewards of Heaven, when the belief of it is truly imprinted in the Soul? The Soldier who fighteth for Religion, obeyeth his Prince, as the Image of the God head; he will never spare this life, which passeth away, in confidence of another which shall be eternal. If the Champions who heretofore fought in the Olympic Games, were delighted to see their skins flayed off, their blood run down, and their bones broken before a Laurel Crown, the reward of their pains, what would they not have done, into with dangers would they not have cheerfully run, had they but apprehended with the Eyes of faith, the Saviour of the World, at the end of the course, the Gate of Heaven open, and a Crown which shall never fade, as a reward of their Loyalty and Valour? We have at all times seen, that those Emperors who have been most Pious, have had the greatest victories. Constantine became great by his embracing of the Christian Religion: It served Pepin for a Staircase to lead him up to the Throan. It bestowed the Empire on Charlemagne; and the Turkish Nation which seemeth to have been born for Arms feareth nothing so much as Christians Ensigns.    

Anno 1628.  

The Rochelois send to the King of England to demand Succour.  
THE Heathenish Antiquities relate, That Pandora, going to meet the Rebel Epimetheus in behalf of the God's, carried him a Box filled with all sorts of Evils, amongst which he had only hope left him. It is a Fiction, yet may it be aptly applied to the Duchess of Rohan the Mother, who being come to Rochel, to encourage the Rebellion, brought all sorts of misfortune with her, insomuch that there was not any kind of misery, which the inhabitants did not undergo, and without any other hopes but only of relief from the English, which they retained to the very last. In order to which hope, they finding his Majesties resolved to force them to live in the rules of obedience, had sent their Deputies to England, with full and ample Power, to treat with his Majesty of Great Britain, To beseech him to take them into his protection, and that he would assist them, with a second Army which might force the King of France, to raise the siege. Their Deputies were received, with great kindness; The King of Buckingham being much exasperated against France, for the late repulse given to the English at Ree. They had audience granted, and after examination of their Proposals, The King made a Treaty with them, by which he obliged himself to assist them with such a number of Soldiers as should be sufficient for their defence; To send them all sorts of Provision; and to permit a Collection to be made in his Countries for their present relief. The Deputies obliged themselves in the name of the Rochelois to give an happy success to the English Army, promising they would rig out the greatest number of Ships they could possibly procure, that they would provide Pilat's and places for Magazines for all sorts of provision in the Town; that if occasion were their Port should be a place of retreat for their Fleet; that they would not hearken to any accommodation with the King their Lord and Master, but by and with consent of the King of great Britain, and also that before France should attempt any thing against England, they should declare themselves for the English, and should divert to the utmost of the power, all designs tending to their prejudice. The King of Great Britain was not absolute enough to conclude upon great enterprises, his power somewhat depending on the Parliament, so he was forced to call one to authorise this, and to consent to such levies of money as would be needful for this business; The anger which every one there bore against France, and the desire of revenging the affront which they had so lately received, persuaded them to a general consent. They wanted only the third Vote, upon which the Levy depended, where upon they refused to contribute any money, colouring their denial by divers complaints, which they made against the Duke of Buckingham, and most part of the Chief Ministers in England, which made a great noise in the Parliament, and so incensed the King, that being constrained to give way to the insolence of their requests, he told them that he would examine their demands and complaints, and give them answer accordingly; However be gave order for the rigging out of a strong Fleet in behalf of the Rochelois, and gave the command of it to the Earl of Denbigh the Duke of Buckingham's brother in Law. This was all the Rochelois could hope for, yet it blinded them to all respect and obedience, They shaked off the yoke of Loyalty which they owed to the King; they carried themselves to the utmost extremities that possibly could be imagined; they trod under foot the King's Authority, and chose him for their Protector, who was Declared Emeny of his Crown.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough a People never hath any lawful reason to become, disloyal to their Prince, or to cast themselves into the Arms of the Enemy of his Country; yet it is a thing easily resolved on, when there are no other means to secure them from the fears which they apprehend, and which have engaged them in their revolts. In Philosophy it is held for a Maxim, That granting one absurdity, a thousand others will follow by consequence; It is no less certain among Politicians, that a people carried into one fault, which is the taking up Arms against their Prince, will be exposed to great extremities, and every day augment the number of their Crimes. Their Custom is to promise to themselves great matters, in desperate affairs from strangers, and such means as are without all appearance of reason, probable ways, or ordinary instruments: They are great lovers of Novelties and with a little wind carried to extremities; and new thoughts, if they find their former resolutions and designs not come to the account they expected. They easily follow those, who put them in hopes of liberty; If any seditious person in credit with them, do but tickle them in the ear, with telling them that they do not enjoy their full and perfect liberties under their lawful Prince, nothing is then more easily persuaded then to revolt, nay to throw themselves, into the Arms of their very worst enemy, never considering whether the remedy be not worse than the disease. Being once revolted they never return to their duties, but by force of Arms, and the fear they have of paying the punishments they have justly deserved, inviteth them rather to run, and hazard, then that of confessing their error, and repenting. An Ancient Author said very wisely when he likened them to day-labourers, who are at every one's service, that will make use of them; ready they are to subvert all things, not for the public good, but in order to their own design, and under pretence of liberty. The greatest part of such Revolts are commonly accompanied with some Intelligences and encouragements from strangers who offer their assistance, not for any love to them, but themselves, that they may make advantuge out of their divisions, discord is their Music.  
The History of Italy furnisheth us with a notable example of this particular in that of the Pisan's, who having been persuaded by one of our Kings and Lewis Sforza, to withdraw themselves from the obedience of the Florentines, presently banish their Officers, gained many rich Merchants and began to live as free people; but finding themselves too weak to hold out, at that rate, they emplored the aid of their neighbour Princes, which was not denied to them, by reason of the jealousy which all those States are in, of one another. Ge●●oua, sent them men and Munitions, Lucqua money, and Sienna which was in hopes of great advantages from them, sent both one and tother. Neither is this the last degree of a mutinous people, for if they cannot attain unto their desires by a Foreign protection, they will rather totally deliver up and sell themselves▪ the return to their Prince's power especially if they be but a little persuaded, of being hardly dealt with, and that they shall be reduced to a slavish subjection; such difficulty will they find to stoop under their former yoke, after a taste of licentiousness and impunity.   

The King of Spain sendeth Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral with a Fleet to his Majesty.  
THe King finding what need he should have of Ships, had as hath been related, accepted of the proffer which was made to him at Villeroy, by Don Diego de Maxia, in behalf of the King of Spain. But their design in that proposal, being only to engage France, in an open war with England, that they might the better carry on their designs in Germany and Italy they were careful, not to be at Ree to assist his Majesty to expel them.  
At last Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral of Spain, after many delays came about the end of December with his pretended Fleet to the Haven of Morbian in Brettaign. The King commanded the Duke of Guyse to receive him with all possible Honour; and indeed such it was, that Don Frederick could not enough admire, at the manner of his entertainment. Shortly after he departed towards the I'll of Ree, where at that time was no great need of him: But however he proffered his service unto the King, who received him with great kindness; His Majesty sending to visit him, but his vessels were found so unprovided of victuals, men and necessaries, that those things together with his long delay considered. It was easy to Judge, they had no great mind to fight for France, and that the King his Master would be very sorry to contribute to the taking of Rochel; a place which might be made use of to raise a war in the Kingdom, and that with a little charge, if he had a mind to send any Forces to them. At last he gave an assured sign of the truth of this suspicion, when not long after he went to his Majesty, and took his leave of him, to return towards Spain, telling him that he could not now be any more serviceable to him. The King would have much wondered to see him so hasty to be gone, considering he came so far, but that he knew they had more mind to engage France in a war with a third party then adventure on it themselves. His Majesty on the other side knowing; That strangers and Foreign Forces ought not be employed but in urgent occasions, and at last cast, did so much the easilier consent to his departure, and in regard too that the Cardinal had assured him, That great store of vessels would very shortly come before Rochel; So he finding the wind fair, hoist sail about the end of January to return to Spain.   

Politic Observation.  
THere may such occasions in war fall out, that it may be absolutely necessary to make use of Foreign Forces, and the very greatest Princes are subject hereunto, because at some one time, or other, they may chance be so surprised, that it may be impossible for their own proper Forces to repel the Enemy who assaults them. But without doubt, he that can make a shift without them, does wisely not to make any use of them at all, for relying on the Forces of strangers, he doth in some sort make himself dependant on that Prince who assisteth him, and also, they cannot in reason be so loyal, faithful, and courageous in any his affairs, as his own subjects. Foreigners fight more for gain, and their own particular Interest, then for any good will to him, unto whom they are sent; insomuch that could they find any where else more advantageous conditions, though it were in the very adverse party, they would make no scruple of running in unto them. This hath been formerly evidenced by the Celtiberi, who having been first suborned by the Romans left the Carthagians, and not long after were regained by those of Carthage, and did as soon forsake the Roman Army, and return to their first Masters. Do not the Swisses often do the same thing? Their Profession is not to fight but for money. It once fell out that Lew●s the Eleventh, for some reasons of State being unable to pay them so precisely as he promised, they resolved to seize on his Person and the Chief of his Court, and to keep them, until they had received the last penny, and he fearing to fall into their hands was forced to fly for his safety.  
The Baylif of Dion, who had raised them, together with some others could not escape their fury, they were taken by them, and could not get off until they were satisfied to the utmost farthing of their due. Whereas on the other side, a Princes own subjects are tied to him, by the fidelity which they own to his Crown, and though not punctually paid, yet do they continue Loyal and courageous; and whilst they fight for their own Interest and glory, no doubt but they will show themselves more resolute and daring then strangers, who have not any of those concerns. All Princes who ever obtained any signal victories, have been beholding to their own native forces for them. The Turkish Emperor, useth no other. Alexander by this means in a little while made so great a progress in Arms, as never any one did the like. I suppose that it is with Armies, composed of a man's own subjects as with the natural clean strength of a man's own body, which is much more to be esteemed, then that which is infused by art into sick persons: That Prince who useth strangers, cannot more fitly be compared to any thing then a man in a languishing condition, whose natural heat is decayed, who to warm and comfort his stomach hath recourse to spices, which instead of preserving him scorch up his blood and destroy his life; for just so do strangers, to him that depends on them, advantage him they cannot, but will (it may be) ruin him, as before is manifested by divers pregnant Reasons.   

Marquis Spinola, his Son, and the Marquis de Leganez come to see the siege of Rochel.  
THE same day that Don Frederich de Toledo set sail for his return, came the Marquis Spinola from the low Countries, and having passed by Paris, where the Queen received him with great Honour, arrived at the Camp before Rochel, with his Son his Son-in-Law and the Marquis de Leganez, Ambassador Extraordinary from Spain. The Marshal de Schomberg went a League out to receive them, by the King's desire, and after he was arrived, the King Commanded him to be visited with great Honour. His Audience was granted very shortly thereupon, with all the endearments that possible could be expressed. Amongst other things the King told him, that he came into those parts against his Physician's advices, being not yet quite recovered of a troublesome sickness, but he was forced to it, to drive out the English, from his Teretories, who indeed had not made any long stay; That having perceived his subjects of Rochel, to have been the Bringers in of the English, he resolved to punish them for it, and to take them by siedg, in which he observed for a pattern, that which was made at Breda; and then he invited them to see the Works, though at that time they were not quite finished. The Marquis highly extolled all his Majesty's Actions, especially that of beating the English from Ree. He told him, that his Presence made his Nobility invincible, and withal, that indeed nothing was so glorious for a man of quality, as to fight in his Prince's sight; That for his part it grieved him never to have had the King his Master, for a witness of his Actions and that he should willingly die, to obtain that Honour. After he had gone the round, he went to see the Bank, which he much admired, and openly said, that if they finished that work of shutting up the Channel, and keeping the Soldiers in good order, it would be impossible for the town to escape taking. He well knew, what place the Cardinal was in, near his Majesty and that the King had not engaged himself in this design, but by his advice; he observed that the admirable order kept in the siedg, was an effect of his Conduct; so he went to visit him, with great Respects. The Cardinal received him with the like, they continued a long while in discourse together, during which they interchangeably contracted a very great friendship with each other, which was the cause, that afterwards meeting in Piedmont, one in the behalf of France, and t'other of Spain they carried on the war with courtesy and courage: showing that civilities and kindnesses might be used amongst Enemies, without prejudice, to their Master's Interests.   

Politic Observation.  
THE entertaining of strangers, who pass by a Prince's Court, with Honour, if they are considerable either in their Births or Actions, doth much advantage the glory of a Prince. He who would be esteemed a generous Prince as well abroad, as at home, is obliged to it; The Honour which he doth to such Persons, is a Ray of Glory, which by reverberation doth reflect on himself, for they who receive his kindness are bound to be the Trumpeters of his Praise. Though the Romans slighted all strangers, esteeming them Barbarous, yet they had a Law, whereby they were bound to receive them, with greater Honour and respect when they came to the City of Rome. And that I may a little open the quality, of their reception. I shall first observe that it ought to be with all kind of civility and courtesy; For this virtue is a Charm, so powerful, and so captivating the soul: That as Lewis the Eleventh said, it doth sometimes of the greatest Enemies raise up the perfectest friends; whence it happened that he himself, took great care and delight to caresse such strangers, as at any time passed through his Court; besides it passeth for a mark of Courage and Resolution, whereas, insolency is only an Index of lowness and meanness of Spirit. This courtesy ought to be accompanied with magnificence, that it may be the more considerable, for words and behaviour, do lightly pass away, if not followed by some other effects. This magnifience consisteth, in Treating them with splendour, for that the good entertainment which is given them, serveth no less to testify the affection, than the great and noble mind of him who maketh it. Paulus Aemilius was very industrious in making all people welcome, who came to visit him, and being one day asked the reason of it, he answered, that there was as great prudence in the well disposal of a feast, as in the Marshalling of an Army for the Battle, for the one is to become terrible to one's Enemies and t'other agreeable to his friends. Next, he is bound to make them presents, according to their qualities. A little expense of this nature gives Princes a great reputation amongst strangers; for they on whom it is bestowed are careful of preserving it in their families, as a testimony of the Honour which they have received by such a head, which they keep as Proofs of his magnificence, and I should think it much better, to cut off from any other expenses, then from this. Agesilaus said, That which appeared most Illustrious and glorious in all Kings, was, the doing good to divers persons; the Ambassadors of Corinth refusing to receive Dionysius of Siracusa's Presents he seemed to be much offended at it, and told them, that this was one of the chief means which Kings had to make themselves glorious: In fine, who so wants liberality, is never hearty served by his own nor honoured by strangers.   

The Duke de Rohan despaireth of doing any good in Languedoc.  
THE Duke of Rohan finding that his Majesty began to raise works about Rochel, to take it, prosecuted his designs with the more vigour in Languedoc, that by making a Revolt he might if possible oblige his Majesty to it quite designs. But the Duke had several misfortunes which crossed him, and that in the beginning of the year at Montpellier, was none of the least; He had Commanded his Kinsman the Baron de Bretigni to come to this Town, under pretence of a certain suit of Law in the Court of Aids there, but with design, to surprise the Citadel if possible it might be effected; Bretagny set his engines on work, so gain the Baron de Millay, last Captain of the Regiment of Normandy, and one of his old acquaintance unto his purpose: He pretended himself very willing and ready to heaken to his propositions, and to serve him, in that particular design; But in the mean while the Baron de Milay, gave notice of it, to the Marquis de Fossez, who was very glad of this discovery, and advised him not to lose the opportunity of getting advantages from his Majesty by this piece of service. The Baron assured him by all protestations of his fidelity and zeal; and in fine he got out all the designs of the Duke de Rohan, by which he pretended to steer himself; and he behaved himself in this affair with so much address, that the Duke Imagined, he had not a more faithful friend then the Baron was. In this confidence the Duke advanced his Troops about the beginning of the year, towards Montpellier, giving out he intended to besiedg Corcown, and about two or three at night, came to execute his design: But the Marquis de Fossez, who had punctual Intelligence of all his designs, made preparation to receive him, according to his deserts. He ordered every thing in the Citadel, that nothing could fall out amiss, and then he hide in Ambush near the Gate by which they were to march in, the most choice Soldiers which he had; he ordered one of his Soldiers, to cut the Cord of the Portcullis, when they were once got in, that he might make sure of them, and cut them off. In this interim the Duke of Rohan sent one of his Captains to the Baron of Millay, to be informed of the State of the place, and to learn what order should be observed for their coming in: The Baron, shown him all the City, and every place adjoining, only excepting that where the Soldiers were hid; The Captain fully informed and satisfied returns to the Duke, gives him an account, of what he had seen and concluded. The Duke, hereupon advanceth his Troops, to the Counterscarp, and Bretigny leading them on, the Baron de Mellay, forthwith opened the Port. Bretigny enters with fifty persons of quality and the Baron d' Aubes, following of him with the second train of fifty more, all which got in at the same door. Now he who was commanded to cut the Cord of the Portcullis, did it sooner than he should have done, which vexed the Marquis de Fossez to the very heart, for had he let it alone but a little longer, the Duke had lost at least four thousand men: But however to punish those who had been so hardy as to enter, the Soldiers in Ambush, let fly at them, and cut them all off; thirty nine of them were Officers, and of good quality; and the Marquis Spinola being then at Rochel, when the news came, openly said, that this blow was of greater concern to the Duke of Rohan, then if he had lost two thousand Soldiers. Neither was this all, for the Marquis de Fessez made the great Guns be shot off at random upon those Troops which had not come in, and the morning following there was good store of blood to be seen in several places, which made the Marquis conclude there were many more killed and wounded, but that the Duke had caused them to be carried off with him.   

Politic Observation.  
NAture, which hath given Arms to all Creatures to defend themselves, hath bestowed on man understanding, that by it, he is able to protect himself, from any dangers which threaten him, which Arms are more to be esteemed then those of Force. One of the greatest perfections of it, is, to deceive a public Enemy, and to repel Force by Force, and Mines by Countermines. Amongst other Inventions which it affordeth; That, of pretending as correspondence, with an Enemy, is not one of the least considerable, as Zenophon saith, It being certain, that a pretended Intelligence with an Enemy, and well managed, doth often effect, greater things, then Force itself. I shall add too, That they are much more glorious, and that the greatest reputation of a Chieftain is to break an Enemy's strength, by Plots and contrivances, and to destroy him by his own designs. It is indeed commendable to repulse an Enemy from an assault, by valour and courage, but much more, to ruin an Enemy's intents and purposes, by designs, in which the Soldier's lives are not endangered. In Sparta he was much more esteemed, who gained a victory by policy, than he who carried it by Force of Arms. It cannot be doubted, but that this is the safest way of dealing with an Enemy, provided it be managed without breath of any oath or Promises, passed between Commanders of both parties, for otherwise, Stratagems only pass for infidelity, yet it is lawful to use all devices, and win them to a Credulity: and thus did every one commend the procedure of the French Army at the siege of Gisonne, near Saint Severin, against the Army of Ferdinand. The Arragonois wearied out with the Incomodities of the siege, had recourse to their devices, and endeavoured to practise with some French, to deliver up the place; The French too generous, to be so cowardly, and too faithful, to be corrupted, would not however lose the advantage, which they might make by this proposal of theirs: they seemed to approve of it, and assigned the hour for execution. In the mean while they inform the Governor of it, who laid some certain Soldiers in ambush near the Gate, by which they were to enter, by which means he slew about a hundred on the place, took divers Prisoners, and by this loss brought Ferdinand's Army into a great disorder and trouble.   

The King goes from Rochel to Paris, to dissipate those Factions which began to rise thereabouts, by the Hugonots in Pircardie, Champagnie and Brie.  
THE Cardinal who dived into the Counsels and designs of Foreign Princes, acquainted his Majesty with those promises the English had made to assist the Rochelois, and that his presence would be very needful in the Camp, both to encourage his Soldiers, as also to hasten on the works where every one in his sight would labour in emulation of one another. But on the other side his Majesty was informed that his being so far from Paris had given opportunity to the Hugonots, of the Provinces near adjoining to make assemblies, and to encourage the people to revolt. He was advised of several meetings which they made in Picardy, Champagne and Brie, under divers pretences, as sometimes of Civility, of a wedding, or some quarrel, in all which meetings, there were means used to persuade the people to rise and take up Arms. He was also well acquainted that they designed to seize upon some strong place, or other, so that his Majesty was obliged to return to Paris, that by his presence and authority, he might dissipate these growing mischiefs. In the mean while, that no time might be lost, and that the Rebels might have no advantage, order was sent to the Queen Mother, to secure the Counts de la Suse, and de Roussy in the Bastile. The former she arrested by an Exempt in her Antichamber, and the second at Roussy by the Duke d' Elboeuf. The King having resolved upon his Journey, thought it necessary, to commit the care of the siege, of finishing the works and the Bank, and of keeping the Soldiers in obedience and from disbanding, which they formerly used to do upon his Majesty's removal, unto some Person, whose diligence and credit might be capable of giving success to it. Besides it was necessary, that this person should be exceeding Loyal, for the preventing that misfortune which befell Charles the ninth, when he lay before the same town, where he was put unto infinite trouble and charge, and all to no purpose, because they whom he trusted with the Chief commands and orders were not faithful and true to him. It being very difficult to find all these three qualities in any one Person, the King cast his eyes on the Cardinal, as the only man, in whom he could totally confide for carrying on of the siege, and all other things, in order thereunto. His Majesty discoursed with him to that purpose; now the Cardinal although he was not ignorant, that the absence of the Court, is commonly a great disadvantage, to such as are in favour, by reason of the opportunity which they who are envious of their condition, have to work them a mischief, yet he readily accepted of that employment, and protested to his Majesty, that he would not spare any pains or diligence to bring it to a happy issue, though it cost his blood and life, which he should think well sacrificed in his Majesty service; so the King gave him a full power to dispose of all things during his absence, and gave him the command over the Duke of Angoulesme, the Marshals de Bassompierre and Schomberg, the Marshals of the Camp, the Master of the Artillery and all other Inferior Officers whatever: But I cannot omit with what reluctancy his Majesty went from him to Paris, For it is very remarkable, that his Majesty having received the Adieux of all his Officers, rid up apart to a certain person of quality, who was then to receive his Commands for Italy, and keeping close with him said not a word for a good while together, so troubled he was at his departure, until at last my heart quoth he, is so sad and heavy, to leave Monsieur the Cardinal, for fear lest some mishap befall him, that I am hardly able to speak for grief; and therefore tell him from me, that if he would have me think he loveth me, that he must be careful of himself, and that he adventure not hereafter into any of those dangers, which he usually doth: That he consider in what state my affairs would be, if I should lose him: I am not ignorant, quoth he, how that there are many people who endeavour to obstruct and hinder his bringing of his business to effect, but tell him, I do so much esteem his service that I shall never forget it. These words were very obliging, and assured testimonies of the great affection, which his Majesty had for him. The glory too which this Grand Minister did every day obtain, by his happy services in his Majesty behalf, was a tye very powerful to continue those affections of his King and Master.   

Politic Observation.  
THE love of a Prince is a great Honour to a Statesman, and that not only in respect of the particular Benefit which floweth from it, but also in regard of the Public good which he doth watch over: Where he is not beloved, he wanteth authority, without which he cannot do any thing worth consideration: For the obtaining of this love than he ought to use his utmost art and diligence, and he is bound to prefer it, before his own or any other Interests whatever.  
Alcomiaas the Grecian, Servant to King Philip, being told that the Athenians and Thebans, wished his death with a great eagerness, replied, he was sorry for it, yet that he regarded it but little, so he could preserve his Master's affection. This aught to be the Rule of a Chief Ministers conduct, when he finds himself in his Master's good esteem; For to hope, that he may please his Sovereign and the Lords of his Court too, is a vanity, and can never be brought to pass. Now to the Intent he may enjoy his Master's love in an eminent degree, I should advise him not to rely too much on Fortune, but to follow Plato's advice, who in his Book de Republicâ saith. That to be a King and to Rule, to serve and be beloved, to fight and overcome, are three such things as a man need not trouble himself to look after, they being the Gifts of Fortune and only subjected to her power, who granteth them to whom the pleaseth. I am not of his opinion, but do suppose that a Minister is bound, having once obtained any great credit in his Master's soul to uphold it by all the cares and diligences, which may render him beloved. Philosophy teacheth very well, That to obtain one's desire, there ought to be causes applied to the subject, by which a man designs to work: whence it followeth that those qualities which make a man perfect and accomplished, are the true causes of love, so that he is obliged to let his Master see he is endued with those and the like recommendations and virtues; amongst which, I place that of a faithful servant in the Front; For as an ancient hath observed, services have a particular attractive power in them, which insinuate affection, and charm the mind: Those subjects which are most useful, are most beloved: and as nothing is beloved but for Interest; so those persons who are most conducing to the good of the State, and the preservation of their Master's Authority are ever best affected. And to speak the truth, I believe that necessity maketh them more considerable than any other quality whatever; For as the Bough of a Tree, is in considerable in respect of the whole Body, yet it is of great use to him, who without it, were in hazard of being drowned: Just so is it with him, he is beloved, embraced and esteemed above all things, when there is a need or want of him. But a Minister, what necessity so ever a Prince hath of him ought not, if he would be dear to his Master, become importunate or craving, either by being always in his sight, on by begging any favour or boon of him. Too great a Familiarity will bring his qualities into contempt, how eminent so ever they be, and the consideration of his services would be much diminished by his importunities. Lucullus one day ask S●neca his intimate friend, what course he should take, to render himself acceptable unto the Emperor Nero, in the Government of Sicily, was thus answered by him: That he is most in Prince's favour who doth him most services. The surest Rules which in this case is to be observed, is this, To see him but seldom to speak but little to him, unless when occasions of State require it and then too, with great respect and submission, and in such terms as may never clash with his Master's thoughts and mind. If there be any ill news to be discoursed let others, first acquaint him with them. The Souls of great men hate ill tidings, as of Broils and Insurrections, things which diminish the respects which are due to their Authority. He will not a little Fix and settle himself in his Master's favour, by testifying a good courage in his occasions, and affairs. The Reason of this is, Princes do naturally love those who are men of resolution, they look on such as the supporters of their State, Authority, and lives, and they who are themselves the greatest cowards, do yet love such as are courageous, stout and hardy. Phalaris the Tyrant hath given us an example of this particular, when he writ to a certain emulator of his; I confess thou art a good man, and thou canst not deny but all in thy house are bad, whereas if thou dost observe any vice in my person, yet thou wilt find me still attended by wise learned and courageous followers and attendants. These are the Chief Buttresses, which support a Minister's favour: to these I will only add, That seeing there are not any qualities how eminent soever, which the envy of some or other, will not attempt to disguise unto his Prince, he therefore ought with great care to remove such persons from him, and that with the more Authority, in regard Justice alloweth of the punishing such who requite services done for the Common good with Ingratitude.   

Cardinal Richelieu Commandeth the Army, in his Majesty absence.  
THE Prudence of a King is no less demonstrable, in his choice of Officers, than in his Commands: and in particular, the King acquired no less Glory in commiting the care of the siege of Rochel, unto the Cardinal, then if he had been there in person. The whole management of affairs did evidence, how judicious a choice his Majesty had made. For Monsieur the Cardinal every day animated the Soldiers by his presence; paid them weekly; gave them  to preserve them from the cold; every day oversaw all his Officers and Commanders, to give them necessary instructions, and to redouble their courages by his words and Actions; by these means he so hastened on the works both by Sea and Land, that his Majesty at his return, found the first finished, and the second in such forwardness, that it deserved to be esteemed the eighth wonder of the World. The Soldiers who are naturally addicted to mutinies, and plunderings, lived in such decorum, that they had lost their very inclinations, to one or tother; the Country men brought their provisions into the Camp, without fear, and received ready money for them. The Merchants kept open their shops, as if it had been in a well governed City; drunkenness and swearing, were criminal faults: And the Religious Persons, whom his Majesty had sent thither of all sorts, and orders, were respected, and held in such esteem, as if they had been in a Church. The most experienced in Military affairs, could not sufficiently admire the Cardinal's conduct, in so much that they who knew him not, would have imagined he had been bred all days of his life in the wars. Some certain Persons there were, who flattered the Ambition of those Grandees then under his Command, by telling them, it was unfit for them to obey a man of his Profession; seeing their Offices gave them power to Command in his Majesty's absence; But the wonders of his conduct and courage were such, that they were forced to confess, nothing could out do him; and that considering how many hapinesses he did achieve unto France, by one and tother, it were unreasonable not to obey his Majesty's choice of him, every one in particular acknowledging, that no one but himself, could under go those daily laborious knotty difficulties, which he so easily did.   

Politic Observation.  
MIlitary discipline ought the more carefully to be observed, in order to good success, because without it, nothing followeth, but confusion. Vegetius, a man well versed in such affairs, saith; The Romans had never been so potent, but by their continual order and exercise, in Arms. The strength of a Fort, consisteth more in the Form, than the matter: the Power of an Army is undoubtedly as great by the good order amongst them, as by their numbers. Discipline is one of the Chief sinews of war, and as a Body soon falls to the ground, if those nervers which are destinated for its Motion, be cut in sender, so is it with an Army, they soon moulder away to nothing, if not kept together, in good discipline and order, and on the other side, where they are so disciplined they bring wonders to pass, with little care or trouble. Alexander being asked, by what means he became Master of the Universe, said, by the discipline and good order, which his Soldiers observed, by the good Counsel which they had, and the eloquence he used in animating them, and withal he added, that he knew not any means more powerful to execute the greatest exploits in warfare. Domitius Corbulo, with ten thousand Roman foot, and some few of his Alleys, sustained all the attempts, of a multitude of Parthians, and this he did only by the good order and discipline he caused them to observe. The Chief points of this order were according to Tacitus, first to prevent any of their disbanding; a thing of so great importance, that without it, the greatest Armies melt in a little while to nothing, and this aught to be effected, either by furnishing the Soldiers with all things necessary, or by severely punishing such as offer without leave to forsake their colours. The second was that, no one durst go out to fight without Command given for it: a thing of no less importance than the first: For they who fight contrary to, or against their Commander's order, are easily overcome both because they are not as well informed, as because they ever fight in disorder.  
The Germans, which went to relieve Ferdinand King of Napels, may serve for an example of this kind, for presently upon their arrival, being provoked by an extreme desire, to make themselves famous by some exploit or other, they adventured to sally out of Troy, contrary to the order of Fabritius Colonna Governor of the Town, that they might join themselves with King Ferdinand, and fight those Enemies who opposed their passage; but Monsieur de Montpensier perceiving it, fell upon them in a place where they could neither fight, nor save themselves by flight, by which means not a man escaped. The third was, that all guards, day labourers, and sentinels, should stand to their Arms, day and night he having put two Soldiers to death, for having found them at work in the Trenches the one without his Arms, and t'other only with his dagger: The reason hereof is, because by this means, an Army cannot be surprised by an Enemy, and that in case he should attempt any thing on the Camp, he would always find them ready to resist him. Avidius Cassius esteemed all these three points of so great concernment in Arms, that he thought such as did not exactly observe them, deserved to be cruelly punished, he usually cut off their legs and Arms, who left the Army without leave, and he forbore putting them to death, because quoth he it is a greater example of terror, for a man to living in misery and shame, then to die. It one day happened that his Soldiers discovered the Sarmatians kept not very strict watch, so they surprised them, fell in upon them, and killed three thousand of them, but for their punishment he crucified all the Captains, alleging, that the Sarmatians might have had some ambush for them, unknown to them, which if it had so been, they might by their rashness, have discredited the Roman Honour and Glory: Neither was he less sever, in punishing those, who had stolen any thing, from their quarters. The Emperor Aurelian, was so strict in this particular, that he writ to a Tribune, that as he tendered his life, he should suppress his Soldiers from stealing, but told him, they must look to enrich themselves, by the pillaging of their Enemies, not by the tears of his and their friends. I shall only add, that the Soldiers ought to be trained up to the use and exercise of their Arms, which both keeps them from Idleness, and worse things, and maketh them perfect in their Trade; and if they have any other leisure time over and above, it were not amiss to find them out some diversions or entertainment, it being otherwise hard to keep them from disbanding. Marcus Aemilius, finding his Soldiers lazy and in want of employment made them pave the way between Plaisance and Riminy: and Julius Veter, made his work in a Channel, to join the Sarna with M●lessai.   

The Cardinal de Richelieu attempteth to retard Rochel.  
DUring his Majesty absence, the Cardinal, disirous to save him the trouble of returning back to the siege, and knowing how needful it was to prevent the English arrival, besides his great courage being impatient of delay, attempted all means to make some enterprise upon Rochel. He proposed the breaking open one of the Gates, and then the falling in with so great force, as might carry the place, and having discoursed it with the Marshal de Schomberg, he at last concluded on it, and carried his design so close and private, that had not Marillac, Marshal of the Camp, in the Duke of Angoulesmes quarter been faulty, he had doubtless succeeded in it. The Cardinal had get together, whatever was proper or necessary, for the whole business. He gave out orders for the execution of it, the night being come, he assigned the Rendezvouz, The Marshal de Schomberg sent divers Companies thither, with ladders and bridges to cast over the Ditch: The Marquis de Roselia Grand Master of the Artillery, brought with him Petards, Granades, and other Artificial Fier-works; The Cardinal was there in Person, within Musket shot of the Town, that he might show some marks of his courage, upon the first opening of the Gate, and be ready to command in the assault, not like the Cardinal Ximenes at the taking of Oran, who was all the while at his Prayers in a Chapel, but like a General indeed, and such a one as would encourage his Soldiers, by his own words and Actions, so that every one did plainly perceive he was no less, Soldier and Captain, when occasion should require it, then Cardinal in the Church and Counsel: He so behaved himself, that History need not make any excuse for him, upon the score of his profession, as for that same Minister of Spain. But Marillac, who had the charge for the bringing on the most part of the Forces to Rendezvouz, not coming to second the courage of his General, rendered his Conduct and Valour, useless. He was sought after most part of the night, indeed, but could not any where be found, but about day break he appeared, with more excuses though, than courage: he endeavoured to excuse himself, by many frivolous pretences, which the Cardinal was contented to put up, in consideration of the Queen Mother, whose creature he was; yet was it a great displeasure and vexation to him, when he came to draw off, lest the Rochellois should have discovered them and beaten him off with loss.   

Politic Observation.  
FAint hartedness is an Enemy to all good success: they who let it Master their courages, do shun all dangerous honourable attempts, and if shame be that which receiveth them, yet however they will never do any thing considerable Fortune is a lover of valour, favourer of the daring, and courageous, and commonly crowneth their attempts with success. Great fears, meet great hazards, and great Resolutions, great successes: it being as Sallust saith, most certainly true; Great Resolutions are like Rampards in a Battle, every thing gives way to their attempts: and a lass every little thing repulseth a party, possessed with fear, and want of courage; To fear is to be half overcome: If any one should ask the reason of it, there is only this to be given. They fancy precipices, in plain ways; they are ever upon the business of consultation, never that of execution; they love to recede from all obstacles, which seem to oppose them, not to vanquish or break through them; and if perchance they are forced to fight, they do it so coldly, that they give their enemies all kind of advantages by it: Fear seemeth to have dispossessed them of Life and Soul; and whereas the face of dangers should serve to stir them to generous Actions; It rebates them to an immovableness, as if they were void of sense or motion. I may well liken them to the Timorous Hinds, which retain their Fruit to the very last for fear of the pains, which they endure in bringing forth, and would not then produce their young ones, but for fear of a greater mischief; or else I may liken them unto the Elephant which is ten years in breeding, or to the Palm, which according to the Naturalists is a hundred years before it yield any Dates, for eyer thus it is with them, the apprehensions of dangers maketh them fearful, and to seek cut any occasions to avoid fight, and if it should happen, that they cannot prevent it, they do it so lamely, that they only do it for fear of death. But to speak a little too of the seditious Rascal, he doth nothing else, as the Chancellor Olivier observed, but imitate Apes, who coming to a Tree, get up Limb by Limb to the top, and there sit them down showing there Posteriores; for just so do they who are of this temper they are willing to be raised up into high employments and commands, where being once arrived, their Artifices must cover the defects of their courages; but be it so, yet when occasion is, the resolutions and glorious actions of others, shall become demonstrations of their cowardice, and expose them for laughing stocks to the whole world.   

The King hearing that the English were come before Rochel to relieve it rosolveth to return thither.  
THe King had not long been at Paris, but he understood the English Fleet was ready to hoist Sail for Rochel, which made him resolve upon his return thither: I cannot omit observing how this resolution of his, was a mark both of his wisdom and courage, who as he is not to be cheated out of his Authority by Cabals and Intrigues, so is he not to be retarded by any fear of danger, from those occasions where he might acquire an accrument of glory. At this time it was, that the Lord Keeper Marillac, and those of his Faction, began to lay the foundation of the Cardinal intended ruin; but it only served to convince and show unto his Majesty, that one of the greatest mischiefs whereunto a Sovereign can be exposed, is to be incompased with such persons as are passionately bend against his chief Minister. The malice which they did bear against his glory finding him much advanced, before the siege of Rochel, of which he was the first contriver, did much instigate them against him. They were angry that he had finished his works in such good order, though the enemies of the Kingdom could not sufficiently admire them: it grieved them to see the place in a condition of being taken by his means; and to prevent it, they now resolved to use their utmost endeavour to raise up the Huguenot party, that they might force the King from the siege of it.  
Now as it was easy to judge, that in case his Majesty should return to Rochel, he would repulse the English, and being followed by many of the Nobility and Lords, who are always observed to be the Authors of victory and success, that he would likewise infallibly force the Town, so they used a thousand devices to stay him at Paris. The Lord Keeper Marillac told him with many expressions of an extraordinary passion for his service, that considering how strong the English fleet was, in comparison of his Majesties, the issue of the battle ought to be doubted, how great resistance they would make, and a thousand other inconveniences he alleged would follow, in case they should get the better of the day. Others endeavoured to dissuade him by a  discommending the air of Rochel, which might much endanger his health, especially during the moisture of the spring every one commending the Valour and Conduct of Monsieur the Cardinal, the better to disguise their malice, and petswading his Majesty totally to rely upon his care in the management of the siege. But they found the Panic fears; made no impression upon his Majesty's resolutions, which made them design to affrighten his Majesty and the Queen-mother, as one whose Sex is most capable of fears, persuading themselves, that in case he could be prevented by some apprehension, she might then have power enough over the King, to stay him at Paris. Divers Ladies who had the honour to be near her, were won at that time to work several contrivances to that purpose, but all to no purpose. It is true their design was not only to hinder the Cardinal from reaping the glory due unto him by the taking of Rochel, but totally to ruin him, as hereafter shall be showed. Now was it not a little conducing to that purpose, to stay the King at Paris, for his Majesty not going to animate his Army by his presence, they would not only have made less resistance to the English, but also many Lords and Gentlemen obliged to attend his person, would not have been there, by which means, the English would have had the advantage of relieving- Rochel, and the whole blame of that misfortune would have been laid on the Cardinal, which they thought enough to disgrace him, and save his Majesty's honour. These were the first foundations which this Cabal projected against the glory and favour of this grand Minister. But they were all too weak, to surprise the King's mind, who no ways ignorant how necessary his presence was in such an encounter, would not refuse it, to the honour of his Crown and the repose of France, which did much depend upon it. He called to mind the example of the late King his father, who deliberating whether or no he should go to the relief of Calais, so powerfully assaulted by the Spaniards that there were small hopes to hinder their taking of it, said, the place would assuredly be taken, if he went not in person to relieve it, and that it might so happen that his presence might save it; and therefore that it was better to hazard this latter, then to leave the former without remedy, preferring his honour and the public good, before the particular consideration of his person. The same courage carried his Majesty to the most glorious and honourable design, that his good fortune, with that of France could lead him to undertake, which was, forthwith to departed. Upon the third of April he set forward from Paris, and arrived at Rochel on Easter-munday. Upon his arrival the Artillery both of the Forts and Ships saluted him, and his presence so revived the Army, that every one redoubled his courage and affection to behave themselves with resolution: There were but the Marilacs and those of their faction, who were troubled to see him on the Theatre of his glory; but the Laurels which his Majesty gathered there, did serve to set forth unto what misfortunes a Prince is reduced, when he is counselled by passionate advisers.   

Politic Observation.  
ONe of the most dangerous qualities, that he who is Counsellor to a King can have, is to suffer himself to be transported with envy, hatred, anger, or any passion whatever. Wise Council is an affect of Prudent reason, and it can be no longer Prudent when it is once darkened, with the Clouds of some irregular motion. The Irascible power, being once master of Reason, doth so obscure it, that maketh men see no objects in their true colours, and that Passion carrieth it away where ever it pleaseth with the same impetuousness as a hot mettled horse draws a Chariot into Precipices, that it is impossible to stay him. It is reported, that the Flowers of Egypt, being watered by the vapours of Nile, which are for the most part gross and earthy, yield not any smell, and it is no less certain, that a Statesman, with how great a Genius soever he be endued, is no more capable to give good Counsel, after he hath once given himself up to envy or hatred: His Passion maketh him quarrel with truth itself, and to approve of those Counsels which are most prejudicial to the State, that he may satisfy his own self-will. The disgraces of others are his delights, Factions are his joys, and the ruin of those whom he would destroy is his sweetest and most pleasing spectacle; neither is he concerned at the rise or fall of any one, so he be satisfied in his own particular. To this purpose the Poets feigned, that Hercules being transported with anger knew not his wife or children, insomuch that he tore them in pieces. But how many other true and assured proofs doth History afford us? That of England tells us, how the Duke of York, Henry the Eighths' Favourite, being dis-affectionate to Spain, always gave his Master advices in prejudice of Charles the Fifth; and on the other side, being full of good will towards France, persuaded him to such resolutions as might continue the friendship which was between them. Antiochus his Favourites being incensed against Hannibal, caused him to be banished from the Counsel, though he were a person very necessary and useful to him. In fine, he who is mastered by Passion, only thinks of satiating himself for the obtaining thereof, he disguiseth the disloyalty of his Counsels, with so many fair glosses and specious colours that he may draw his Prince, to that end he aimeth at; by this means if his Prince have any confidence in him, he will easily deceive him, and quickly dead him into those misfortunes which he will soon perceive, but too late to get clear of them. All Sovereigns are not so fortunate as the Pisans, who refused to make a War against the Florentines being invited thereunto by the Archbishop of Milan, for that Francis Gambacortij gave them to understand he only advised to it, out of hatred to the Florentines, and not out of any advantage to their interests.   

The Rochelois are summoned by a Herald to surrender to the King.  
THe King being returned to the Army, caused the Rochelois to be summoned by a Herald to surrender, but their minds and answers were full of insolency, so that his Majesty bended all his thoughts to make preparations for the fight with the English Fleet at their first coming. Divers Lords and Gentlemen of the Nation came from all parts to the Army, for this occasion, and to partake of the glory of his Majesty's Arms; every one of them were on fire to be engaged with the English and the Rochelois, that they might obtain a second victory against them. Now it being expedient that he who commandeth an Army, should exactly know the condition and number of his forces, that he may the better resolve upon that which is necessary to be done, the King thought fit to make a muster and to take a strict view of the Army. He caused them to muster in his own presence which was no small satisfaction to him, especially when he observed how dutiful they were, and how well Disciplined, not straggling up and down as formerly they were wont to do, all which was an effect of the Cardinal's admirable care, Conduct, and Prudence. The Order which he had caused to be observed was this, every eight days there was a muster of all the Soldiers, every Regiment having a Commissary appointed to it, to whom the Soldiers pay was distributed, and not to their Captains, as formerly had been the custom: By this means the Captains were deprived of the power of mustering any foisted hirelings, and every week there was an exact number of the Army, that new recruits might be sent for, if occasion did require. This alteration you may imagine did much trouble divers Captains; especially such as preferred their own Interests before his Majesty's glory; but it cannot be expected how advantageous it was to the King's service, who thus reviewing his Army, found it composed of nineteen Regiments of foot, and eighteen Troops of Horse; besides a very great number of Volunteers; insomuch that they were five and twenty thousand men complete. The King likewise took a view of all his Vessels, and finding them to be in good order, and enough to secure the Channel from the English, he began to be impatient to see them appear, that he might make them pay for the rashness of their attempts, and signalise his own forces by a second Victory.   

Politic Observation.  
ONE of the chief cares a General ought to have is, that he keep his Forces in good order, that none of them run from their Colours, or muster any hirelings. It is a business of so great importance, that oftentimes Victory dependeth on it: as at Pavia, where the ill success which befell Francis the first, is by divers Historians attributed to the defect of this particular, for only looking over the Commissaries Rolls, he thought there had been full as many Soldiers as were there listed upon which the fight was begun, but lost, and the King taken prisoner. Now for the staying of Soldiers in an Army, one of the best ways according to Alexander Severus, is this, pay them well, cloth them well, show them well, arm them well feed them well, and so order the business, that they may always have some money in their purses: and when they be thus well used, such as run from their Colours must then be severy punished; Corbulo beheaded all such, without mercy, and it was observed, that this severity of his, was of great advantage to him, for by it, he kept all his toopes near at a stay in point of Number: Neither is it less needful, to prevent Captains and Commissaries scrolls, who can by a dangerous miracle, revive dead Soldiers, in their companies, and make more to appear then really they have. This is an inconveniency, of which the loss of the King's money, is the least consequent evil; for if it happen that a Prince assure himself according to the Rolls, is thereupon become confident in attempting any enterprises, he may perchance, when it comes to a trial, find himself much weaker, than he expected, and by that means run into the same praemunire, that Francis the first did at Pavia. The best preventive Course in such disorders is that which Darius used, who notwithstanding the vastness of his Army: and the Extent of his States was however so careful of his Forces, that he would often review them in his own presence, pay the Soldiers with his own hands, and be perpetually in company with them, not only that he might be particularly acquainted with them, but that he might take care to provide necessaries for them, encourage some, and reward others who had well deserved of him. If after all their cares the Captains shall still presume to make false musters, both they and the Commissaries who admit of them ought to be punished, with so much the more rigour, in regard their faults are of so dangerous a consequence.   

The English Fleet cometh before Rochel.  
THE perpetual instance which they of Rochel made to the King of Great Britain, at last wrought on him, to send out his Fleet to Sea, upon their first being ready for it, and about the eleventh of May they were descried two leagues off the point of Coreille. The light Vessels which the Cardinal, (in his Majesty's absence, being then at Surgeres) had sent out to discover, the Coast brought intelligence that their Fleet consisted in four Pinnaces, seven men of War, of about one hundred and fifty Tun a piece, twenty smaller of near one hundred Tuns, twenty Barks of about thirty and forty, and divers Fireships. There was such order taken to repel them, in case they should attempt to pass the Bank, that it would be almost an impossibility for them to effect it: For besides there engines which were at the mouth of the Bark, there was also the King's Fleet, composed of good store Men of war, and divers other Vessels which lay in the Channels. The Chevalier de Velencay was in the foremost Ship of the vanguard, and commanded as Vice-Admiral, who had order to grapple with the first Ship of the Enemies, and to fight those who were in it; The others were to follow his example, and every one had order to beat the Enemies as near to the Shore, as possible they could, where they would find it a hard task to get off in regard of the great shot from the Forts and Batteries thereabouts. If the Enemy should break through all those obstacles, of the greater Vessels & shot from the Batteries, yet they would find themselves entangled amongst fourscore other Vessels, Galleys, Galliots, and Barks, from whence it would be difficult to get off, and at the worst they would be stopped by those vessels which had been sunk, or the first Palisade of three and forty ships which were next to them. The Cardinal who knew that his Majesty's courage would lead him to every thing, presently gave him advice of the arrival of the English, and his Majesty presently took horse and came the same night to the Camp. The strength of his Army, the Batteries which were built on the shores, and the good order which he observed both in his Land and Sea forces, banished all causes of fear from him, neither were his resolutions less fortified by the confidence which he had in God, for whose glory he did fight, more than for the Interests of his own Kingdom, to whom he caused public Prayers to be made for his blessing on this occasion. In short, as he was not ignorant that the presence of an enemy, obligeth him who commands to be the more vigilant, he sent to discover the enemy's Fleet at a nearer distance within Musket shot, then lying in the road of the Chef de Bay; he likewise called a Council of War, where he resolved upon the following order for his own Fleet: He commanded that upon the first motion of the enemy no Vessel should weigh Anchor until they were near at hand, and that then they should board them before they came near the Bank. That no Vessel should relieve his Companion being engaged with the enemy, that in case any Vessel were in pursuit of an enemy, and should fall foul upon one of his own party, not yet provided, than the first vessel should cast Anchor to the end to stay the enemy, that both might fall upon him; that if any vessel were fired the Shallops should presently come to assist, and that in case she were grappled with a Fireship, they should remove the Wedges from the Cannons that they might shoot over: That in such case too, they should knock out the ends of their Barrels of Power, and pour in some Buckets of Water: That they should not make ready any greater number of vessels than the enemy should bring in between the two points: That the ships should every day send their Boats to watch before the Fleet, and that their chief care should be to prevent the enemy's Fireships, by surprising their Shallops in case they had any, or by casting an harping Iron whereby to draw them off from the vessels: That for the more readiness every vessel should have a grappling hook in the stern, and that  the enemy should hoist sail, they should have their long boats armed, and ready to advance with assistance against any fire, where it should happen. This order was resolved on by the King, assisted with his Generals and Sea Captains, and so delivered to the Commander of Valencay Vice-Admiral, who distributed it amongst the Officers. Lastly, his Majesty took a review of all his Quarters and Batteries, to see if all were in condition to fight and repel the enemy,  they should appear.   

Politic Observation.  
OF all the Arts none more becometh a Prince, than the Military, which not only preserves his own State to him, but gives him means to increase it and raise his power to a higher degree. It cannot be doubted but that it is one of the steadiest Pillars of his Authority, seeing neither subjects or neighbours make any difficulty to assault him, whom they find negligent in Military Discipline. For this reason it was, that the wisest amongst the Romans, were against the ruin of Carthage; foreseeing with much Prudence, that that City being no longer able to oppose the Roman greatness, their Commanders would no more regard the training up of their Soldiers in the exercise of War, and by consequence, put the Emipire in danger of a total ruin. I shall hereto add, that the Prince unskiled in this Art lies at the mercy of his Captains when any War befalls him, and his Power subjected to their Fidelity; an evil so much the greater, as the Grandees of a Kingdom holding for a maxim, that the weakness of their Prince is the most assured foundation of their Authority, would make no scruple of letting themselves be overcome, when thereby they might hope for some advantage. Besides it is not to be imagined to what contempt he doth expose himself, whilst he is in an Army which he knows not how to govern, how to quarter, how to give order in a March or a Battle. I have formerly said, that that Prince is very unfortunate, who is necessitated to make use of strangers for his assistance. But what good success can he expect, who is not able to guide his own Subjects in War? To deal ingeniously, if the Army which he hath got together be the Body destinied for his defence, he is then their head; but if he chance to be unable to do the Offices which belong to that part, his Army will fall to be like the body of a man, whose head by the many wounds it hath received, is no longer able to govern or direct the inferior members. Amongst the many ways to make a Prince Master of this Art, no doubt, but the reading of such Books as discourse concerning History and War, may be very useful, for by it may he observe the achievements of great Captains and what orders they have followed in matters of fight: But yet the Practic part is that which in military affairs is much more advantageous. Neither ought a Prince to expect a War that he may accustom himself to the attaining of this habit; for this is the time, when he must teach his Soldiers to execute that which himself had formerly learned. The exercising and training up of his Soldiers in time of Peace will be of a double advantage to him, for he not only learns the manner of conducting them, but accustomes and habituates them to his own rules and conduct, and maketh himself beloved by them, so that when occasion shall serve they will not easily leave or forsake him.  
Charles of Anson was esteemed a fortunate and good Soldier, but yet his credit was much diminished for his disusing his Soldiers to the exercise of their Arms in time of Peace. An Army not trained up to feats of War in times of Peace, cannot do any great actions in War when occasion requires, saith Julius Caesar; but on the contrary there are great hopes from them who are well Disciplined. Upon this account it was, that he made so little difficulty to go meet with a handful of men, Pompey and his vast Army in the Thessalian Plains, they being for the most part untrained and without skill; so that he himself said, he only went to fight a head without a body. Scipio the Africans greatest care was in this manner, continually to exercise his Soldiers, that he might teach them to be victorious and courageous. Philopaemon was much commended by antiquity, for that in times of Peace, he was diligently intent upon the exercising of his Soldiers for War, if occasions should so happen, that there might be any sudden need of them, many times would he lead them into the Field, and propose these and such other questions to them. If the enemy (would he say) were encamped upon yonder Hill, who had the greater advantage by it, he, or me? how should we assault him? what course were proper to be taken if he should stay to attend us? If we should be put to retreat, how should we do it with most advantage? Thus he knew their opinions, and shown them his own, which used them to a readiness of all manner of exercises. In fine, he who accustometh himself to this kind of action, may say what Camillus did to his in a great Battle which he had with the Tuscans, at whose numbers his soldiers were astonished: Companions and Fellow Soldiers (said he) put not yourselves to the trouble of doing any thing else, than what you have so often done before my face. These few words gave them a confident assurance, and doubtless a Prince whoever he be, shall banish all fear from his Soldiers, and much increase their Courages, when he hath trained them up to the use of their Arms, and to the knowledge of what they ought to observe, he shall come to say those or the like words unto them. Use makes perfection, maketh Cowards senseless at the greatest dangers, and enables them to do all things, who before could do nothing.   

The English attempt the Relief of Rochel, but in vain.  
THE English Fleet lay eight days at Anchor, without moving a Ship, they having agreed upon the order of fight with those of Rochel, who had promised by their Deputies to sally out both by Sea and Land to second them; but they could find no opportunity to send them notice of it; besides the ill welcome they received at their first entertainment, made them resolve to attempt nothing without a good information how they might escape those obstacles, which they understood were prepared ready for them in the Channel. For being come near about the Chef de Bay, they were received with a Volley of about fifty short from the Point there; forty of which did execution upon them; especially upon one, in which and English Colonel and divers of his Company were killed. This Battery indeed consisted of 9 piece of Cannon, and was raised there by his Majesties own direction, though contrary to the advice of his Generals.  
But for all this, there was one Captain Braignant a Rochellois, in company with them, who offered to attempt the passage in a small Boat with Oars, cross the King's Fleet, and over the Channels, to give those of the Town information of what orders they were to observe: The English approved of it, who making use of the darkness of the night, went and mingled himself with those of the King's Fleet under pretence of enquiring out for a Galliot, & so well played his part, that he got into Rochel. Presently the Rochellois made Bonfires upon the tops of their Towers; The day following, they set up three Ensigns, one white, t'other red, & the third Blew; the English did the like. The King seeing of it, presently drew out his Army into Battalia; which had been during the eighth days last past much recuited, by the access of divers Volunteers, who had come in from all parts; and his Majesty had the pleasure to behold with what eagerness, every one desired to be engaged with the Enemies: Hereupon the English Fleet seeing the Sea smooth, and their Ships moved with a fair Gale, came up toward his Majesty's Fleet, about Cannon distance; turned about their Ships and discharged their Broadsides, the like did the Rochellois; and the King's Ships were not long before they set out to receive them, where they behaved themselves with such courage that the English had no reason to believe, they had less resolution now, than they had lately shown at the I'll of Re; that which most of all troubled them was, they were not ignorant, with what obstacles they were to encounter, in the Channels that they were to break through three Rails, two of Vessels floating on the Sea, and linked together by Chains and Anchors; and a third several Vessels filled with stones and sunk before the Bank; the Channel too was covered all over, with Vessels full of Soldiers and Volunteers of the Nobility, all eager of fight with them; besides they were to avoid the shot which would thunder in upon them from both sides of the shore, by the Bank; all these difficulties made them despair of doing any good upon it, and that time the water was too low, for their Ships, in which their chief strength consisted, and their design could not be excused, but at high-water, because when the Sea began to ebb, their Vessels of burden would remain as the mercy of his Majesty's great Guns, insomuch that all things duly considered, they concluded it impossible for them to break through.  
On the other side the Rochelois who had promised them to Sally out, and do miracles, did not appear at all, for they had found, that it would be impossible to make way through to the Bank, there being so many Vessels full of Soldiers & Volunteers, to be fought with; insomuch that the Earl of Denbigh what out of anger, and what out of despair, resolved to draw off: many complaints he made against the Rochellois, as that they had deceived the King his Master, in assuring him that it was easy to pass into their Port, and not informing him, of those obstacles, which he was to provide against, and with forces the King of France had a board his Ships, & Vessels to fight with his Soldiers; but yet all his complaints could not secure him, from being much blamed: all that he did, before his going off, was, he had sent out a Fireship with Petards and the like, from which he expected great matters, as that it would burn all the Ships it came near: but it happene to work sooner than his engineers imagined; so that they being unable to get of the Bark which was fastened to it, they burned their Vessels, and themselves, without any relief or succour.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is unsafe to believe a unrevolted people, or to build any design upon their promises; They themselves do commonly ground all their rebellions upon vain hopes, of which being despoiled, they have present recours to such, from whom they can expect assistance, without considering into how great disasters, and to what little purpose they engage them; They want forecast to prevent those inconveniencies into which they are throwing of themselves and Friends, and they judge of events by their own desires, rather than by the rules of War. They never misdoubt of a good success, in that which they wish with passion; & as nothing is so dangerous as rashness, which carrieth people blindfold into disasters: so they frequently fall into those misfortunes which they did not foresee, and in it ruin all those whom they have persuaded to become companions of their enterprises.  
Artaxerxes suffered himself to be guided by the fair words of Themistocles, who being discontented with his own Country, persuaded him to a War against Greece, where being arrived, he soon found Themistocles could not make good his word to him; whereby he came exposed to many dangers; Themistocles indeed was so ashamed of it, that he poisoned himself but what did that advantage Artaxerxes's, It neither defended him from the discredit and blame, nor saved him those expenses which he had been at. In the same manner the Sieur de Chaumont one of our King's Generals in Italy, let himself be guided by Bentivoglio, in the assalting of Boulognea, from whence he had been banished, upon the hopes he gave him, that the Citizens and Nobility would revolt; but being come before it, he was forced to retire with dishonour, all those promises of Bentivoglio, which were founded more upon his passionate desire, than reason, being vanished into that air which gave him the first conceits of them. I might add for another reason, the facility wherewith a people revolted, do submit to their sovereigns, when they find themselves reduced to an impossibility of executing their designs. For as they have not prudence enough to foresee those dangers into which they run, neither have they generousness enough, to observe their promises made upon any account whatever.  
Thus Alexander King of Epire, invaded Italy upon some assurances, which a revolted people called the Lucani, at this day inhabiting the Basilicate of Naples, had given him, of a speedy subduing the whole Kingdom, and that they would never forsake him, but he soon found it quite otherwise: For they having made their Peace, with the rest of their Countrymen, to enjoy their goods and liberties, upon condition that they slew him, forthwith fell upon him, and by an extreme breach of Faith killed him, which might serve all Princes to beware, how they credit a revolted rebellious people, both because they will usually promise more than they can perform, feign and pretend several impostures to draw any one in to their assistance and last of all, if they find it for their advantage, make their own accommodation, and leave those whom they engaged with them, to shift for themselves.   

The English having attempted their utmost to relieve Rochel, resolve to departed.  
THE sudden departure of the English passed for a miracle, not only amongst the most Religious, but the wise too; and indeed it was apparent to be seen that Heaven itself, did fight against them, and would that his Majesty should be victorious over them, his thoughts being accompanied with so much Piety and Justice. And was it not indeed a miracle to see so great a Fleet set sail from England, with undaunted courages, resolve to consume whatever should oppose them, and on a sudden, seized with fear, insomuch that their Arms seemed to drop out of their hands, and they could not be persuaded to fight? was it not indeed a real miracle, that, on the third night after their arrival, in the Road of the Chef de Bay, the Wind being favourable for the Rochellois to sally out, according as had been assigned between them, should presently turn about, and that just as they were at the Oar? was it not, I pray, an absolute miracle, that when at another time the same Rochelois were embarked, after the exhortations of their Ministers, and their Captains had solemnly sworn, to pass the Bank in despite of all opposition, or die in the attempt, just than they should be struck with such faint heartedness, that not a man durst stir his hand, and their Minister Vincent who exhorted them, could no longer speak unto them, as himself confessed in a Letter to a Friend of his? was not that a real miracle, which happened two days before the English departed, when there fell so thick a mist, that one could hardly see his hand; which opportunity they intended to make use of to force the Bank; and on a sudden to see it dissipated, though it was thought that it would have lasted three hours at least, and the wind which was at that time fair, to change about, and that into so violent a storm, that one of their Vessels was forced on shore, near Pont de la Pierre? Was it not miraculous to see the King's Army clear from all contagious diseases; notwithstanding that the Rochelois had often sent out infected persons, on purpose to infect others? Was it not strange that the Sea should grow so rough at the first laying the foundation for the Bank, and break it open without doing any other hurt then enlarging of the groundwork, a thing necessary in itself, and too narrow to uphold so great a bulk? And besides was it not a miracle that whilst the Bank was not yet finished, the Sea Floods which yield to nothing, should not do any hurt to it? They who are eye-witnesses of so many wonders could not but confess that Heaven fought for his Majesty, and that the Winds which observe nothing but inconstancy, were by God subjected to him, to become favourable to his designs. Who can refuse to acknowledge these things to be the effects of Gods extraordinary power; for his Majesty, at the same time, did a great and evident miracle upon a child of 12 years old, who never having spoke word, only Ay and No spoke perfectly as soon as ever the King had touched her. She was born at St. Jean de Angely, and brought by her Parents, who confidently believed that she would be well if his Majesty did but touch her.   

Politic Observation.  
THE Piety of a King avails much in the obtaining of Victory. Who can doubt it, seeing God is the Author of them, and that Piety is a charm which captivates him as the Royal Prophet hath said, To hear the Prayers of them who fear him, and to defend them from their enemies? Antiquity used to say (according to Plutarch) that Fortune gave to Demetrius those Towns which he took in Nets of Gold: Mercurius Tresmegistus saith, that he whose Piety puts him into God's protection, is not easily surprised by any ambush, and St. Augustine writeth in his Book de Civit. Dei, That the Romans had not been Masters of the Universe by Force and Prudence, but by the Virtue and Piety which they practised: The Victories they obtained being the rewards of their deserts; indeed Justice and Piety are the strongest weapons a Sovereign can employ to suppress his enemies: And if any one ask the reason of it, I shall only allege this, that Piety renders them worthy to obtain Victories from the hand of God, who hath promised in a thousand places of holy Writ to employ his power in the behalf of those Kings which are righteous. And how often hath God made the Winds and Tempests to fight their Battles who have been careful to walk in his ways? How often hath he opened inaccessible places to them, and calmed the Sea for their sakes? Hath it not been often seen that an handful of men by his assistance have brought strong Armies to confusion, and became Masters of places thought to be impregnable. To speak truly, nothing is so strong, so powerful, so invincible, nor so generous as that valour which marching under the Banners of Christian Piety, submiteth its self to God's protection, the true strength of all Christian Princes: And as it were in vain to seek for Light without the Sun, Water without Fountains or Rivers, and heat without fire; so it would be ridiculous to expect true strength from any other than his protection, who is the God of Battles. The more a Prince is in favour with him, the more courage will he give him, especially when he fighteth for his glory, and this is a maxim which may serve for a foundation to the happiness of all Kings, and who so observeth it not, buildeth his designs upon the sand. Alphonsus' King of Sicily and Arragon taught his son Ferdinand, in such terms as were very proper to be learned by all young Princes in their infancy. It was then when he sent him to revenge the injuries, which he had received from the Florentines, Behold his words:  
My son (said he) That which I chief command you, is, Trust not so much upon your soldier's courages, as upon your hopes of assistance from Heaven, learn to day from me, Victory is not the effect of the Discipline or industry of men, but of God's power, who is the judge of Battles. The Military Art can never assure of an happy success in our designs, if we be once defective in making God our friend by the Piety and Innocence of our actions. In fine, all the maxims of War, not linked with the Laws of God are weak foundations; and all the fortunes which are not grounded upon him, who turns the Globe of the Earth with his hand, are nearer to destruction then advancement. The Greeks though brought up in the darkness of error, did they not design to teach us, when in their fables it was said, that Mercury who was adored by them for the God of Prudence, was nursed by the hours? For to what end was it, if not to teach their people that all humane wisdom, if not regulated nor sustained by the measures of Heaven could not have any nourishment or subsistence.   

The Dissensions amongst the Rochelois upon the Departure of the English.  
THE departure of the English cast the Rochelois into such despair, that they had doubtless set open the Gates to his Majesty, so much were the inferior sort oppressed with necessity and want, had it not been for the Duchess of Rohan, and the exhortations of their Preachers, who never ceased from crying out unto the people, that they never ought to despair of assistance from Heaven, which never forsaketh them who are the Protectors of the Gospel. There presently did arise great dissensions between them, but the prevalent party, imprisoned some, and executed others, whom they found disposed to an accommodation; insomuch that from that time the poor people were ready to perish by famine, and durst not complain of it. They were persuaded of a new succour from England; for the procuring of which, they sent new Deputies to his Majesty of Great Britain, with instructions to incite him upon the score of honour, representing to him that he could not suffer their Town to be lost without injuring of his own glory, they being thus under his protection; withal to provoke him to it by a sense of pity; to which end they acquainted him with the extreme necessities and miseries to which they were reduced, and to persuade him that there was not any such impediment in the Channel which his Fleet might not have overcome, if they would but have attempted it; that for their parts they had not been wanting to make a Salley, if his Forces had but once began the fight; and lastly, they astonished the people by the thundering noise or the Cannon, which they discharged more in six days, than they had done in six weeks before, to persuade them that they had now found an infallible way to break the Bank, and to destroy all the King's ships that lay in the Channel.  
In the mean while his Majesty that he might not lose the advantage which their divisions offered to him, sent to summon them by an Herald, but they rejected all proposals of a surrender: however famine, pressing-hard upon the poorer sort, & some of the better too, they began to murmur, insomuch that a Counsel was summoned to satisfy them, and to consider of what was proper to be done: the Counsel being met, most of the members were of opinion to accept of his Majesty's bounty and one amongst them openly said, that they were now within six weeks of their last provisions, that every one had reason to rejoice, seeing it pleased his Majesty to be so gracious; as that he would preserve the exercise of their Religion to them; the enjoyment of their goods, and the walls of their City, all which they had reason to hope for, from his Majesty's clemency and goodness: That on the other side, he saw no reason to expect any relief from the English, as well by reason of the losses they had already sustained as by the little courage they had testified to fight for them, as also by those great difficulties which were to be remooved in the Channel: and so saying, he did much settle and confirm the rest in their resolutions of Surrendering. But the Mayor hearing this discourse came to him, and gave him a Box on the ear; in answer of which another of the Connsellors did so much for him, and thus they had falled into some greater sedition had they not been dissolved very quickly. The Council was much offended with the Mayor, and issued out an order to seize on him; but he encouraging the people, made them rise, and take arms, so away he went to the houses of those two Counsellors, to have slain them, as doubtless he had done, had it not preserved by their escape out of Rochel, unto his Majesty at whose feet they cast themselves, imploring his protection, which was not denied unto them.  
These divisions, did not a little advantage his Majesty's affairs, & the Cardinal persuaded his Majesty to foment them as much as possible he could, by sending another summons to them to yield; whereupon Breton Herald at Arms was commanded to do it in Form, with his Coat of Arms, who went into the City, required them to lay down their weapons, assured them of pardon for their past crime & follies, and threatening them with the contrary, in case they should now refuse it. It made no little impression on them, who were reduced to want and extremity, but they being animated by their Preachers, the town still continued resolute in their insolences, The obstinate wilfulness, which is natural to such people feeding them with fair hopes until the last.   

Politic Observation.  
THE people, saith T. Livy, unable to govern themselves by reason, soon run into extremities, and dangers; they are ever either too low or too high, too forward or too backward. Another, and for the same reason likens them to the foolhardy, who know no medium between the extremes of fear and audaciousness; as soon as ever they despair of effecting their designs to advantage, they break out into mutinies; but in case they find them in a condition of bringing them to a good issue. Oh, how fierce are they? how insolent in their expressions & actions? There need no other reason for it, but only this Passion is naturally the Mistress of popular spirits, which are neither capable of reason or generousness the two known causes of civility, modesty and valour: Experience too hath made it evident that they who are born with narrow low hearts are terrified at the least dangers, and care not what evil they commit if they have but the power to defend them. It is the property of passion, either to yield to soon, or not at all; and by the impetuousness of their motion it is, that many people have chosen after the suffering of a thousand miseries, to die within their City walls, rather than open their Gates, to their besiegers. Calagurva a City of Spain, being besieged by Pompey, the inhabitants of it, were so obstinate in defence of their Walls in Sertorius his behalf, that after they had eaten up all their living creatures, they were so sencelesly cruel, as to kill their Wives and Children, that they might eat them: And the Saguntines too, who were of the same Nation after they had suffered the utmost extremities, turned their rage upon their own selves, insomuch that their fame became a proverb, for having nothing left to eat, they made a great fire in the public place, where they first burned, whatever they esteemed rich, and then threw in themselves, choosing rather to perish in the flames, then to let the Carthaginians become Masters of their Town and Persons, rather to follow the impetuousness of that fury which tormented them, then to be guided by reason, which would have taught them, that it had been no infamy to yield to a Conqueror, when he hath reduced such as resist him, to an impossibility of escaping.   

A Feigned Treaty between the King and the Rochelois.  
THE Mayor of Rochel seeing this fury of the people; who seemed unable longer to endure the extremities, whereunto necessity had reduced them, and that that party, who were inclined to surrender the Town, were grown strong, he resolved to feign a treaty with the King. He had wit enough to know that the people love rather to be deceived than forced, upon which thoughts, he prayed the Sieur Arnoult by the Sieur de Fenquieres a prisoner, that he would come into the City to advise upon such ways of accommodation, as might he thought reasonable. The Sieur Arnoult procured leave for it, and upon discourse had with the Mayor, he spent two day's time in going & coming, after which he purposed to the besieged to have recourse to his Majesty's mercy, as the most assured way of pardon which they could fancy to themselves; so the Sieur Arnoult went to meet the King at Tailbourg, & Monsieur de Cardinal at Chast●liers near Fontenay to give them notice of what had passed. These apparent submissions brought them both back to the Camp, from which they were a little retired by reason of the infections which are in the Army. Now the Sieur Arnoult being returned to Rochel, and having assured the inhabitants of the inclination his Majesty had to pardon them, if they would really confess their faults, and give him reason to believe that they would in future live within the bounds of their duty, they named Deputies to wait upon his Majesty, who commanded them to acquaint the Cardinal with what they had to say. They went to wait upon his Eminency at Rousay, at the Quarter de la Bergery, where they were in conference full two hours with him, after which every one guessed by their cheerfulness that they were very well contented, they desired a safe conduct to wait upon him two days after in the same place, which was not denied them, and being come thither they testified a great resolution in the people to deliver themselves up to his Majesty's mercy, seeing that notwithstanding their Rebellion, he had been pleased to let them live in the exercise of their Religion, the enjoyment of their goods, and withal the preservation of their Walls; the Cardinal sent them back to the King, whom they found upon the Bank they were afraid to appear before his Majesty, but being brought into his presence they cast themselves at his feet, and begged his pardon and mercy with as many apparent submissions, as could have been desired. His Majesty said to them, you deserve to be severely punished; but since God hath given you the grace to confess your fault, I pardon you your lives. The Deputies returned to Rochel with great joy, promising to be ready the next morning to conclude upon the particular Articles of the Treaty. But the Mayor and those of his party had only pretended this Treaty to gain time, that they might work upon the people by possessing them how important it was to their liberty to keep up their fortifications; which otherwise would be leveled with the ground; and at last having moulded them to their own temper, all the Treaty vanished to smoke: Nay their insolency was such, that being confident, during this intercourse of parley, his Majesty's Army would not keep so strict watch as usually they did, they had the boldness to send out a fireship about three in the morning, amongst the King's Vessels near the Bank, which guarded the Passages, and at the same time shot off divers great pieces, but without any execution. The Cardinal who knew that an enemy ought never to be trusted, caused the watch to be kept in as great strictness as ever, so that the Boats which were upon the guard perceiving the fireship drew her aside into a place, where she burned down without doing any hurt.   

Politic Observation.  
VIgilance is the safeguard of Armies, and he who commands a siege is the more obliged to watch that he may sustain the enterprises of the besieged, in regard the wisest then attempt them, when they are least suspected. Negligence and Victory do never any long time go hand in hand together, and the least carefulnesses do often turn the scales in War. Those camps which are guarded with most circumspection, are the most secure, and he who is not always in a way of defence, puts himself into eminent danger; That General who lets his forces sleep without good guard, commits the care of them and their lives to fortune. Iphicrates one of the most famous Captains of Athens was far enough from committing this fault, for his Soldiers kept the same guard in peace, and with the same stricttnesse as in War, their arms being always ready by them to fight. At first it was wondered at, but the reason he alleged, was, That a man may be never surprised, he ought always to be in fear. By this means after the shame of a rout, he will not be forced to say, I did not think there had been any thing to fear. If a General hath reason at any time to be upon his guard, more especially ought he to be so then, when there are propositions of peace in treaty; for one of the most usual wiles, which great Captains use, is that of proposing some treaty whereby they might make advantage. Thus Pope Julius the second, that he might gain time, to prepare himself against the Duke of Ferrara, amazed King Lewi●h the twelfth with the apparencies of a fair accommodation. In the like manner Ferdinando Arragon sent Philip Archduke of Austria to amaze the same King by a treaty of Peace, which they swore unto, that they might hinder him in consideration thereof from making necessary preparations for the assisting of his own party; who by reason thereof were forced to leave the Kingdom of Naples; and Ferdinand made it evident that to that purpose was his design, for he could not afterwards be persuaded to ratify the treaty. Nothing is so safe as to treat a pear with distrust, and he who so doth, hath a double advantage by it, first by depriving his Enemy of all hopes to surprise him, and secondly because the good order in which he keeps his Forces, gives him the credit to obtain more beneficial articles.   

The Rochelois are reduced by famine to extreme miseries.  
ONE of the remedies which the Rochellois used to relieve their necessities, especially after the English were returned, was to turn out all the unnecessary mouths; they found means by the help of a dark night and in a tempest, which had broken in sunder some of the floating Vessels which stopped the mouth of the Bank, to pass a Bark laden with women, which the King's vessels then in guard did not perceive time enough to prevent: but this was the only time they could procure that advantage, but on the contrary, their insolency being come to the height, they forced the King's Justice Severely to punish such as attempted to save themselves by Land; about the end of August above three hundred persons of all ages and both sexes came out by the Channel at low water, and being got to Land, fell to eating of roots and herbs with such greediness, that it was easy to judge how much the inhabitants of the Town were necessitated by famine. They had been fit objects with compassion, had they been less insolent; but as nothing except necessity itself could bring them to their duties, so the Sieurs de Brisfac, de Fourille and the other Captains of the guards when they lighted on them, forced them back into he Town, to augment the famine of the inhabitants. This just severity was oftentimes used towards them, by which means their miseries were such, that having neither bread, pulse, nor any thing usually edible, they found out an invention to boil Beefs-hides in tallow & such other things. They were oftentimes seen to go into the Salt-pits to gather herbs and cockles, and such other stuff as they could fry, which they presently devoured as delicates. They eat bread made of thistle-roots, and their hunger not so satisfied, turning into fury came to that pass, that they eat dead bodies, and some persuaded the mothers to imbrue their hands in the blood of their innocent Babes for their present nourishment.  
Had it not been seen, it would hardly have been believed, that after such extremities they should long hold out: however they remained obstinate; so that his Majesty's justice, guided by his prudence obliged him to prohibit the coming out of any of them, yet how ill soever they were dealt with by his Majesty's troops, when they came to the trenches, divers of them daily came out, which were still beat back again. It is true for their greater confusion the men were driven back again naked, and the Women in their smocks forcing them with forks and lathes to return: as for those who attempted to pass the trenches in the night, or by any other devise, they were all hanged without mercy, if it were their misfortunes to be discovered, because some of them hand been taken with Letters and Tickets to hasten on the relief from England, and this prudent Severity was at last the true case of their repentance.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is an equitable cruelty, to hinder the besieged from running out of a Town, when their necessities begin to press upon them. If the War be lawful their deaths must needs be just. It is true in point of sieges the inhabitants are first to be gained by kindness, but when persuasions will not do, force and rigour ought to be made use of, and this aught to be done with the less difficulty, in regard the death of Rebels doth well suit with Justice and the public good. Famine is one of the chief weapons which forceth a Town in a long siege. It is that which takes them, where the Artillery cannot make breaches or ruins enough to force a surrender. Now as this Famine is augmented by their number, he who shall suffer them to get out and avoid the necessity which press upon them, acteth against himself, and depriveth himself of the most assured means to take them. The more people that are in a besieged Town, the sooner will their victuals be consumed, and they sooner reduced to famine, and then follows death in its hideous and deformed visage, producing every day spectacles of horror, which they who have any reason and find a necessities of being forced, had much rather surrender then behold; famine makes the weapons fall out of their hands. The Emperor Aurelian speaking of the Roman people (said) Nothing is so gay as they are when their Bellies are full, and their bones at rest; and on the contrary, nothing so cowardly as when they are reduced to want and penury. Who knows not what violences they use upon the Magistrate to free them of this necessity? Hath it not been heretofore seen that in a time of Famine, the Roman people went after the Emperor Claudius injuriously reviling him, and throwing crusts of bread at his head? and they of Constantinople, did they not in a great dearth throw stones at their Emperor, Theodosius the first? The people do become so furious by famine, that nothing can hold them, and as they prefer nothing before life, they at last resolve to force their Officers to open their Gates and surrender. Indeed they are the more excusable for it, in regard necessity is become their reason, the power whereof is unsupportable either by one or the other.   

The miseries of Rochel by Famine.  
THE common people of Rochel had endured great miseries from the beginning of May; however the hopes they had of succour from England, persuaded the best provided amongst them to sow all sorts of little grain, as Pease, Beans, Barley, and the like, about their Walls in all their spare places; it was discretion in the King's party to let them alone in it; but a great imprudence in them to dis-furnish themselves of that whereof they had such present necessity, and were likely to have much more in a very little time. They had indeed the pleasure to behold what they sowed to spring up and grow; but just when they thought to gather the fruits of their labours, the King's Army came up and cut all down, and so deprived them of the refreshment which they expected from it.   

Politic Observation.  
THE usual rule in Sieges, is to keep the besieged close up, and to deprive them of all kind of liberty; for by consequence, liberty which is one of the most delightful things in man's life being once stopped, becomes very displeasing, and is a sufficient reason to persuade those who are under that restraint, to do any thing for the enlargement of it. However this rule admitteth of some exception, and ought not to be used when a besieged people pretend to sow any grain, or the like about their City Walls; For as the Corn which they put into the earth doth not a little diminish their main stock, so the freedom which is permitted them, thus to cast it away, serveth the sooner to bring them to want and famine, and so to surrender. The chief end in long sieges, is to famish the besieged, and as the sowing of their ground doth not a little contribute thereunto, so Prudence forbiddeth that they should be hindered in their work; and indeed commandeth that they should rather be invited and alured to it, by winking at them if they attempt it. For this reason it was, that Fabius Maximus having depopulated and wasted all the Country of the Campani, retired about seedtime, that he might give them the liberty of decreasing their store by sowing, which he never intended they should reap; which happened accordingly, for coming upon them before Harvest, they were easily famished and forced to surrender.   

The Rochelois Salley out upon his Majesty's Forces.  
THough there was but a handful of men in Rochel, compared with his Majesty's Army, yet the mutinous humour which transported them, encouraged the inhabitants to make divers Sallies. It is true they made fewer than had been seen in any so great siege, in hopes that the English would come and force open the Bank but however some they made, and those great ones, but were repulsed with loss, It was the Sieur de Fouquierres mishap to be taken Prisoner by them in one of their Sallies, which they made about the beginning of the year; there were divers of theirs too taken, which were kept in durance for exchanges, if occasion should be, and they of the City had notice given unto them, that in case they did him any injury, his Majesty would cause all his Prisoners of theirs to be hanged without mercy; so they dealt civilly with him, and when their Victuals began to grow scarce, they permitted one of his servants to bring him some every day from the Camp. Their insolency likewise carried them to make several Sallies by Sea, especially upon the arrival of those ships from Bourdoaux, which they attempted to have fired, but they had never any good success in them, only once they took a small Galliot which belonged to the Sieur de Thoyras; the Cardinal's care and diligence, setting such a watch over them, that hardly-a man could peep out, but he was presently discovered.   

Politic Observation.  
THose Sallies which the besieged make upon an Army lying before them, are still accompanied with danger to themselves, for the least loss of their Soldiers is of great concernment; because they being once gone, it is difficult to have a recruit or relief of others. The valour indeed which they have opportunity of showing in such encounters, may perchance quell the resolutions of the Besiegers; especially if the place be well stored and likely to receive fresh supplies; but that not being so, the Besiegers by standing still in their Forts and Works, and keeping good guard in their Trenches, will be sure every time to lessen their number of some few, and in fine reduce them to none at all. Philip de Commines saith, all Sallies made without necessity are to be blamed; for they cannot without it be allowable, that which sometimes maketh to vanquish against hope, by the courage which it infusethinto the most cowardly, for there is not any danger which they are not easily persuaded toattempt who are convinced of the inevitableness of their present death. This is that which all those who are besieged aught to consider; before they make a sally: now as for the Besiegers, they have only two ways to avoid all misfortunes, the first, the well ordering of their works, the second, the good watch of those works. If the Trenches are well contrived, not any where at too great distance from the Town, if they flank one another, if they be high enough to shelter the foot, if their Parapets be Falcon proof, if they be so well fortified by Forts and Redouts, from distance to distance; if they be large enough to fight in; and so disposed, that one be not surprised behind they will bring great matters to pass; they ought also to be lined with Soldiers, well accoutred, well disciplined, and such as will be careful to keep good watch day and night, neither is it less needful, to place Sentinels, upon the Avennues, and all along upon the Trenches; and at last when the Enemy doth appear, then is the time to repel force by Force, than ought the most resolute of the Soldiers, be placed in Front, to sustain the charge, as likewise in that quarter, which is nearest the Town, because they who bear the first brunt, are the men that do the work; and upon whom all the rest doth depend, and in those places it is, that the first assaults are always made: But above all, he who commandeth in the Trenches, ought always to have Forces in a readiness from the outguards, for seconding courage with numbers doth much conduce to the repelling of an Enemy, with advantage: and if he find that those who are upon the guard, be not either proper or able to sustain a charge, if the Enemy should come out, then ought he to place them in the strongest Redouts, from whence it will be more difficult to force them, until recruits shall come up; and this was the order which Caesar observed in besieging the City of Alexia, as is to be seen in his Commentaries.   

The Duke of Rohan continueth his designs in Languedoc.  
Whilst the Rochelois were acting these pieces of Rebellion, the Duke de Rohan was no less intent upon carrying his designs in Languedoc, for the gaining of such Towns where the Hugonots had most power to his party. About the beginning of the year he attempted to make himself Master of Briateste, by means of one Toubze, but the inhabitants who desired nothing more than to live in peace, and under his Majesty's obedience, hearing of it, laid hold on that seditious brother of theirs, and sent him to Thoulouze, where he was shortly after hanged for his pains; Rohan was much displeased at the ill usage his forces had received at Montpellier, whereupon he commanded the Seneschal de Castres' to send ten or twelve Horse and fifty Musqueteers about the Castle of Clermont de Lodove, knowing that there were divers Lords and Gentlemen met there together, that he might entice them to come out, and be revenged on them. The Sentinel of the Castle, gave notice to the Count de Clermont, that he saw eight or ten Horse eye the Castle, in such a manner, that he conceived them to be Enemies: presently the Count and those that were with him, issued out in their doublets and hose, with their Swords and Pistols, and fell upon them. These Horsemen as soon as ever they perceived them made as if they fled towards a Wood, where they had left their fifty Musqueteers in Ambush; being come up to them▪ they faced about, and discharging all together upon the Noblemen, who pursued them, within Pistol shot, they killed twelve of them; The Baron d'Ambre being then with the Count de Clermont, seeing his Cornet killed, vowed he would be revenged of them for his death, and turning about again to charge them, he was in an instant so surrounded that he saw it was impossible to escape: he asked them if ten thousand Crowns would save his life, they told him no, and bid him remember Montpellier. This seemed only to be a stratagem of War, but their cruelty was in process evidently to be seen, for not contented with this advantage, they cut off the noses and ears of all they took. Not long after his exploit, the Duke de Rohan engaged the City of, Rohan to revolt. Those of his faction in Montauban, where no less insolent, there they forced out of their City, the Lieutenant Paxticulier, the Doyen of the Senechil, two Counsellors and the Lieutenant General, and presently persuaded the people to rise. Those of Nismez, Cosne, Saint Sever, Saint Frigue, and divers other places, of Languedoc, Vivarets, and Dauphine, did the like, neither were these the only Provinces, in which they had their Intelligencers at work. Mosieur the Cardinal, had been acquainted, about the beginning of March, whilst his Majesty was at Paris, that certain Gentlemen of his party did endeavour to make factions and divisions in Limasin against the King's service, he not ignorant that such fires aught to be extinguished on their first births, sent the Marshal de Schomberg, Lieutenant General; of that Province, to take order in it, who no less prudent than valorous, soon dissipated them, that not a man durst show his head. About the same time, he had also by some device or other gained one Le Parc, Son to one of the Captains of a Gate at Callais, to deliver the Town to the English by letting them in at a Bastion, which was somewhat decayed, and delivering them up the old Castle, where there was only one old Soldier of his acquaintance, who lay in guard. But this contrivance being discovered by the Vicompte de Fruge, Le Parc, was apprehended, his Process, drawn up and finished and himself broken alive. On the other side the Sieur de Maritignon, found out some correspondency between certain Hugonots of Normandy, and the English, and how they had contrived to let them in by a great Tower which stood in the Sea belonging to the Sieur de Briqueville, as also into the Town and Haven de Vire, in hopes that they of their party who were at Caen, Falaise, and other adjacent places, would rise in a body together, and so force the King to leave Rochel, that he might retake these places of so great importance.   

Politic Observation.  
Rebel's at their first rising may perchance get some advantages, either by intelligences in strong Towns or surprisal of those which are but ill kept, but in fine they do moulter away and are reduced to nothing. It were to be wished, that before they attempted any thing, they did but know, what is the true Reason hereof which it this, they are to seek for those things which are necessary to continue a War, with good success, for the beginning there need little or nothing, but those beginnings must of necessity terminate in disasters, if he who is the first mover, have not store of Forces, and power to recruite them, if he be not furnished with expert Officers and Treasures, if he have not very good intelligences with the Lords & Princes bordering upon those places which he pretendeth to assault, & lastly if himself too, be not endued with a soul & courage truly great that he ought of necessity to have Forces and power to recuit himself, cannot be doubted, because otherwise, his sovereign will presently crush him, the inconstancy of his Soldiers will by disbanding leave him naked; and sicknesses will help to take away some too, so that in fine he will be reduced to nothing, if he cannot repair his losses by recruits, and new fresh Regiments. That which gave the Romans such advantage over other Nations, was, first their discipline of War, but secondly their Numbers; now the means used to get such great Armies, was to exercise those Enemies whom they had overcome, in their Militia, as Tacitus observeth on the Life of the Emperor Claudian, and on the other side the Lacedæmonians, and Athenians, not entertaining any Strangers, though by them subjugated, never brought any great considerable Armies for number into the field, and consequently could never attain unto so great an Empire. Next to the great numbers of Soldiers, which he ought to have, comes Treasures, without which it is impossible to prevent an Army from wanting victuals, clothes, and necessaries, and by consequence from disbanding, Quintus Flaminius seeing Philopoemon Captain of the Grecians, with a great Army, both of Horse and Foot, but without any money, laughed at him; he hath indeed, quoth he, store of Legs and Arms, but no Belly; meaning, by like, that he wanted wherewithal to feed them. Caesar how great a Soldier soever, and how valiant soever his Soldiers were, broke open the Treasure Gate at Rome, contrary to Motellus the Tribunes will: for he wisely foresaw, that it would be impossible to give a good account of the War, without he were provided with store of Treasures. Next of all I come to expect Officers who are not less needful, because they are as the soul of the Soldiers; and as it is true that a Body cannot move without its soul, neither can any Soldiers do any thing considerable, if not conducted by the example of their Commanders and instructed how, where and when, they ought to fight. And then ought he to hold good intelligence too with the Grandees, and those places which border upon that part which he designeth to attaque, for otherwise, his Convoys will be stopped, every day will make some hole in his Coat, and they will serve for retreits to his Enemies to contrive Ambushes and designs against him. For this Reason it was that James King of Scotland, contriving to make War upon Henry the eighth King of England, was careful to hold intelligence, with the English, who else might have endangered and troubled his Forces; & that Hannibal assaulting the Romans; first made sure of the Spaniards, French, and Africans; and that the Romans bending their powers against Philip of Macedon, first sent their Ambassadors, to make a League with Ptolemy King of Egypt. Lastly, and most especially he himself ought to be of a genius and courage, every way truly extraordinary, for every day he must be exposed to new dangers; the success of the greatest part of his affairs, will depend upon his own prudence and address; the least distrust or fear that shall appear in him will drive away whole troops from him; extraordinary designs requiring a proportionate conduct to carry them on, in regard Revolts have the more need of Fortune's assistance, because they are the most hazardous exploits in which a man can engage, never any mean Low heart arrived to any good succusse or Fortune by them. These are the chief things necessary for a great enterprise, and they that engage themselves, without these, do rashly run the hazard of their own destruction: It is only by the want of these supports that so many Authors of Revolt have gone out with shame and confusion.   

Divers Religious persons, settled in the Huguenot Provinces by the Cardinal's diligence and industry.  
THE Cardinal was not idle, though he had weakened the Huguenot Towns, diminished their power, and clipped the wings of their Rebellion, but he endenvoured at the same time, their conversion. To this end his Majesty was persuaded to settle divers Preachers, and Religious persons, who behaved themselves with great zeal and courage. The Cardinal was not indeed less expert at Theology, than Policy, so it was unreasonable, but that he should be still careful as well at this as at his Arms. His Piety let him so seek out occasions for it, and having at last found out by divers conferences, which he had, with the Duke of Trimoville, that he was not averse, from being instructed, he himself would needs take the pains to become the chief instrument of his conversion. He bestowed divers hours of his leisure time, to that purpose and there being nothing which is equal to his doctrine, and the clearness of his soul, he soon discovered such lights to him, as quickly cleared all his doubts, and dissipated those mists which error had laid upon his eyes.   

The Duke of Trimoville converted to the Catholic Faith by Monsieur the Cardinal.  
THE Duke of Trimoville was a person very moderate, and temperate in all his actions, his very youth was without heat and passion, neither had he any of the pride and insolency which is too usual with those of his birth; and as moderate sober men, are more desirous of instruction than the contrary sort, so he was contented to be guided by the hand of God; yet would he see the truth, and first be convinced of certain scruples and difficulties which did arise, in which till then, he could not be satisfied: but having been so happy, as to be instructed by the Cardinal, it was the easier for him to see and leave his error, in regard the incomparable soul of this grand Minister, did so clearly evince the Catholic truth to him, and his own error, as himself hath since often acknowledged. It was not riches nor honour which induced him to change his Religion: for he was both born rich and great: but it was the only knowledge of Truth which persuaded him to it, neither did he that, until a most particular and exact satisfaction in all things. The King was overjoyed at the news of it, never was any spoil or Trophy of an Enemy so welcome, as this Victory, and the more to testify his real joy for it; his Majesty promised him, that the next Feast he would receive the Communion with him; as also the Sieur de la Curee, being dismissed of his Charge of Master de Camp, which his age had made him uncapable any longer to perform, his Majesty honoured him with it, studying to show to all his Subjects, in his person, how dear their salvations was unto him.   

Politic Observation.  
IF it be a work of Justice to chastise rebellious Heretics by the sword, it is no less charitable to labour for their conversion by letting them see the truth; for the better discovering of which, much charity, clearness of spirit, and profound Doctrine are required: a Soul not well informed instead of allaying, raiseth more doubts; insomuch that knowledge hath as great a part in the Church, as the Sun in the Firmament, and just as it is difficult to restore a Traveller into his right way, during the night, until the Sun appear to instruct him where he is, so neither can a man of understanding be disabused, unless it be by Doctrine, at whose light a knowing Genius makes him perceive, that he is at the brink of a Precipice, and far from being in the right way to Heaven. But amongst those for whose conversion it is requisite to labour, no doubt but the chief men are first to be attempted, for if the Stars continually follow the motions of the Heavens, unto which they are affixed; it is in like manner as common for men of mean quality, to follow as well the Religion as the interest of the Grandees. The people of Rome being once in a Mutiny, retired to the Capitol, upon an accident which befell Virginius, were easily appeased by the Senate; by reoson as T. Livy saith, that they had no Leader there that durst speak a word in answer to those who had been sent unto them. For my part, I hold it for certain that it will be no more difficulty to reclaim an Heretic Faction, who should rebel without a powerful Commander: But I likewise think it necessary besides Doctrinal instructions, not to spare either money or dignity for the gaining of those, whose Birth renders them capable of such qualities. Temporal interests do much conduce to Spiritual, and though the advantages of Fortune be not the chief motives of conversion amongst them who are strictly Religious, yet it is most certain they are no mean inducements thereunto. Thus Justinian (according to Evagrius) converted many Heretics by dispersing store of moneys amongst them. And the Emperor Leo the sixth, made use of the same device for the gaining of many Jews, and there need no more but the example of Constantine de Bergo, the Portugal Viceroy in the Indies, who drew a number of those people to the Christian Religion, by the carresses and favours which he shown to them that were newly baptised.   

Soubize and the Deputies of Rochel, obtain a third saccour from the English but in vain.  
Whilst the Duke of Rohan was making divers attempts in Lauguedoc, and used his utmost endeavours to preserve those Towns, of which he was become Master: The Sieur de Soubize and Deputies of Rochel, were negotiating in England for a third assistance, they hoped to obtain it without any great difficulty, for that Buckingham incensed as hath been formerly related, did every day rig up move ships and raise new Forces; but they found it a hard task, both in regard of the troubles in which Buckingham was then involved by reason of the complaint made against him in Parliament, as also of the impossibility to remove the obstacles in the Channel, according to what the Earl of Denbigh had related; yet at last Buckingham having overcome all his enemies devices and contrivances; by the favour in which he was with his Majesty of Great Britain, had persuaded him to Embark the Army then on foot, and to give him leave to command them in his own person; to which end, all things were put in order for a present dispatch: But as God over-ruleth men's designs, he was pleased by Buckingham's death to put an end to this storm, he being assassinated by one Feltou an English man, discontented, because the Captain's place of the Company whereof he was Lieutenant, had been twice vacant, and both times given over his head to another, and who by hearing what complaints there were made against him by the Parliament, imagined, that by revenging his own quarrel, he should likewise do his Country good service in it; yet for all this, the Deputies would not be denied, they continued their instances, persuading the King of Great Britain, that the forcing of the Bank was easy, if resolutely attempted, and that the glory of his Crown did in some sort oblige him to make one more attempt, and that more vigorous than the former. The Fleet was then resolved to put forth, and there were added three other ships full of stones, and some other with dung, which were to be set on fire when they entered the Channel, to the intent the smoke might hinder them from the sight. The Sieur de Soubize, the Comte de Laval, and all the French Rebels then in England, composed the Vanguard, next to them followed those Vessels which were for the relief of Rochel; next went the Body of the Army, commanded by the Earl of Denbigh, General of the Expedition, and on the twenty eighth being Thursday, they arrived at Glonne. The Cardinal having notice of it the very same night, dispatched a Courier to his Majesty to acquaint him with it, who presently made himself ready, got on horseback, and came to the Camp, and after some discourse with the Cardinal, he sent to discover the Enemy, as also to call the Volunteers who were dispersed, some here, and some there, to be in a readiness together. This once done, his Majesty visited all the Quarters of the Army, that he might put every thing in good order, and got himself an immortal glory by his travel, labour, and diligence, by those dexterous orders which he dispatched both as to the Sea and Land, by his raising of Batteries, designing of Plat-forms, and levelling of the Cannon with his own hand. Upon Saturday the thirtieth, the English Fleet came up to the Road of the Chef de Bay and some few of them came before to draw out the French to fight; but the King's Vessels having order not to stir, because they were only to hinder the Passage into Rochel, not one of them moved on Anchor, only both parts exchanged some Broadsides, and the King being in person upon one of the Batteries, caused about thirty to be lovelled at them, which did not a little indamage them.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough shame be the Child of evil Parents, yet it begetteth excellent effects. It proceedeth from some Actions which have a certain infamy with them, and leave behind them some ill tincture upon the reputation; but then the grief which a generous mind apprehendeth at it, when he findeth himself disgraced, maketh him redouble his courage, and carrieth him to glorious actions. A thing very remarkable in the persons of Sovereigns, who being jealous of their glory, the fairest flower of their Crowns, cannot endure that it should be sullied by any misfortune, which may seem to carry a faith-heartedness with it: It grieves them, and not a little, to find themselves deficient in those successes which have Crowned their equals. Hereupon it was that Caesar reflecting on himself, how that during two and thirty years' time he had not signalzied his Courage by any one great exploit, fell into tears before an Image of Alexander, which seemed to reproach him, by those great Acts which he had brought to pass in a less time. But who can express, the lively impression which it maketh, when it hath been seen to inflame the most cowardly an faint-hearted, with resolution and courage? History affordeth us many examples of Armies, which after a shameful rout have been possessed with the Army of the Persians when they saw their wives come to them holding up their Coats, faced about and charged the Army of Astyages, which then pursued them, with so much Courage that they gained the Victory; and in the same manner, the shame which the Romans conceived, upon their defeat by the Samnites, at the Forges of Caudine, did so sensibly excite them, that they could not rest till they had been revenged; they marched to Capua, but so sad that they could hardly speak, which they of least understanding attributed to their despair; but Offili●● Ascalanius, more judicious than the rest told the Citizens, that this silence and confusion, which was in their Countenance, did presage no great good, for he could not be persuaded, but that the resentments of such extraordinary grief would transport them to strange attempts for the recovery of that honour, whereof fortune had bereft them, especially seeing shame, when it spurs on a resolution, is an hope of safety. The Roman Consul Agrippa, that he might encourage his Army, would oftentimes take one of his Ensigns, and cast it into the middle of his enemies, to the end the shame which his Soldiers should conceive at it, might animate them the more, and oblige them for the regaining of them, to show all proofs of an extraordinary Courage.   

The F●ight between the King's Fleet, and the English.  
AFter the English had stood in this Posture two days they sent out between Sunday even, and Monday morn, 10 or 12 floating Petards to set fire on the King's ships. The Composition of those Petards was of Latin filled with Powder, laid upon certain pieces of Timber, cross which there was a spring, which touching any Vessel would fly off and give fire to the Petards; but only one took effect, which did no great hurt, only cast water into the ship, and that was all, the rest being taken by the King's Boats; their Petards were answered by good store of Cannon from the King's ships, yet their Fleet continued still in the same posture, insomuch that many believed that they would either return that day, without any more ado, or else land their men. Now as he who commands an Army is obliged to foresee all accidents, and to prevent them; so the King commanded the Duke of Angoulesm, and the Marshal de Scomberg to guard the Point de Coreille, and the Duke de la Trimoville, and the Comte de Alets, to stand their charge with the Light-horse and the Cavalry, and took his own station at the Point of the Chef de Bay with some foot and divers of the Nobility, which he intended to defend in his own person. His Majesty further gave order to several Volunteers to go aboard the ships with his Soldiers; and which was done in sight of the English Fleet, which had no great mind that day to engage; but the day following being the 30 of October, and considering that the reputation of their Master was too much engaged in the defence of the Rochelois, for them to go away without doing of any thing; and having the Wind favourable, they hoist Sails, made ready, and came up to the King's Fleet, which presently met them in good order. The fight began at 6 of the Clock, and in about four hours' time they discharged between them near 5000 great shot, but never came nearer one another then Cannon distance. The King's Fleet commanded by the Commander de Valencay, did as much as could be desired; and though the English had the wind of them; yet were they but ill treated by the Cannon; one of their great ships being so torn, that they were forced to retire to the Isle of Oye to mend her.   

A Cessation of Arms for some days between the two Fleets.  
IN the mean while the King being in the Batteries of the Chef de Bay, which he had but raised two days before, caused his Cannons to be discharged by his particular Order, without the least fear of the danger whereunto he did expose himself, in regard of the many Bullets which fell at his feet, and came very near him, he took a great delight to see his Guns do that execution which he intended, the Elements fight for him, and the English betray their fear of his presence, good fortune, and courage. And was it not much more glorious for him, to give order for the standing of this assault, and to be himself present in it by offering his life to God, then to have been in his Chamber at Paris, where those of Marillac's faction would have stayed him? Was it not a greater pleasure to him, to behold the Sea all on fire, bringing flaming Vessels to his feet, as if they did him homage, and to command in his own person amidst the Batteries, then to have been idle in the Lovure? In my sense he had been as much too blame to have been at Paris whiles these affairs were acting, as it was now glorious to see him here reducing Heresy to his obedience. And this was as much as was done the first day.  
The next morning the wind being still fair for the English, they set their Sails, began to shoot but durst not come nearer the King's Fleet, than before; they were answered in the same language, and for four hours together, the Air seemed to be all on fire. The little more which they did worth observation was this, they sent 9 Fireships, seconding them with Ships filled with Stones and full of dung; to which they had set fire with intent that the smoke of it driven by the Wind to the King's Fleet might cover them, and give the English means to pass the Channel. But his Majesty's small Boats went to the Fireships at the mercy of the great shot, seized on them, and diverted their execution, only losing one man, without any greater hurt, and the Vessels which followed them durst not advance; which the English Fleet seeing, and how much the Forts did trouble them, they drew off to the Road not without great disoder, leaving the Rochelois to despair. Neither was this the only misfortune that befell them; for at that very instant so great a storm arose, that they were forced to let themselves be carried at the mercy of the wind. The English finding how unlikely they were to do any good, proposed under hand that some accommodation might be made; they thought it would be more advantageous to retreat after the making of a Peace, then to run the hazards of a worse success. Monsieur the Cardinal desired his Majesty to observe that his only aim being the taking of Rochel, this accommodation would much contribute to it; for then the Rochelois would remain without any succour at all, which induced him to give ear to those Proposals which should be made. But their souls being yet exasperated, the Peace could not so suddenly be resolved on, and all the conferences which were had to that purpose, ended in a Cessation of Arms for some few days.   

Politic Observation.  
ALbeit, they who have been once vanquished in War, may recover the advantage which they have lost, either when their forces are recruited with a sufficient strength, or when shame shall excite their courages, yet so it is, that when neither of these two conditions happen, there is a great reason to apprehend the success of their second attempt. Fortune hath sometimes smiled on those, who formerly never saw but her frowns, but after she hath been once and again discourteous, it will be needful to employ more force and greater courage; for she is a professed friend to the bold and prudent. Great Routs are attended with dangerous consequences, whence Titus Livy, speaking of a certain faction of Marcellus, against Hannibal at Nola, said that it was much more difficult to worst an Army fleshed in Victory, then that which gins to lose its credit. He gives the same reason for that victory, which the Romans under the command of Consul Manlius, obtained against the Gauls in Asia, where he saith, that as Victories do heighten the courage of the Victorious, so they do much abate that of the vanquished; and withal the Victorious are desirous only to fight as may be observed in the example of Pompey's Soldiers after the advantage which they had of Caesar as Plutarch reporteth upon the life of Pompey; whereas they who are worsted, are hard to be drawn to the Battle; for being seized with their usual fear, and the most part of them fight by constraint; they behave themselves with so little mettle, that they are easily overcome a second time. Thus the Duke of Guise returning from Italy after the Battle of St. Laurence, to command those French Troops which had been rallied and new listed, writ to his Majesty that he had more ado to put them in heart and courage, then to beat the victorious enemy, and therefore he judged it necessary before he hazarded a second Battle, to cure them of their first baffle by getting some little advantage upon the enemy, an advice which he well knew how to execute, as he did in the taking of Calais, Guines, & Thionville.   

The Deputation of Montague to the King from the Earl of Denbigh General of the English Forces.  
DUring the cessation of Arms, the French Rebels who were in the English Fleet finding they had lost their courages, and despaired of forcing the passage, concluded themselves utterly lost without obtaining the King's grace. To which purpose they beseeched the Earl of Dexbigh to employ his power with their King, in the behalf of his Master the Earl of Denbigh thought it reasonable, and upon deliberation had with the Officers of the Army what was fit to be done to procure them this satisfaction, they agreed to send Montague to his Majesty in the behalf of the King their Master to endeavour the making their peace for them. M●●tague came to his Majesty's quarter, and having audience, declared that he was sent from the King of Great Britain his Master to beg a pardon for the Rochelois, that he would be pleased to promise them the liberty of their conscience, to forgive the Sieur de Soubize and the Comte de La Val, and to give quarter to those English which were in Rochel. The King answered them, that as for those of Rochel, they were his own subjects, and that the King of England need not intermeddle in their interest, and as for the English who were there in garrison, that they should receive the like usage as the French prisoners in England, yet his Majesty received him with a great deal of honour, shown him the Forts of the Camp, the Batteries, the Bank, the Pallisadas and the range of Vessels which overspread the Channel. The truth is it was not done so much to gratify him, as that upon the relation of what he had seen, the rest of his party might be discouraged from making any further attempts. After he had been an eyewitness of those things, he returned to England to the King his Master to reduce him to some accommodation.   

A Treaty between the King and the Rochelois.  
THE Cessation of Arms being expired, the English to testify it was not out of fear, that they retreited, or had made those proposals, renewed the fight on the twenty third of October, which lasted above two hours, yet all this while had they not the courage to come up to his Majesty's Fleet; whereupon those French who were with them resolved to send some Deputies to the King in their behalf, to cast themselves at the King's Feet, and to implore his mercy; First of all they sent four to Monsieur the Cardinal, who humbly requested him, that he would be pleased to obtain the King's favour and grace for them, which they hearty beseeched, with all real acknowledgements of their faults. The Cardinal answered them, he would speak to his Majesty concerning it, and commanded they should be kindly entertained, and put into some place apart, that they might not enter into discourse with any one; The King was easily persuaded to grant them what they demanded, the Cardinal having told him, how necessary it was to win them off from the English, which if he could once bring to pass, the English would withdraw of their own accord, and leave Rochel, to shift for itself. He then acquainted them how his Majesty had granted them the mercy and favour, which they had beseeched of him, yet however he thought good, that two of them, should remain with him, whom he would make use of as I shall hereafter declare, for the regaining of the Rochelois, to their former duties and obedience. Those Rebellious mutineers when they saw there was no hopes of succour from the English, and that they died by thousands of the famine, made divers proposals of accommodation. Hereupon his eminency told them how that those of their party on board the English Fleet had withdrawn themselves, and had obtained the King's pardon; that the English finding it impossible to force the Bank & relieve them, had interceded for them; that they had moreover sent Montague to make proposals of peace unto his Majesty: who had kindly received him, that thereupon he was returned into England, to incline the King his Master, to hearken to an accommodation, and that things being thus, they had no other hopes, but, to die by famine, if they had not recourse to his Majesty's mercy by a true confession and humble acknowledgement of their faults. This news gave an Alarm to the whole City, The discreetest of them represented to the rest how the Rich did now begin to die of famine: as well as the poor, having sold the greatest part of their victuals to those that had none, upon hopes of the English relief, that death made an harvest of them, that since the last six months there had died between eight and ten thousand of famine, insomuch that not having where withal to bury the dead, and indeed having hardly any people strong enough to make their graves, or carry them, insomuch that they were forced to draw them with cords into the Churchyards, and there to let them rot, that divers had been seen to crawl with much ado to the Churchyards and there lay down and die; hereupon the rest of the people languishing, and touched to the quick, with the remembrance, or indeed the present image of so many horrible spectacles, resolved to try their fortune to appease, if possible, the King's just indignation by imploring his mercy: They entreated the Sieur Arnoult to procure a safe conduct that they might send their Deputies to his Majesty, which upon his Request was granted; But his Majesty would that they should first make their proposals to Monsieur the Cardinal, to whom they went with an unspeakable joy, & thereupon this grand Minister producing those Deputies which he had kept to that purpose, let them discourse with one another who having assured them that they themselves had obtained the King's pardon, represented to them that they likewise had nothing now to hope for, if they did not totally submit themselves to the discretion of his Majesty's mercy; but miserably to die by famine, his Majesty being resolved never to departed from thence, till he was Master of the Town.  
They were much surprised at this news having not heard of it till then, yet they were insolent enough to make propositions of peace, still relishing of their former mutiny. This grand Minister declared to them, they must not think of any other conditions, than absolutely to submit to his Majesty's will, but however promised them that he would employ his utmost power in their behalf; so they returned promising to dispose their Fellow-citizens to it, as much as in them lay, testifying as much satisfaction and joy as they who are reprieved from the Galleys. After this meeting they published all over the Town, how kindly the Cardinal had entertained them with assurances he had given them to employ his interest with his Majesty to obtain the same grace for them, which he had for those with the English, whose Deputies they had spoken with, conjuring every one to accept of it: The height of that misery to which they were reduced did at last quash their mutinies, although some of their Ministers not ignorant that power was the worthiest stipend of their insolences, animated them by the hopes of glory, which they should obtain by dying for the liberties of their Religion; so they could not presently resolve to surrender to the King's mercy, but proposed to make a general peace for all those of their party that they might choose a Governor, that they might choose a Mayor, and Sheriffs, and generally the preservation of their privileges, to which end their Deputies made divers journeys to and fro, but Monsieur de Cardinal, who never omitted any thing that concerned the glory of his Master, and on the other side knew the extremities to which they were reduced still told them; They must either all dye by famine, or submit to his Majesty's discretion. This plain dealing of his did at last force them to stoop, whereupon they chose twelve of the principal amongst them, most of which could hardly creep to beg his Majesty's pardon, to assure him that they would live and die in the obedience which they owed unto him, without demanding any other conditions, than what his Majesty should please to give them, and one of the bést Orators amongst them made their speech, which was all to that purpose. The King granted them the pardon which they desired and the Sieur d' Herbant Secretary of State read the Patent to them, by which his Majesty pardoned their Rebellion, discharged them of all acts of Hostility ordained that they should be restored to their goods, granted them the exercise of their Religion in the City, and commanded that all the Soldiers in the City should enjoy the same grace; and that the chief Captains and Gentlemen should go out with their Swords by their sides, and the Soldiers with Cudgels in their hands, but first they were to swear, never to bear Arms against his Majesty's service.   

Politic Observation.  
THough Rebels have been so stout, as to let themselves be forced by a long siege and with great expense, yet it is more glorious for a King to deal mercifully then severely with them. It is enough that they have already suffered great miseries, unless there be a necessity of continuing the War against others of their party, for in such case the evils they suffer are examples to terrify others, and get moderation toward them is a charm which may reduce those who are unconquered to reason. This moderation is sometimes like a precious balm, which takes away the pain of any would how mortal soever, whereas too too strict severity drives to despair, I should not be of this opinion where Rebels are forced in a few days, but where they have endured the miseries, which accompany long sieges: Then I must confess, it were not amiss to expiate the crimes of all by the lives of some, which were a cruelty too suparlative after the rigours & unconceivable miseries of many months; for then, a true courage is rather touched with compunction than revenge. The Roman Valour is often comnended for this by Antiquity, and who knoweth not how sensibly compassionate they were at the sight of their miseries, whom they had vanquished? Marcellus having mastered Syracuse, and considering the ruin to which it was reduced, could not forbear weeping: Neither could Pompey endure that Tygrances' King of Armenia should remain Prostrate before him, whatever War he had made against the Roman people, but raised him up and restored him his Crown; and the Emperor Titus seeing the calamities of Jerusalem, caused by his siege the multitude of dead carcases which filled up the City, protested he was not the Author of it, and that he was only the instrument of God's justice.   

His Majesty's Entrance into Rochel.  
Upon the thirtieth of October the Duke d' Angoulesme, the Marshal de Scomberg, the Sieurs de la Curee, Vignolle, Hallier, St. Chaumont, and divers other Lords, fourteen Companies of the Regiment des Guards, and six of Swisseses, began about six in the morning to enter into Rochel. The Cardinal persuaded his Majesty for prevention of any confusion which might arise in the Town, by reason of some curiosity, or other that the people might have to go into it; to command, that none but they who were appointed should presume to go within the Gates, or into any Houses, until leave obtained, both to secure the inhabitants from being pillaged, as also for purifying of the place, and men, who were most infected by dead Bodies, insomuch that the ill air, bred many diseases. The King placed himself upon the Fort de Beaulieu, to see the Forces march into the Town, and having seen a certain Soldier, not belonging to the Companies appointed to take possession of the Town, but of that of Sourdis, he commanded him to withdraw, testifying by this procedure, that he had a most particular knowledge of most of his Soldiers. They who commanded these Forces, seized on all the Gates of the Town, the Ramparts, Cannon, and munition, and sent away the Soldiers, the English by Sea, & the French by Land, who looked more like Ghosts then Men. There were as many Citadels as Gates, and as many Castles, as Towers, and this was it, as made the City be esteemed impregnable, especially seeing it had an outlet by Sea, which could never have in broken up, but by his Majesty extraordinary power and prudence, yet all served but as Trophies, raised to his Majesty's glory.  
Monsieur the Cardinal entered the same day with divers Lords and Gentlemen without any fear of infection, because his presence was very necessary both for his Majesty's service, and to settle things in order, but he beseeched his Majesty to forbear his own entrance until All Saint's day, that his Quarters might be purged from all ill air, and that every thing might be made ready to receive him, according to his quality and that occasion. The day being come, his Majesty made his entrance not with that magnificence which the ancient Emperors and Kings used, into such Towns as they had taken, according as History hath observed, but clothed with Piety and the Mercy of a most Christian King, Virtues however, which made him shine with so much splendour, that those poor Rebels prostrated themselves as he rid by them, that they might the more acknowledge the mercy and favour he had done them: He had his Arms on, and rid in on Horseback without any Ceremony, only four Companies of his Guards, two of Swisseses, his two Troops of Light-horse armed Cap-a-pe, his Dragoons, and the Lifeguard marched before him, all the Nobility following him, without any order to avoid the disputes of Precedency.  
The inhabitants cast themselves on their knees, as his Majesty passed along the streets, crying, God save the King who hath been so gracious unto us: And he frequently saluted those who seemed to be of the better sort amongst them. They redoubling their cries and acclamations, protested they could not sufficiently admire his Majesty's Bounty, who instead of putting them all to death, as their Preachers had persuaded them he would, did even receive them with respect and honour. But those submissions and acknowledgements were much more increased when they received the tend thousand Loaves of Bread, which his Majesty distributed amongst them the same day, together with divers other Alms which his Ma. bestowed on them; but when they beheld that there came three thousand Carts laden with Wheat and Provisions into the Town with a proportionate number of Beasts, & , which his Majesty commanded to be brought as sold at the usual rates of the Army, they could then no longer forbear to confess, that he knew how to pardon, as well as vanquish. They did not so much admire that his Majesty should be victorious, as that he should Crown it with an Olive branch of so great mercy. The King went and alighted at Saint Margarites Church, which had been consecrated by the Bishop of Bourdeaux, and where Monsieur the Cardinal with divers Ecclesiastiques, had that morning celebrated Mass by way of Thanksgiving for the happy Victory, which Heaven had bestowed on the Crown of France, he was received by the Archbishop, assisted by the Clergy and divers other religious, who sung the Te Deum, and he himself too sung it, with so great devotion, that a certain Gentleman who saw him, and one of the Townsmen, professed they would shake hands with Heresy, protesting they could not believe but that so fervent a devotion must needs be the Index of a better Religion, then that in which they had till then lived. About two days after his Majesty caused the Holy Sacrament, which had of late been so much scorned and neglected in the Town, to be carried in Procession, which was performed with as much Devotion as Pomp.  
Last of all, that he might render thanks unto God whom he looked on as the chief giver of this Victory, he writ to the Archbishop of Paris that a public Thanksgiving might be made, and himself returning to Paris passed by Nostre Dame des Ardilliers that he might pay his vows there; for to his devotions there he ascribed his first Victories, as that of the relieving Ree, upon which the whole success depended.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is but reasonable to give God thanks for a Victory, which is his own gift. But he much more loveth those who do it in effects, not by words. There can be no greater return of thanks then to imitate his bounty which is pleased to do good unto us. A generous Conqueror ought not to spill the Blood, and destroy the lives of those whom he hath overcome. Amongst the Pagans it was a usual thing to succonr and assist the wounded, to relieve them with their own hands, and do good unto them: how much more reason have Christian Princes then, to imitate so Christian like a verrue? It is not less glorious to overcome an Enemy by Clemency and meekness, then by Force and Prudence. Jesus Christ hath promised a reward to such as do good for evil, and he saith, Mercy is that which maketh men known for the Sons of his Father, who hath made the Sun to shine both upon the good and bad; and Kings had need make themselves acceptable to God, whose Image they are, by reason they have a greater account to render him then the rest of men. God Almighty saith, With the same measure that you measure, will I measure out to you again▪ insomuch that the virtue of Clemency & mercy used towards poor vanquished Creatures, ought no longer be esteemed a virtue, but a necessary means of salvation. I should add one more reason out of Polybius his History, which is, good deeds are a Chain of Gold, which do much more fix and establish the interests of Kings than those of Iron; and if Religion seem to invite them to practise it, neither doth reason of State any whit less; what was it which tied the Celtiberians so strictly and affectionately to the Roman interest, but that generous and noble Act of Scipio the African, who restored a noble Lady his Prisoner to her husband, without doing her any violence or injury, and returned him all the Gold which had been brought for her ransom? Did not Cyrus gain by his handsome treating of Croesus, after he had vanquished him? Did not that tie up the hands of all Greece, who would out of the great affection they did bear to him, have highly resented any injury done to him? The Roman Senate did much blame their Consul, Popilius for his rude treating of the Genois, and commanded reparation to be made them, because they esteemed the honour of a Victory, not complete, where it was attended with any cruelties or rigours. Those Princes who are good to their Prisoners, and those whom they have vanquished, are not only commendable, but delightful to those they rule over. The Romans having reduced Capadocia to a Province diminished the Tax which they used formerly to pay unto their own King, because they knew that the clemency and sweetness of their Empire, would invite others to submit to them with the less reluctancy and resistance.   

His Majesty's Declaration for estblishing of the Catholic Religion in Rochel.  
IF it be glorious to overcome, it is no less important to take such care as may confirm the Victory. To this purpose his Majesty before he left Rochel, published a Declaration comprehending that order which he would have observed there for the future, both to establish Religion, and to prevent this people from relapsing into their former Rebellion. This Declaration contained, that the exercise of the Roman Catholic and Apostolic Religion, should be freely exercised there, both in the City and Government of Aulnis; that the Churches which had been lately destroyed thereabouts, should be re-edified and restored to them in whose possession they formerly were, together with all their appurtenances; that a sufficient maintenance should be given to such Curates as had not means to live on, out of those lands which belonged to the Townhouse. That the Religieux de la Charite, & Les Religiouses Hospitalieres, should be reestablished in the Hospitals of the Town, to attend upon all sick persons. That a Cross should be raised in the Castle-yard, at the foot of which an Inscription of the taking the City should be inscribed; and that every first of November a Procession general should be made, to give God thanks for his mercies; that the Churchyard consecrated in the lands of Corcille, where those of the Camp, who died during the siege had been buried, should still he conserved to that use; that a convent of Religieux Minims' should be built there, who might pray unto God for them, and perpetuate the memory of the thing; this is that which his Majesty did for  to God and the consolation of the Catholic party in the Town.   

The Course his Majesty took to keep Rochel in Obedience.  
IF his Piety were so admirable in that particular, his Prudence was no less in commanding all such things as were necessary for the preservation of the Town in its duty. He deposed the Mayor, who had fomented the Rebellion with such insolent stubbornness, and discharged the Shrivalty and Commonalty of the Town without hopes of restauration. He ordained that the most seditious persons of the city should forsake it, and amongst others, G●ison Mayre, God●●ray, Sal●bre●, and Deserbr●●res, not so much as excepting the Dame de Rohan, who was carried to Niort, by the Sieux de Lannay Lieutenant des Gardes des Corpse. Next he revoked all the Privileges and Charters heretofore granted to the City He commanded the Walls, the Rampards, the Bastions, and the rest of the Fortifications to be razed, and the Ditches to be filled up, leaving only the Tours de St. Nicholas, de la Ghaist, & de la Lantern standing, with that part of the Wall towards the Sea, to preserve the Town from Pirates. He further constituted and appointed, that no stranger should have a house or family in the Town, without his Majesty's permission had and obtained, or that any Heretics should return to their former dwellings: To be short, he ordained for the better keeping them in their obedience, that there should be an intendent of Justice in the City, Country, and Government of Aulnis, who should see the execution of his Ordinances, and have an eye to that which concerned his service, all which was inserted in the said Declaration. He then commanded the inhabitants to be disarmed, and that certain Regiments should remain in the Town until it were quite demolished. After all these things thus appointed, he returned to Paris, where he was received in great magnificence, the Companies of the City, making Orations unto him: But I pass by the particulars of those Ceremonies, and confine myself to my design of writing nothing but what relateth to the Government of the State.   

Politic Observation.  
HAnnibal was discommended for not knowing how to pursue a Victory when obtained; and that Sovereign doth little or nothing, who after a reducing of those Rebels that attempted to shake off the yoke of their obedience, neglecteth to fix and settle them by all necessary orders and rules, for the continuation of them in their duties. His orders ought to be proportioned to the quality of the vanquished; who if they be Rebels, aught to be treated in another manner, than such as were under another Government: It ought likewise to be remembered, whether they who are vanquished be of the same Religion with the Conqueror; and in case they are not, then to establish divers such persons there, who profess the same with his own, and this he is obliged to by Prudence as well as Piety: It being an assured remedy of weakening a people if they be divided, and that a party be made sure of amongst them. The ancient Kings of Egypt did wisely tolerate and establish all sorts of Religion in their Countries and Kingdoms to the intent the diversity of opinions might dis-unite them from any Revolts: On the other side, if those whom a Sovereign overcommeth be his own natural Subjects, he ought not totally to destroy their Cities and Towns, for that were to weaken his own power. Which is the same thing that Croesus' persuaded to Cyrus, when he had been vanquished by him, do not (quoth he, I beseech you) destroy the Towns of Lydia, for by it you will not destroy me but yourself, to whom by right of Arms they now belong; but however this rule admitteth of exception. For if a Sovereign hath the least suspicion that they may revolt a second time, he is then bound to deprive them of all possible means to effect it, be it either by disarming the inhabitants, or dismantling their Fortifications, nay by levelling their very Walls too, if they are of any considerable strength. Thus did the Romans destroy Velitre, by reason of their frequent revolts, turned out the Senate, and commanded them to live on the other side of Tiber. The strength and Fortifications of a Town do often invite the people to rebel, as Tacitus observeth, speaking of Jerusalem: To which same purpose did Xerxes prohibit the use of any Arms to the Babylonians, and Cyrus to the Lydians, both of them commanding those people to study Arts which might divert them from War. It were not much amiss to deprive them of the means of making assemblies. The Romans have showed the way of it, by destroying all form of Government amongst those of Capua, after they had overcome them, whereby they had not any occasion of assembling any more together as formerly they had used. To this same end too hath the Turks inhibited the use of Clocks, amongst the Christians, or any others over his whole Empire, to prevent the meeting of any Assemblies, which might be contrary to his will, and the obedience he requireth from them. But they who are Victorious aught always to accompany their commands with some sweetness, which may tolerate to them the exercise of their Religion, the assurance of their goods or the like, but then at last he must be sure to take from them all possible means of a future Revolt and Insurrection.   

The Honour which his Majesty got by the taking of Rochel.  
THE most ingenious of men, & even the Pope himself, extolled the glorious ●tchievment which his Majesty had obtained; indeed he could not be praised enough, considering he had defeated three English Fleets, relieved the Isle of Ree, and overcome a City which through all Christendom was thought impregnable, and by such a means too as was no less admirable than the taking of the Town itself and without the loss of almost one man, although Charles the ninth lost the lives of many great Commanders, and shot ten thousand great Guns at it, and could do no good upon it. How glorious was it for him, to have restored this Monarchy to its ancient splendour and lustre, by destroying a Faction which had so often armed some of his Subjects against the rest, which hindered him from being assisting to his Allies, and prevented him from regaining that honour and esteem in Europe, which his Predecessors had held as their due. This rebellious Town had for above two hundred years banded against their Kings, whenever they were upon any great expedition, as against Lewis the eleventh, during the broils of the Duke de Guienn his Brother against Charles the Eighth, when all Italy expected him at Fornove against Lewis the Twelfth, whilst he was in the Wars for the Milanois, against Francis the first, whiles he was engaged with Charles the fifth, against Francis the second, and Charles the ninth, doth in his minorities, against Henry the third, arming his brother to oppose him, against Henry the Great, just as he was engaging against the Duke of Savoy: And lastly, against his Majesty himself, upon whom they had thrice mad War; but now their strong Walls being overthrown, served for Monuments of his eternal glory.   

Monsieur the Cardinal did much contribute to the taking of Rochel.  
THe Cardinal being the chief Minister in this Affair as well as that of the State, it were unreasonable to deny him some part of the credit: They who writ concerning those Subjects made the less difficulty of it, in regard his Majesty attributed the whole management of it to his Councils, as by divers Declarations published abroad was apparent, neither could it indeed be denied unto him, seeing he it was that advised the besieging of Rochel, who had contrived the means of relieving Ree, who had beaten off the English, who had first laid the Foundations of the siege, who had drawn the Lines and Works, who had preserved them in good order, who had kept the Forces from disbanding, who had made them live in such a Discipline, as was formerly unheard of in France, who had contrived the Bank, and at last concluded a League with the English, who were come a third time to relieve the place. But as the most glorious acts expose men to most envy, so some malignant Pens there were who dis-esteemed and spoke lightly of him; nay would have made his greatest services have been esteemed for attempts against his Majesty's Crown, yet all would not do, some impression indeed they made upon them of the Cabal, who could not behold without envy so shining a Star; they who are well acquainted with him, cannot but know how that he always, and upon all occasions, avoided what ever might expose him to envy, that he did ever ascribe all the glory of his conduct and government to his Majesty; and that on the other side, the most that he ever pretended to in his greatest Actions, was only the honour to have served him faithfully and not improfitably; they cannot but know he could not more fitly be compared to any one then unto Germanicus, Nephew and adopted son of Tiberius, who having obtained a great Victory in Germany, prepared a fair Trophy, at the foot of which was inscribed, The Army of Tiberius. Caesar, as Tacitus hath observed, after the reducing of the people between the Rhine and Elbe, raised a Monument to Mars, Jupiter, and Augustus, but mentioned not himself: And thus the honour of doing those glorious actions which he every day achieved, was by him esteemed both his satisfaction and reward.   

Politic Observation.  
WHat ever honour is attributed to second causes, upon the effecting of great things, yet the chief glory redounds unto the first, not only because he communicates all the power which second causes have to operate; but withal, because those effects depend upon his particular influence. It cannot be denied, but second cause deserved commendation, and indeed without injustice, it cannot be gainsaid, but that they have likewise much contributed. The Sun, in the Universal Principium of the generation of all Plants, he it is who extracteth the Germinative quality, wherewith the earth is replenished, who produceth the Flowers and Fruits, wherewith it is adorned it being most assuredly true, that without his influences the earth would remain fruitless, dry and barren: Which though it be so, yet what Philosopher did ever deny, that the earth was not one of the chief causes of all those effects? Have they not all confessed that the earth produceth Lilies and Roses? And was not that Sophister esteemed a Novice who denied the Title of Mother to her? In the same manner, God is doubtless, the first Author of every thing done in the World, yet no Philosopher will deny, but that the Sun and Man beget Man, that the Sun and Horse beget a Horse, they having some part of his glory, by the honour which they have of being his Subjects; and God himself jealous though he be of his own glory, as he protesteth in one of the Prophets, hath he not commanded us to honour his Saints, as the second causes of Miracles, to build Churches, raise Altars, make Vows unto them, and to publish their praises, for those Miracles which his omnipotent hand hath wrought by them his instruments? And were he not besotted, who should refuse this honour to the Prince of the Apostles, when his very shadow cured so many diseases, though effected by a divine power, really less inhaerent in him, then that which grand Ministers have in themselves for the public good? If perverse obstinacy should transport any one, to deny them this respect, may they not easily be convinced by Gods own example, when he spoke unto Moses saying, Thou hast led my people out of Egypt, though indeed it was the work of his own hand? God well knew that he had made use of Moses his servant, as the chief Minister of his Kingdom, and for the Conductor of his people, and therefore how jealous so ever he were of his own glory, yet he would ascribe it to him, as well knowing, that the honour attributed to second causes, doth not at all diminish that which is due unto the first. This is the true image of honour which ought to be given unto Ministers, for the services which they pay unto their Sovereigns; and who need be jealous of it, seeing God is not? A King and his Minister are so strictly united, as the hand and instrument in the Artificer, so that nothing but malice and envy can oppose that praise which is due to a Minister, who hath effected any enterprise with success, tending to the public good of the Kingdom. As the King is first and chief, so the first and chief honour is his, but then without injustice his Miniser cannot be denied the sharing of some part with him, who hath been his instrument to obtain it.   

The expenses of the Siege of Rochel, amount unto forty millions of Livres.  
THe greatness of the expense before Rochel can hardly be imagined, without considering the particulars, as the punctual paying of the whole Army, the building of the Bank, Munitions of all sorts and the like. They who disbursed the several sums reckon it at forty Millions, but the particular diligence and care of the marquis d' Effat, Superintendent of the Exchequer to provide all, that there might not be any want, deserveth (and undoubtedly so will) to pass in History for a particular commendation. He entered upon the Treasuries at a time when they were fifty millions of Livres in debt, and the Treasurers hardly perswadable to assist his Majesty in any of his occasions, by reason of the review which had so lately been made amongst them; the Parliament too had much ado to be persuaded to rat fie Edicts for to raise money, yet he used such address and diligence, that not only there was no want of money, but the charge was less than formerly it had used to be, and in such expeditions where the Soldiers were hardly paid at all, such and so great care did he use in the charge of the Treasuries. There was a necessity of making some new Edicts, but the chief means he used were, according to the Cardinal's instructions, to cut off all superfluous expenses to commit the management of those sums which were expended unto persons of known fidelity and trust. The Cardinal did not only lend out upon this occasion what moneys he had in his own Coffers, but engaged his credit as far as it would go, to raise more amongst his kindred and friends. He was not so sittle affectionate to his Master's service as the Cardianal d' Amien● was 〈◊〉 who still sent out of the Kingdom all those gratifications which he received, like unto those Courtesans who love the money better than the man, and measure their pleasure by their profit, whereas the Cardinal preferred his Master's glory, before the whole Indias, he studied nothing but the increase of it, and the continuation of himself in his favour, that he might to that purpose contribute his utmost care and devoir.   

Politic Observation.  
Physicians tell us, that man's body could neither stand nor go without Nerves, Muscles, and the like, and it is no less certain, that the body of an Army cannot march or long subsist, without a great mass of money to maintain them. That Prince who hath no Silver, will presently want meat for his Forces, be can neither provide them Arms or , and necessity once pinching upon them, away they all fly, if any perchance stay behind they are weak as water, faint and unable to do any service; whereas Plenty of money maketh an Army flourish, and in heart one of the greatest means the Duke of Parma used, to uphold the Wars in Flanders and France, was to see a daily distribution of the Ammunitions and bread delivered out unto the Soldiers, to see them once a year clothed from head to foot, and monthly paid, without which he could never have had preserved his army so flourishing and victorious as he did. It is true indeed 〈◊〉 was to blame, so highly to vaunt before Solon the Athenian, when he shown him his 〈…〉 riches; Solon told him he did not esteem him any whit the more potent, because war was made with Iron not with Gold: however it cannot be denied but that as Levies cannot be made without money, so in some sort money is as necessary as Soldiers.  
A small Prince if he have great treasures, may have the command of a great army though his Subjects are but few, others will willingly let him make Levies in their Countries; but he who wants money how great soever he be, can neither raise any or keep them long together whe●… they are raised. I have always much esteemed the advice of Pericles, one of the ablest Captains of his time, who said that Victories were commonly obtained by these three means, Money, Soldiers, and Council; and to speak the truth, who is defective in either of the three must not expect an happy success in his enter prizes Caesar was not ignorant how necessary a thing money was for the encouragement of Soldiers, as I have heretofore observed, and History reports of him, that he was liberal in distributing it among them, when by any exploit they had well deserved it; of which he hath left behind him one notable example, when after that his forces had endured much hardship before Berry, he made a Donative of 2000 Sesterces to every man. To conclude, it is no less requisite to settle an order in the Treasuries, then to have as good foundation of money; for the effecting of which, it were good to employ understanding faithful men, for the payment of Soldiers, and the punishing of those who commit offences, to make a weekly payday to all the Soldiers, it being more proper to pay them often and little, then seldom and by great sums, which they consume in a short time by a natural ill husbandry, without considering that that once gone they are liable to a thousand wants and inconveniences, which may happen by sickness to the very great decay of them Courages and Resolutions.   

The King's Forces are Masters of the Field in Languedoc.  
THe revolt of the Towns in Languedoc, which the Duke of Rohan had gotten into about the beginning of the year, did at first make a great noise, but soon after Monsieur the Prince, the Dukes of Montmorency and Vantadour, who commanded his Majesty's forces, become Masters of the field, and before the end of it repossessed themselves of all those palces, which were capable of being forced in a few days; for they thought it improper to engage themselves in any long sieges, because that might have given the Duke of Rohan opportunity to seize upon others. Monsieur the Prince presently took Poussin, and many other places upon the Rhone, which were of great importance in those Countries, by reason of the hindrance they brought to Commerce. Not long afterwards he marched towards Tholouze, that he might confer with the Duke of Montmorency, Vantadour, and d' Espernon, who were to be there, to consider what was fit to be done. Now as he passed by Tarascon he had intelligence given that those of Nismes, had seized of the Castle de Vauvert, belonging to the Duke of Vantadour, and he finding himself obliged by many considerations, concludeth to pursue them; but they of Nismes seeing him come up near unto them, forthwith surrendered it up into his power. His Courage made his journey to Tholouze the longer, but having had the satisfaction of reducing this place, he arrived there with great content, and after some conferences had with those Lords who met there; it was ordered that the Duke of Vantadour should take some forces into Vivaretz, to impede the Duke of Rohans' proceed in the Sevennes, that the Duke of Espernon should march towards Milhaud in Rovengue, the Count de Carmain, with some Regiments to Foix, which the Duke of Rohan had much ruined, and that the Prince and Duke of Montmorency should remain in Tholouze until March. Whilst they were yet there, the Parliament made the process against the Duke of Rohan, and condemned him to be executed in Effigies, declaring his Goods to be confiscated to the King, who bestowed them on Monsieur the Prince. The States of the Province were at the same time assembled together, as well to consult of the means for keeping their people in obedience, as to raise contributions and taxes for the maintenance of the forces. The King's Officers pressed hard on the Rebels to engage them to fight, and sometimes met with them; for they well knew that long deliberation is an enemy to good success, especially in matters of War. The Duke of Vantadour went from Tholouze towards Vivaretz about the end of January, and passing as near the Rebels as possibly he could, he had notice given him that all their Cavalry were issued out of Nisms, scouring up and down the Country, and that they committed all kind of disorder under the command of the Sieurs de Laignes, de la Chassagne, and d' Aubay. Hereupon he commanded his Troop of Cuirassieers, and that of his guard to follow him, whom he carried up so near and advantageously to the enemy, that he engaged them broke their ranks, cut some in pieces, took divers Prisoners, and put the rest to flight.   

The taking of Pamiers, and other places, by the Prince of Conde.  
ABout the same time, the Sieur de Perant Governor of Vsez, fell upon six hundred foot of Mamoirac's Regiment, seconded with a hundred Curassiers, and fought with them. Marmoirac two of his Captains, one Ensign, and about one hundred Soldiers were killed upon the place, the rest were pursued to the very Gates. As for Monsieur the Prince, and the Duke de Montmorency they departed from Tholouze, directly to Pamiers, where Beaufort the Duke of Rohans' Lieutenant General in Foix, had built a Citadel, which by the leisure he had, was made very strong; they led up the Army to it, and made their approaches so happily, that they only lost two men: Monsieur the Prince, raised a Battery, filled up the Ditches, and prepared every thing for a Breach, the Battery was so quick that in a few hours there was a reasonable way open, which the Prince having notice of, he would needs go with the Marshals of the Camp to view it, who drew out some of every Regiment to fall in upon the Town; which they did, and being got over, lodged themselves under the Wall, being unable to pass further on, by reason of the Trench they met with; but the standing which they had was so advantageous, that the inhabitants could not offend them at all, and not a man of the Town could appear, but they presently fetched him off with their Muskets, insomuch that they forced them to demand quarter, which the Prince caused to be given unto them, from thence he went to ●ealmont, a strong Town in Alkigeois, against which place he raised three Batteries, which thundering upon them, forced them to surrender upon composition: The next thing he did was to dispatch the marquis de Ragny with the fore guard towards Castle Franc, which they reduced under his Majesty's obedience, and thence he caused some Troops to face Cos●● and Saint Seve●, Brassao and Castebrian, which places were forced to open their Gates. The Harvest now was commin●●on, and the Cardinal gave him and the Officers under him notice, that his Majesty thought it not amiss to Forage round a hour Monta●●an, Cas●res, Nismes, and divers other principal Towns in Languedoc: These orders drew the Prince near to Castres', the Duke de Montmorency before Nismes, and the Duke ● Espernon before Montau●●●. They 〈◊〉 Castre having notice of the Prince's design, drew all the Forces they could make out of the neighbouring Towns and Garrisons to prevent the Foragers, and at first coming they made some skirmishes with his Soldiers, and upon those who came within shot, they le●●flie their great Guns. The Prince was not dismayed at it, but only looked on it as an occasion to increase his glory. They whom he commanded to make the waist, fell lustily to their work, to the admiration of all those in the Town, who with their whole forces made a sally out upon them. Their first was a very violent encounter, and maintained with great courage, until at last they were beaten back to the very Ditches; from which time they did no more attempt to beat off the Foragers from their work. The Duke de Montmorancy for his part, took Poussin in his march, a Town refortified by the Duke of Rohan and Mirabel, a place of importance, and then joining his forces to those the Duke de Vantadour, and marquis Desporsez, he went to Forage about Nismes, where the Duke of Vantadour cut off about one hundred foot, whom he fell upon at unawares in a Village not far from the Town. They were so fortunate that they did not only bring Nismes to famine, but Vsez, Aletz, Aduze, and all the Sevennes, having burned above fifty Villages with all the Corn then standing on the ground, both old and new, neither durst the Duke of Rohan once attempt to prevent it. The Duke of Espernon did the like about Montauban, and not long after the Duke de Vantadours Troops of Curassiers, his Guards and Carabines which were in garrison at Beaucair, being commanded to march up towards N●smes, that they might draw out their Forces to fight with them, went up and drove away all their  in sight of the Town, on purpose to invite them out; they presently made their sally, and were so resolutely charged, that their horse was broken, and the Duke's Forces broke quite thorough to the foot, left threescore and seventeen dead upon the place, and about fifty wounded. After this blow the Rebels durst not appear any where, their lucks was so bad, so that the King's Army were Masters of the field. The Prince finding his presence was no more useful in those parts, obtained leave of his Majesty to return to Berry.   

Politic Observation.  
HE who hath persuaded any Towns to revolt, must not expect to keep them any long time, unless he be Master of the Field; his hopes of maintaining them in his own power will vanish, and he will soon see them retaken by his Sovereign, before his face, if once he be master of the Country: For as there is not any place how weak soever, which doth not hold out some small time, especially if it be assisted: so there is not any place how strong soever, that can always hold out it not relieved, that is, unless there be a sufficient power on foot, to force him who is sat down before it, to raise his siege, or at least to send Forces and Ammunitions into it. Places cannot defend themselves, but must have men to do it for them; neither can the men ever do it, unless they have refreshments both of victuals, munitions, and Soldiers, otherwise the troubles, necessities, and discommodities of a Siege, will enforce them to surrender whether they will or no. It is evident that if the Sovereign be Master of the field, than the revolted Towns can hardly be relieved or assisted, because of his greater power, to prevent and hinder it. Those places I must confess which are strong indeed, seem to command and keep the Country in subjection, but this power of theirs can be of no long date, unless their fellow Rebels have a potent Army to assist them with Convoys both of Men, Victuals, and Munition. The Tyrians were so insolent by reason their Town was so strongly built upon a Rock in the Sea, that they mocked at Alexander when he besieged them, and made a Bank about them to keep off any relief from coming unto them; they asked of him if he designed to make himself greater than Neptune, by that device of his to overcome the Sea, his Soldiers they called Asses and beasts, because they laboured without ceasing in carrying materials towards the Bank; but at last Alexander having reduced the neighbouring Country, finished his works which he had projected; and finally, forced them to render at his mercy. Which being so, the best advice that can be given to a Sovereign for the preventing of a Revolt or the progress of it, is, forthwith to make himself master of the field, and to fall upon them and their Towns, without giving them leisure to increase their numbers, or fortify their Cities. For showing a resolution to force them by Arms, if they submit not by fair means, is a most powerful way to open the strongest gates whatever. Maharbal General of Hannibal's horse, was not ignorant of this particular, when his advice was forthwith to march up to the Gates to Rome, after that famous Battle of Cannes, telling him, that there being hardly any forces at all near or about the City, he would infallibly in a little while become Master of that too; Hannibal followed not his Council, but those who persuaded him to give his Soldier's breath, but yet every one concluded he lost a most fair opportunity; it having been a most easy thing in that conjuncture of time to have carried his victorious Troops to Rome, and to have forced the Citizens to set open their Gates unto him. Caesar never did so, but when ever he found himself master of the field any where, presently went on to the perfecting of his Conquest, which he could not think complete, whilst there remained any thing undone, or any small place untaken.   

The Duke of Savoy enters into a League with the Governor of Milan, to fall upon the States of the Duke de Nevers and Mantua.  
Whilst his Majesty was thus engaged before Rochel and in Languedoc, the Duke of Savoy, and Do●n Joncales de Cordona, Governor of Milan, seeing the Duke of Nevers had taken possession of the Duchess of Mantua and Montferrat made a League together. The Articles imported that the Duke of Savoy should endeavour to make himself master of all the places in Montferrat, excepting Casal, Po●t Desture, Nice, Aqui, and some other places, and that the marquis de Montenigro, should fall in upon the State of Mantova, and get what he could there. The Emperor being wrought to it, by the Spaniards, commanded without regard had to the Duke of Nevers submissions, which he had sent to him by the Archbishop of Mantua, that those Dutchies should be in sequestration until the claim of Prince Gastles, who pretended himself heir to them, were adjudged and determined, and sent the Comte J●an de Nassan, in the quality of an Imperial Commissary, to seize on them, and there to fortify himself that the King nor Princes of Italy might enter upon it. In brief, the Duke of Savoy having his Army ready, upon the first news of Duke Vincents death, seized upon Albe, Saint Damien, Diana, Trin, Gabian, and Motecalvo; Don Joncales, went with his Army to Casal, where finding himself opposed, he made himself Master of the adjacent places; and the marquis de Montenigro invaded Mantua to get what advantages he could. The Duke of Matnua hereupon, dispatched one in all haste unto his Majesty, for those succours which had been promised to him; and in the mean time he himself had raised an Army of about twelve thousand foot, and two thousand horse; part he sent into Montferrat the rest he kept in Mantua and thereabouts, to hinder the marquis the Montiningro's progress in the Mantuan. The King being informed of these violent emotions, permitted all Monsieur de Mantua's friends to go to his assistance, and his Highness to ralse what Forces he thought fit in the Kingdom of France; insomuch that shortly after the marquis de Bewron, carried with him store of French over the Mountains of Savoy, who cast themselves into Cazal, and so encouraged the inhabitants that Don Joncales began to lose his former hopes of so speedily taking it. The Sieur de Guron was likewise sent by his Majesty thither presently after, who so got the good Will of the people there, that they parted willingly with any thing they had; nay the Women would deliver up their Rings and Jewels, that the Soldiers might not want their pay. The Spaniards in the mean time were not idle, but used their best endeavours to gain the place, but were always repulsed with such courage that they never went off but to their great loss. The marquis de B●uuron made divers Sallies upon them, and did as often put them to disorder, but was at last killed, after he had on many occasions testified, that fear had no corner in his heart, and that his courage could have make him withstand a Puissant Army with a handful of men. The Sieur de Guron commanded in the town after his death, where he so behaved himself, that the Townsmen were persuaded to hold out in expectation of relief from France.  
The King having give leave to the Marquis d' Vxelles, to make Levies for Monsieur de Mantua, he had at last raised as many as he thought would be sufficient for the business, which was about fifteen of sixteen thousand men effective. The Rendezvouz was appointed in the Bailiages of Ambrun, Gap and Briancon, where being all come together, they who had the orders to make the muster, and pay them, and make provisions necessary for their passage over the Mountains, were so neglectful, that they were forced to stay thereabouts in those Bailiages about twenty day's time, during which they committed many insolences and wastes, which the marquis de Vxelles finding he was almost in despair, to see such disorders, all that he could do to remedy it, was, he procured the Country people to provide a certain quantity of Provisions both for Man and War, and to carry them after the Army over the Mountains, some part of their money he paid them down in hand, and for the residue he obliged himself in his own name to pay them, upon the first Muster. Whereupon he began to march, and on the twenty seventh of July, entered into the Mountains, where he no sooner appeared, but the Duke of Savoy came up to them and opposed them wherever they went. The resistance which he here met, did not very much trouble him, for he often beat them before him; but it was his misfortune, that the Provisions promised by those of Dauphine, did not follow the Army; insomuch that the Soldiers having marched some days without any bread, he was at last forced to resolve upon returning back again; their retreat indeed was honourable enough; for the Sieur de la Ferte Marshal de Camp facing the enemy with three Regiments upon the tops of two Mountains, gave opportunity to the rest of the Troops to retire into Dauphine, which the Duke of Savoy could not perceive until they were quite gone.   

Politic Observation.  
THE Laws of military policy require the preparing of great Magazines near the places designed for an enterprise, before the first attempt; and especially not to enter upon an enemy's Country without making sure of a daily provision for the Soldiers, that they are not brought to want. Armies are oftener ruined by hunger then by Battle; whence it happens that he who is not very careful of carrying his Provisions with him, or sure of finding them where he comes, will soon see himself destitute of Troops; and in such confusion as will render him contemptible to his enemies, and despicable to his friends. This was one of the rules Cambyses taught his son Cyrus, as Xenophon relateth it, and Cyrus was no less careful to practise it in the Wars which he made against the Assyrians, as the same Author observeth. The Turks are very exact at it, indeed their temperance gives them one great advantage, because the carriage of them is not very difficult, amongst them, who use neither Wine nor other dainties. It were to be wished that ours would follow their example, because the plenty in which most of our Commanders have used to live, renders them unable for labour, or to make any great erterprises upon the Spaniard, by reason of the difficulty of carrying provisions with them. The Romans were not ignorant of this truth, when their Empire was in its most flourishing condition; and for this reason it was, that they accustomed their forces to great abstinency, and those Nations which were least brought up in delicacies, were always by them esteemed the most warlike. Thus Julius Caesar thought the Flemings more valiant than the rest of the Gauls, because they lived upon harder fare. Hannibal to his cost found what losses befell his Army, after they had been accustomed to a lithe ease and plenty, when after the battle of Cans, warring with less fear of the Romans, he permitted them to live in all pleasure and abundance, and afterwards being to make use of them, he found that by that means they had lost their courages. A Captain however in avoiding this delicacy, ought not to be defective in carrying that which is necessary for his Soldiers. The inconveniences which will follow by such neglect, are not only as hath been said, that he will see them disband, but withal he will find them to run to his enemy's Quarters, in hope to find there better maintenance. Thus did the most part of Afranius and Petrius soldiers fly to Caesar's Camp, and those of Caesar upon the like necessity went unto Pompey; besides all this, want occasioneth diseases, as the French found at Carignan (as Guieciardin reporteth) and sometimes causeth a Mutiny: In fine, it is impossible in such occasions but a Commander must soon see his forces in confusion among themselves, and vanquished by their enemies, as Vegetius hath very judicially observed.   

The King takes care of the Affairs of his Allies the Grisons.  
ALthough his Majesty was careful of Monsieur de Mantua his affairs, yet did he not abandon those of the Grisons his ancient Allies; but endeavoured to put them into the enjoyment of that, which had been accorded them by the Treaty at Mouson: He had about the end of the last year sent a Declaration to the Sieur Nesmin, his Ambassador with those people; which imported, that according to a Clause of the first Article in that Treaty, the agreements made at Lindan and Coire, between the Archduke Leopold, the Governors of Milan, and the three Cantons of the Grisons in the year 1617.▪ until the day and date of the Treaty at Mouson, aught to be null and void, and that all the Ambassadors assembled in Treating with the Spaniards, were promised as much; yet now the Spaniards would needs give other interpretations for their own advantage to that first Article, though in itself nothing could be clearer, upon which great contests did arise between the Grisons, the Spaniards, and the Archduke Leopold. Now the Grisons desiring his Majesty would clear the doubt, he could not only not refuse them, but moreover promise them that they should enjoy the benefit of the said Treaty, and that he would assist them with his Arms, against any that should pretend to make use of revoked Treaties to their prejudice. They received this Declaration with a great deal of joy from the Sieur de Mesmin, but that was not the only difficulty in the execution of the Treaty. The Deputies of the Grisons and the Valtolines, did press his Majesty for an exposition of other Articles, each of them pretending to interpret it according to his own advantage, they that they ought to be established in the right of Sovereignty over the Valtoline. The Comter de Chiaveunes and Bormio which they had in the year, 1617., excepting what had been nominated in the Treaty; to wit, the Justice and civil Government over the Valtolines; for which they were to pay them the yearly rent of twenty five thousand crowns. The other were animated by the Spaniards, that they ought absolurely to be exempted from the Sovereignty of the Valtolines, without being obliged to any other duty than the bare payment of the 25000 Crowns. Now it was likewise agreed in the said Treaty, that in case any doubt should arise upon any words the interpretation of it should be referred to the two Crowns, who should freely declare their sense of it. His Majesty had oftentimes, by his Ambassadors, requested the King of Spain his Brother in Law, that they might make a Declaration together for the quiet of that people; but the Spaniard who only sought advantage from their division, delayed the Ambassador so long, that his Majesty was at last forced to make a Declaration himself conformable to the true meaning of the intent of the Treaty, which implied, that not only the Treaties made at Lindaw, Coire, and Milan, should be void and of no effect; but withal that conformably to the second Article, the affairs of the Grisons and Valtolines should be reduced to the same state they were in, in the year, 1617. by which the Grisons were restored to the same Authority and Sovereignty, which they that year had over the Valtolines, and the said Comtes; and that consequently it belonged to them alone, and not the Valtolines their Subjects to make Treaties of Peace, Alliances, War, to coin moneys, to grant or refuse the Passages of the said Countries, to imposeTaxes, Contributions and the like, and that the Valtolines could only pretend to the Justice and Civil government, which for quietness sake had been granted to them under the yearly payment of twenty five thousand crowns to the Grisons, who had the power of confirming the Magistrates and Potestates by them elected. This Declaration was sent by the King to the Sieur Mesmin, that he might by his Prudence procure is to be accepted by both parties; to the end they might live in Peace; but with order however not to deliver it until both parties had agreed, to submit to it according to the form and tenure of it; as also not to discover it to one or other, if he imagined both of them would make any difficulty to receive it, that he might not put his royal authority into their hands. This was a remarkable effect of the Cardinal's Prudence, who knew that a King's authority ought never to be exposed to the contempt of his Allies; and not knowing clearly how the people were inclined, persuaded his Majesty to commit the execution of it to his Ambassador's discretion: The Sieur Mesmin finding the Grisons and Valtolines not disposed to accept the Declaration according to all its Clauses, after he had under hand discovered the pretensions and designs, which the Spaniards had put into their heads to hinder their good intelligence, that they might not shut up the Passges of the Valtoline against him, did not propose it in public to have their common approbation of it; only gave his Majesty notice of what he had done, who approved of it, and left the deciding of those differences, until such time as he should carry his Arms into Italy, and have that in his hands which might maintain the justice f the cause.   

Politic Observation.  
PRudence teacheth a Minister that distance of place doth hinder the knowledge of the particular inclination of strangers, and that thereupon it is necessary to commit many things to the Ambassadors who are with them in the behalf of his Master; and especially concerning the form of executing such Orders as are sent him. It is a commendable discretion to be persuaded that he hath not knowledge and power enough to do all things of himself; whereas, they who suffer themselves to be led by a vain presumption, upon their own parts, do usually commit their Master's authority to the inconsiderateness and inconstancy of neighbours, expose them to scorn by the little respect they give his Orders, and in fine leave them without effect. For this very reason a discreet Politician laughed at the Florentines and Venetians, who in his time would needs give themselves all particular Orders in their Army, even to the appointing of the places for their Batteries. We see in History that the Romans did commit the execution of their Commissions to the Prudence of those whom they employed, were it in Peace or War. Caesar upon his resolution for an expedition into England, gave the command of three Legions and two thousand horse to Labienus, to look after France in his absence; but he gave him no particular Orders, only to act as the necessity of affairs did require. Tiberius' one of the wisest of the Roman Emperors did the like (as Tacitus reports) when he sent his son Drusus into Hungary, for the reducing of some revolted Legions unto obedience, giving him no other order for his Conduct, but that which himself should think proper to be done, when he was upon the place. He must needs be ignorant of the Roman custom, who knows not that it was their use to insert in their Commissions whom they employed, a particular command that they did not interest in any thing which they did in the public concerns of the State; and if any one should suffer him to be carried by his own will to do otherwise, they were never wanting for the most part; but to confess that it was not possible for them being at a distance, to know all that is proper to be done As when the Consul Fabius had beaten the Tuscans near Sutres, and had resolved to pursue them through the Forest Simine to invade Tuscany; the Senate misinformed of what he might do, sent two Senators to him to dissuade him from the attempt; but before the Senators had come to him, they found he had already passed the Forest, and obtained the Victory which he sought for, at which they were much astonished. This serves at least to show that a great liberty ought to be left to those who are employed, especially when by reason of distance there cannot be a particular information of all Occurrences; and that he who doth otherwise, loseth many advantages in War, and also in negotiations of Peace; and instead of getting glory, renders himself contemptible both in one and in the other.    

Anno 1629.  
NO one can with dry eyes behold a Vessel in which divers of his friends are driven by a storm, beaten by winds and waters, now raised up on high, and anon cast down again, and sometimes ready to be swallowed up by the Waves: But when the Tempest is once over, than the whole pleasure is, to discourse in what danger they were, and the future remembrance of it is a satisfaction and delight. In the same manner, who could behold the violent emotions, in which France was agitated during this year, and not be moved to pity! Surely he must be devoid of a French heart, and destitute of all those resentments which nature infuseth into all men for their own Country: But now his joy and delight must be equal too, the storm is blown over, and it is become a pleasure to discourse the hazard she hath escaped.  

The King after the taking of Rochel, releeveth Cazal in person.  
THe King having reduced Rochel, his courage invited him to relieve Cazel in his own person. The enterprise was difficult, and there was no hopes of any good success, but after great labours, hazards, and difficulties. There was a necessity of passing the Alps, and that at a time when the Ice and Snow was enough to have stopped up the ways; but besides this, the Duke of S●v●ys Army must be passed through likewise; many strong places were of necessity to be taken in, and an inevitable necessity of marching five or six days through an enemy's Country, where they were sure to find no Victuals, where by reason of the ways, it was as hard to get any to be carried for the relief of the Soldiers. These difficulties would have troubled a resolution less courageous than his Majesties, but it being his only desire to obtain glory, by the hardest things, especially where his Justice is concerned, he was not so much as moved at it. He assembled his Council to consider of it, presently after his return to Paris; some of them indeed were against it, as doubting lest the French falling thus directly on the Spanish forces, might make a Breach between the two Crowns, which experience had evinced to be very prejudicial to the State. The Spanish power had by little and little become terrible, until the Cardinal pulled away the Wizard, and made it apparent, that those were only Chimaeras and vain Clouds, which would soon be dissipated by the lustre of his Majesty's Arms; insomuch that his Eminency (who is not to be shaked in any thing where his Master's glory was concerned) began to discourse the business, that at last every one of them submitted to the reasons which he produced; and it was then concluded that Cazal ought to be relieved, Sir (said he) seeing the taking of Rochel hath ended a most glorious enterprise for your Majesty, and the most profitable for your State, that can possibly happen again in your whole life: Italy now oppressed for almost a whole year by the Duke of Savoy and Spaniards, attendeth a relief from your power, and a deliverance from their evils by your most victorious Arm: Your Honour obligeth you to defend those neighbours and Allies of yours, who are unjustly despoiled of their States: But besides these important reasons, your own interests do oblige you, to turn your thoughts and arms thither; and I dare assure you, that if your Majesty resolve upon it, and it be executed as it ought, the issue of it will be no less happy and honourable to you, then that of that rebellious City. I am not I confess a Prophet, but I am confident that if your Majesty lose no more time, but carry on the design; you shall both relieve Cazal, and settle Italy in Peace before May; from whence returning with your Army into Languedoc, you shall likewise settle all there before the end of July; so that I hope your Majesty will in August be returned both safe and victorious to Paris. These were the chief points of his advice, spoken with such Grace and Courage, that not a man in all the Assembly but approved of it, and I have the more willingly inserted them here, for the preservation of them to posterity, as an Oracle of his Prudence, which might indeed pass for a Prophecy, seeing that every thing fell out just as he had Prognosticated.   

Politic Observation.  
●T must be confessed that eminent Souls have extraordinary foresights, and somewhat, I know not how, more than humane, they see all effects by their causes; they do commonly speak of things with assurance, and prognosticate things to come, as if they saw them presently acted before their eyes; they behold all dangers long before they happen, which they fear not, because their Prudence applies fit remedies; they know the weakness of their enemies, when and where they ought to be assaulted; they know all their stratagems, all their designs; and thus it is that their Prudence maketh them frequently judge of things with certainty.  
Some have been of opinion that these extraordinary knowledges have been communicated to them by their Genius, and to speak more Christianlike by their good Angles, which me thinks cannot well be denied; seeing the like hath befallen the Grandees amongst the Pagans, as Socrates, Brutus, and Caesar, and of latter ages divers other experiences of the same kind: But I may well add, the Angles do but seldom afford those their favours; and as seldom, as that eminent Prudence whereunto they add their foreseeing quality, is rare.   

Prosecution of the History.  
THe Cardinal did clearly foresee that this expedition being well managed, it would be impossible for the Spaniard or Duke of Savoy, to raise a force sufficient to oppose that of his Majesty: He knew that in all Italy there were hardly three thousand natural Spaniards; that their forces were but small, and divided; that they were moneyless, and harassed with losses on every hand; that there was such an inclination in the minds of most part of the Italians to revolt, that there need no more then to tell them they should be set at liberty, and discharged of their great burdens, and that this would be enough to make them take up Arms; that there could not a more favourable conjuncture be wished, than this, for the securing of Monsieur de Mantua from the violence of Spain, and that it were as great imprudence to lose this opportunity, as it would be discretion to lay hold on it, This was that which made him deliver his advice to his Majesty with such confidence, and which induced his Majesty first to an assurance of it, and then to command an extraordinary diligence to be had for the raising of Levies, and providing all necessary munitions for the expedition into Italy.   

Politic Observation.  
THe discreet Pilot guideth his Ship, and spreads his Sails according to the Wind, that he may come in safety to the Haven; and a Prudent Statesman, aught to make his resolutions and to regulate his Conduct, according to circumstances and the advantage of the time present, the former would be much found fault with, if he should lose the Wind when it is fair; and the latter would commit a deplorable oversight, if he should neglect those advantages and opportunities which should present themselves unto him. Opportunity is oftentimes of greater advantage then several Troops; and Experience hath daily evidenced to the World, that the advantages of time is the only thing, which if laid hold on, carrieth great actions to a prosperous issue. Nature observeth her time to put forth her works, we never see her bedight with Flowers, but when the Sun smiles gently upon her; just thus is it with a Prudent man, he must strike when the Iron is hot, and not strike until it be hot. For this reason it was, that the Pythagoreans held opportunity to be the first cause of all things; and it is but truth, that opportunity is that which giveth them all their perfections, and causeth them to terminate in a happy success. Antiquity did much esteem of Pittacus his advice, which was comprehended in two words only, know thy time, that is, lose not thy opportunity, but make sure of it, it being certainly true, that the least smile which she bestoweth is the groundwork of great successes, above all, an enemy ought to be assaulted at his weakest, before he be fortified, and that his other Troops come to join with him. The valiant Scipio would no longer defer his fight with the Carthaginians, when he foresaw that if he gave them time, Asdrubal would come up and join with them, which would augment the difficulties to overcome them, Marius in the 25 Book of T. Livy, resolved to prosecute the enemy, because his Prudence foretell him. that in case he deferred it, their whole force would in a small time join themselves together, and then instead of one Captain, and one Army, he must encounter with three Generals and three Armies. Caesar as himself observeth in his first Book of the War with the Gauls, having learned that there were certain forces coming from the Swedes, which were to pass the Rhine, presently advanced to fight with Anovistus, as doubting lest if those forces should come up to him, he might be too weak to encounter them.   

The King having resolved upon his Italian Expedition, commits the Government of the State to the Queen his Mother.  
THe King before he departed from Paris, would as reason was, settle the affairs of his Kingdom and State in the hand of a person, of whom he was well assured. He knew that Kings being out of the way, giveth opportunity to seditious minds to act and stir, who in their presence, durst not think a thought that way tending. Whereupon he concluded it necessary to intrust the management of all things with some one person, upon whose Credit, Fidelity, and Ability he might rely. The Cardinal who was never deficient in procuring all kind of honour to the Queen Mother, advised his Majesty to fix upon her, as he had done at the siege of Rochel; though indeed he was but ill requited for his pains, it being at that time, that she conceived the first seeds of her hatred against him, and suffered herself to be deceived by the false Impostures of her and his enemies. That which did most of all clash with the Cardinal's thoughts, in persuading the King to devolve his power upon her, was, that she still was guided, by those very persons, who laboured nothing more than the increasing her Majesty's hatred against him, and who would act to that purpose with so much the more insolency, when they found themselves supported by her authority: But as he ever preferred his Majesties before his own Interests, he did not long stick at it; but finding it most fit for the Government of the State, he advised his Majesty to resolve upon it. For, first the Government of the State could not have been left with any other, but it would have raised great broils in the State; and secondly, he had much rather have been thought improvident in foreseeing that might hurt him, then ingrateful in not procuring to her all possible honour, lying in his power; and lastly, he had some reason to hope, that the absolute power which his Majesty left with her during his absence, might open her eyes, to discern with what zeal and fidelity he had served her. In fine, his Majesty give the Queen his Mother, full, and absolute power, and caused the Commission which he had made for that purpose, to be read in the Parliament.   

Politic Observation.  
NOthing doth so much allay the hatred of a woman, as to procure some honour to her, for as they are naturally passionate of ruling, so there is not any thing doth more please them then power. It should seem, that nature having created them to obey, they become so much the more ambitious of governing both in private families and in States too, for either of which they are very improper. Hence it is, that they arm themselves with fire and anger, against all who oppose them, unless they are mollified and appeased by love; next to which, nothing doth so much please and satisfy them, as the procurement of some extraordinary power and honour unto them. It is a long while since a Philosopher said, no water doth so readily extinguish the fire of anger, as good deeds, which as they make a greater impression on the mind, by how much they come nearer to their inclination, so there is nothing which doth more please or delight them; and hence it is, that they are the fittest and most dexterous ways to recall and reclaim their unjust and groundless anger and displeasure.   

The King chargeth the Lord Keeper Marillac, to choose out the best rules which had been esteemed proper, for the good of the Kingdom, by the States met at Paris, Anno 1614 and to propose them to the Council to be drawn up into Ordinances.  
AT the same time, the King who cherished Justice as the best Flower in his Crown, resolved to publish divers Ordinances, relating to his people's good, such as he had chosen out of the best rules, which had been thought most proper by the State's General at Paris, in the year one thousand six hundred and fourteen, and by the Assembly at Roven, in the year, 1617. and at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred twenty six. His Majesty knew, that God who had put the Sceptre into his hands, had not more commanded him any one thing than to administer Justice indifferently to all, whereupon he gave order to the Lord Keeper, to pick out from those rules such choice ones, as might be thought most advantageous for his people's good, to propose them to the Counsel, that they might be made Ordinances, after mature deliberation had upon them; all which was done accordingly, and thence sent to the Parliament of Paris, whether his Majesty went, to hear them read in his presence, as his predecessors had used to do, who have ordinarily deposited their power into the hands of this assembly, as being the chief of the Kingdom, and that to which they have always given most power and authority; with intent that the people might the more readily give obedience to them. Now this Parliament consisting of a great multitude, which cannot be without many diversities of opinion, some of them made Remonstrances to his Majesty upon several of the Articles presented to them, and beseeched his Majesty would grant them time to consider of them. The Lord keeper, in his lofty humour thinking nothing like his own judgement, was offended with them who would contradict what he had resolved on, and believing he had another Egerian Nymph, which would not let him conclude on any thing but what was conformable to the will of Heaven; he persuaded his Majesty with his utmost power, not to grant them the time they desired for deliberating on the Articles proposed to them: But his Majesty, who knew that the greatest Monarques, aught to accompany their Authority with Meekness as well as Justice, granted them their desires of six month's time, to consider of them, and to draw up their Remonstrances, which however were to be referred to his Majesty's disposition and judgement.   

Politic Observation.  
AMongst the many and sundry powers which are in the Persons of our Kings, as so many Glorious Rays which encompass their Majesty, Justice is one, and one of the greatest Sister; The Sceptre which they carry in their hand, is an Index of it, and seems to say, that their will is the Rule by which their subjects must be governed: whence a Lawyer defining Law, confoundeth it with the will of the Prince declared to his subjects. It is true, they hold Justice in their left hands, that they may remember their Commands ought always to be accompanied with Equity. But besides all this, they are not bound to give an account to any one. It is only God from whom they receive t heir Sceptre, and it is to him only that they are to be accountable for the Reason of those Laws which they establish: Their power is high and so absolute, that there is no refusing of what they ordain; and indeed their Laws are of force and power, not so much because they are Just, as because they are by them commanded. However Prudence obligeth them to be advised by their Parliaments, whensoever they would make any Laws or Ordinances. This was the ancient form as History observeth, when any General Ordinances were to be established: and this is it which maketh the people receive them with the more submission and willingness; for nothing is so acceptable to them as that which carrieth the least show of absolute Sovereignty; and besides Kings do no less Rule their people by Prudence then Power. Now this Prudence requireth, that nothing ought to be acted but by the deliberation of those who are to give a Credit to it, for the observation and obedience which is expected to be paid unto it. All our Kings have allowed their Parliaments to make Remonstrances, and give their opinions, as occasion should require: Indeed they have always done it with great submission and respect, as being a thing without the limits of their power. S●lomon the wisest of Kings saith, It is a folly to play the Wise man before a King's presence, in the seventh of Ecclesiastes; and Quintus Curtius, did much extol Ephestion, that giving his opinion or Judgement before Alexander, he always did it with such great respect, that every one who beheld him, might know he did not speak as his due, but as an Honour permitted to him, and no more. Some Kings, it must be acknowledged, are not thus absolute, but are dependant either upon their States or people; and the reason is, because they first accepted of the Crown upon such and such conditions. But the thing is not so with ours, they are only accountable to God for what they do, and do acknowledge no other Superior, in any thing which relateth to their Temporal Government; as St. Gregory said of our French Kings, they are saith he as Eminently above other Kings of the Earth, as they are above inferior men.   

The King before he goeth into Piedmont, findeth the Hugonots in Languedoc ready to rise, he compelleth them to lay down their Arms, and to declare in form before his Parliaments and Judges, that they will live in all duties and obedience hereafter.  
ONE thing more remained to be considered, before his Majesty's Journey into Italy, which was this; The Hugonots in Languedoc could not resolve to live in that absolute submission which they owed unto his Majesty, notwithstanding they saw the proud Walls of Rochel thrown down before their faces, which might have served them for a sight of fear and confusion. His Majesty was advised of what assistance they had demanded from Spain, England, Holland and other places. That several of those Town's accorded to them for their security, were resolved to revolt, and resist his Majesty's Arms, if he should attempt to ruin those Walls which were the Protectors of their Insolent Rebellions: Whereupon the Cardinal persuaded his Majesty, that it was absolutely necessary to reduce those places to their obedience, and his own mercy, before he passed into Piedmon; as also to make a Declaration, importing an express Command to all Heretics, who either were or had been in actual Rebellion against his Majesty, that they should lay down their Arms, return to their duties, and make Declarations of their future obedience, in ample manner and form before his Parliaments, or the Judges Presidiaux dwelling next unto them; and that all Towns should send their deputies, to make protestations of their fidelity; promising them, on the word of a King, that upon their so doing, they should quietly enjoy their goods, and the Liberty of their pretended Religion; but protesting that if they should refuse so to do, and continue in their obstinacy and Rebellion, without regard had unto his grace and mercy, that he would then proceed to punish them as for de crimine laesae Majestatis, from the greatest to the lowest: ordaining and requiring, that their goods and persons should be proceeded against accordingly, and in the utmost rigour of his said Declaration. His Majesty caused his said Declaration to be read in Parliament, himself being present, which put a stop to all the Hugonots affairs until after the taking of Suze.   

Politic Observation.  
HAppy is that Kingdom, whose people live under one Law and the same Religion; for the least Diversity which is in either of those two parts, breedeth unfortunate disorders in the whole. If any should be so unhappy, as to fall under either of those Afflictions, they may learn how to remedy it, by this Declaration of his Majesty, which produced most admirable effects, in hindering the progress of the present Rebellion.  
It cannot be denied, but that Kings have an absolute power to compel their subjects, who are Heretics, to forsake their false, and turn unto the true Religion; and in case they become obstinate to punish them by the Ax. Heresy is a Crime laesae Majestatis Divi●ae; and as Heaven hath endued them with no less Authority, to punish those offences committed against God, than those against their own persons, so it cannot be doubted that they have an absolute and Just power to punish Heresy, with all the severity that it deserveth. But however, discreet Princes have always used much moderation in this particular, because they ever conceived violent means were proper in the first growth, and when it might quickly destroy Heresy, without any likelihood of its springing up again; but that being once spread abroad and increased, Rigours and Severities would more fix and confirm it; besides the confusions and disorders which would follow in the State, by such cruelties and punishments. It should seem that for the confirmation of this their judgement, the Son of God prohibited his Disciples from picking out the Tares from the wheat, which grew together in the field, and were hard to be divided, it being most certain, that it is full as difficult, nay no less impossible to exterminate Heresy, when multiplied, without great confusion even to the State where it is, and some trouble to the true Church itself. But granting all this to be so, yet the Laws of Prudence, do not allow, of at least, whilst a Prince may avoid it, that he should grant them any Towns or Places for the excercise of their Heresy; for that were to divide his Kingdom to nourish an Enemy, in his bosom, to foment a Rebellion against himself, and to furnish them with arms and means to cut his own throat; It is also to give advantage unto strangers, who are still fishing in troubled States, and hindereth a Prince from assisting his Allies, when their necessities and his own Interests invite him to it: and in fine it were to expose himself, the true Church and Professors of true Religion, unto a thousand affronts and tyrannies. That Prince, who allows them but weapons, submits himself to greater troubles the he is ware of, but he who employeth his power to destroy them, doth an Act not only of Religion and Generosity, but also of great Prudence and discretion.   

The King's departure on the fifteenth of January, in the year one thousand six hundred twenty and nine, towards Piedmont.  
THe same day, that his Majesty went to the Palace, to publish his Declaration & Ordinances, and to cause the Power which he had commited to the Queen his Mother to be read, he likewise departed out of Paris towards Cazal. But I may not pass by the observation of a singular act of Prudence, in his Majesty, who had already advanced the most part of his Forces to Auvergne, under the command of Monsieur de Thoyras, immediately after the taking of Rochel, that be might every day draw them nearer and nearer to the place, where he intended to make use of them, insomuch that he lost not one hours' time, upon which he knew the success of affairs did often depend. His Majesty, desired to go by the way of Bourgogne, and Champagne; as well to avoid the sickness, which was very hot, upon the Road of Lion, as also because he had not as yet, passed by the Towns of Troy's, Dion or Chaal us, Where he made his entrance with great Splendour and Magnificence showing the people by this, what respect they were obliged to show unto him.   

Politic Observation  
WIse Politicians have not thought it proper for a King to let himself be often seen by the subjects, yet they have all concluded it fit, that he should visit at least once the principal Cities of his Kingdom. This gives them an acquaintance of the people, whom they are to govern, and the magnificence with which they are accompanied makes impressions of obedience in the thoughts of their subjects; Which magnificence doth so much the more contribute to beget respect, because the people are often guided by their own senses, and Kings ought not to neglect occasions of making themselves, reverenced and esteemed. The Sun is venerable in our eyes by reason of his lustre and Splendour, and with the vulgar nothing doth breed so great a reverence towards the persons of their Princes, as the pomp where with they are accompanied: whence it comes to pass that many have been of opinion, that a King ought not to make himself be feared, yet none ever thought but he was obliged to use all means to beget a respect and obedience toward him. Humility is a virtue, which in this particular is to be dispensed with, because the meanuess of his train or reception could diminish the respects of his people, and for this reason it is that God hath obliged them to enforce that honour, which is due unto them, and to maintain themselves in a State correspondent to their Majesty, in reference whereunto the wisest Kings would not permit any to approach near their persons, but with great respects, and seldom would appear in public, but when with great attendance. The ancient Kings of the Persians, Medes and Judians, required their subjects to salute them prostrate on the ground: Amongst those of China they are adored like Gods, others are served upon the knee and suffer themselves to be seen but seldom, and then with great Ceremony too, and men do the more readily reverence them in regard God Almighty hath stamped his image upon them for their greater honour, and that there is still something in their face that speaks them more than humane.   

The Duke of Lorraine comes to visit the King before his departure and promiseth after his return to come and do him homage for the Duchy of Bar.  
WHiles the King was at Chaalous, the Duke of Lorraine came thither to wait upon him, hoping that by his bare compliments & civilities he might satisfy his Majesty without doing homage for the Duchy of Bar, which was in his possession by the death of his predecessor. The King had often called upon him to do his homage, knowing that as God had put the crown upon his head, so he was by it obliged no less to preserve the Authority which he had given him over stranger Princes, then over his own subjects. The Duke refused it not, but pretended that the Duchy of Bar belonged to him in chief, as also that of Lorraine by virtue of a certain Salic Law, which had been likewise confirmed by those of his Family, and was yet to be seen amongst his old Record, and thereupon would do homage in his own name and not in his wifs to whom really it belonged. The King, who could not endure injustice, would not permit that the Duchess his wife, who had put the Ducal Coronet upon his head should be so dealt with; but resolved that either she should do the homage, or he in her name. Upon this account it was that he came to assure his Majesty, he would suddenly after his return acquit himself of the homage in that form, which should be thought reasonable, and in the mean while to beseech him, that he would excuse him for some little time. He presented unto his Majesty a Kennel of as find hounds as could be seen, which his Majesty kindly accepted of, and yet to let him see that he looked upon hunting only as a diversion, when other important State affairs gave him some leisure time, he hereupon made him a discourse which is not amiss to be observed in this place, for the instruction of Sovereigns, in what degree they ought to hold those recreations, which tend to their pleasure. Cousin, said he, I have left off hunting, I must confess, I delight in it, when other affairs give me leave; but at present my thoughts are altogether taken up to show how affectinately I interest myself with my Allies; after I shall have relieved the Duke of Mantua, I may perchance return to my old recreations, till some other of my friends may have occasion to make use of me. And most certain it is, his pleasures never withdrew him from theears of his State. He would be informed very exactly of all affairs how mean soever, neither would he allot any time for the recreations which other Princes used to allow themselves, because his piety forbidden him, as knowing them to be contrary to the Laws of God.   

Politic Observation.  
HUnting is a kind of war, not only, not misbeseeming, but sometimes very commendable in a Prince. It was Xenophons' advice in his Cyropaedia, It teacheth them, saith he, to rise betimes, It inures them to heats and colds, habituates them to riding and all other labours. The resistance which savage beasts make against them teacheth them to fight, and to use their Weapons seeing they ought to observe a time when to beat them, when to prevent them, and to have the free command of their body to cast themselves to and fro when once they come up upon the pursuit. Doth not the chase of those who may endanger them accustom them not to fear any perils? I have often observed that those Princes who are great hunters, have been likewise esteemed very valiant. History tells us so in the examples of Ulysses, Pelopidas, Pompey, Alexander. The Prince of Roman eloquence, saith that a man at hunting useth a kind of military exercise. Plinius Secundus thought it the more agreeable for Princes, it being a solitary and silent exercise and giving them leisure to think on their State affairs; to which give me leave to add one effect more which renders this recreation very commendable in Kings, and that is, it keeps them from vice. It is reported that Hippolytus. Theseus' his Son, did use this diversion to live chastely and avoid idleness, the source of all vices and evils. The Poets feigned that Diana spent most part of her time in that manner in the company of Arethusae, Calista, Cranae and divers other Nymphs, who were all desirous to preserve their virginities, each of them knowing, that they were exposed to many Shipwrecks, by the divers companies with whom they conversed. Plutarch observed upon the life of Pompey, that this great conqueror imagined that Princes get no little honour by this exercise, and after he had vanquished Domitius in Affricque, and reduced all in those Countries to his power, himself spent some days in hun●ing Lions and Elephants, to the end, quoth he, that the stoutest beasts themselves might not be ignorant of the Romans good fortune and courage,   

A Victory obtained by the King's Forces against those of the Duke of Savoy upon the 14. of February, 1629.  
THe King departing from Chaalons, passed by Lions (but did not go into the City, by reason of the sickness) to Grenoble, where he stayed 7. or 8. days, during which he oftentimes sent to the Duke of Savoy to acquaint him that he was come thither, resolved to relieve Cazal, and to demand passage through his States, which he was obliged by Treaties to grant, under assurance of not doing any acts of hostility or any other damage The Duke being engaged with the Spaniard, and having promised them to assist them in the taking of Cazal, as Comte Lou●s d'Ast, one of his Residents at Rome had openly declared, had recourse to his usual artifices, and returned many compliments and fairs words: he beseeched his Majesty to give him leave to find out some expedient to disengage him of those promises he had made to the Spaniard: The Duke proposed several overtures, but so void of reason and Justice, that it was no hard matter to discern his intent was only to stay the King until Cazal was taken▪ which as was well known, could not hold out above— days, but it was all in vain: for the King (a person not to be delayed but with just reasons, and who was well assured that Cazal would yet hold out in expectation of him two full months) marched from Grenoble, and by great Journeys came to Oux, a place bordering upon the Frontier and passage of Suze. The Duke having but ill intelligence, heard not of his Majesty's advancing, for indeed he made such haste, that it was hardly credible but by them who were eye witnesses of it. The Duke thought he had been still at Grenoble, when indeed he was not far off Suze: But for fear of that storm which threatened him, he resolved to send the Prince of Piedmo●t his Son to delay his Majesty, by giving him some hopes of opening the passages, not without expectation that Cazal would in the mean while be taken. The Prince was hardly come to Chamberry, but he heard the King's Army was passed the Mount of Geneva, this made him return directly to Chaumont, where he found the Cardinal already arrived with the Vanguard. He had at that place a long discourse with his Eminence, who no less powerful in his words than arms, entertained him with a great deal of address, and pressed upon him such reasons, that he at last promised to do whatever should be desired of him. The Cardinal at first told him, he was much astonished that notwithstanding the Treaties between France and Savoy, that his Majesty and his Army should be denied to pass his Country, to assist one of his Allies; He remonstrated to him, how injurious this procedure was to the honour of a Prince, it being contrary to his word and faith; that his Majesty's Arms marched in a just cause, but that his did unjustly protect injustices; That if he should have the advantage at any time to hinder his Majesty from entering into Italy (which however he could not well hope for) yet it would be as great a discredit to him, to support an unjust oppression, as the design of a protecting a Prince would be glorious to his Majesty: withal that he did apparently deceive himself, if he imagined to raise any advantage by assisting the Spaniard in the taking of Cazal: that his hopes of sharing the Montferrat between them, was vain, and that they would suffer him to have no greater a part than in six hundred and thirteen, when they absolutely opposed him, and that the most he could expect▪ was some paltry Town: whereas adhering to his Majesty, he would find means to induce Monsieur de Mantua to let him have Tri●, and other handsome places to the yearly rent of fifteen thousand Crowns. That withal he disobliged the Princes and extremely much wronged himself by favouring the growing greatness of Spain in Italy, upon which they had already testified but too great a design: That Cazal would give him great advantages and that he had the more reason to be suspicious of it himself, he being so near a borderer upon Milan; and that the Spaniard having drawn him off from France would quickly invade his territory, as being assured himself alone could not resist him. It were much to be wished that we knew the Cardinal', whole discourse in this conference, or that I could describe the gracefulness and authority, with which he spoke. But that not being, I shall content myself to say, that it is impossible to defend one's self against his discourse, when he undertakes to persuade any thing, his words being accompanied with certain charms which in a little while force a surrender. It is not possible long to deny him, his discourses are replenished with such an, I know not what sweetness, which insinuateth itself into the heart, his gesture and complasance do no less second his discourse, and they ought to be esteemed for such, as the best wits have confessed, it was impossible to defend themselves from him, whatever promises they had made of sticking close to any resolutions of theirs contrary to his desires.   

Politic Observation.  
ELoquence is an ornament, so much the more necessary for great Statesmen, in regard they are obliged more than others to persuade divers things to the people, and those Grandees with whom they treat. The Roman Prince of Eloquence saith, It is Rhetoric which raiseth men above beasts, and I may add that it i● Eloquence and a volubility of discourse gives a Statesman great advantages over those with whom he treats. Prudence teacheth him good counsels, and the ways to obtain his ends, but Eloquence is that which gives him the persuasive power, so that in some sense, it is the soul of Counsels. Rash Eloquence would do him no good, it being like counterfeit Gold, glisters indeed, but is worth nothing; and a mute prudence, where there is a defect of good expression, is of no great use, but is like a fair statue whose proportions and sculpture are admired by every one, but cannot speak, whereas Eloquence and Prudence joined together work miracles. The Ancient Sages, saith Cicero, who have established the foundations and Laws of the most famous States, as Lycurgus, Solon, Pit●acus and the like were equally endued both with one and the other, with prudence for the invention of those just Laws, which they published, and with Eloquence for the persuading the people to receive them. It cannot be denied but that Eloquence was one of those qualities which did insinuate into the people's belief that Doctrine, which Jesus Christ preached, seeing the Gospel itself recorded it, where it is said, that the sweetness of those words which came from his mouth, ravished the people with admiration. And who can doubt of the power which Rhetoric hath on men's minds, seeing that tongues were the first Arms given the Apostles, when they were sent abroad to preach? Indeed there cannot be an handsomer ornament added to the dignity of great Ministers, then to discourse well, nor really stronger Arms to their Prudence. Their affairs will continually lead them to treat with Grandees, who must be satisfied with reasons, which when well expressed, are the more persuasive. They must know how to appease, to mollify, or provoke passions by the address of their discourse according as occasion requires. Is it most certain that naked reason is commonly weak, whereas clothed with the ornaments of Rhetoric, it captivateth the soul, insinuateth into the most unreasonable, cureth the disaffected, softeneth the most obdurate hearts, reclaimeth the most irregular actions; and in a word exerciseth an absolute empire over the will? The Athenians were not ignorant of it, when being oppressed by Alexander's Arms to deprive themselves either of their Captains or Orators, they chose rather to banish the former than the latter, preferring the Gown before the Sword. Eloquence in the person of a Statesman is then most powerful, when accompanied with affability and complasance, for these virtues rendering his person as well as his reason agreeable, do insinuate themselves with such power and charms, that it is impossible to hold out against them.   

Prosecution of the History.  
THE Prince of Piedmont had promised to return the next morning with the Duke of Savoy's ratification, but however he came not, his persuasions not having that power over the Duke's reason, as the Cardinals had over his. He only sent the Comte de Verrune with Compliments and Civilities, in stead of a positive resolution. The King was not satisfied with it, and Monsieur the Cardinal, who is in nothing more sensible, then that which concerneth his Majesty's glory, took these delays of the Duke of Savoy with a great deal of regret and Impatience; So that his Prudence telling him, there was no more time to be lost, he sent word unto his Majesty, that the next morn by day break he would secure the passages; who unwilling to let the attempt be made without him, told him he would make one of the patty; to which end he presently took Horse, and accordingly having taken order, and given instructions concerning the main Body of the Army then near him, he came away about ten or twelve at night, and marched four leagues in so great a darkness, that he was forced for the most part to walk on foot; yet at last he came to Chaumont, where he met the Marshals de Crequy, Bassompierre and the Schomberg, with the Cardinal contriving every thing for the assault, and for carrying of the Baricadoes upon the very first break of day, which they were all resolved to do, notwithstanding the snows, the weariness of the Soldiers, and the fight itself, which could not be but furious, in regard the Duke of Savoy had laid his choicest forces for the guarding of those passages, which of themselves were so straight and strong that a hundred men might defend them.   

Politic Observation  
IT is no less advantageous than seemly for a Prince to give Orders in his Battles, and to appear in his own person to see them executed as well by his example as command. I say it is seemly, in regard Kings have not received their swords from the hand of God, only to devolve the charge and conduct of their Armies upon their Captains; Their crowns are not bestowed on them so much for the honour of their own persons, as to oblige them to maintain and increase by the prudence of their counsels, and the force of their Arms, the glory of their States: they are like the Sun, who doth not only communicate part of its light and influence to the Stars, to the end they might contribute to the generation and conservation of all things here below; but doth likewise himself daily go round the world to cooperate with all particular causes, and doth in some sense do all in every thing; thus likewise a great Prince ought to watch whatever happens of importance in his Army; to pass from Quarter to Quarter, and to issue out all principal Orders from himself, without relying on his Officers, but in things of less consequence; remembering the excellent Counsel which Sallust gave Caesar, when he told him that they, who are advanced to an high degree of honour in a State, are obliged to be much more vigilant and careful than others. Who can express the advantage which happens to a King by being himself the Oracle of his Counsels, who obligeth his Soldiers to observe his Orders, as well by his example as command. The example of a King needs not indeed any words of command, for it insinuateth itself into their courages, and animateth them with such resolution, that it leads them to all enterprises how dangerous soever; his courage is the fire which heats all his Soldiers, and the least action which he shall do among them, will more powerfully persuade them to fight, than any words he can give them, be they never so many or fair. Was it not for this reason that Germanicus, as Tacitus relateth, used to open his Helmet in his Battles, that he might make himself known to his Soldiers; that the Kings of Persia went bareheaded, and that Cyrus, as Xenophon witnesseth, would often call his Captains and Soldiers by their names, and give them such Orders, as himself saw fit? and doth he not give a good reason for it, where he saith, that if a Physician were to be blamed for not knowing the names of his medicines, and the artificer for being ignorant of the use of his instruments; a Prince deserves much more to be discommended, if he knoweth not the names of his Officers and Soldiers, the instruments of the glory which he acquireth in Arms?   

The Prosecution of the History.  
THe Duke of Savoy had great advantages in this fight, the passages were of themselves very straight and uncouth, that there was no great need of any forces to hinder their ascent; a few persons are enough to stop them, excepting against his Majesty, whom all things obey: he had placed for the defence of them the very choicest troops of his Army, whereas those of his Majesty were newly come off from the disorders of a siege, which had lasted above a year, and had also suffered the hardships of a march near 200 leagues long, during all which they had been fought by the rains, snows, and colds of a sharp winter. But his Majesty knowing what mettle his presence infused into his Soldiers, and seeing there was not a man amongst them, who thought not himself happy in being exposed to all sorts of hazards, he resolved that all those hardships should not divert him from acquiring fresh victories: However knowing that it is God's providence, which doth contribute more than man's force to happy successes, he would hear Mass before he engaged with the Enemy, to recommend his enterprise to God; then he came into the field with the Cardinal between 6 and 7 in the morning, and gave order what troops should make the onset. The Duke of Savoy had form 3 Baracadoes before the passages, the first a Quarter of a league from Chaumont near upon the borders between France and Savoy, the 2 about a quarter of a league farther of, and the 3 under the Fort de Gelasse, situated upon a rock, at the foot of which they must of necessity pass at the mercy of the Cannons and musket. All 3 were 12 foot thick and large, 20 high, the Ditch deep, and 8 foot over to defend the Avenues; He had likewise made between 25 and 30 Redoubts guarded by 2700 choice men. Upon the first discovery of their situation, the victory was thought difficult, but as there is nothing impossible to the King and the Cardinal, they lead up their forces at the first peep of day. The King had sent the Sieur de Comminges to the first Baracado, to demand passage for the Marshals of his Majesty's Army, to the intent they might go to Suze, as friends, and under assurance of doing no hurt. The Comte de Verrune appeared, and demanded some time to acquaint the Duke of Savoy with it, who was not then far off, and told him that he did not come to demand it with any show of peace, but however they should be sure to guard their passages, and that they had not now to do with the English. The Sieur de Comminges replied, he had not any order to wait, and that he should shortly find the French knew as well to beat the Piedmontois as the English: at the same instant, it being no longer time to dally, the Marshals de Cr●quy and de Bassompierre, assisted by the Sieurs d'Auriac the Commandeur de Valençay and de Thoiras' Marshals of the Camp, made ready for the fight. Le Comte de Sault advanced with the forlorn hope being about six score, next to them followed the King's Musketeers and the Regiment of the Guard, the Duke de Langueville being in the head of the Volunteer Nobility. The Duke's de la Trimounille and the Halloin led up the files, as also the Sieurs de Lion Court, de Breze and de S. Simon, the troops being seconded by the Regiment of Swisses, d'Estissac & de Navarre, who advanced upon the left wing. The Comte d'Essault falling on with his Forces, came up to the Barricado's, defended by Marc Anti●io Belon one of Piedmont, assaulted and forced them in the midst of a shower of musket shot which fell upon them. The Enemies endured the first charge with great courage, both parts being equally resolute; so that the one defended themselves as gallantly as the others assaulted them, till at last a party of the French foot opening one of the passages fell like lightning upon the Duke of Savoy's forces, and Barricado's, presently forced them and became Masters of the passage, and also of Suze after they had slain, wounded and routed whatever resisted them. Amongst those who were wounded, the Comte de Verrune was observed to have a shot in his cheek, and the Marqu●sse de V●lle General of the Horse had his shoulder broken by a musket shot. There were 9 Colours taken which were without any great trouble presented to his Majesty because he was himself in that action, and amongst divers Prisoners there were 10 or 12 Captains, Lieutenants and Ensigns.   

Politic Observation.  
A Generous mind is never dismayed at the fear of danger, or if perchance it make any impression on him, it is only to oblige him to give necessary orders to overcome them. It is enough that he know he must vanguish and that his duty obligeth him to make a virtue of necessity. He is more apprehensive of the discredit to lose an occasion of glory, then of the misfortune, and is always more careful to preserve his honour▪ than his life, his courage fortifies him, and makes him confident of the means dictated by his prudence; he doth not fight rashly with his eyes shut as the Andabates, or precipitate himself into dangers without looking what is necessary to secure himself, but guiding his courage by reason, he takes such Order as is fit and needful▪ and then engageth without fear. There is no courage so commendable as that which is accompanied with prudence, and when the heat of Anger exciteth an obligation to repel all obstacles, his reason ought to serve him in examining his designs, his prudence to make choice of those means which are most likely to obtain an happy success, and his Anger to make him quick in action. Last of all he delay, not the exposing himself to combats, where his prudence tell him there is not any danger, but knowing that fortune is the friend of courage, and doth often favour the bold, he assaults his enemies as soon as ever his prudence hath given Orders for the fight: he carrieth deeply engraved in his heart that saying of Sallust, They who are most fearful, run most hazards; and sure it is, confidence is a rampart, and every thing gives way to him who falls in with courage, as every thing repelleth him who is carried away with cowardice. To apprehend resistance is to be half overcome and he who scorns danger is half master of his enterprise. Valour is very needful for the obtaining of an happy success in all affairs. Fire is the noblest of all the Elements, because it worketh quickest, and nothing resisteth it; and that man is most to be commended for his courage, who acteth the most boldly, and whom no dangers are able to affright: It is also true, that resoluteness doth oftentimes bring a good issue, where prudence and counsel had no part: whence it 〈◊〉 appears that in many affairs of war, long deliberation is unnecessary and often prejudical in the success of attempts, besides the diminishing of his honour, who conducteth them. Something must be ventured, and where there is no clear demonstration of a good success, there a good resolution seconded with judgement will go far, which once concluded on, then comes action into play and the sword to execute.   

The Prince of Piedmont comes to Suze with full power from the Duke of Savoy to Treat with the King.  
PResently after this victory the King sent to summon the Governor of the Fort Jaillon, belonging to the Duke of Savoy, bordering upon Suze, to surrender: he refused it, but not long after fled with 300 men into the mountains, and left the Fort to the Country people, who left it to the King, who put ●00 Soldiers in guard there. At the same time his Majesty caused some forces to march to Roussillon, a league and half from Suze, being in all about an 1000 foot and 2000 Horse, under the Command of the Marshals de Creiquy and Bassompierre, who were saluted by those in the Citadel of Suze with about 1000 musket, and 200 great shot, but no hurt, only the wounding of about a dozen men; This insolency of theirs made his Majesty resolve to assault the Citadel, and for that purpose the Regiment Estissac was drawn out upon the top of Mount Brunet, which adjoineth to it: In the mean while hearing that the Duke of Savoy began to repent his being engaged with the Spaniards, and opposing of the French, fearing belike (and that not without good reason) that his State would be seized on as a punishment of his rashness, his Majesty sent the Sieur de Seneterre towards him to understand with he did intent to do, and to let him know, that if he would hearken to an accommodation, that his Majesty out of his natural goodness, and in consideration of Madam his Sister, would forget what was past, without making any other advantage of his victories; only for the assisting of his design to raise the siege of Cazal, he expected to be assured of the passages for the conveyance of victuals to his Army, and to be furnished with all things to revictual it, paying for what he had. The Duke thought himself very happy to be quiet upon such slender terms, and presently dispatched the Prince de Piedmont towards the Cardinal, to make the Treaty, inpowering him to give his Majesty all content. The Prince came to Suze, and the same day it was concluded with Monsieur the Cardinal, that the Duke of Savoy should give free passage through his Country to the King's Army, that he should furnish the markets both to Cazal and back again, that he should contribute to the revictualling of Cazal, by furnishing victuals and munition of war, for which his Majesty should pay him; withal, that in future he should open such passages as the King should desire, and should set out as many Soldiers for the securing of Montferrat, if need were, as his Majesty should think fit; that for the better assurance of his promise, his highness should presently deliver the Citadel de Suze, a the Fort de Gelasse into his Majesty's hands, and shortly after things being thus concluded, he came to salute his Majesty, and rendered him all kinds of respect.   

Politic Observation.  
NOthing is so requisite in a Prince as to attempt all things with Justice, and such as are within his power, without this he will inevitably fall into confusion, and see himself exposed to as much shame, as he proposed glory. Imprudence is the spring of ill success, and rashness throws a Prince into the Gulf of confusion; it enforceth the courages of those who have more heat than judgement, charming them with a certain show of glory, for which it makes them hope; but indeed, only to engage them in greater disasters. True generosity consisteth not in a blind impetuous rage, which adventures upon all, without considering the power, or weighing the design by the Laws of prudence; but it follows a medium between defect and excess; Holding the head too high doth oftentimes throw down into praecipices: and the want of prudence is no less dangerous, for it oftentimes obligeth to discover not only a deficiency of power, but also of heart. That Prince is greatly to be blamed, who falls upon a King incomparably more powerful than himself, and who pretends with an handful of men to oppose that, which at last he will be forced to grant. It is no shame for necessity to take the Law of one that is more powerful, but if power prevail, the who is forced to it, is discredited with interest: besides, in passages, how straight or difficult soever they be, he cannot be able to defend himself from the danger which is falling on him, unless he be very strong seeing that enemy, who comes to assault him with a great Army, will at last force him, although they lose some men in the gaining it: Commonly there is not above one or two difficult places in a passage, and it is impossible, but that a great Army of resolute men should gain them. In fine when they who defend them shall find an whole Army thundering in upon them, it strikes a terror into them so that they are forced to fly, and by that means destroyed, for this reason the Romans would never put themselves to the trouble of keeping any passes, unless they saw it necessary to expect the Enemy, because they who were in the chief Stands, should be always assisted: but it is not the same thing when a Garrison hath nothing to second it, or where there are no reserves to assist those whom an Enemy shall first have routed.   

The Duke of Mantua is delivered from the Spanish oppression by his Majesty's Forces.  
DOm Gonçales de C●rdua, Governor of Milan, who commanded the siege of Cazal, upon his first hearing of this Treaty, resolved to break up the Leaguer; It had been concluded by one of the private Articles, for the satisfaction of him, That the Duke of Savoy, should give him information, how his Majesty upon the said Duke's assurance of him, that the Spaniards had not any intention to despoil the Duke of Mantua of his Estates, had been contented, that there should be some Swisses put into Nice de la Paille, who should declare they held it in deposit in the name of the Emperor, but upon promise and assurance, to restore it unto the Duke of Mantua, or his Assigns, at the end of one month, whether the Emperor should by that time have invested him in the said Dutchee or not; and that as to the rest, his Majesty had not any design to fall upon any the Territories, of his Brother in Law, the King of Spain, but did desire still to continue in friendship and a good Correspondency with him. This was the leaf wherewith this Spanish Pill was guilded. Dom Gonçales stayed not long for any farther Illustration of this Article, but raised the siege before his Majesty came near him, as doubting lest his stay there, would only serve for an addition of glory to the French Army, which they had all ready got at Suze; so he marched away about the fifteenth or sixteenth night, leaving the City to rejoice, that they were now delivered from those miseries, which for two months' last passed they had endured, in which time they had eaten all the Horses, Dogs and Rats, which they could lay hold on: The Duke of Savoy relieved them, with those Victuals which he had promised, and thus his Majesty obtained all the Honour, and success in this enterprise, that his heart could desire; this Fortune and Courage seemed in emulation of each other to conspire his glory, which indeed was a debt, due to the Justice of his cause, who though he might at that time, have overrun all Italy and made himself master of it, as was well known to every one, yet he contented himself, with the having delivered the Duke or Mantua, from the Spanish Tyranny and oppression.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough Prudence have a great share in good Success, yet the greatest Captains have held, that Fortune, hath no small part in it; Prudence alone may indeed make some progress towards it; but Fortune is at last needful to be joined with it towards the obtaining of the proposed end: hence it was that Octa●ian making wishes for his little Son, desired he might have the Gravity of P●mpey, the Courage of Caesar and his own good Fortune. For this reason likely it was that Seyravenaes' a Persian, as Plutarch in his Morals hath recorded it; answered unto some who were admiring that his erterprises should have such ill success; seeing in his discourse he seemed to be a very prudent and discreet man. That he was only Master of his Language, but that Fortune was Master in Military Affairs. And do we not for this reason likewise, say, that the discreet man is not obliged to render an account of those enterprises which depend as much on Chance, as Conduct, but only of his Counsels, which is the only thing that was in his power to dispose? It is sometimes only Fortune which raiseth a siege without a stroke; it is Fortune which doth sometimes strike a terror into an enemy's Forces, that they have hardly the courage to defend themselves; Fortune it is which hath often opened the strongest places at the first Summons; and it is Fortune, which at the appearance of an Army, hath caused many Provinces to stoop under their Power and Obedience. But notwithstanding all this, we must not conceive Fortune to be, as the Heathens did, a blind Goddess, who over ruleth Battles, and giveth the Victory to what side she pleaseth; no, it is of the divine Providence, that I speak, which is usually so called, when any thing befalleth us above our expectation, or beyond our hopes. God is the first cause of all good success, and it is his only gift, he it is who blesseth Counsels, and it is by the favour of his influences, that we see good fruits or follow sage resolutions. Neither may we imagine, that the Prudence of great men doth not contribute to an happy success; for they are the instruments of God's power, but not such as are dead and void of life, or such as want motion and action to cooperate with the first cause. As it may be said that Alexander was fortunate in all his erterprises: But this fortune was improved by Prudene, conserved by cares, preserved by Labours, and seconded by Courages. Most certain it is, those extraordinary events which the vulgar attribute to hazard, do for the most part arrive by the Prudence and Conduct of wise, eminent men, who operate by Springs▪ which are the more esteemable by bein invisible to the vulgar, yet such as procure no less glory in the minds of them who are able to judge aright of things▪ though they fall not under the Rules and Laws of mean and ordinary understandings.   

Prosecution of the History.  
HIS Majesty in this Treaty had obtained as much advantage as could be desired against the Duke of Savoy, yet he desired to let him see, or at least some of his party who might relate it to him, that he had power enough to have forced it from him, if he had not done it by fair means. His Majesty laid hold on the occasion, upon Madam, the Princess of Piedmonts' coming to Suze to visit him, he entertained her with a great deal of kindness, according to the particular friendship which he had always for her, and designed that the honour wherewith he treated her, and the Prince of Piedmont then with him might learn him, that he had no reason to engage so easily with the enemies of France. His Majesty went before her, and causing part of the Army to follow him, he placed the rest in Battalia by the way side, in such places where they might best be seen; that the Prince of Piedmont might with his own eyes behold, that he ought not upon a small occasion, engage so many of the brave Nobility and resolute Soldiers, to return a second time into his Father's Country of Savoy, lest they made him pay for all his Treacheries together.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is no less Policy in a Prince to make himself feared by strangers, then beloved by his own Subjects. To pretend that he is in friendship with them were a vanity, for they having no end but interest care not for any one longer than he is useful. The greatest piece of their friendship, is, not to offend their neighbours, or attempt upon their Territories, and there are but a few who are thus reserved; whence it happens that he who showeth them his Power, and sometimes lets them feel his strength, that he may curb them by fear, is the most of all to be commended.  
I do not approve that he should make himself feared by abusing of his power, or by using any injustice or cruelty upon them as the House of Austria hath for a long time together; but that he should let them know he hath wherewithal to punish them, in case they attempt to do any thing repugnant to their duties. There are but two ways to retain men in moderation, love, and fear, if the first be not sufficient, than the second must be made use of. No one will easily be provoked to offend a Sovereign, who hath ability to revenge it; and nothing is more natural then to respect them whose power is feared. They ought to render themselves respected and feared according to the example of God Almighty, whose stretched out Arm is terrible through all the World, not because he employeth it to do evil: but severely to chastise those who offend and provoke him to indignation and displeasure.   

Certain Intrigues of the Ladies at Paris, concerning Monsieurs pretended Marriage with the Princess Maria of Mantua.  
DUring that little stay which his Majesty made at Suze, there happened a dangerous Intrigue at Paris about the Queen Mother, she had designed to match Monsieur with a daughter of Florence; but finding how particularly he was inclined to the Princess Maria daughter to the Duke of Mantua, she was much troubled at it, although that Princess by reason of those admirable qualities both of her person and birth, was not thought altogether unworthy of so great a match. The King himself was much of this opinion, out of the particular esteem which he had for the Princess although at that time he had not positively resolved on it▪ by reason it was so lately that Monsieur had buried his Lady. Now it happened that certain Lady, of quality, who were always near and about the Queen Mother, used their utmost endeavours to hinder Monsieurs marrying with the Princess Maria. Some of them because they had hopes of having him to marry into their Alliance and because it was against their particular Interests; othersome who did not aspire so high, made use of it to incense the Queen Mother against the Cardinal, pretending that he supported this of Mantua, in exclusion of her choice of that Florence, The Queen Mother had never discovered any violence in her Conduct; but she was at last so beleaguered by those of this Cabal, that they transported her so far as to command the Sieur de C●sac, one of her Gentlemen in Ordinary to take some Archers of the Guard, to go to Colummiers and Arrest the Princess, with the Dowager de Longueville, and to Conduct them to the Boys de Vincennes, whither they were accordingly carried.  
Monsieur was at that time at Fountainbleau, but so troubled at the imprisonment of the Princess, whom he much respected; and especially, for her ill usage at the Boys de Vincennes, that instead of coming back to Paris; as the Queen Mother expected, he went in a discontent to Orleans; and true it is, the displeasure that he conceived at it, was one of the chief reasons which afterwards carried him into Lorraine, where all those wicked designs which have since been acted were contrived. The Queen Mother presently dispatched a Courier to Suze, unto his Majesty to inform him of the reasons which moved her to this imprisonment: And they on the Cabal having persuaded her to lay all the blame on the Princess and Monsieur, she did so, though indeed their innocency might well have exempted them from any blame; besides the interests of the Duke of Mantua, were so joined with those of France, that there was great reason to treat the Princess his daughter with all kindness and civility. The Queen Mother was easily persuaded to follow their advice, her honour being engaged, not to be disowned by his Majesty, and also to lay the whose fault upon them who did not deserve it. They did use the more address to confirm her Majesty in her resolutions because they foresaw that Monsieur the Cardinal must of necessity have a Breach either with the Queen Mother or Monsieur, which would much advantage their own interests and designs; Oh damnable devices! not sufficiently punishable, though with the greatest rigours, but yet such devices as rendered the Queen Mother so much the less faulty, in regard, it was almost impossible for any, the most Prudent, to defend themselves from such baits, laid by the most dexterous persons in that Art of embroiling; so that I cannot but ascribe the whole blame unto those women of the Cabals.   

Politic Observation.  
AS all Womankind hath by birth received certain qualities contrary to the good conduct of a Kingdom; so it is very dangerous for them who govern, to lend an ear to their charms. I cannot more fitly compare them to any thing, then to the Sun in the Springtime, who hath then power to raise and attract vapours into the air, but not to allay or dissipate them: Just thus it is with them, many are the broils which they raise and foment in a State; but the remedying of any one of them lieth not in their power. It should seem that whatever is proper to trouble the repose of a State, is naturally imprinted in them; every one knoweth what disorders violence breedeth, and who can be ignorant that the heats and emotions of their Passions, are like impetuous torrents, which pull up Rocks, root up Trees, overthrew whatever standeth in their way? they do nothing by halfs, all their desires are accompanied with fire, and although few of their resolutions are grounded upon any consideration or foresight yet there is not any obstacle which they will not force themselves to overcome, in the executing of their Wills and Inclinations. Imprudence too carrieth no less broils where it goeth; this is natural to them, and daily experience showeth us, that they have in all their actions more rashness than discretion. Pallas herself, the Goddess of Prudence, was born of J●piters brain, to let us know (saith Lucian) that this virtue is hard to be met with in any women, who are born the usual way. The spirit of revenge where it is Lord Paramount, is enough to set a State on fire; for whilst they who are possessed with it, endeavour to execute their wills upon persons in power, upon the least resistance they she out into extremities, and by force attempt to repel force; but who are more prone to revenge then women? their natural fearfulness doth the more easily engage them, because they attribute the most part of their faults, unto some neglect or . They have not wit enough to dissemble those many defects which are in them, though it were most for their advantage, especially in such miscarriages as happen more by their weakness then malice. Their Soul is offended at the least touch, whereas great personages ought to know, that it is more glorious to pardon then to punish; Briefly, the irresolution which they discover in all their actions, and which they cannot for their lives hid, is the cause of a thousand disorders, especially when any one engageth to follow their advices and directions; now they counsel one thing, and by and by another, than they know not what to resolve, and the least difficulty they meet with, maketh them change a thousand times over. Not but that they have a reasonable Soul▪ as well as the greatest Princes that have governed on the earth; but are, as it is said of the Flowers of Egypt, always soaked with the vapours of Nile, which being gross and earthy, are the cause that they do not yield such fragrant smells as those in other Countries; just so their Souls being troubled with a thousand Passions, which proceed from their weakness and violence, are unable to produce such generous Counsels as those of men, who are endued with a stronger and more vigorous constitution. I could allege several other reasons; but I shall content myself with that saying of God himself, speaking by the mouth of Isaiah the Prophet: The Government of women (saith he) is one of those afflictions wherewith heaven punisheth Mankind: and that other amongst the Verses of the Sibyls. A Woman's Reign shall be esteemed as the overthrow of the whole world.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
THE King both Prudent and Just, would not condemn Monsieur where he was not guilty; and yet that he might give some satisfaction to the Queen Mother, and not diminish the Authority, which he had committed to her in his absence, by a dis-owning of her, he resolved on a ●edium, which was this, he sent the Comte de Noient unto Monsieur then at Orleans, to tell him, that his Majesty would be very much pleased, if he would send unto the Queen Mother, to beseech her to let the Princess be freed from the Boys de Vincennes; and at the same time, he writ to the Queen Mother, that she had done discreetly to hinder Monsieurs marriage, for which he thanked her, and assured her he could not willingly consent to it: Whilst she was against it, only he desired her to deliver the Princess from the Boys de Vincennes, in case Monsieur should desire it of her. This was as respectful and satisfactory as the Queen Mother could have desired; for the King did not condemn her proceed but seemed to believe her information, that Monsieur would have married the Princess Maria, without his Majesty's permission; and did moreover so confirm her Authority, that he would not of himself order the Princesses being set at liberty, but referred it to her whole dssposal● and desired she would rather not do it, unless at Monsieurs entreaty. Yet notwithstanding all this, those who got the Mastery over her soul, were become so dexterous in putting into her such thoughts and motions, as were proper for their own interests and designs only, that they persuaded her this answer of his Majesty was a disguisement, and not ample enough to justify her Procedure▪ and that it was (in some kind) a disowning of her. They who were the craftiest amongst them, durst not openly as yet, accuse Monsieur the Cardinal unto her or ●ot contributing his utmost power, in the procuring her a full satisfaction in this business, lest they should have split themselves upon that R●ck which they designed for his destruction; but they insinuated unto the Queen Mother, that it had not been much amiss if the Cardinal had persuaded his Majesty to send the Princess Mari out of France, without any more ado, because now Morsi●ur might still watch his opportunity and marry her: By this they knew, that no Logic could so soon learn the deducing of consequences, as that of a Woman's choiler and ambition, which can quickly do it without teaching; and thus it cannot be imagined, what, and how many contrivances and devices they made use of, to incense her against the Cardinal▪ who in the mean while, employed his utmost both of Prudence and Justice, to hid the violence of her Proceed.   

Politic Observation.  
When it happeneth as oftentimes it doth, that Ministers are to redress the disorders committed by Grandees, who are persons tenderly to be dealt withal, they ought to follow the example of the wise Pilot, who though the Wind be contrary, yet he so ordereth his Sails by turning and winding too and fro, that he nevertheless goeth on in his voyage. It is with them as with Metals, the noblest are the most flexible, and if they want discretion and address to bend and comply, when occasion is, they will be sure to meet with enemies, who will stick upon their skirts. If there be any Ulcer in their minds, they must never open it with Iron, unless there be first of all some soft cotton tied about it, though in a case of extremity, I must confess, they are bound to make use of fire and Razors to cut and burn out that which corrodeth within them, or grateth without them. Great freedom of speaking the naked truth, is not proper in a Court, or amongst Grandees, with whom all kinds of devices and Artifices are to be used for the disguising of it; nay some, disguise it how you will, do not willingly love to hear it. The respect which is paid unto them in this kind, is not so much a bare complaisance or simple submission, as an effect of a good judgement, which knoweth that their discontent doth often raise great broils in the State, which by this means are prevented, because it keepeth them from anger, and allayeth any of their heats and emotions. When Ministers are, as oftentimes it happeneth to treat with Women, who are persons of quality and concernment in affairs, they ought to remember there is no way to satisfy them, but by doing whatever they desire good or bad, their Souls being uncapable of bearing a denial, how just and reasonable soever, when as they are once bend upon it; wherefore it is not safe to discommend their Proceed, unless they have a mind to have their eyes scratched out. But at last Prudence doth oblige them to do that which is fittest and most proper to be done; so that having once done that which is just and reasonable, they ought to sit still and leave the rest to God's Providence, who is the King of Kings, and Governor of all Kingdoms.   

His Majesty departeth from Suze towards Languedoc, after Cazal, and the strong Towns in Montferrat were revictualled.  
HIS Majesty having stayed at Suze as long as was needful for the securing of those advantages which he had got; as also for the conveying of Wheat and all other necessaries into Cazal and the places of Montferrat in case they should be again set upon after his with drawing back, he at last resolved to pass through Languedoc. His design was only to bring the revolted Heretics under obedience, who had of late shown their teeth against him, upon all occasions and opportunities whatever. Notwithstanding his Majesty's Declaration made at Paris, as hath heretofore been observed, they had made an Assembly at Nisms, where they published a sedition manifest, by which they endeavoured to represent his Majesty's gracious proffers, for so many snares to entrap them; and that notwithstanding his Kingly word, he intended to put them all to the Sword; whereupon it was resolved not to lay down their Arms, but by and with the consent of the King of England; to which effect, all they of the Town and Party, were to bind themselves by oath, which was as much as to say, they peremptorily resolved to continue the War as long as ever they could. The King of England being troubled for the affront which had been given his forces both at Ree, and before Rochel, desired nothing more than to see France divided, and at War amongst themselves, which would be a great dimunition of his Majesty's strength and power. Monsieur de Rohan had likewise been with the King of England in the behalf of the Assembly, to implore his Protection, and to let him know that they of his party having built all their hopes upon the expectation of his succours, did humbly beseech him not to defer any longer his assisting of them. Were not these so many evident signs and tokens of an intended bloody War, for the securing of themselves in those Towns which were strong, and in their own powers? did they not hope his Majesty would find work enough to be diverted in Italy, and that he might neither have time nor power to fall on them, or oppose their designs? And after all this what reason was there to give any longer way to this rebellious people, to fix and root themselves any more in their obstinacies and wilful perverseness? Must not his Majesty in so doing have been defective both in Prudence and Courage? But the Cardinal was too industrious to suffer any such blemishes to lie upon his Master's glory; so that he persuaded his Majesty, that it was now high time, to call them to account, and that he should forthwith set forward to curb in their insolences, and to set bounds to their unlimited Pride and Rebellion.   

Politic Observation.  
REvolts are the most dangerous Convulsions in a State, and as in man's body there are Symptoms which are as so many Prognostics, to tell us the event of them, so those of States are most commonly accompanied with certain circumstances, which give a just cause to fear, lest they may end in the ruin of the Kingdoms, where they are first born, without present remedy to prevent it. The wise Pilot when he foresee any storms, as usually he doth, by some secret Winds, and I know not what tremble upon the surface of the Waters, provideth himself against they happen; and a wise Minister, discovering by a revolt, such signs which may make him suspect their consequence ought no longer to defer the employing of his utmost power, to divert those misfortunes which are threatened. Now among ●ll such Prognostications, none are more apparently evident then manifest Declarations, unlawful Assemblies, Levies of men, keeping of watch in Towns and City's against their natural Prince. For these things are indeed the forerunners of ●aying aside all respect and duty; and in some sense the dividing their King's Authority and his Kingdom too. These are manifest Symptoms of a mortal disease which threatneth the State.  
Now as a wise Physician when once he discovers in his Patient any one, or more signs of death, doth no longer delay his applying of all necessary preventions. So a Minister when he finds any people either resolved or inclined to it, is obliged to make use of his master's forces to prevent it, and allay such storms in their first growth, which if delayed would perchance in danger the whole structure. In such occasions, he ought to use an extraordinary diligence; for if vigilance and care be necessary in such enterprises as are made abroad, much more is it in those nearer home; especially when it concerneth the keeping of a people (inclined to Rebel) within the limits of their duty. By this means was it, that Alexander prevented that general insurrection which was intended in Greece; for he appeared there in the head of his Army, before there was a word heard of his being upon his march. And how much recommended was that vigilance of Rhodoginus King of the Persians, who being one day told whilst he was washing of his head, of a certain rebellion newly began amongst his people, had not the patience to sit until he had made an end; but tying up his hair, mounted on horseback to go and take care about it, well knowing that Rebellion is like a Viper, easily killed in the Birth; but much more difficultly overcome, if let alone until it gain force and strength.   

The King of Spain treateth with the Duke of Rohan, for the raising of more troubles in France.  
THey who have once delivered themselves up to a revolt, are easily led into all extremities, upon hopes of a good success. Thus was it with the Duke of Rohan, he had so much forgot himself, as to demand assistance from the King of Spain, who glad of any opportunity to trouble the Waters in France, caused his Agent the Clauset to be received with honour, and assured him of all assistance; for which he could reasonably hope. A Treaty not long after was concluded, in which the Duke of Ro●an obliged himself to continue in the War in France so long as his Majesty of Spain should think fit; and generally to further and defend all the interests and affairs of Spain. And lastly, that he should not treat or conclude of any League or Peace, without his Majesty of Spain's consent and approbation; and the King of Spain did reciprocally promise him all manner of assistance, particularly that he would pay him down at two payments six hundred thousand Ducats of Gold, towards defraying of the charge of the War, and to make a diversion in Provence, Languedoc, Dauphine and other such places, as his Catholic Majesty should think most convenient for his interests and designs; and besides, did grant unto him a Pension of forty thousand Ducats yearly, and eight thousand to his Brother the Sieur de Soubize, and ten thousand more to be yearly distributed amongst his Officers, as he should think fit. O most blind madness! thus to run into the Arms of France's sworn enemy, and to uphold a Rebellion against his own Country: But with what Justice could Spain pretend to protect such Rebellious Subjects, and thus openly to maintain Heresy? What was now become of Religion, that specious Cloak of theirs, which had so often been the stalking horse to their ambitious designs? Did he not herein evince to the whole World, that his pretended zeal and counterfeited devotion, was only a Veil to cover the injustice and violence of his designs, seeing he did not stick to maintain Heresy, when it served to support his pretences? He was no long while deliberating upon the giving this assurance to the Duke of Rohan; for that he clearly saw, if his Majesty did once absolutely overcome the Huguenot party, or reduce them to an inability of raising any more broils, that he would then soon bound in his Ambition, and force him to renounce those designs which he had so long contrived against France and our Allies; because if France should but once unite and become one, he would then find himself prevented in all his designs against them; nothing of good success could in reason befall him, and besides there was no way left to secure himself from these and many more misfortunes.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is not lawful for one Prince to support the Rebellions which another Prince's Subjects raise against him, seeing he is no less bound to deal justly with his neighbours, then with his own Subjects. If Equity doth not bound in his Ambition, God who is the Judge of all Kings, dealeth justly with him, if he be whipped with the same Rod; and as there is not any Crime in a Subject, so bad as that of Rebellion; so neither can one Prince do a greater outrage to another, then by protecting it; seeing it is that which woundeth the very heart of a State, and disordereth the most powerful Spring by which Sovereigns govern their people. Justice is without doubt the strongest Pillar of Kingly Government; that which makes them long to Reign; that which secureth them from foreign enterprises, and the strongest Bulwark to defend them, as the wisest of Kings hath said in his Proverbs; and it may be truly said, that, that is it, which renders their Government exempted from the Dominion both of Time and Fortune. That King who offendeth another, inviteth him to retaliate the like; and he who supporteth a Rebellion, enforceth him who is so injured to arm himself with fury, that he may repay him in his own kind, and thus both a the engaged (by this means) in one another's ruin. God Almighty doth sometimes (indeed) permit the Ambition of a Prince to obtain great successes against his neighbours for their punishments; but although he doth permit it to be so, yet he doth not approve of it. That which is unjustly got, will not long last unless preserved by Justice: Kingdoms are said to be like Tortoises, which as long as they keep within their own Precincts are safe and secure; but in danger when once they are abroad. And I do verily believe, that, that which hath made the French Monarchy of so long a continuance, is, because it never yet carried its Forces without its own bounds, unless for the just defence of its Allies, or at least to preserve that which belongeth unto it. It hath imitated the River Nile, never over-flowed it's own Banks; but it enriched those places where it passed. Whereas, they of the house of Austria, ambitious of assaulting other Countries, are now assaulted by every one, and receiveth notable decreases of its power, though it hath been but of a few. Ages; and they find that ancient saying, to be true, to their loss: That although Earthly power doth promise an escape for all Violences whatever; yet Heaven doth never grant any long duration of it.   

His Majesty Summoneth Privas.  
HIs Majesty being well acquainted with all these Passages, concluded that it was not fit any longer to suffer the Insolences of the Heretics; but that they ought to be prevented before their assistance from Spain were yet come unto them. This made his Majesty departed from Suze with some part of the Army, directly, towards Privas, the Capitol Town of the Vivarests, which place he resolved first of all to chastise, for the Rebellion of the rest; this having been the chief Firebrand of the Rebellions, which had happened in sixty years' last passed; but in the interim, (there being little or no credit to be given unto the Duke of Savoy's promises, who made no reckoning of his word, but when it stood with his advantage,) his Majesty thought good to leave the residue of the Army at Suze, with Monsi●ur the Cardinal, for the better securing of his victories, and gave the Marshal de Crequy full power to command all the Soldiers, who were designed for Italy, after the Cardinal had repassed the Alyes. Not long after, to the same purpose, the three Regiments of Villeroy Rabarac, & la Grange, were sent into M●nt●errat who were quartered in Nice de la Paille, Agovi, Pouson, and other neighbouring Places, under Command of the Sieur de Tho●ras, then Marshal of the Camp, that in case either the Duke of Savoy, or the Spaniards, should attempt any thing, those forces might be in a readiness, to make head against them.   

Politic Observation.  
THere ought not to be any Tie more indissoluble between Princes, then that of Treaties; but seeing there is little Trust in them, by reason that most Princes are apt when they have any mind to it, to raise pretences, whereby to break them; it is therefore great prudence so to conclude them, if possible, that a Prince be not always necessitated, to keep upon his Guard. With a Prince, who hath formerly used, to break Treaties and Leagues, this care ought to be the greater, seeing he, who hath once been worse than his word, ought ever to be suspected. A Minister ought to know this for a certain Truth, that most States have ruined themselves, in the abundance of their confidence's; That this is it, which hath been the inlet, to so many disorders, and that he who is the least distrustful is the easiliest surprised and ruined. He ought to be like the Lion, who sleepeth with his eyes open, and so to be upon his Guard, even after the conclusion of a Treaty, that he be not within the reach of a surprise. D●strust is the Mothe● of good success, whereas Credulity, and the Confidence's which one man hath or another, serveth most commonly to ruin. This san●● Frankness of believing every one, is very prejudicial; It cannot indeed be called an offence, because it is grounded upon the esteem of others: but surely it is a great deficiency, when it makes any one live in a secure neglect.  
It seldom happens, that distrust brings any da●ger with it. Princes are the more obliged, not to rely at all on the promises or words of any one, because they have only interest for their end, and make it their profession, of being more faithful to their own Grandeur, then to their Allies. As for those Princes, whose inclinations carry them to believe the promises of others, for Truths, and are not in league with this same diffidence, they are not to be discomended for it, only I would advise them, so to stand on their Guards, as if no such promises had been made at all.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
HIS Majesty being come near to Privas, took up his Quarter in a House, where he might both see the Town, and his whole Army; within a few hours of his arrival, he commanded the Marquis d'Vxelles, to go view the place and its fortifications. He went out accordingly; but perchance too well accompanied for his safety, for the inhabitants of the Town, shooting out upon them, he was wounded by a Musket, of which he died within four or five days. But at last the place having been viewed, his Majesty's Army, began to take up their Quarters, and after a hot sketmish the Inhabitants were beaten out of the suburbs, within the Precinses of their Town Walls. The Peace with England had been concluded and signed at Suze but not as yet sworn, so his Majesty thought good, (to the intent he might dispossess them, of all hopes from that part,) to cause it to be read a loud unto them, at such a distance, that they might easily see and hear the publication of it. They were not a little surprised at it: but that which more troubled them was, they saw two Batteries raised in an Instant, which so belaboured their Walls, that in two days there was a breach made, at which very time, the Cardinal arrived from Suze; who concluding the breach was sufficient, it was resolved to give an assault. All the Army was very resolute and high, every one wishing, it might be his good luck to fall on where most danger was, that he might curb the Insolence of those rebellious Heretics. The assault was begun about eight at night, and lasted until ten, at which time, the Regiment de Falsbourg entered the Quarter where they fell on, and those of Champagne and Piedmont became Masters of Fort Saint André and Tourlon. The Inhabitants fought more like mad men, than any thing else, so that the whole Town could not be carried at this bout: yet the taking of those places, struck such a terror into the City, that the next morning, not a man durst appear, though Montbrun the Governor commanded them to follow him, every one flying for his own safety, and Saint André himself trying to make his peace. The Cardinal thinking it just, for the terror of others, and for the punishing of a great many, that some aught to pay their lives, for their Rebellious Insolences, would not admit of them; but upon condition to surrender themselves to his Majesty's Mercy: This redoubled their Fears who were in the City, and made many of them to get out, some here, some there, amongst the Mountains, who being met with, by the Soldiers were all put to the Sword. His Majesty having notice of what disorder was in the City, Commanded the Sieur de Gordes and the Marquis d' ●ssiat, to go into the Town under pretence of speaking with the Sieur de Saint André, who had sent unto the Sieur de Gordes, to desire him to make his peace; but in effect it was only to discover, if the place were so deserted, as had been informed. They marched up to the Gate, and finding no resistance, took some more with them, went in, and soon became Masters of the whole Town, which was presently given to the Soldiers to pillage. Thence they passed up to the Castle, and the Soldier whom they sent, telling who he was, and his business, The Sieur de Saint André, came presently out unto them, but could not be persuaded at first, to yield unto his Majesty's mercy, but stood very resolutely upon Quarter for his own life, and theirs, who were with him: but at last, being told, once and again, that there was no other way to save himself, and seeing the Town entered and given to be pillaged, he consented and went to the door of his Majesty's lodging, where the Guards seized on him, and by his Majesty's order carried him to Bassompiere and Marillac, to be by them lead in the head of the Regiment des Guards, before the Castle Gate, to summon them this last time, to surrender unto his Majesty's mercy, which was done accordingly, and they forthwith yielded: But being just upon coming forth, some amongst them set fire on a Barrel of powder, which killed several of his Majesty's Soldiers, & so incensed the rest, that they slew all they could lay hands on; The rest in stead of coming forth quietly, as had been promised, that they might be conducted to his Majesty's feet, ran away, some this way, and some that way; and others leapt over the very Walls, insomuch, that it was with much a do, that any of them had their lives saved: But besides all this, as if Heaven had not yet been satisfied for their Insolences and Rebellions, the fire kindled over all the Town, on a sudden, neither could the Author be discovered, nor the fire extinguished, until the Town was quite consumed to ashes, notwithstanding his Majesty's care and Command to save the Churches, or at least some Houses which might serve for a Church.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is no less just than prudent, to chastise one, for exemples' sake, amongst many, be they either men or Cities, engaged in a Rebellion together. The Insolency of them who hold out a Town against their Sovereign, obligeth him, to be deaf to all their last entreaties, which they only fly unto, when all other hopes have left them: If his Clemency hath been ineffectual to reclaim them, he is then obliged to let the Arm of his Justice thunder upon them, to punish their insolent fu●y and rashness. If love cannot force them to ease their Rebellion, nothing but fear, can then make them lay down their Weapons. And indeed, upon whom can a King with more Justice, excercise the rigour of his Arms, than upon his Rebellious subjects, who by their Insolences have rendered themselves unworthy of his Mercy? He ought but seldom to employ his Revenge, but unless he do, on such an occasion as this; he will quickly find his whole Authority, trampled under foot. He who accustometh himself, in his usual Actions, to violence, cannot avoid being hated by all men, which will in fine be his ruin: And he who in Rebellions shall totally neglect it, will soon be scorned by all men, and that will ruin him, on the other hand. Princes who endeavour to make themselves be feared, ought not to be discommended; but only when they do it, by undue ways. Man being free, aught to be governed by sweetness, but if his passion shall transport him to abuse his Liberty, he must be reduced by the severity of Justice, to his duty. The Horse who is only used to walk, and never put to any swifter motion, may be ruled with a silk thread; but if he be resty or fiery be will need a bit to hold him in: Just so it is in this case, The goodness alone of a Prince, is enough to Govern a people, who endeavour and make it their business to live in Peace; but if they shall attempt to shake off their yoke, they then ought to be retained by fear, which is the most  Curb to compel them, not so much to fear their Prince's power, as to refrain themselves from those actions, which deserve to be punished: It is to imitate God's own order in his Government, who rendereth himself terrible, to affright men from si●, which is as much for their own good, as their King's Glory. Fear is not in excess, but when it impresseth an apprehension of Rigour and severity, from an unjust Tyrannical Cruelty.   

The Sieur de Marillac cometh from the Queen Mother unto his Majesty at Privas.  
IMmediately after the King was come before Privas, the Sieur de Marillac, came to wait on him from the Queen Mother, with new Justifications concerning her procedure in the affair of the Princess Maria, and to deliver unto him such other letters or recommendation, as she had then writ, unto his Majesty, desiring to make him a Marshal of France. The Letters were of such a tenor, and with so many Commendations, that his Majesty never thinking he deserved the one half, was much surprised at them: and that which is more considerable, is, they were contrived by the Cabal, the Enemies of the Cardinal's glory. This Cabal was composed of some of the ablest persons, of the whole Court, in matters of Sedition, Faction, or Broils, who did for see that the only means to withdraw her affection from Monsi●ur the Cardinal, (whom she did then much honour,) was, to engage her in a good esteem of Marillac, the person by them designed to succeed in the Government of all affairs together with his Brother, the Lord keeper, whom they both knew to be Favourers of their designs. Every one made it his work, as if it were in Emulation of one another to speak well of him, before her Majesty, who was the sooner overcome by their devices, in regard she ever had a good esteem of him, and these Praise seconding it, made no small impression upon her. They of the Cabal, seeing that her opinion of him was now grown up to a height, and confirmed in her soul, thought it best to lose no more time; as also that they could not have a more favourable occasion, seeing the Queen Mother, had expressed some little disgust against the Cardinal, upon the Princess Ma●ia's Business: So they insinuated into her mind to procure him to be made Marshal of France, and to bring him into favour with the King; They told her he would be a person totally at her devotion, one who would carry on her Interest, both with and against all; as himself too would commonly say, to increase their esteem of him; That she had so much the more need of a Man of his Temper, seeing the Cardinal, was most commonly out of the way, and much taken up in affairs of State. These were the groundworks which they laid to work upon her and to induce her to write effectually unto his Majesty, to make him Marshal of France. They thought all well, if the Queen Mother did but once request it, for then, in case his Majesty did make any difficulty of it, they could easily persuade her that it was a loss to her Honour, and the whole Kingdom would take notice, of the little credit or power she had with his Majesty her Son: This their contrived design was accordingly put in order: For his Majesty did at first refuse to do him that Honour, which by the Queens own apprehension and their instigation did much incense and provoke her; neither were they hereupon deficient to add oil unto that fire, they had made already in her mind against the Cardinal; as yet indeed they durst not speak against him with that insolence, which shortly after they did; but they so played their game, that they well knew the jealousy of him which they had already infused into her, would soon overcome that little kindness, which she had then left for him; only they thought it enough for the present to discourse to her how injurious this refusal was to her, how powerful the Cardinal was with her Majesty, how he retarded and altered his Majesty's inclinations, who never denied her any thing; but they never told her the Reason of it, which was, because she never asked any thing of his Majesty but what was unreasonable. But I pray was not this to hint to her, that she had less power with his Majesty then the Cardinal, the ready way to touch her to the quick? and to the quick she was touched, for she laid all the Blame of the King's denial upon his score, she began to be offended and in an ill humour against him, testifying to him, that it was her absolute desire he should be made Marshal of France, and forcing him to obtain that honour for him from his Majesty; The Cardinal used presently his utmost power with his Majesty to persuade and incline him to it; he represented to him, that there is a necessity sometimes to bestow Honours and Offices upon them, who deserve them not, but upon divers other considerations; and that the Queen Mother's satisfaction was one chief reason, insomuch that his Majesty did at last bestow a Marshal's staff upon him; The Cardinal, who could not be ignorant of all their Contrivances, assured himself, that these Instances of the Queen Mother, proceeded from the Suggestions of some Cabal or other, & not from her own Natural disposition: But however his Genius did acquaint him with the Remedy, as soon as the disease, he intended rather to hazard his own Interests, (though it were with some repugnance) and to take his own advantages against this new Officer of the Crown, then to deny the Queen Mother, governing himself in this particular by the Laws of Prudence, which oblige a man, to wink at some disorders, for want of means potent enough to redress them.   

Politic Observation.  
NOthing is more dangerous, then to advance an Ambitious man, to high Honour; It is the ready way to put a Sword into a mad man's hand; That Minister who contributes to his advancement, cherisheth an Enemy, whom he must not long after, fight with. The Honour which is done to an Ambitious person, serves him only to be the more active and stirring; and as he believeth all things to be his due, so he thinketh not himself obliged for any thing procured to him: and besides all this, The passion which he hath, still to be soaring a loft being greater than the Remembrance of him, who procured him his Honour, will engage him in designs against that very person, who hath obliged him, if he doth but once apprehend it to be for his private interest. Nay I shall go a little farther and say; It is very unsafe for the Public affairs, to advance persons of this temper into high employments. Ambition is commendable, and deserveth to be cherished, when it excites generous Courages, to great Actions, for the getting of Glory, but that, which leadeth men to obtain the highest dignities by all, nay by any means, whatever, is as much to be discommended, in itself, as it is pernicious to the public good. They who are once overpowered by this passion, think on nothing, but how to advance their Fortunes; they are not concerned at any mishaps in the public, provided, they obtain what they aim at, in their particular affairs; what care they to put the State into disorder and trouble, if they increase their own power by it? There is not any one person, in the whole Kingdom, how advantageous or useful soever he be, to the General and Public good, whose ruin they will not procure, if they apprehend his downful, may serve for a Footstool, to their own advancement. The more power they have, the more dangerous they are, for an access of Authority, addeth fuel to their fire. They care not though to whole world perish, so they may but arrive to that pitch which they propose to themselves. If any obstacle encounter them. Oh! they are all in fury against him, whom they suspect to have occasioned it; and if they see their fall inevitable, it is their proud pleasure to see all fall with them. Princes, (not necessitated by other considerations) take a good Course, when they bestow honours on them, whom they know to be more faithfol to the State, then Passionate for their own particulars, and on such, who study not so much to grow great, as to obtain that glory, which doth inseparably attend on virtue.   

The King after the taking of Privas, prosecuteth his Victory into Languedoc, and gains great advantages by it.  
THE siege of Privas being ended, his Majesty designed to advance into Languedoc, and to visit some other of the Huguenot Towns▪ Those whom he could not reclaim by fair means, he resolved to do by force. He had already commanded the Chiefest of them to be foraged, which had been done accordingly, as Montauban, Castres', Nismes, and Millaut, and the Marshal d'Estreè being gone to make the Forage about Nismes, had cut off a good party of their Forces, who sallied out, to hinder him. The King no sooner advanced, but the Towns of Gorce, Vallon, Vaguas, Saint Ambroyse, and many other of the Sevennes returned to their obedience: So without losing more time, he wen● before Al●ts which he besieged. The Duke of Rohan, had used his utmost art to persuade the Townsmen to be courageous, and had sent them Soldiers, there being only two hundred in the Town, which was very strong by situation and Art; but as ill luck would have it for those whom he sent, it was their misfortune to be most of them cut off, before they got to the Town; which was thus. They attempted in the obscurity of a very dark night to break through the King's Army, they had wounded the first Sentinel, but the second discharging at them, gave the Alarum, and the Cardinal, who never sleeps but when all is safe, came thither in a moment, at the head of two hundred Horse, and charged them so resolutely, that the darkness of the night, and the lightness of their own heels, was their best security▪ some were however taken, and put to death; This defeat of their succours and the sad example of Privas, wrought upon them in the Town so that they resolved to yield, and accordingly they sent to beg his Majesty's pardon, which was granted, with liberty for the Garrison to withdraw where they pleased.  
This happy success, was of great advantage unto the King's Forces, and did so perplex the Duke of Rohan, that he could not tell how to steer his course. Some who were well affected unto his Majesty's Interests, gave notice of the trouble in what Monsieur de Rohan than was, and the Cardinal, who is sure never to lose any the least occasion of serving his Majesty, found means so to work on him, that he got him to submit unto his Majesty's mercy; he represented to him, how rash he was in supporting this revolt; That nothing but misfortune could arrive to him in particular by it, for that his Majesty was fully resolved to cut the wings of heresy and Rebellion; That he ought in reason to be satisfied, with the excercise of his Religion, as also those of his party, and that returning to his duty, he might in time hope to receive those honours which were due to his Birth. The Duke hereupon went privately unto his Majesty, promised in future to continue Loyal, and protested to live in an exact obedience. The King freely pardoned him, on condition, that he should spend some years out of the Kingdom. Now he being the head of the party, his repentance could not be so closely carried, but that many began to perceive it, and follow his steps. Divers Deputies of the principal Huguenot Towns came in and did the like. The rest being alarumed by the happy success of his Majesty's forces, & fearing to become Subjects of their fury and rage, disposed themselves to accept of peace, and made divers Proposals for a general accommodation, which were brought unto the Cardinal, but thought unworthy for the King to grant. But the Duke of Rohan having made his accommodation, though as yet not publicly known, persuaded his Majesty to give him leave to call a general Assembly of the Deputies then at Nisms, to be kept at Anduze, which was approved, and being there met, the Duke so dealt with them, that they were a little more reasonable in their demands then formerly. The Cardinal observing his time, so wrought with them, though of a fiery, harsh, and stubborn nature, that what by his presence and discourse he at last overcame them; insomuch that they relied on his only word, which was, that they should have the free exercise of their Religion, and enjoyment of their goods. Whereupon they resolved to beg his Majesty's pardon, and to submit themselves to his will and pleasure; withal▪ they were contented that their Fortification should be demolished, according as his Majesty ●hould command, to take off all occasions of any future revolts, and to give Hostages for the performance of their promises. The King pardoned them, and Proclamation was made of the favour his Majesty had granted them, which was to the great joy of his Subjects in general, and particularly to the satisfaction of the Hugonots themselves.   

Politic Observation.  
THere is no better way to prevent Civil Wars, then by disabling those who are discontented from fomenting a party, or at least to make sure of their Loyalties. And when once a Revolt is on foot, no surer way to dissipate it, then by winning those who are the Leading men amongst them. There aught to be great care had, that such men grow not great in the State, or if they be already, then ought they to be tied to their Prince's Interests by sure and strong obligations; when things are once at this pass, there is no danger; well may the people grumble and stir, but all will soon end in nothing. They are then like Ivy, which indeed grows close together, but yet creeps on the ground, or like the Boughs of Trees, newly cut off, which bear no fruit, and in two or three days whither to nothing; or like a Ship, which though it have a Mast, Cords, and Sails, yet without a skilful Pilot, she runs at random wherever the Winds will carry her, and at last dashes upon some Rock, and is there split in pieces. Or I may well compare them, to those lofty raging storms, which for a time seem to threaten Heaven, but at last weary out themselves upon the sides of the Rocks which are not moved at it; or to those thick black Clouds which hang in the Air, and are driven by the Winds this way and that way, but are soon dissipated by the weakest Rays of the Summers Sun.  
The Chief is the Head amongst a mutinous rabble, who if once he leave them, they have no more life or motion then a Carcase. He is the Primum mobile, who draweth them after him, like so many little Stars, and he is called their Head; only in consideration that as the parts of the body are without motion or life, if that be ●●ken off, so are they without him unable to go or stand.   

His Majesty entereth into Usez, Nismes, and other Towns with the Edict of Peace.  
SOon after the accommodation was concluded, his Majesty made his entrance into Vsez and Nismes, to the great joy of the inhabitants. During his stay there, he caused an Edict to be published, containing that Order which he required to be observed in all the Huguenot Towns, who until that time denied the exercise of the Catholic Religion amongst them. He pardoned the Sieurs de Rohan, Soubize and all others, who had born Arms under them. He ordained that the Roman Catholic and Apostolic Religion, should be established in every place. That the Goods of the Church which had been taken away, should be restored to the ecclesiastics, together with their houses, Churches and Monasteries; that every Parish should be provided with good and able Curates: And in fine, that the Religion pretended to be Reform, should be allowed as free exercise. But to secure them from all future Revolts, the Fortifications of all their Towns and strong Holds were to be razed and thrown down, only leaving them their Walls standing; and that for security of their Peace and good behaviour, until their works were demolished accordingly, they should deliver Hostages unto his Majesty, to be by him kept until the execution of it. This Edict being thus finished, and according to the Articles and Conditions which had been agreed on, gave a great deal of satisfaction to the Heretics, who all of them now thought on nothing else, but to live in Peace and Quiet, excepting those of Montauban, who proud of their strong Walls became so insolent, that they refused to accept of those conditions which the rest had with so great joy and gladness. They imagined themselves able a second time to resist his Majesty's forces, but considered not how things were altered, and that affairs were not now managed, as formerly they were, how that his Majesty had by a Prudence, eternally happy for France, committed the Conduct of all things to the Cardinal, who had furnished him with all the means of taking Rochel, a place lately thought impregnable, who had broken all the designs of Spain, who had repulsed the English force so often, who in one hours' discourse, had reced the Prince of Piedmonts' Spanialized soul, to become absolute French, woe had persuaded the Duke of Savoy to whatever he had a mind; and upon whose only word all the rest of the Huguenot Towns were resolved to have suffered their Walls and Fortifications to be demolished and thrown down. The obstinacy of the Town was such, that his Majesty thought himself obliged to go before it, that he might overcome it with force, seeing no fair means would work upon it. But the Cardinal considering how the sickness began in the Army, and in divers Towns of Languedoc, beseeched his Majesty not to hazard his person, which was of greater concern to France, than any other thing whatever; and that he would be pleased to leave him to fight with the rest of this Rebellion; with much ado his Majesty was at last overcome, and resolved to return to Paris, as he did, after he had in six month's time, taken Suze, saved Cazal, forced Privas, and reduced the most part of the Huguenot Towns under his obedience.   

Politic Observation.  
Heresy and Obedience are inconsistent with one another, whilst there is any hopes left of force. The Poets seem to have alluded to it▪ in a Fable which they tell of Juno, who being angry that Jupiter had gotten Pallas on himself, she would needs breed something on herself too; but instead of a Child she brought forth Typhon a mighty ugly Serpent, who making War against Jupiter himself, was looked on as a Monster of Rebellion; just so it is with Heresy, who having separated itself from God (who in his Church begetteth children full of respect and obedience) would needs have children of its own; but what are they? Children of revolt, and incapable of any subjection; never did a perfect Heretic yet love his King. And I wonder who can doubt or think it strange, that they are such enemies of Temporal, seeing they cannot endure any spiritual Monarchy. Heresy hath never any sound▪ solid reasons or arguments to defend its belief; and therefore the next thing it flies to is force: Besides they finding that Kings have both an Authority and Power to punish them, und that they do allow and approve of the true Doctrine in all Schools, which is in prejudice to their false Tenants, they presently become their mortal enemies, and do their utmost to shake off the yoke of their Obedience. How many wars and jars have they raised on every hand of us? No one but knoweth that the Arians filled all the East with troubles. That the Macedonians raised a great party in Greece, and that the Donatists put Africa into confusion. How many Revolts and Rebellions have been in process of time, set on foot in the West by the Iconomiques, by the Albigeois, by the Lutherans, by the Calvinists? France, Germany, England, and Holland, have been theatres where they have played their pranks. They pretend that God's cause and their Religion goeth hand in hand; and they do therefore the easilier believe, that Heaven will protect, assist, and go along with them, and upon this groundwork, do they build any insurrection, revolt, or rebellion. But why do they not remember, that the Laws of true religion, published by the son of God himself, do only permit them to die or fly, but never to break the ties of their obedience, or to take up Arms, against their Prince? Union in Religion, is the strongest Bulwark of a State, whereas diversity is the certain foundation of Revolts, of which there cannot be any doubt raised; for that God hath said in the holy Scripture, A Kingdom divided within itself cannot avoid destruction.   

Cabals against the Cardinal.  
AT the same time that his Majesty began his journey towards Paris, the Cardinal mounted on horseback, for the reducing of Montauban; but I cannot behold him thus blindly, sacrificing his own interests to the good of France (whilst sundry great ones were contriving his ruin and destruction) and not answer that malicious pen, which being unable to asperse him with any truth, takes the liberty and boldness to find fault with, and condemn those actions of his, begun, carried on, and finished with so much judgement, zeal, and good success for his Majesty's glory. This Calumniator searching for pretences, whereby he might incense the Queen Mother against him▪ and instigate her to complain unto his Majesty, and whereby she might be provoked to do her utmost for his destruction; amongst other forgeries, writeth, That she could no longer endure to see him expose his Majesty's person unto so eminent dangers, as passing over the Alps in the dead of the Winter, and commanding of an Army infected with the Plague, and through a Country full of sickness, in the very heat of all the Summer. But how sencelesly hath he alleged it, how without truth or judgement? Surely nothing but passion and heat, the two enemies of reason and truth, could thus guide his Pen, whose only quarrel is the meanness and disorder of his Fortune, which he thinks must all be attributed to the Cardinal, without considering that it is the effect of his own misdemeanours and ill behaviour. Is there any man living so senseless, besides himself, as to believe, that the Cardinal should hazard his Majesty's life and person, when as all his Fortune and hopes depend only upon him? Was he not at that time well acquainted, how mortally the Queen Mother hated him? that Monsieur had no affection for him? and that by consequence, if his Majesty should miscarry his disgrace and ruin were unavoidable? The Queen Mother could not possibly be of his opinion, seeing her complaint was, that the Cardinal was too much tied to his Majesty's Interests; which one consideration alone, were enough to have kept him off from hazarding his Majesty's health upon a slight occasion, if his Loyalty had been capable of so great an Infidelity: But what would not the detaining of his Majesty have been, to ravish from him one of the greatest Subjects of glory that had been presented to him since his Reign? had he stayed at Paris, he had been hindered from his journey to Suze, from the raising the siege at Cazal, he had never forced the Alps in despite of the Duke of Savoy, though seconded with the forces of Spain; he had not returned by Languedoc, and there brought all the rebellious Hugonots under his obedience, who had had the boldness to take up Arms against him. The King's Generosity was such, that should the Cardinal have dissuaded him from the expedition withal his Art, yet I am confident he would never have been persuaded to let any one else go and gather the Harvest of that glorious expedition. Besides the Cardinal had much forgot himself, should he have attempted to divert the King from this design, seeing there could not be any apparent hazard of his health; doth not every one know, that his Majesty was used from his Infancy, to endure the air, and that he could not suffer much more in this Journey than he commonly did in his hunt? I shall only add this one consideration more. Hi● being there was an absolute necessity, for the encouraging of his Forces, which we newly come off from the troublesome siege of Rochel, and just then to begin a new voyage, no less laborious and painful.  
The presence of a Prince is the soul of his Army, and without it the Soldiers are never so courageous. The Duke of Savoy, the Spaniard and the Hugonots, were to be overcome, they were no small encounters, and it was to be doubted whether his Majesty's Army could have gone through with them, without his presence, to wh●se sight they were formerly wont to ascribe all their victories. Without all peradventure, some trouble and labour he must needs endure, and who knoweth not, that never any great Prince, did yet refuse it, for the obtaining of an honourable victory?   

Politic Observation.  
THE way which leadeth to victory is Thorny, to think of arriving to it, without labour, is a vanity▪ That Prince who cannot compose himself to endure labour, and travail, shall never attain to any great matters. Crowns are only proper for their wearing, who win them by fight; and our Caesar and Alexander, had never been so much commended, had they not exposed themselves to all kind of Labour, Hazard and Danger. A generous courage never apprehendeth any pain, and he who feareth it, is not worth a thought▪ To Labour, was the first lesson which the Romans taught in their military Art; and cannot sufficiently commend that Invention of theirs, whereby they designed to traduce it to posterity; They built the Temples of Honour, and Victory, in such a manner, that there was no coming to that of Honour, but through that of victory, wh●re there was nothing to be seen, but Swords Javelins Darts Helmets, Bucklers and the like, to teach all people, that there was no Glory without Labour, and that there was no coming to victory, but through the industrious painful exercise of Arms. I have oftentimes much admired that devise of the Emperor Severus, who gave this for his word, Let us labour; and that of the Emperor ●ertinax, Let us fight: Both which seem to teach al● Princes whether in Peace or War▪ that nothing is more proper for them, then to be in Action and Labour. The same thing too, we may gather from Adrian the Emperor; to whom Florus one day writ three short Verses, telling him, he would not for his part, ●e Emperor if he might seeing he was bound to go into England, and anon into S●i●●thia, to humour those troublesome Broylers; But Adrian returned him Answer, that he would not exchange with Florus, seeing he spent most of his time in Taverns and good fellowship, which was as much as if he had said, nothing is so becoming a Prince, as to endure Labour and Travail.   

The Sieur de Guron sent to Montauban.  
THE Cardinal having at last persuaded his Majesty, to commit the Army to his Government for the reducing of Montauban, he thought good to send the Sieur de Guron, some few days before he advanced, unto the Inhabitants of the Town, to let them know his Majesty's pleasure, and to incline them to peace, by all fair ways; He had express order to assure them, in his Majesty's behalf, of the free excercise or their Religion, the enjoyment of all their goods and Estates, and a full pardon for what was passed; but on the other side, to refuse them all other their demands, of Fortifications and the like which they did usually heretofore require for their security, (and as a pledge of performance) because subjects ought not to pretend, to any other Gauges from their Sovereign, than his Princely word. The Sieur de Guron began his Journey towards them, with a Convoy of certain light Horse; and being arrived at Villemur, where the Comte d'Arpajon then Quartered, the Count forthwith dispatched a Trumpeter to the Chief Consul of Montauban, to give him notice, That the Sieur de Guron was come thither, sent by his Majesty to declare his will unto them, and also advised him, that he thought it convenient, that they discoursed with him before he were admitted into the Town; to which effect, if he would the next morning come to Corbariou, the said Sieur de Guron would meet him in the Meadow just over against the River Tar; which was prudently done of them, to avoid any  or neglect which might be put upon the King's Authority, there being little or no assurance to be given to revolted people, especially to them, seeing they had retained a Trumpeter, sent to them on a Message not long before by Monsieur the Prince, at which time they likewise protested, that they would keep all that were sent to them▪ peradventure for reprisal of some, whom the Duke a'Espernon had kept of theirs▪ The Chief Consul of Montauban, with about two hundred more of the ablest Townsmen, came out the next morning to Corbariou, but making some scruple of passing the Tar, to go unto the Sieur de Guron, who then was in the Close before mentioned, they sent two Deputies to him▪ to entreat him he would come to Corbariou. This procedure of theirs was against the respect which they owed unto his Majesty, by their thus treating of him whom he had sent unto them. Neither would he suffer it, but sent them word, That their hearts were yet too full of Pride, instead of a sense which they ought to have of their faults, that he would neither see nor speak with them, but would return, in hopes however, of coming again a little better accompanied than he was; so accordingly he caused his Trumpet to sound, and away he went the direct way to Villemur, but the Discreetest amongst the Deputies, considering that this offence would reflect on his Majesty's Person, who might hereafter punish them for it, presently sent after him, to assure him that they would the next day send their Deputies to him, to crave his pardon for their fault, and to beseech him, he would do them the honour to come see them at Montauban: accordingly the next morn, six Deputies came to Villemur to him, entreated him to excuse their fault, and beseeched him with a great deal of submission, that their error might not hinder them from his Majesty's grace and favour, which they hoped to receive by his Mediation. The Sieur de Guron, finding how desirous they were to see and treat with him, (a sign, that many had a good inclination to submission) accepted of their excuses, and resolved to go with them the very same day; He went with them, and they of the Town being now a little more humbled, sent out all the Nobility and Gentry which were then there, about half a league, to meet him, who accompanied him to the lodging prepared for him, and the whole Corporation of the Town came to salute him.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is an Act of Imprudence to incense the minds of a Rebellious people▪ by denying them their Liberty and enjoyment of their goods. Those two things, aught to be granted them at first word; but then, discretion commandeth a Prince to hold them close to it, and to refuse them any other demands, which the fickleness of the multitude will propose unto him▪ Experience hath often made it evident, that the vulgar being rude and rough, are only to be bend by severity, now when once they are warmed in a Rebellion, what but that will work any thing at all on them? A fiery Horse is only to be tamed by the whip and spur, and it is a vanity to hope for the reducing of a people by caresses and kindnesses: Admit you grant them whatever they demand, yet it is well known they are of so insatiable a nature, of so greedy an humour, that the more is given them, the more they desire: If they find their first desires granted with ease, instead of being contented, they assume the liberty to demand more, like Hydropiques, whom drinking makes more thirsty. Lewis the twelveth, found it thus by experience, presently after he had taken Milan, as Guicciardine hath observed: Besides his natural Bounty, which inclined him to favour the people in almost every thing, he thought himself a little more obliged to grant them of Milan some extraordinary favours, that he might render them more affectionate to himself, and that he might by this means assure and confirm his new Conquests: Insomuch that he easily granted them all the favours they could reasonably have desired. But his design succeeded very ill; for the Milanois in stead of being satisfied with their first gratifications, took the boldness to desire the being exempted from certain Impositions, which lay a little too heavy on them; which the King, though with some difficulty, did at last grant unto them; but the obtaining of this made them so insatiable, that their next request was, to be freed from all taxes whatever, nay so unjust and unreasonable they were that they became more incensed against him, for his last refusal, then if he had never obliged them; which they had never done, had he not been too free with them at first; his safest way having been, to have taken time to deliberate, and consider on their first proposals, and have given hopes of obtaining some part of them, which would have made them more modest in all their succeeding Requests.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
THE Sieur de Guron, having received the Compliments and visits of all the Townsmen, by their several Companies, he addressed himself to treat with the Consuls concerning his business; It was agreed between them, that he should the next morning come to the Town House, and show his Majesty's letter of Credence, as also that of Monsieur the Cardinal, and acquaint the Assembly with the subject of his Commission. The Cardinal, by a provident foresight, had sent two of the Deputies of Nismes, with the Sieur de Guron, Gentlemen of great esteem in the Huguenot party, affable and well spoken, who might testify to those stubborn people of Montauban, with how great Clemency and Mercy his Majesty, had pardoned them; and on the other side, how severely he had chastised those of Privas for their Rebellion; how that they for their parts lived in a great deal of quiet & freedom in the Exercise of their Religion; how punctual Monsieur the Cardinal was to perform whatever he promised to them, and all others; how it was in vain to hold out in hopes of succour or assistance, seeing those very persons who had engaged them in the War, had already made their Peace. These Deputies upon their first coming, began to execute the design for which they came, to wit, to dispose the Chief of the City to submit, as they had done. The next morning the Sieur de Guron came to the Town house, where he discoursed to them with such Eloquence, Ingenuity and Address, that he made a good Impression on them; He related to them the many victories and good success, which had always accompanied his Majesty's Arms; the misfortunes of Rochel and Privas, which they too could not possibly avoid, if they persisted in their Rebellion; he likewise told, that his Majesty was fully resolved not to suffer any people or places in his Kingdom, which were not in his power and under his obedience; Next of all, he acquainted them, that his Majesty did pass his word to them, for enjoyment of their goods, and the exercise of their Religion, whilst they for their parts continued in their duties and obedience, and lastly he gave them to understand how inviolable an observer the Cardinal was of his word and he conjured them to be absolutely confident of whatever the Cardinal should promise to them: They were generally so touched with this discourse, that they presently seemed to be as much inclined to Peace, as formerly they had been to War. The Deputies of Nismes seconded the Sieur de Guron's speech, and were not wanting to acquaint the people unto what misfortunes some other Towns of their party had been reduced; The Peace and quietness, which they enjoyed by the King's bounty, the deceits of them, who had engaged them in this War by their great hopes of succours, which were now vanished, seeing their head had made his Peace with his Majesty; That the great victories, which his Majesty had of late obtained, might sufficiently let them see that nothing was able to resist him, and that this had been the chief reason which had induced them, and those of their City, to cast themselves at his Majesty's feet, and that after, had had the honour to confer with the Cardinal, they admired the incomparable virtues which were so eminently apparent in him, experimented his meekness, and been sensible of the truth of his promises, they could no longer defer their resolutions, but had great hopes of receiving as many favours by his bounty, as they had heretofore suffered mischiefs by the ambition of those whom they had chosen for their heads. It cannot be expressed how great an impression these reasons made upon the people. However their Rebellion having taken a deep root in them, they could not resolve till after two days to send their Deputies to the Cardinal, neither would they give any other answer to the Sieur de Guron, only beseeched him that their Deputies might have the honour to wait upon him. Thus was their final submission reserved by Heaven for the Cardinal's Prudence, who alone was able to produce so admirable an effect.   

Politic Observation.  
THE fear of those miseries which usually accompany revolts, is of greater efficacy to reduce a people to their duty, than any other reasons whatever. As nature hath given them a rude and unpolished spirit, so the respect and obligations which they own their Princes, can hardly make any impression upon them; but he who can once possess them with fear, may do what he will with them. Whence it is, that they are not so much to be persuaded by reason, as forced by the apprehension of rigours inevitable, if they consent not, to what is required of them. Tacitus in his History doth notably well describe these qualities of theirs, when he saith, That thought they have extraordinary forces, yet nothing is so cowardly, so fearful, nor so wavering, if they be not led and animated by a generous Commander; That as they cast themselves upon enterprises with fury, so do they faintly abandon them, and fall into disorder, upon their first apprehension of danger, and that holding no mean in their actions, whilst they are fearless, they are no sooner at a stand, but they may be wrought to any thing. Titus Livy, spoke with no less knowledge of them, when he said, the nature of a people is; either to serve too abjectly, or to command too insolently, they being incapable of any medium. Now when is it that they command with too much insolence, but when they find themselves of the stronger party, and that they fear nothing? and on the other side, when do they creep with too much abjection and servitude, but when they are abased and pulled down by rigours or chastisements? Upon this ground was it, that Drusus went into Panonia, to appease a great sedition; but finding all fair and gentle means were to no purpose, he made use of force and power, which they no sooner felt the smart of, but they returned to their former submission and obedience. Now the surest and safest way to touch a people with fear is, not to be too hasty upon them in their first heat and fury; but to let that a little pass over, for nothing doth more decrease and allay them then time; they being like the Sea, which of itself is calm and quiet; yet however subject to great storms and agitations, when the impetuous Winds begin to stir up its Waves, and to arm them with fury against one another, but returns to its own calmness, when the winds once cease to move it. Thus it is with the rabble, of themselves they are not capable to act or stir, but when they suffer themselves to be carried by the suggestions of some seditious, furious spirit; Oh how do they then rage and rave! No violent thing can last long, neither indeed can their fury hold out, if once they who first raised them, forbear to lead them; and then, if in this nick of time, they are threatened with punishments, and see a power able to force them, you may presently lead them to what you will, so great an influence hath that Passion of fear, over their low and narrow hearts.   

Montauban Surrenders to the King's Obedience.  
THe Deputies of Montauban came to P●zanas, in company with the Sieur de Guran, at which place the Cardinal then was They had Audience upon their first desire, and made all protestations that could be imagined of a firm and strict obedience unto his Majesty's will and pleasure; but stood stiffly in demanding, that their Fortifications of the Ville, Novelle and Bourbon should be left standing, and seemed as if they had condescended a very great deal, in permitting their outworks to be slighted: But the Cardinal returned them answer in that strain and garb which was proper for a General, and one who represented the person of the King. That he did much admire (after they had understood his Majesty's intentions by the Sieur Guron) they should thus come to treat, as if it were upon equal terms, and exempt themselves from the conditions of other Towns; and then told them, these delays of theirs would make their case the worse: That his Majesty's will was unalterable, and that they might be confident if they put the Army to the trouble of coming before their Town, they would soon see it reduced to the same pass with Rochel or Privas. This discourse did much daunt them, so they desired time to return and bring their last resolutions, and requested the Sieur de Guron might go with them, to persuade the people to reason; but to that it was replied, the Sieur de Guron not having any further thing to do, but only the acquainting them with his Majesty's good will and pleasure, he could not consent to his returning with them, and yet at their request he was contented, that the Sieur de Guron should go somewhat near the Town with them, and remain there at a little distance, in some place thereabouts. These things thus concluded and agreed, he fell to talk with them of other affairs, but such as his Prudence told him were most proper to work on th●m; and indeed they were so charmed what with his presence, garb and discourse, that they went away fully resolved to persuade their fellow Citizens, to yield unto whatever he should require of them▪ They being once returned, he cause the Army to march up within three Leagues of the Town, under the command of the Marshal de Bassompierre. Now it happened that about two days after the Sieur de Guron, had been in a house very near Montauban, that the chief Consul, with about two hundred of the Townsmen, came to him, and told him, that they had run a hazard of their lives, and that the people cried out they were betrayed by them, in granting under hand whatever he had desired of them; wherefore they beseeched him, that he would tell them, if there were any hopes of moderating their conditions. The Sieur de Guron answered them, that it was in vain for them to hope the keeping up of their Fortifications, and that indeed they did much wrong themselves, to stand so stiffly in their own way, seeing the Cardinal's word was a greater security than all their Walls and Works; and lastly, that he could not be persuaded, but that it was in their power to work the people to what was reasonable and fit, or else that they must look to suffer all possible extremities they could imagine. They then entreated two days time more; during which, they used their utmost to reduce and persuade the people to reason. Which at last they did, by representing to them, that the Army was just at their Gates, and that their ruin was unavoidable, if they did not lay hold on this occasion to make their Peace; as also, that they might rest confidently assured of any thing which the Cardinal promised, seeing all the rest of their party did give so high a report of him; and in conclusion, they ●o satisfied the people, that the next morning, forty Deputies waiting conclusion, they ●o satisfied the people, that the next morning, forty Deputies waiting on the Si●ur de Guron, went unto the Cardinal, then at Alby, and gave him assurances of their submission.   

Politic Observation.  
A Prudent Minister can bring greater things to effect, by the means of his Conduct, than others by the strength of Armies, Battles, Sieges, or Conquests. Titus Livy saith, he who knows how to command well, deserveth the first rank amongst men, and that those Captains who execute his commands, are only his instruments and agents. An opportunity laid hold on, a Magistrate gained, a good credit insinuated into all men, a consternation thrown amongst a people; these and the like are the means with which Prudence driveth on all her designs; and by these it is, that she brings greater things to pass then Armies and Multitudes, which without Prudence are nothing worth. Force of itself, is blind, all the eyes it hath, is Prudence, without which, Force doth most commonly run into disorder. Whereupon the Poets feigned that Jupiter fore seeing the Gods intended to Revolt, and seize upon his person, took advice of Pallas, before ever he sent to Briareus with his hundred hands to defend him: Signifying, that Prudence keeps the key of all those Springs which move Force, and that without it, Force only serves to ruin those who employ it. A great Genius hath certain Engines and Springs by which he worketh, as it were invisibly, and the effects he produceth, are the more admirable; because vulgar spirits not seeing how it is done, are the more surprised at it. He will do more with a piece of Paper, than a whole Army in a Battle. Upon this very reason it was (as Plutarch hath observed) that Agesilaus advised the Lacedæmonians, being just then engaging with the Athenians at Mant●neas, that they should only contrive and bend all their thoughts to lay hands on paminondas, telling them, if they could but once make sure of him, the Victory was infallible. By this it appeareth, that success dependeth in matter of fight and force on them, who are the instructers and designers of the time and manner, how, and when an Army must move, and when not.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
THE Deputies of Montauban, had soon carried their submissions to the Cardinal, who was not a little glad, thus soon to reap the fruit of his Conduct; yet in regard he only sought his Majesty's glory in it, they had much ado to persuade him to go in his own person, and take possession of this place, whose people had never yielded to such terms, but on the confidence they had in his word and promise, which they did more rely on, then in the very strength of their Walls and Fortifications. But at last they were so earnest and urgent with him, that he consented to them. The Marshal de Bassompierre, entered with part of the army to take possession of the Town, and the next day the Cardinal marched in, to the people's great joy and acclamation. The Consuls, the Corporations of the City, and the Justice went out a League from the City to meet him; where the first Consul, and the Lieutenant Criminal, made speeches to him, testifying their joy to see him, and how much they were transported with the apprehension of those favours which they had already received from him, and what confidence they had in his goodness, for the continuation of his kindnesses unto them. It cannot be imagined with what honour they received him; nay they offered him the Cloth of State but he refused it, notwithstanding their instances; and telling him, they desired then to carry it before him, which was usual, when any Governors or Lieutenants of Provinces came into a City; but he absolutely denied it: neither would he that the Consuls should walk on foot by his horse, but desired them to attend at his lodging, whilst he went to the Church, seeing they were not of the same Religion. He went directly to the Church, which was only covered with Tiles, it having been ruined by the Heretics, where he sung the Te Deum, assisted by all that could throng in, as well Catholics as Hugonots, so much were they delighted to behold him; and indeed his sweetness, his agreeableness, his Civility, and the Bounty which his word and behaviour testified to all the World, did not a little captivate them, and charm their courages. Thence he went to alight at the lodging which had been prepared for him, where the whole Town waited to receive him; he entertained them with such familiarity and freedom, that they could never enough be satisfied with his sight: And that I may the better describe the content they took in beholding him, give me leave to add, this one thing, that never any one, yet saw him but loved him. He gave so discreet Orders for the Government of his Soldiers, that not a man had any cause to complain of Rudeness or abuse, for he severely punished the left insolency whatever, which did not a little please and content them of the City. They would gladly have kept him lo●ger amongst them, but his time drew on, and he had not now any other affair to detain him in those parts, he having ●ettled al● things in Peace, to the great Glory and happiness of his Majesty, and the whole Kingdom; that he provided for his return to his Majesty, who desired even to longing, to see him, that he might take order for the affairs of Italy, which began to be re-imbroyled.   

Politic Observation.  
ARms are not all the means, for the obtaining of victories, Prudence hath some; if the victory be nothing but the attainment of that end, for which a War is begun; and provided that a man once Master his design, what matter is it whether it be by one or tother. It is the end, that is all in all; So that he who overthrows a City or wins a pitched Battle, is not the only man, according to Quintus Curtus, who is victorious but he may justly be likewise termed a Conqueror, who by his Prudence forceth them to surrender and lay down their Arms. In the History of Italy, we read of a great Contestation, between the French and Italians, concerning the Battle of Tar, each of them ascribing the victory to his own Nation: The Italians they pretended they were Masters of the field, because their Quarters and Baggage were safe and whole whereas they had pillaged all the French even to the King's Tent: The French on the other side pretended, they had the better of the day, because they only lost two hundred men, and the Italians left three thousand behind them, and were also forced to quiet the field and pass over the Tar; and that which was more than all the rest, was, they had obtained that end for which they began the fight, to wit, for a free passage to return into France, and fo●●his reason i● was adjudged, that the French indeed had the better of them, it be●●g certain, that the Honour of a victory, doth not alone belong to him, who h●th killed most of his Enemies, or indeed hath lost fewest of his own, but likewise to him, who in conclusion of the fight, obtains that end, for which he began the Battle. Besides 〈◊〉 esteem those victories which are got by prudence, much more to be commende● then those which are got by Force of Battles, in regard the one is a●●chieved with little noises with safety, and without diminution of the strength, or loss of men's Lives; whereas the other, doth obtain but the self same thing, by a way quite contrary, that is, fu●l of trouble, danger, loss and expense. Those Victories which are achieved by Force have Violence for their Chief cause, whereas those which are obtained by Prudence have the Rule of all other virtues, for theirs; and besides, who will not more esteem these then the former, if only because there is less blood spilt? Tigers who delight to shed blood, may perchance rejoice to see the earth died with 〈◊〉; But true Honour and Glory, which proceedeth from sweetness and humanity, cannot but abhor such sights, which are so far from being accompanied with real Honour, that rather on the contrary, nothing can be more ignoble or unnatural.   

Prosecution of the History.  
AT this time France was happy indeed having overcome that Monster called Heresy which had been long conquering; The Power of France was now become the greater, in regard, it was not divided, as heretofore, within itself. Those Forces which had of late so often drew their Swords within their own Country, were now at Liberty to be employed abroad in defence of the Allies of the Crown; The house of Austria was no longer such a Bugbear, neither was there any fear of discontented persons; Who formerly, with the help of fifty thousand Crowns, could raise a civil War, at their own pleasures. Those great Taxes did now cease, which were of necessity to be kept on foot, whilst the Kingdom was governed at random. Those Expenses which the State was forced to bear, for the suppressing the Hugonots, in Pensions, Fortifications, Garrisons, Colleges and the like, were now laid up: The King was absolute Master of Poictou, Guyenne, Languedoc and Dauphinè, which formerly he had only at six and seven. But how much than was the whole Nation beholding unto the Cardinal, seeing the King had principally made use of his Prudence and Courage, to bring all these glorious things to pass, as his Majesty himself, had often published and declared in his letters, and on many other occasions? There cannot be any reasonable, indifferent Judge, but will conclude, he deserved all monuments, both of Honour and Glory, and that such as should be ingrateful, for these his services, or attempt to procure him any displeasure, aught to be punished with shame and confusion. But alas, that Passion of Private Interest, like a thick vail, which takes away the sight, would not let those of the Cabal, near the Queen Mother, behold his deserts, and the praises which were due to him; But on the contrary, led them to take advantages by his absence, to invent new devices, and contrive sundry Artifices, whereby they might incense that great Princess against him. If the King acted any thing, not agreeable with her humour, presently some one or other would acquaint her with it, and add; It was the Cardinal's do. When once they perceived, that she began to be jealous, because his Majesty did no longer follow her Counsels, (which indeed were not much to be commended) they were never quiet until they had entertained her with some discourse to that purpose, which might blow the Coals of her passion and discontent. If at any time she could not presently effect, whatever she designed, than the Cardinal's power was to be lamented either by words at length, or (perchance because that was not at all times permitted) by the language of their Eyes, no less powerful than the other. I should be too to long, if I should describe all their tricks. But who could endure that they should thus employ their time, whiles he employed his in procuring the King's glory and the happiness of France? Had he been then present, they never durst have been so bold, but his frequent absence was that which gave them opportunities to embitter the Queen Mother against him, who formerly had a great respect for him. They raised her anger to such an height, before she was ware of it, that upon the Cardinal's return from Montauban to Fountainbleau, she could no longer conceal her discontent, her eyes darting anger, which formerly were pleasant toward him; her eyes dar●ed out flames indeed, and such as would have burned him, had not the King interposed his absolute Authority to defend him.   

Politic Observation.  
Absence's hath always been known to be very prejudicial to Court favourites, It is difficult for them to be long away, and that some one or other raise not a faction against them, especially the Women, whose affection being more guided by sense than reason, verifies that Proverb, Out of sight and out of mind. Their memory is treacherous, and they who are not in their sight, are easily removed out of their favours. Importunity worketh more upon them then merit, and he who desires to be Master of their affections, must necessarily be continually in their sight. The Spaniard hath a Proverb, much to this purpose and a good one it is, Women do easily blot out of the roll of their friends, those who are either dead or absent. But admitting this were not so, yet the envy of those, who appertain to great men, never permits them to lose the opportunity of any absence, without attempting their ruin; The eminence of a Favourites genius, or the virtues which shine in him, are not able to secure him, for envy is a passion so malign, that those persons who have most reputation, true worth and glory, are the usual objects of it. Whence one of the most famous Captains among the Ancients said; He for his part thought that he had not yet done any thing praise worthy, because that envy that companion of virtue, had not found him out. It is true the services and generous actions which they achieve for the glory of a State, do sometimes raise them to so high a degree of honour and repute, that the despair of bettering them, secures them from the emulation of others, but it never exempteth them from hatred. There is an inevitable necessity, that they who bear a great sway in a Government should be hated, not only, because men borne free are carried by a certain natural inclination to hate those who command them, but also because there are divers persons of the Court, who flatter themselves, that they deserve more Honour than they have, and that they who Govern the affairs, depriving them of that which is their due, do attempt to hurt them: Such people are they, who blame the Sun, because they cannot confidently look upon him, but consider not that the fault is in their eyes, not his lustre. They can no more endure the sight of an extraordinary virtue, than that of a bright Star, were it not for the night they would hardly know what the day is, and it is the glimmering of the Moon and Stars, which doth only teach them what esteem they ought to have of the greatness and power of the Sun: such malign Spirits there are, who are excellent at nothing but finding faults, that they are excellent at, who never cease to contrive the downfall of others; and only because they want merit to advance themselves. But happy is that Minister, whose favour is chief grounded upon his Prince's knowledge of his services, upon his Prince's sense of the increase of his glory, upon his Prince's affections, which are no less assured to him in his absence then when he is present. Happy is the Minister then, when his Master looks upon him as the Sun, which hath no less virtue or light, when it is furthest from us, then when it is nearest to us.   

The Comte de Merodes Chamberlain to the Emperor, seizeth upon the Grisons without declaring a War.  
THE Huguenot party being thus reduced, the History requireth my looking back into Italy, and I must tell you, that notwithstanding the Ratification of the Treaty of Suze, made in Spain, upon condition however that the French should departed out of Italy, yet the Comte de Merodes his Imperial Majesty's Chamberlain, whom we may look upon as a Spaniard, both by reason of the strict Union between Spain and the Empire, as also because in this affair, the Empire was totally guided by the Spaniard, invaded the Grisons, seized upon the passages between Germany and Italy, took Meyenfeld and Coire their capital Cities, and built forts in such places as were most convenient for the marching of his Troops. This breach was occasioned by Monsieur de Savoy, a person naturally turbulent, and whose courage besides the affront which he had so lately received at Suze, transported him presently after the Treaty of Peace, and as soon as ever he saw the King engaged at the siege of Privas, to negotiate with the Emperor and King of Spain a new War, but upon the old design. He had acquainted the Emperor that the violence which had been offered him at Suze, did not so much concern his eminency in particular, as it reflected on his Imperial Majesty, seeing he, for his part, had never attempted the stopping of the passages, but only in defence of the rights of the Empire; that the reliving of Cazal was a contempt of his Authority, seeing the Duke of Mantua was his vassal, and had not at that time rendered the obedience which he ought to his Majesty: He likewise gave the Spaniard to understand, that the affront which he received before Cazal, brought a disrepute upon him through all Italy, and that it was to be feared, lest in prosecution thereof, they might attempt something upon his Dominions there; that the Cardinal had already projected his ruin in Italy; that the Common wealth of Genoa, was just ready for a revolt, that an expedition was already prepared against Milan; and that they had already proposed to engage him in it, by assuring Bresse unto him, and offering ready money for the Marquisat of Saluces, which would much facilitate the entrance of the French into Italy; and that in case they should thus deprive him of those two inlets, the one by Sea, the other by Land, there would than nothing be more easy, then to despoil him of the Kingdom of Napl●s. These considerations were of no little power to stir up both those two Potent Princes, seeing it concerned their honour; but there was as little honour and truth in these his discourses, as there was Justice in the C●mte de Merodes seizing the Grisons, without declaring a War against them; or without any cause given of hostility. It is true being come near the Grisons, he sent indeed one of his Company with the Emperor's Letters to Coir, in which he demanded to pass through their Country; but instead of expecting an answer, he presently invaded the Territory of Mey●nfield, where he made great havoc, and not long after surprised Coi●, and made a Garrison of it, without regard had to the Public Faith, and without any care of this outrageous dealing with a people who had nothing to do with him.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is a very unjust act in a Prince to force those Passages which are in his Allies Countries. It is an act full of hostility, not to be used but toward an enemy. I condemn it for unjust according to the judgement of the Thessalians, who when they opposed themselves against Brasidas, desirous to pass through their Country to fight against the Athenians, told him, as Thucid●des relateth it. That he who forced a passage without their knowledge to whom it belonged, did an unjust act. Every one that hath power in his hand, ought not to exercise it in outrages and violence against his neighbours, seeing he hath only received it from Heaven for his just defence. The Romans were heretofore much commended, for that they never invade any Country, no not their enemies, without first proclaiming a War; so far were they from seizing upon any thing which belonged to their friends. If the Romans did at any time pretend to any thing which was their neighbours, they sent their Ambassadors to demand it; if within three days after demand made, it were not delivered, they denounced the War; neither then did they enter upon them, but after many Ceremonies, which are described in Titus Livy. But that we may not go so far back, did not the Heralds of Florence, and that not above three hundred years since, declare War against their enemies with Ceremonies much after that kind? Those ancient forms (indeed) are now no longer in use; but yet that Prince who seizeth upon any Passages or Towns without it, cannot be considered but as an Usurper. But ambition is now grown to that pass, that it is enough be the means what they will, so they serve his designs, without considering that divine Justice throws down, whatever is founded upon injustice; that as the Laws of man do punish private Thefts, so God the judge of Kings, will chastise their usurpations; that they who endeavour to grow great by violence will at last meet their own ruin in a greater, and that the greatness which is obtained by injustice, cannot long last, though force uphold it for the present.   

Prosecution of the History.  
THe Comte de Merodes having taken Coir, and knowing that the Sieur Mesmin his Majesty's Ambassador with the Grisons, had employed the utmost of his industry and prudence (which by his employment he was bound unto) for the keeping of those people in that friendship which they had promised unto France, and for the confirming them in their resolution of denying the Passages to any whatever, who should attempt against his Allies, surrounded his lodging with Guards, and seized on his Papers, without any regard to the Law of Nations, which declare the persons of Ambassadors to be sacred, and forbidden that any outrage or injury should be done unto them.   

Politic Observation.  
SEEing Ambassadors represent their Master's persons, they cannot be affronted (without great injustice) by any Prince who is not in open War with him. He who doth otherwise, breaks that Law which is so generally received among all States, and injureth the person of his Master. He is guilty of an outrage, seeing their persons have been always esteemed inviolable; and (as Tacitus saith) it is rarely seen among enemies, that Ambassadors are ill treated. Besides, how unworthy a thing is it to affront such persons who can neither defend nor revenge themselves, but only dispute it by reason. All that can be done toward an Ambassador, from whom one hath received an injury, is to licence his departure without permitting any injury to be done unto him. Thus did the Romans to the King of Persia's Ambassadors, they gave them eleven days to departed out of Italy, with order to tell their Master, that the Consul Publius Licinius, should shortly be in Macedonia at the head of their Army, to whom he might hereafter send his Ambassadors, if he had any thing to propose to them, and not put himself to the trouble of sending them to Rome, where they should be no more received. They likewise ordered Sp. Carilius, to conduct them out of Italy to their ships (as Titus Livy reporteth.) And the late King Henry the great, whose conduct may serve for a Precedent to other Princes, hath showed us a rare example of that respect which ought to be used toward Ambassadors, when he discovered that Tassas & Dom Balthasar de Cuniga his Successor, Ambassadors of Spain, held intelligence with Haste and Merargues, he had more regard to the Law of Nations, then to their seditious practices, which in reason might have passed for acts of hostility. To injure or imprison an Ambassador in times of Peace cannot be done without injustice, neither can there be other reason for it, then for the satisfying of some ambitious and rash pretences.   

The Sieur de Sabran is sent Ambassador to the Emperor.  
SHortly after the Comte de Merodes had been thus active amongst the Grisons, his Majesty who pretended not to uphold Monsieur de Mantua with an high hand, but only to satisfy that injustice which obliged him to preserve his Allies, thought good to send the Sieur de Sabran his Ambassador to the Emperor, upon the business of the Treaty of Suze. His principal intent was to acquaint him with the sincerity of his actions and designs; and to obtain (if possible at his recommendation) that Monsieur de Mantua might be reinvested in the Duchy. His Majesty for the preserving of the Peace of Italy, would not make use of that advantage which his Arms gave him at Suze, or the opportunity of divers Princes of Italy, who proffered him their assistance, but would have been glad to have continued it, by paying this civility to the Emperor. The Duke of M●ntua had discharged his duty, when he sent the Bishop of Mantua to demand his instalment, and the King could not imagine that his entreaty wined to the others submission, could have been refused, seeing that the same Laws which require the Princes depending on the Empire to demand it, do likewise oblige the Emperor to grant it, at least without the prejudice of any other; in case there be several who claim it, which in process of time, aught to be examined by the usual ways, and the Laws of Justice. To this purpose was the Sieur de Sabran sent to the Emperor. Whiles he was yet in his way, he received new orders, to wit, that he should complain unto the Emperor, of the little respect, which the Comte de Merodes, had showed unto the Sieur de Mesmin his Majesty's Ambassador; and of his violent proceed among the Grisons, by seizing on the Passages of Steir, Pom du R●in, the Towns of Coir and Meyenfield, and all this without declaring the War; but at that instant when he began it, and that he should press his Imperial Majesty to command the Comte de Merodes, to withdraw his forces from Italy and the Grisons, and than he should satisfy his Majesty for that want of respect to his Ambassador. The Sieur de Sabran acquitted himself very worthily of that employment, he used his utmost prudence to justify his Majesty's proceed and intentions, and to convince unto the Emperor, that the King his Master had not done any thing in prejudice of the Empire. He further informed his Majesty, that the King had not drawn his sword until the Spaniard had besieged Cazal contrary to reason and justice, and that his most Christian Majesty was bound to protect the Duke of Mantua, by the Treaties of Cambray and Veroins, neither did he omit any thing for the getting of satisfaction for the violences, of the Count de Merodes. But the Emperor being prepossessed by those of his Counsel, that Embassy came to nothing, and all the answer he could get, was that the Duke of Mantua should be righted, if his Majesty did withdraw his Army out of Italy, with all that he could not but wonder that his Majesty should interest himself with the Princes under his obedience, without taking notice that his most Christian Majesty was obliged by divers treaties to secure him, and that it would be a great dishonour to him, if he should not now assist him, considering he was more exposed to danger, than ever by reason of the Emperors, and Spanish Forces then in Italy, and designed particularly for his ruin.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is an honourable employment▪ to be the Mediator of Peace between Princes, but he is more to be pitied then envied, who takes that office upon him, whilst their first heat is not yet over. It is with such Negotiators, as with Physicians, and as these who are called upon the amendment of a disease a●e happier than the others; so those likewise are very fortunate, who are entrusted in treating a Peace between Princes, when they are a little cooled, and the great expenses of War have discomposed them, and when they are a little wearied out by continual Cares. The first Emotions of anger, are like clouds which obscure the light of reason and hinder the apprehension of the great benefits of Peace, not permitting them to lend an ear to it. Anger itself must make them feel those pains, which accompany it, that they may at last be sensible of the Just Cause they have to hate it, and by consequence be the easilier appeased. It was the continual inconvenience of War, which induced Fr●ncis the first, to have a liking to Peace; Neither had Charles the fifth or Philip the second ever embraced it, during the advantages which they made by the Treacheries of some French, had they not been tired out, by the vast expenses, great cares and dangers, to which a foreign War exposed them. In short, Princes ought never to be so ex-asperated in their differences, as not to seek the good of Peace, by some means of agreement, by their mutual giving one another to understand their Intentions, by their Ambassadors. He who undertaketh to carry all things, by a high hand, forceth all others to fly no extremities, which are accompanied with great Evils. The distance which is between Princes, is oftentimes the Cause of misunderstandings between them; but their Ambassadors acquainting each other, with the Justice of their Intentions, doth not a little allay their Angers and dispose them to sweetness. The Wise, admit not of any injustice; and though they are free from obedience to others, yet will they be subjected to reason. They know, true greatness doth not so much consist in the power to do what they will, as what they ought: Neither do they measure their greatness, by the licentiousness of satisfying their own passions, but by their power to do that which is Just. It is their glory, to make it appear, that though they can do all, yet they will not act any thing but what is commendable: Whence it comes, that first putting themselves in the ways of reason, they do not afterwards scruple to solicit others to do the like. Thus likewise is it not an act of Lowness, but of great Prudence, and Civility, which Princes own to each other.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
I Return to the Comte de Merodes amongst the Grisons, whose actions there did not much surprise the King, too well informed of all the passages in Europe to be ignorant of other Prince's designs; They only obliged him to give order to the Marshal de ●req●y. to inform Monsieur de Savoy, that it was contrary to the treaty of Suze, for the execution of which he was bound by word and deed to join his Forces to those of his Majesty, and to summon him to declare himself in this occasion. The Duke of Savoy, having solicited their invasion, need not have pretended time to inform himself of their design, yet that was it which he fled to, to hid his infidelity, after the knowledge of which he promised to give his Majesty all satisfaction. The Marshal de Crequy that he might put him to it indeed, gave him some time, which once passed, he pressed him for an answer, which was this; That the Surprisal of the Prisons passages, had nothing of dependence in Monsieur de Ma●tua's affair; yet however, if the King of Spain might be satisfied, who desired the French should withdraw out of Italy, as also from Suze, he made no doubt but to obtain of the Emperor, that he should withdraw his Forces, though offended with the King for intermeddling in those differences, which he had with the Duke of Mantua his Vassal; but did not all this while discover any thing of his own particular designs, because he could indeed pretend nothing not comprised in the treaty of Suze. The Marshal acquainted the King with this answer, who commanded him to reply unto the Duke of Savoy, that this answer of his did not at all relate to the obligation under which he was by the treaty of Suze, that is of joining his with his Majesty's Forces, and therefore to continue summoning him to declare himself, but withal to assure him, that if the Emperor should invest Monsieur de Mantua; he would recall his Forces from Italy and Suze, his Majesty having no other design but the hindering the invasion of the Duke of Mantua's Estates, his Ally, and under his protection, by the ●reaty at V●rvins it being unreasonable that the Emperor should out him of those D●…i●… to which he was Lawful Heir: and that as concerning any difference between the Dukes of Mantua and Savoy, he had endeavoured to accommodate them, by proposing convenient expedients between them both. Nothing could be replied to so just reasons, neither said he other thing to Monsieur de Crequy, but that he would remain Neuter, ●nd become a Mediator of Peace, without replying as to the obligation of the treaty at Suze, and without considering how prejudicial it might be to him, to sit still after he had kindled so great a fire betwixt so great Princes.   

Politic Observation.  
THat Prince, who hath raised a War between two others more potent than himself, cannot fix upon any resolution so inconvenient for himself, as that of becoming neuter, though he have no part in the broil: yet it is prudence to declare for one or other. How much more reason than hath he so to do, seeing ●●e first raised the War? It is offence enough against the other to have raised the War, and though he should then sit down and be quiet, yet he would nevertheless be looked upon as an Enemy; he cannot possibly prevent it, but that one of them should be revenged, for he hath provoked both; him against whom the War is, who will be ready enough to call him to account for it, and him whom he hath engaged to make the War; because he withdraws from him, when he hath put him into danger: but admit he had not raised the War, yet I look upon neutrality as very dangerous; he had much better run the hazard of overcoming, by declaring himself, or to fall with a neighbour who may afterwards help to re-establish him, then to be reduced by an inevitable necessity of being oppressed by him, who shall get the victory, and perchance by both of them. The Example of those of Sienna may serve to confirm this Counsel, who after they had remained Neuters in the War of Italy, were in conclusion pillaged by both parties, by which they gave a just ground to King Alphonsus to say, that it happened to them as it doth to Lodgers, who lie on the second floor, who are troubled with the smoke of those beneath them, and the noise of those above them. Aristenus Praetor of Achaja, and Lucius Quintus, Consul and Captain of Rome, found that Counsel to be very ill, which C●●omidon the Macedonian Ambassador had given to the Achaians; that was, he advised them to remain Neuters, as to the War between the Romans and King Philip: The first of them not enduring he should call Neutrality a middle way; said, if it must be called a way, it was a very useless way, seeing the best success that could happen, could be of no advantage to them, but would at last expose them for a prey to the Conqueror. Perchance he may avoid this storm, if he can manage his words and actions so circumspectly, as absolutely to persuade them, that he is neither inclined to one side or the other; a thing which I imagine to be impossible, because his most indifferent actions will raise some jealousy or other, each judging of him as he pleaseth; at least he cannot avoid but that his Neighbours will forsake him, when he is in necessity, in the same manner as he neglects to assist them. For Neutrality doth provoke both parties, the stronger because he imagineth his greatness obligeth the rest to join their forces out of respect with his; and the weaker, because being not defended, he thinks himself wronged. And this is not good either to defend himself from Enemies, or to preserve his friends. Perchance he may imagine to save the charge of keeping some forces in the Army of his Ally, but yet every Prince is obliged to entertain Forces in his Country, to hinder both one and the other from invading him.   

The Sieur de Leon sent Ambassador into Zwizzerland.  
HIS Majesty was advised, presently after the news of the Comte de Merodes, that the Spaniards were making of parties amongst the Swissers, and endeavouring to gain the Catholic Cantons. Whereupon his Majesty sent the Sieur de Leon Brulant Ambassador towards them, to assure them of the affection which he still had for their interest; to exhort them to continue in that alliance which had been for many years between them; and to persuade them to preserve that correspondence which was between their Cantons, as also to preserve the Cantons their Neighbours and Allies from the oppression of the house of Austria. He was not wanting to acquaint them, what devises had already been used to divide them from the Grisons, which was the inserting of a clause in the treaty of Madrid, by which it was provided, that the 13 Cantons, or the Major part of them, should see the performance of the Articles of the Treaty, and at the same time to contrive under hand, that the Catholic Cantons should not consent to this warranty, and to persuade the Grisons, that those Cantons had fain off from their interest; the design being by sowing this darnel among them, to weaken them by division, and consequently to enable themselves the better to seize upon their Forts and passages; and last of all he represented to them by very evident reasons, that the Spaniard had design to sow the like division amongst their Cantons, to the intent he might also seize on their passages, which he had already sent letters to demand; and that therefore to secure them from this danger, the more important to them, in regard all their force consisteth in the good intelligence of their Cantons, and that of their Allies, they were obliged to be careful, that no division were cast amongst them by any propositions which should be made, and also to take up Arms to assist the Grisons, not only because they were part of their Commonwealth, but to keep off from themselves the like misfortune wherewith they were threatened. The Sieur de Leon negotiated this affair with a great deal of prudence, and made them see their interests by such lively reasons, that they resolved in an assembly at Soleur held the 5. of August, to preserve themselves in a strict Union, and to write unto the Emperor, that if he did not restore the Grisons to their first State, they would then join themselves with the most Christian King to be revenged of the injury he had done them. This Resolution gave the Spaniard an alarm, who presently sent Cassate to destroy it, and disunite the Protestants from the Catholics who are Masters of the principal passages: They employed their continual cares to that end, and being more considerable amongst them than we are by reason of their commerce, and trade with Milan, they so prevailed that at last they changed their minds, and we were forced to be contented with the raising of some Troops, which were to stay in their own Country to guard and defend the passages against the Imperialists, in case they should attempt to enter.   

Politic Observation.  
SEeing the Laws of prudence advise us to raise advantage; as well from our Enemies as friends, I cannot be blamed if I observe from the practice of the house of Austria, who after they had disunited the Grisons from the Swissers, endeavoured to raise division amongst the Swissers themselves, that the best means to weaken one's Neighbours, to seize on their Countries, or at least to make use to their passages as occasion shall serve, without their being able to prevent it, is to raise some division amongst them. The good intelligence of a people is the principal strength of a Kingdom, and their dis-union is the cause of their ruin whence Lycurgus assured the Lacedæmonians, that nothing could so much contribute to the increase and preservation of their State, as an invincible courage against their enemies, and an inviolable concord among themselves. The devise which Philip of Macedon, made use of to overcome the Precians, was the fomenting of some differences between them; he assisted one part of them against the other, and so long preserved the division between them, till at last they were both easily to be overcome; and who knoweth not that, that which heretofore brought France into the power of the English, was only the division which the house of Burgonie, and several other Countries had raised within it? The Stars which are in an ill aspect, cannot but produce very ill consequences here below; so likewise when confederated Provinces shall begin to look awry one upon another and with animosity; they cannot but endanger one another. The stateliest Palaces are soon ruined by little cracks and the greatest people by small divisions. I might insert here that the greatness of the Godhead consists in its unity, and that if it could be divided, it would not be infinite. Thus that which renders a State invincible is concord; and that which destroyeth a Kingdom is division, that same thing too that it doth in public, it doth in private families.   

The House of Austria entereth very strong into the Duke of Mantua's Country.  
THE taking of Coir and Meyenfeld was the Gate by which War entered into Italy: For the House of Austria, presently after the taking of Suze, sent two Armies into Montferrat under the Marquis Spinola. The Spaniard had caused the said Marquis to quite the Low-Countries and to come into Italy. His first business was to set all things right between his Master & the State of G●noa, which Commonwealth was upon the point of revolting. He came thither in July, and used his utmost to make a good Intelligence between them; and indeed, he was so successful in it, that he did the Spaniard one of the best pieces of service, that he had ever yet done. The next thing he did, was to store up great quantities of Corn, a Commodity very necessary in those parts, for the entertaining of any War, though never so little, by reason of the Scarcety in that Country. He declared every where that his Master desired Peace; but it was only until his Forces were got together, and that he was in a condition to begin the War; for as soon as ever he found himself provided, he entered into Montserrat, took some small places, and amongst the rest Pontdesture, and made his approaches towards Cazal, but would not absolutely lie down a second time before it, until he saw an impossibility for France to relieve it. The ruin of the Huguenot party, did not a little stagger him, for that now his Majesty's forces were at full Liberty to march out of the Kingdom; but he conceived us to have been so weakened and entangled by the divisions, which those of the Spanish party had raised in the King's Family, as also by the very doubt in which the Cardinal himself was, that his Majesty would not be persuaded, to repass the Alps, Winter now coming on that he hoped by this means, he might effect his design; and the sooner, seeing Canzal and Mantua, were assaulted at the same time, which would so surprise us, that we could hardly tell which we should first assist. For the German, Lutheran, Army, led by Colalte, had entered into Mantua, at the same instant that he did into Montferrat; and thus instead of the Justice, which the Emperor had promised the Sieur de Sabran, and published, by a Declaration wherein he undertook to restore it to the right owner, the Army Committed such cruelties, as are incredible, burning and pillaging Churches, wi●h greater violence and fury then ever the Iconoclasts did, breaking all Crosses Images, Saints, and what not? The Soldiers would commonly tie the Images with Cords and so drag them up and down, sometimes they would throw them into the water, profane the consecrated Plate, ravish Women and Maids, and fill the whole Country which mourning and blond; in short, they made it apparent, that that Cloak of Religion, which they so boast of in Germany, was only a Pretence to cover their Ambition. This great violence, seconded and upheld by Force of Arms, gave them the Liberty of overrunning almost all Mantua, most part of the Natives, flying from them a as heretofore they had from Alaricus, and Attila, by which means at last they came up to Mantua itself and besieged it. But Colonel Duran● had gotten in a little before them, with a thousand expert Soldiers well commanded, and Monsieur de Mantua, had likewise drawn in thither the choicest of his own men; so that the Spaniard resolved to sit down before the Town, though their Army was equally pestered with the Plague and Famine, which at last forced them to retire; yet before they went off, they committed the most infamous piece of treachery, was ever yet heard. They made several propositions of Peace, and Monsieur de Mantua, seeing how willing they were of an accommodation, consented to a Truce of three hours, During which and in confidence of their faith he opened the Port Fort-Bourg, which is on t'other side the Bridge: now they more regarding their advantage, than the Fidelity which ought to be inviolable between Princes, after about three thousand of them were got in, seized on it; A Treachery very strange, but as few base actions succeed well, so that served them, but to small purpose, for Colonel Durand made a Sally out upon them, during which there was a Trench raised, and Cannon planted on it, which Commanded all the Fort-Bourg, by which means it came unserviceable to the Imperialists.   

Politic Observation.  
THE faith of them who Command Armies, hath been ever esteemed sacred: He who once breaketh it, looseth his Honour; And indeed, if there were not an obligation to keep it, to what pass would things come? There could be no security in Treaties; One Prince could not trust another; and in Leagues, every one would be catching at all advantages, which he should find. A General ought to respect nothing more than his Honour; now there is not any one thing which can more obscure it, than Infidelity, which breaketh the Justice of Military Act, which gives a Liberty, to do any unreasonable thing, and converts War into Piracy. He who would have his Soldiers be true to him, must be Just to his Enemies; Neither may he recede from one single word passed to them: Besides he is so much the more bound to the observance of it, as it is of consequence to them. Stratagem are allowable, but they must be of War, not Infidelity. The Romans were such strict observers of this particular, that they placed the Image of Fidelity next to that of Jupiter in their Capitol, to the end every one might respect it as a Deity. They knew Heaven would be very severe in punishing those who violated it; and they would not only be overwhelmed with Infamy but that it would be of ill consequence to the State, considering how true it is, that Justice and Fidelity, are the two chief things which support the Thrones of all Kings.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
I Cannot omit the great assistance which the Venetians did this year send unto the Duke of Mantua, it being impossible for his Majesty's whole. Army to have been with him soon enough, although some few Troops had already come to him. The King had by his Ambassador negotiated those Succours with the Venetians, upon the first discovery of the House of Austria's design. Now the Venetians were the easier inclined to send these Succours, it being their very great Interest to hinder the Spaniards growing power in Italy, especially so near them, they having so often and so long had designs upon them. Besides they well knew, that they had at that present, several good Towns and places which formerly belonged to the Duchy of Milan, but had been taken from it, by their Commonwealth; which peradventure the Spaniard might have a mind to recover from them. In conclusion they send divers times, Money, Victuals, and some Troops unto the Duke of Mantua, which did not a little help to preserve him.   

Politic Observation.  
THere is not any thing more dangerous, then to suffer a potent Ambitious King, to seize on a Neighbour Prince's Country by violence; seeing his conquest will only serve for a Bridge to the next Kingdom. An Ambitious King is like a great River; ever eating into its Banks, without regard had either to the Justice or Injustice of his designs: When he hath once proposed his end, he careth not by what means it is achieved: His chief care is, how to make a party in his Neighbour's Country, how to raise a division, which may open an entrance for his Ambitious designs: He spareth no cost to corrupt their Officers and Ministers, He is like some people in Africa, who sleep with their eyes always open; and as he believeth the greatest glory, to consist in possessing the greatest empire, so he imagineth the design of Command to be a just cause of War; If his Forces be not strong enough, he bloweth division amongst his Neighbours to make them revolt, and maketh use of those who are credulous, that he may subject their fellows to his Dominion. He winks at Justice, not that he may Judge with Equity; but that he may not behold, if possible, the injustice of his own intentions. In short, there is not any thing which he will not do, if it lead him to new conquests.  
Which being thus, who can be ignorant of the obligation which lieth upon all Allies to assist one another, when any attempt is made upon any single Country amongst them? The assistance which they lend is a security to their own States, and in fight for him, they confirm their own quiet: But above all, they who are nearest bordering upon one another, aught to be careful in this particular, because they run a greater hazard. When an Army is at our Gates, it is little worth then to call upon a relief far from us, for great Armies do not fly; no, they march but slowly, and before they can arrive to assist us, we are lost and taken. He who being unable with his own strength to defend himself, calleth in a friend far distant from him, is like a sick person, who being taken with a sudden dangerous fit, sendeth for an able Physician to another place twenty miles distant, and in the mean time, before his Doctor arrives, becomes incurable. Antiquity hath furnished us with an admirable example of the thing, in that of S●g●nte, which being besieged by the Carthaginians, was taken, before the relief from Rome could come up to it: And of later times the City of Sienna, being besieged by the Imperialists, was in expectation of the French assistance, but to little purpose, they being at too great a distance to come up to them. In such occasions, those Countries nearest at hand are to be employed, they being in reason bound to rise in their behalf, and hereupon it is, that Alliances and Leagues made with them, are much more advantageous than any others whatever.   

Prosecution of the History.  
NOtwithstanding that the Treaty of Peace, and the Renewing of Alliance between France and England, had been concluded in April, whilst his Majesty was at Suze, yet the final confirmation of it was used to be done by oath, and by extraordinary Ambassadors, interchangeably sent, which Ceremony had been put off, until his Majesty's return back to Paris from his Italian-Expedition, and was now performed in September at Fontain-bleau, whither the Lord Esmond came from the King of Britain, for that purpose; The King caused him to be entertained with very great honour, as had been accustomed on such occasions, particularly invited him to dine with him, at his own Table, that day when the Ceremony was celebrated. The appointed hour being come, he was conducted into the Church of Bourg, magnificently prepared for that purpose, where the King and all the Princes of the Court waiting on him, heard Vespers. At his entrance, he saluted with great respect the King and Queens, after which he took his place in a Scaffold made ready for him. The King made the oath, in his presence, and swore upon the Holy Evangelists, to observe and perform all the Conditions of the Treaty which he had signed. The same oath was made at London the same day, with no less Ceremony, by the King of England, in the presence of the Marquis de Chasteauneuf, Extraordinary Ambassador there, forth at purpose.   

Politic Observation.  
AS Sacraments render Actions the more venerable, so have all people thought it fit to confirm their Treaties therewith, that Princes might be obliged, the more Religiously to observe them. But in all times, they have been as various, as Nations. That which was most universally observed, was to drink in the same Glass. It is true those of Thracia and Egypt, did not use the same Cup, but the same Ox-horn. The Jews used to kill certain Beasts and divide their entrails. The Chaldeans, passed through certain Flames, holding a Sword in their hand, to confirm their oaths: But the Ceremonies of the Arabians seem to me more extraordinary, than all the rest; Some eminent Person of the Treaters, placed himself in the midst, and beating his hand with a sharp stone, drew blood, which was gathered up, with some part of their , wherewith they besmeared seven other stones, about which they stood, invocating the names of Denis & Urania; The Scythians mingled blond with Wine, dipped their Arrows, their Hatchet and Javelins in it, with several Protestations of Fidelity, and then drank it up, causing the witnesses of their oath to do the same. The Romans were accustomed to call their Great Priest, who raised an Altar of Turf, placed a Hog on it, which he smit with a stone in their presence, beseeching Jupiter to strike them in the same manner, if they should break the Treaty. We likewise read in the History of the Sieur de Join'eville, that St. Lewis the King being at Caesarea, a Knight of the House of Concy came to him, and desired him for a greater assurance of his fidelity, that he would be pleased, that his Majesty's Soldiers and his, might in token of a straight alliance, mingle blond with Wine, and drink it one to tother, and that the King approved thereof: and the same History addeth, that moreover; they forced a Dog to pass between their Ranks, at which every one struck with his Sword saying, so may he be struck that fails of his word.   

The Monsieurs retreat into Lorain.  
AFter the King's return from Languedoc, the Queen Mother passionately desiring, that Monsieur should marry one of the Princes of Florence, though he could no way resolve to love her; she being no beauty, saving the Honour of her Family, otherwise little recommendable, suffered with great impatience that Monsieur should bear any good will unto the Princess Marie. Whereupon she was very earnest with his Majesty, that he would expressly prohibit him to marry her, without his Royal permission. Now though the King seemed to have a good esteem of this Princess, yet however the rule which he had always imposed on himself to give the Queen Mother all content obliged him to forbid; and respect and obedience the other, to accept of it; but which such discontent it was, that unable longer to stay at Court, he retired into Lorain. The Duke of Lorain received him with great Honour, whether it were because he was bound to respect him, or because himself being already discontented with France, and of the Spanish faction, did hope to find some occasion to satisfy his own hatred. His faithful Servants indeed would gladly have diverted him from this retreat, but as most great men become jealous and suspicious of them, who give them not such Counsels as tend to extremity, but endeavour to moderate their actions, so they durst not speak their thoughts to him. The most judicious among them found themselves reduced to the condition of the Romans, who seeing their City on fire by Nero's command, durst not endeavour to quench it, lest they might anger the Emperor, for that they saw several of his servants adding more fuel to the fire, whereby they might please him. Neither wanted there some persons about Monsieur, who having no other design then to flatter him, for their own ends, persuaded him to such resolutions as in their own consciences they could not but condemn. I may add that they endeavoured from that time more than ever to raise distrusts in him against the King and the Cardinal, whereby they might possess him with fear, and they became so much the more considerable unto him, in that they found means to oblige him to look upon themselves as the only means of his safety: They having been thus, the principal causes of his departure, deserved much more to be blamed than he did; because he having once confided in them, it would be an hard matter for him to defend himself from their treacheries. The Queen Mother was not to be excused, she having something contributed to drive him into these extremities, which could be advantageous to no one, but very dangerous to France, as experience hath made it appear; and withal the Cabal which was then at Court, having grounded all those broils which since happened upon his departure. The Cardinal foresaw the ill consequences, if not remedied, therefore he omitted nothing in his power, which might induce his Majesty to solicit him to return; but the discontents of Grandees are like those sicknesses which must necessarily have their course, and cannot be cured until the natural heat hath overpowered the malign powers in the body, so there was a necessity of expecting what time might produce, that he might be persuaded to return.   

Politic Observation.  
PRinces of the Blood Royal cannot possibly follow worse counsel, than to withdraw themselves from the place of their birth. There it is that the Centre of their glory is, and where they are respected with more honour than they can hope for; there they only see the King above them, whereas in other Countries they are inferior to many. The Stars in the Firmament have not any light, but when they are within sight of the Sun, and Princes are never so glorious, as when in their King's presence; it being their greatest glory to be of his blood; they are like burning-glasses, which out of the Sun are of no use. Their King is as their soul, and all their greatness consisteth in his Majesty, and the splendour ●●ich they receive from him, gives them so great Authority, that they may upon the matter do whatsoever they desire, whereas when once they go out of the limits of their own Country, they change their Commands into entreaties. It is only near their King that they live in the abundance of pleasure and delight, but when once they forsake him, they are presently reduced to want and necessity. Here they are only restrained from being Prodigal, nothing is refused them that is necessary; whereas among strangers they are forced to be contented with that, which at home would hardly maintain their Officers, neither have they that without submission. Is it not then with little reason pretended that they retire for more liberty, seeing they are never so much observed as amongst strangers, where every thing they do is suspected? If they have any liberty, it is to foment divisions in their own Country. But why do they not consider that in so doing they act against themselves, against their own greatness, for that they are not at all considerable, but by the Kingdom from whence they are extracted?   

The Reasons and Causes of Monsieurs Retirement.  
AS it is natural to seek pretences for the hiding of faults, so Monsieur gave divers reasons of his departure, for his own justification. Those Grandees who complain of a State where they are born, cannot better be compared then to those who are in a deep water, where they lay hold on every thing to secure themselves from danger. He first of all complained of the disorders in the State, a thing usual in all those that revolt, as if the true reason of their discontent were not known; when the truth is, nothing but their own particular interest withdraws them. They who had been with him, should have informed him what alterations the Cardinal had made in France, since he first came to the State. He found it in the most deplorable condition that could be, by the ill management of certain Ministers, who unable to second the King's prudent and generous intentions, had cast all things into confusion. The Huguenot party was then so strong that they would shake off the yoke of obedience at their own pleasures. The Princes of the Blood, would usually revolt upon the least discontents. The Governors of Provinces were like so many petty Kings. The King's family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand, exhausted to enrich those who were factiously inclined, and without any honour to the King. The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercy of their enemies, of whom the Kingdom stood in fear. The case was now altered, the Heretic faction was brought upon their knees, the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience, the Governors of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just, the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the King's Honour and State. In short, the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing, began to recover strength, with assurance of perfect health, when as its Foreign and Domestic enemies did not at all divert the Cardinal's designs. All these things were so apparent, that the Cimmerian darkness could not hinder the sight of them, but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them, who are overmastered with Passion, as we have reason to believe they could not those about Monsieur, seeing they were so blind in persuading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom? They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath, without causing of great alterations in the world; so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country, but they cause great troubles and disorders, and in case there were any others in the State, this were to remedy it by a worse, a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence; but a thing not much by them regarded, so they could but overcome their Master's spirit, that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired.   

Politic Observation.  
IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing, than the Government of the Universe; then true it is, that humane wisdom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdoms, especially when they are fallen from their first height, and that there is a necessity to re-establish them. This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs, next under the Authority of his Prince; for he is in the State, as the Sun in the World, as the eye to the Body, and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens. Yet however two truths cannot be gainsaid, the first is, that a State being a society of free men, who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them, it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow, unless divers others besides himself be assistant. The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects, but not of being the only producers of them, and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring, unless other causes did cooperate; and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds; so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever, should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it, seeing it is no less natural for people to he unruly, then for the earth to bring forth weeds. The second, that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion. Nature works slowly, produceth the seed out of the grain, the sien from the seed, the tree from the sien, the flower from the tree, and at last the fruit. Thus likewise a Minister of State, how excellent soever he be, cannot reduce confusion into order, but by little and little, and by setting his Engines on work one after another. There must needs be some time spent in enquiring into the true causes of these evils, it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect. He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish, which he would now restore, and also that which hath been glorious for other States. He ought to imitate good Physicians, who having observed those ill humours which cause the sickness, use their art first to purge them out, and then to bring their Patient to a good temper. The principal causes of the ruin of a State, are civil Wars, disrespect of authority, the too great Power of Princes of the Blood, Strangers and Governors, Factions, negligence in Judges to punish public disorders, want of good Discipline among Soldiers, and the oppressures of the people: now what a deal of time must there be to redress all these and establish one quite contrary? It cannot be done but by time and labour, nay impossible, if the Kingdom be either in civil or foreign War. Lastly, the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not endanger his. Physicians are careful for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health, that neither the air, nor any thing about him, may be offensive to him, and a Prudent Minister is no less obliged to be careful; not only that his neighbours may not injure him, but that they may be serviceable to him. He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies, not injuring them, but assisting them in all occasions, as the Romans did, who sent their Ambassadors from Town to Town, to make a friendship with them, and to divert them from the Carthaginians. He ought to endeavour the breaking off all Leagues between foreign Princes, whose strength by their uniting might become suspected, whence it follows, that he ought not to be overhasty in extinguishing any Wars between them; nay some he is bound to foment, as Lewis the Eleventh did, to divert those storms, which else would have fallen upon France. These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State; but who seethe not that amongst a thousand different causes, it is impossible totally to effect it, unless after a long time, and with extreme care and diligence.   

The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur.  
THey of the Queen Mother's faction, would by no means let slip Monsieurs retreat, without making advantage of it. They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty, considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinal's services; They very well knew, that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him, so powerfully, as Monsieur, whereupon they did their utmost, to breed a good understanding between them; and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur, they did at last work the Queen Mother, to procure Marillac to be sent to him, a person whom they knew to be fit for their design. The Cardinal gave him his instructions, as to what he should say from his Majesty, which tended to remember him, how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore; to assure him, he was not at all altered at that present; That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure, but of his Servants, who had persuaded him to it, and that he was so much the more obliged to return with speed, because all Europe would blame him, in case the Emperor and Spaniard should make any great progress in Italy, whilst his Majesty stayed at Paris in Expectation only of his coming thither. The Cardinal also considering, how lately he had obliged Marillac, by procuring the Marshal's staff for him, could not suspect any double dealing from him, whereupon he very earnestly recommended this one thing more to him, that he would testify to Monsieur how desirous he was to serve him, and to assure him, that next to the preservation of his Master's favour, he had not any greater ambition, the of being known for his most humble and faithful Servant. But he instead of performing any tittle of this second Commission, no less important for the good of France, than the former, only discoursed to him, of the great power this Grand Minister had in the Kingdom; concerning the many strong places in his Government; of the great Expenses he made, and those vast benefits which the King bestowed on him; he well knew this to be the only way, to provoke him unto Jealousy, and to increase those disgusts which he had already conceived against him, which were still fomented by those who were about him. Indeed he did not quite forget to tell him, that the Cardinal recommended his very humble service to him; but Monsieur ask whether he would pass his word for performance of it, replied No; by which and the like answers he raised so great a distrust against him, that it was impossible to persuade him to return to his Majesty, until the Cardinal had passed the Alps.   

Politic Observation.  
PRudence and Fidelity are two of the most necessary qualities in a person, employed in Negotiation of Affairs; The former to serve, the second to prevent all disservice to him who employeth. He who transacteth any affair without Prudence, is like a Workman without Art; well may he have his Tools, but he knows not how to use them, and just as a Workman mars his subject matter, if he know not what form to give it, so doth an Imprudent Negociator, ruin both public and private affairs, committed to his charge and care; for Prudence ought to be his guide, the Conduct of his thoughts and words, and the square by which he ruleth his Actions; without it there is not the least hope of a good success. Now although this virtue be thus and thus necessary, yet fidelity is in some sort, much more; By fidelity I mean, a firm constancy, and an unalterable resolution to serve them who set him on work; Without this, all the Abilities and Prudencies in the world are not worth one Rush; For admit Prudence inlightneth his Soul, yet fidelity is that which guideth his desires; though Prudence tell him what are the fittest ways to obtain the end of his Commission, yet it is fidelity which preserveth him from turning either to the right or left, after any particular advantages; and if Prudence preventeth him from being cheated and deceived, yet still fidelity defendeth him from all by Interests. Fidelity teacheth all men, that a Negociator ought not to look upon what lieth in his power, but upon what his faith obligeth him, which is, the inviolable preservation of his Interests who employeth him, and that with so sacred a respect, that no passion prevail upon him, to divert him from it.  
Breach of Trust is a fault so much the more odious in a Negotiator, because public affairs are entrusted with his integrity. Now for the choice of such persons, most fit for this kind of employment, I am of opinion, that they who are of an indifferent Temper, and of an approved honesty, are much more proper, then refined crafty men. The former are much more capable of a true affection; They will at least stick close to every tittle in their Instructions, and return a right and exact account of the State of affairs, where they are sent: Whereas the latter, are apt to refine every thing, and to imagine, that only to propose what they are commanded, is too little. They are commonly addicted to engage themselves in a thousand things, if they concur with their particular inclinations, or Interests, instead of adhering barely to that which is given them in charge.   

Monsieur's Pension is augmented.  
THE Cardinal was well informed of the many devices used by Monsieurs Creatures to divert him from that esteem which he ever had of his Services, neither was he defective in using his utmost care to give him all satisfaction and content, whereby he might oblige him to return; for he evidently foresaw, that strangers might raise advantages from these our intestine broils, whereupon, although he could not serve him in making up his Match with the Princess Marie; (a thing so passionately by him desired) in regard the Queen Mother opposed it with all her Interest, yet he procured his Majesty to increase his Revenue, by granting him the Dutchyes of Valois and Chartres, and one hundred thousand Livres per annum augmentation out of the Exchequer, which was two thirds more than the Revenue of all the Princes of France that had ever yet been, and withal so wrought with his Majesty, that he promised him the Command of the Army of Champagne, and Government of the adjacent Provinces to Paris, in case the Queen Mother went into Italy, with his Majesty, as she gave out she would. The King made some difficulty of increasing his Revenue, because he had so often found him capable of evil Counsels, which made him misdoubt lest he might employ them only in raising new Broils in the Kingdom. But the Cardinal whose admirable soul forseeth all remedies, proposed to his Majesty, which he very well approved, that whenever he should so do, his Rents and Revenues should be seized to his Majesty's use. Monsieur was acquainted with these affairs, and withal told, he was now obliged to be satisfied and contented in case he did only design to live within the limits of respect and obedience, seeing his Majesty had given him sufficient to live like a Prince, and to satisfy his smaller diversions. And he being by nature and of himself well enough inclined to live in obedience and order, accepted of it, and accordingly his accommodation being thus made, he promised, his Majesty, that he would very suddenly return into France.   

Politic Observation.  
Concerning the 
* Revenues for life only, the remainder being in the Crown.  Appanages of the Princes of the Blond.  
IT is very dangerous to allot any chief Provinces for Appanage to the Princes of the Blond. Their Birth renders them great enough, neither need they any additions of Honour, especially such which may serve them to make revolts, which commonly draw their ruin with them, if their King's rule as they ought to do. If they demand them for security, they may be answered, that they ought to expect none, but from their own obedience, and their King's bounty. Their weakness is the King's strength, neither can they increase, but his must diminish. He who intrusteth them with power, raiseth a dangerous enemy against himself. The Sun is but one, and all the Stars receive their light from him; yet upon condition that he may at his pleasure deprive them again of that splendour; just so is it with Princes, their greatness proceedeth from the King, and he may despoil them of all their honour in a moment if once they recede from the due respect they own unto him. The Riches which he bestoweth on them, are for the discharging of those expenses which are proper for persons of their eminency, not for the upholding of Factions, and abetting of Revolts. What advantage did Charles of France take in Normandy, (given to him for Appanage) towards making a War against Lewis the Eleventh his Brother? And the States assembled at the same time at Tours, did much admire his Majesty would so give it to him, but advised him to recall it, and grant him only an Annual Revenue, some in Lands and some in Pension, in lieu of his Appanage. Who did ever bring into so many eminent dangers, as the Appanages of Berry and Bourgogne? Were not these two Provinces the retreats of all discontents? Were not the Courts of those two Dukes, the Forges where all the Thunderbolts that were afterwards thrown about the Kingdom were form and contrived? Were not there the springs of all dissensions, discontents, and civil wars? And were not they the persons who brought in the Kings of England, and Dukes of Britain, only to favour the designs of their Ambition?   

The Cardinal is declared Generalissimo of the King's Armies in Italy.  
THe spirit of division which had till then kept Monsieur from the King, gave great hopes to the enemies of the State, to advance their designs in Italy. They doubted not of inflaming a civil War in France, which might so divert his Majesty's Armies, that he could not have the leisure to come up to them a second time. The Duke of Lorain offered Monsieur as many forces and money as he could desire, and the Duke of Savoy who never yet escaped a broil, sent twice to him to complain, that he being so much his servant, he should take any other country for his retreat, and to offer him his, with protestation of quitting the Sovereign authority to him; nay, that he would even forsake it, to make him absolute Master thereof, as also of himself and children to be disposed at his Will and Pleasure. These Offers were sufficient to have charmed any Soul, had he been at that time so distrustful as after he was; but he rather chose to follow those just reasons which the King had proposed to him, and to submit himself to his pleasure. All that foreign faction was wonderfully surprised at the news of his accommodation; and the Cardinal who stayed his Army from advancing into Italy, only in expectation of his return, persuaded his Majesty no longer to defer his resolution, that the Spaniards might not make any further progress. The King desired to go in person, he being too courageous to entertain himself in a Chamber, whiles his Armies were in the field. But the Cardinal who foresaw that the unseasonableness of the time might endanger him, advised him to stay some time, and offered himself to undertake that employment. The King received this Proposition as an assured testimony of his fidelity, but such & so tender was his affection to him, that he could hardly be persuaded to part with him, he being as much grieved to consent to his departure from him, as he was heretofore joyed for his return, as was seen by all the Court at Rochel, Privas, and Fountainbleau. Yet at last his Majesty knowing how important the assisting of Monsieur de Mantua was, as also how much the glory of his Armies and Authority were concerned in it, could not intrust them with any but the Cardinal, who was not only the chief Minister in his Counsels, but also the greatest Commander in his Kingdom. He knew in what reputation he was amongst strangers, & what Courage his presence infused into the Soldiery. Of his Prudence he was assured, having oftentimes seen his Enemy's Plots discovered by him, & prevented before ever they were ready to be put in execution. His good conduct too he could not be ignorant of, he having by often experiment found it to be exact and excellent, and such as was to be preferred before any other. In fine, he could not doubt of Victory, whilst his Army was encouraged by so brave a Commander. These were the reasons which induced his Majesty to give him that command of Generalissimo. As soon as he had received his Commission he departed from Paris, being about the latter end of the year, which his Majesty intended to celebrate by as famous an Act as he began it. As great exploits beget emulation, so some there were who muttered that such an employment should be conferred on a Cardinal, an Ecclesiastical person, but they betrayed their own ignorance; who knew not that History affords us divers examples of several Cardinals, who at sundry times have commanded Armies. Spain in the time of King Alphonsus, made use of the grand Cardinal Albornoz, who followed him through the midst of the most bloody Battles. Then Ferdinand and Isabel employed the great Cardinal Ximenes, General of their Armies in Africa. Italy hath had many Cardinals out of the families of the Colonni, the Vitilesci, the C●r●●ffi, the Fregosis, who have showed their valour in Armies, that we might know, that as the Romans with their long Robes, did heretofore Conquer the greatest part of the Universe, so that that habit was not inconsistent with Victories. Besides the ignorance of those Censurers could not be excused, seeing they knew how that the ancient Laws of this Kingdom do oblige several of our Bishops to follow his Majesty in person to the Wars, as also that they are bound to it by the Tenors of their Temporal Estates. It is to be seen in Hugon and the Chronicle of St. Dennis, in the year, 1209. that Philip Augustus being at War with the English, called upon all the Bishops to accompany, which they did accordingly; and afterwards that the Bishops of Orleans and Auxerre, seeing the King was not there, returned back again, they pretending themselves not obliged to it, unless when the King were there in person: The King seized upon their Temporal Estate, which they complaining of at Rome▪ could have no other redress, but that they ought to obey his Majesty, the Pope being unwilling to break the customs of the Kingdom, neither were they restored to the enjoyment of their goods, until they had paid their Fines for it. In the same manner, I have seen an Act of the Bishops of Auxerre, dated in the year one thousand two hundred twenty and two; by which he confessed himself obliged to send to the War of the Albigeois, being unable to go thither in person, by reason of his infirmity; and another injunction made to the Bailiffs in the year thirteen hundred and four, commanding all Prelates and ecclesiastics who were bound to attend his Majesty's service, that they should be ready to wait on his person. These examples may serve to demonstrate, that Prelates have heretofore been accustomed to serve our Kings, so that there cannot be any just exceptions made against their following of his Majesty in Arms.   

Politic Observation.  
THe General of an Army being the second person of a Kingdom, had need be endued with all the qualities necessary to the King himself, but those which do most contribute to his glory, and the good success of the Armies under his command, are Prudence, Courage and Reputation: Prudence is like the eye which beholds those things that are proper to be done, and what is fit to be commanded; Courage is that which executeth them, and Reputation is like the soul in courageous Battles, which gives motion to the Soldiers with so extraordinary a generosity, that it is easy to know, when they are commanded by a General in whom they have a confidence. Prudence is necessary for him to deliberate with judgement, what is sound and fit, and to command them to good purpose, which teacheth him to keep his Army in good order, which acquainteth him with the humour and disposition not only of those Officers who command under him, but likewise of his Soldiers, that he may the more readily know how to command them upon his designs, which teacheth him the observation of military Laws, which helpeth him to foresee and prevent great dangers, which gives him means to judge of Treaties, and make advantages of them as occasion shall happen; which furnisheth him with resolution to prosecute his designs, with courage of mind to bear misfortunes and with moderation in good success. These are some of those effects of that Prudence which is requisite in a General. I could add a thousand other subjects in which it is needful, but for the present, I shall only say in general, terms that Prudence ought to be the rule by which he squareth all his actions. Thus did the Egyptians acknowledge it for an inseparable companion of command, whiles they represented it, by an eye placed over a Sceptre. If a General have need of Prudence, surely Courage is no less necessary for him, that he may break through all obstacles which may happen for the assaulting of his enemies with rigour; that he may adventure upon dangers without fear; that himself may be in the fights, and that in his own person he may lead up his forces to infuse the greater resolutions in them. It is not that he should rashly run into dangers, but to look them in the face, and to send others on without apprehension of fear. It is an error in young men who think that a General cannot be courageous, unless he run madly into dangers; that were rather fury, and would procure him the discredit of being rash, rather than the honour of being courageous. If he had an heart without judgement, to what purpose were it? He being the Soul of War, and others lives depending on his, he is bound to preserve himself for the preservation of others. Not that he ought to be absent when orders are to be given, or his Soldiers encouraged, but that he ought not to run headlong into the heat of the Battle, unless when he finds the Victory wavering, and that his example is requisite to renew the courage of his Soldiers, and to carry the day by some extraordinary attempt. In such occasions he may adventure himself, else not. His staff of command being to force others on, and the Sword in the Soldier's hand to execute his commands. Lastly, Reputation is requisite in a General, for without it, the Soldiers have not any confidence in him; whereas, when they once esteem him, it entitles him to a greater power over them then any other thing, when they shall have oftentimes seen him break through dangers, they will not flinch at any thing. The Sun his vigour maketh all things the more fruitful; and it is most certain that the reputation of a General is that which makes him more resplendent amongst his forces, and adds a great life to his commands. The Soldier moves but by halfs under a low spirited Commander, and is hardly persuaded to any extraordinary enterprises. He seems only to have Arms for his own defence; but when his Commander is a person of reputation, it is far otherwise. I am of the same judgement with him, who said, Opinion hath so great an Empire, that it governs the whole world; at least it is so far true, for that virtue herself would have but small authority in commanding, without being beholding to her. Thus an ancient, and that wisely, held that the happiness of success, was the daughter of authority, and of the reputation of great men.  
The End of the First Book.     

THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu.  
Second Part.  

Anno 1630.  
IF Antiquity hath made Africa to pass for one of the most wonderful Countries of the World; because it every day produceth something, which is both new and Monstrous, I am most confident that this years History will enforce the judgements, of those who shall consider it to confess, that Europe runs the same Parallel: and the extraordinary diversity which is here met with, is ground enough for it, seeing every Sun brings to light, somewhat which is not common, and seems to give a new face to all State affairs. Bellona sets all parts on fire with the flames of War. Peace endeavoured which all its might to extinguish it in Italy: Honour and disgrace breed strange effects; Ingratitude will cause us to behold such Monsters, that the Age to come will want faith to believe the qualities of them. Love and hatred, will a like strenuously act their parts; The Stars of Heaven in their malignities one against tother, seem to conspire the ruin of Nations and Armies; In a word there is not any one thing which a man may call strange or unheard of, but I find acted to the life in this years compass, not to say in Europe, but even in France itself.  
If should seem that Heaven, which cannot justly be more admired at for any thing then that of its various twinking lights the Stars, is sometimes delighted to show us an extraordinary diversity in Negotiations of States, and partly to afford those who govern, fit opportunities to testify their Prudence to the World: The Divine wisdom permits their Splendour to be sometime Eclipsed with thick clouds, which are soon after dissipated and blown over, to make their light appear the more glorious. Such is the condition both of Kingdoms and particular men, that they are both equally subject to the changes of Fortune. But as the wise and prudent Pilot saves and keeps his vessel, in the greatest and most violent storm, not losing his judgement, either at the flashes of lightning, or the claps of Thunder which cuts and rends the air on every side. So likewise a great Minister cannot be moved at any shocks of Fortune, his courage never permitting her to Triumph in the least over his resolution, or to Bias him from the Laws of Prudence, the rule of all his conduct, and this it is you will find our Cardinal to practise in all and every the transactions of this year.  

The Promotion of the Archbishop of Lions, and Monsieur Bagny to the Cardinalship.  
I Will begin with the Honours which the King procured his holiness to bestow, with, the Cardinal's Hats on the Archbishop of Lions, and Monsieur Bagny the Pope's Nuntio. The great Worth of the former at the least equalised that honour of the Cardinalship, and his sublime virtue, made it apparent to all the World, that to have left him in the solitudes of a Cloister, had been a great injury and wrong to the whole Church. I shall not need say more of him, then that he was the Cardinal's Brother, seeing that qualification were sufficient to render him capable of so eminent a dignity. The King who slips not any occasion of acknowledging the services which he had done both to his Person and Estate, could not endure to see him have a Brother in the Church, and not advanced to the utmost degree of Honour which the French are capable of: and the Pope had but too much assurance and knowledge of the great advantages he had procured to the Church; so that he could not do less than honour his Brother with a hat seeing it was not in his power to raise himself to any higher Eminency. It's true by the Laws of the Roman Court, it is not permitted that two Brothers be Cardinals at the same time: But as these Laws are not so considerable as those of gratitude and acknowledgement, so his Holiness did not so much as once scruple at it; And for that which concerns Monsieur de Bagny, besides the custom of ordinarily conferring the Cardinalship on such as have for some time resided near his Majesty, in the quality of his Holiness Nuntio, which seems to give him some right or claim to the Hat; His own Worth, which rendered him deserving in the judgements of all the Grandees in the Kingdom, not only of the Cardinalship, but even of the Papal Mitre, every one predicting that he would one day wear is, invied, nay enforced the King to contribute his utmost to obtain it for him; and not only that but the quality of his Genius caused every one to conclude, that he would one day be very considerable in the Court of Rome, when before he had arrived to that pitch of Honour, he could not but be very advantageously useful to the Interests of France, which upon frequent occasions depend upon their well management in the Consistory.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough the Cardinals are not regarded in France, but as Princes who are strangers. Yet this their promotion doth not render them less useful or important to the State; they being more considerable, than other Princes of the same condition, by reason of the affairs which are daily negotiated with his Holiness the Pope, and indeed aught to be respected, as the principal conservators under the King, of the Liberties and Franchises of the French Church and State; they being his Majesty's Chief Ministers in Ordinary, near the Pope: and it hath been always held necessary, that there were some one of this quality, either a French man by Nation, or at least very affectionate by Nature, to the Interests of France, who might cordially advance the designs and concerns of the French King and Church, with his Holiness the Pope. And from hence it came to pass, that if they were naughty French, little affectionate either to the State or his Majesty's Person or infected with the Maxims of Spain, that great Inconveniences befell, as hath been heretofore seen; and for my particular I believe it to be safer for his Majesty, to permit France to be with out any, rather than such Cardinals. But we live not in an age, which hath any reason to complain of such an unhappiness, seeing France oweth the restauration of its greatness and glory, to the Cardinal, as to the Prime and first of second Causes, which Act under the King; for to him chief belongs the Honour, in that he had so great an influence upon the Pope's disposition, that he gave the Italians themselves a just occasion to say, that his Holiness was turned Cardinal.   

The dispatch of the Marshal d' Etree to the Commonwealth of Venice, concerning the Affairs of the Duke of Mantua.  
I Shall pass from the consideration of those reasons of State, which might be made, upon the aforesaid Lords Promotion to the Cardinalship, that I may tell you how about the end of the foregoing year; Fortune being become seldom favourable to the house of Austria or their Arms, the Imperialists found themselves, so oppressed with diseases, and encumbered with sicknesses and necessities, that they were enforced to raise the siege of Mantua. But it was as if they had only withdrawn themselves into their Winter quarters. The Duke of Mantua was vigilant for the preservation of his State, and well knew the ambitious humour of Spain, which had sought all occasions for fifty years past, to render themselves Masters of Italy, and would not now be wanting to reassume their former design, in causing new Troops to come from Germany, and in giving better Orders and Instructions, than heretofore, that they might give new life to their intentions and designs. This moved him to make addresses to the King, that he would be pleased to interpose his Authority with the Venetians, to induce them to raise an Army, and make themselves Masters of the field, which would discourage the Imperialists, to return or make any more approaches towards Mantua: This request of his was granted, and the Marshal d' Estree, dispatched towards Venice about the beginning of January, to treat there, concerning those succours, with order to retirs himself into Mantua, after the conclusion of his Embassy, according as the Cardinal had persuaded the King to be most proper, before he had began his Journey thither. And thus, it being business of no small importance for the Venetians to hinder the Spaniard from seating himself so near them as Mantua. (His Dominion, being like the eagle's Feathers, which frets and eateth away those which are next and nearest unto it,) they readily embraced the protection of the said Duke of Mantua, and chose the Duke of Candal for their General, and gave him after many importunities continually suggested by the Marshal d' Estree, about twelve thousand foot, and three thousand Horse, to which were joined the Regiments of Candale and Valette, which were about three thousand men a piece sent by the King.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is very necessary to know the designs of an Enemy, before he be in a condition to put them in Execution, and this foresight is so much the more commendable, by how much it is profitable and commodious to the good of a Commonwealth. That Prince is much to be blamed, who gins to make preparations of defence, when he sees an Armed Enemy at his Gates, and he is oftentimes well beaten for his negligence.  
The preparations of War, which a Prince maketh in expectation of being assaulted or set upon, are a certain Index of his courage, and a sure testimony of his resolution, which alleys and cheques, the heat and fury of an Enemy, who may from thence gather, that he disposeth himself in good earnest to entertain the War, and that one thing is sometimes capable of frighting them from making any incursions or invasions into a Country. It is very dangerous to despise an Enemy after a victory, and as great a fault to slight him before a fight. Fear is still attended with shame and confusion, when it faintly withdraws from the Battle; But that which produceth no other effect in the Soul of a Prince, than the resolution of preparation for the War when he finds himself threatened with an Invation, cannot but be allowable, honourable and commendable. On the otherside, the little esteem which a man hath of his Enemies, gives them a notable advantage, seeing it causeth a neglect of the keeping Forces in a condition of repelling Enemies, and gives them opportunities of time and place to advance, to fortify and to put all their designs in Execution; so that it will be at last full as difficult to compel them to retire, as at first it had been easy to have stopped and impeded their entrance or approaches. And this Maxim I learn from Caesar, who instead of neglecting or slighting his Enemies, made his Soldiers always believe that their Enemies were very strong, that every one might dispose himself to fight, either by redoubling his courage, or resolving to preserve himself in that Station and Orders, which his Officers should allot and assign unto him.   

The King's departure towards Italy.  
THis very consideration drew the Cardinal to advance, with all diligence to Lion, where he soon found what he before suspected; The Duke of Savoys being Guilty of Infidelity, and that he sought for pretences and excuses, that he might not keep his promise with the King, to which he was obliged by the Treaty at Suze: which was, That he should keep open the Passages of Savoy and Piedmont, and furnish the Markets with victuals for the Soldiers in consideration of such wheat and money, as had been accorded between them, and whereof a good part had been delivered into his Custody. Of all which the King was advised, whose courage was so sensibly touched at it, that he presently resolved to set forward in his own person, so that neither the length of the journey, the extremity of the Ice or Snow, nor the most violent storms of the Winter, were able to divert him from it.   

Politic Observation.  
A Generous Prince, cannot bear indignities without resenting of them, his courage is a fire which tormenteth him with continual impatiences, until he hath punished the Authors which such usage, as they deserve: he is not at all allayed with the injuries he hath suffered, but thence takes fresh courage to assault them the more furiously; He well knoweth that a firm a strong resolution, is the best Counsel which can be taken in such affairs, not to be astonished, at any thing whatever and to keep one's self immovable to his Principles of rendering himself known to his Enemies by the strength of his Arms, and how they do but wrong themselves in attempting any thing contrary to the respect, and the fidelity, which is due unto him.   

The Prosecution of the Subject.  
AFter the King had been once assured of the resolution taken by the Spaniards for a second siege of Cazal, that they might recover the Honour and glory which they had lost before it the last year; He was not ignorant that the Marquis of Spinola's being in Milan, with so puissant an Army was to no other purpose, then to attend, till the first fair season of the new Spring, might give him an occasion of commencing the siege with less disaster and trouble. And as he was not ignorant, how necessary his own presence was with this Armies, who knew not what it was to be vanquished and to lose that Honour, which they had once acquired, so his Majesty, to whom nothing appears difficult when a Battle is once in Question, engageth himself in this expedition, that by his presence, he might animate his Troops and gain as much glory in the head of his Army, as the Princes of Austria do shame, and reproach by being in their pleasures and recreations, whiles their Soldiers run the hazards of a Battle, or suffer the toilsome incommodities of a siedg.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is most true, the presence of a King worketh strange effects, in their Armies; there is a certain vivacity and gallantry of courage, which flows from their Majesty, which doth so strongly animate their Soldier's resolutions, that nothing is able to resist them. The most generous are troubled in their feats, if they have not the eyes of a Prince for witnesses of their actions, from whence they either hope for a glory or a reward: And the most cowardly, at the sight of them, are touched to the very Soul with such a strong influence and resentment, that there is not any danger how great soever able to infuse the least fear into them, and they only apprehend a defect of occasions to signalise themselves, before such extraordinary testimonies of a great valour. The late King Heury the Great, shown the World in six several encounters, how much valour his presence instilled into his Soldiers, when with a handful of men he carried away the victory from the most puissant Armies of the Enemies of his Crown, most especially in the Battles of Arques and Fontain-Francoise, where he gave a sure testimony, that his only person was capable of vanquishing, though seconded with never so small a Troop. It would be an offence to the generous Courage of the present King, to imagine he hath less valour, then him from whom he received his Crown; after he hath testified in many occasions that he doth much surpass him: and therefore there is nothing else to be expected, but his sudden departure, which presently followed, and he appeared in the head of his Troops soon after the first news & advise, that the Duke of Savoy made it a difficulty to open the Passages for his Army.   

The Queen Mother's journey to his Majesty.  
THE Queen Mother was strongly bend not to leave the King in any of his journeys or expeditions, not only that she might have a hand in the disposing of affairs and to divert (if by any means she could) his Majesty from assisting the Duke of Mantua, whom she did not thwart out of any hatred, but that she might pick an occasion of ruining the Cardinal in his Majesty's good opinion; Neither could the consideration of the extreme Illness of the season, or the difficulty of the Passages any whit divert her, but from Paris she soon followed him, by the persuasions of the Chancellor Marillac, who after he had made himself Master of her will and mind would as willingly have rendered himself Dominus factotum in his room, who had placed him, so near her Majesty.   

Politic Observation.  
ANger is a Passion, which forceth a man to undertake any thing, nay all things. It is a Torrent which bears down, whatsoever doth resist it, and its Rhetoric is so persuasive, that there is no difficulty whatever, which it will not break through and make appear feasible, to those who will but lend an ear to its Reasons, so there be but any time fixed, in which it may arrive to take that revenge which it proposeth itself. Anger is most Industrious and Vigilant upon every opportunity of offending those whom it aims at, and there is not any thing which it will not patiently endure, so that it may arrive to the end of its designs. Anger too, as it hath no fellowship with Prudence, but a great friendship with boldness, (which makes it hope and attempt the levelling of Mountains) so it doth frequently tumble those whom it possesseth into those pits, and snares which they had provided for others. Anger, hath always its eyes and thoughts fixed upon the end of its designs, not once considering the difficulties, dangers or wickednesses, which accompany the means of obtaining its desires. And it is apparently seen, that the minds of those who are once transported with this Passion, reflect on nothing but how they may quench that fire with which they burn, concluding there is no other water to extinguish it, than the ruin and downfall of those whom they hate and malign, little imagining that a Remedy of this quality will consume them in a worse heat, and render their disease the more tormenting.  
In fine, it is most of all dangerous in great Personages, because the designs into which it transports their courages, are not always conformable to the good of the State; And by reason they have more power to execute their revenges: which induced an Ancient Writer to say, they ought to have so much the less of this passion, by how much they have more power. This Anger, being but a simple poor fault in private persons, is like a Thunderbolt in the hands of great men, which overthrows every thing, without any the least consideration or thought that they are subject to other Laws than those of their own violent humours. Stars that are highest, move slowest. And Grandees ought so much to moderate their emotions and ebullitions of choler, by how much their qualities and conditions are more eminent than those of others.   

The Duke of Savoy would not perform the Treaty agreed on with the King.  
THE Prosecution of this History compels me to look back on the Cardinal's expedition, of which we have already said, that it was about the end of the foregoing year. As soon as he was arrived at Lions, he would not lose any longer time, but after he had writ to the King, that it was not expedient for his Majesty to venture himself, considering the extreme ill season of the year, he presently dispatched the Sieur de Servient, Superintendent of Justice in his Majesty's Army, towards the Duke of Savoy, to inform him that he was come with forty thousand men, with design to assist the Duke of Mantua, and to defend him from the Spanish oppression. His Highness was obliged by the Treaty of Suze, to join his forces with those of the King for the preservation of that Prince, and of the Liberty of Italy; and but a very little before he had renewed those his promises to the King by the Precedent of Montfalcon, who had assured his Majesty in his behalf, that he would advance ten thousand men, and keep his Marts well provided with necessaries for the Soldiers; and all this that he might be as good as his promise. The time was now come, in which he must declare himself, and reduce his words into Actions. The Cardinal commanded Monsieur de Servient to press him to it in the King's behalf; The answer which the Duke of Savoy should have made, if he had proceeded with that faith and truth, which ought to go hand in hand with the Promises of all confederate Princes had been this, that he would not go one tittle less than his word; but instead of that fair and clear dealing, his first answer was, that he did totally disown the Precedent of Montfalcon, without the least show of a readiness to execute his promises, which gave evident causes of suspicion, that he held Intelligence with the Spaniard, and of which there had been former notice and advise given from other hands.   

Politic Observation.  
THe words of Princes ought to be as inviolate as the Sanctuary. Whatever consequence they apprehend in their affairs, is not a sufficient ground for their double dealing; but they ought to blame their own foresight. It is as dishonourable for them to say, I did not think it, as it is glorious and noble for them to keep their words. That Prince cannot be thought faithful, who will break his promise upon what occasion soever it be, which whosoever doth, deceiveth and cheateth himself; for that the truth and faith of Grandees, gives then as much power and credit, as their Swords. It is esteemed by the most wise, to be a good Storehouse or Armoury, when a King can assure himself of the assistance of all other Princes, which he may safely do, so long as they are reputed faithful. But when any Prince becomes faithless, it is lawful for every one to break with him, who first breaks himself. He who hath been once treacherous, is for ever looked on as a Coward, the only going back from his word, being an assured sign that his fear of others is that which makes him abandon his own Allies. A courageous Prince will keep touch with his very enemies, and it is neither fear nor necessity that can divert his gallant resolutions, whilst it is his maxim, that if Prosperity obligeth him to this high point of virtue. Adversity doth it in a more particular manner. The Gallantry and Valour of Attilius Regulus, was much esteemed of by all the Ancients, who returned willingly to the tortures of his enemies, rather than he would break his Parole once passed unto them.  
But the Duke of Savoy is not so well Principled, and being in league with the Spaniard, thought perhaps he would as little regard his word as they do, it being grown a Proverb amongst them, that the Wind drives Words and Feathers, yet in it he will find himself much mistaken, and that to his own very great disadvantage, as well as in his many other tricks, artifices, and designs of amusing and deceiving the Cardinal.   

Proposals made by the Duke of Savoy, to the Cardinal Richelieu.  
FIrst of all it was proposed to the Sieur de Servient, that a conference might be had, if it were thought fit, with the Prince of Piedmont, upon the Bridge of Beauvoisin, there to determine what should be done; designing that this interview should entertain them with specious hopes, and so prevent their absolute breach with him, and seizure on the Passages by force of Arms. The Cardinal very well knew there was nothing to be thought on, but to be done; that was, to open the Passages, and furnish the Markets, as it had been resolved on; so that after a full debate with himself, what honour he was bound to render to this Prince, being the King's Brother-in-law, he concluded, that in going to confer with him, who had falsified his word, and intended nothing but to surprise him, he should do an act quite contrary to the King's Majesty's Grandeur, who had done him the honour to make him Lieutenant of his Army, so that he absolutely declined this meeting; as well knowing, that the Duke of Savoy's design in it, was to amuse and delay the Army in their march; and by this means to disperse and bring them by little and little to nothing; so the Cardinal advanced to Embrun, not being willing to come near Suze, lest in case the Army should want rest, they should there meet with many inconveniences, and eat out all their store of Provisions.   

Politic Observation.  
IT cannot be denied but that it is a baseness in a General to go meet him who hath broke his word, and who designs in his interview, nothing more than the loss of his Army. If he will needs go meet him, let it be with his sword in his hand, to chastise him for the injuries he hath done. I am of the same opinion with the Grand Cosmo de Medicis, who said, a man may forgive his enemies their faults; but its fit to punish the offences of such as call themselves our friends, and under that notion betray us. But if a King, or he who represents his person, do not desire satisfaction, or to revenge the injuries which are offered unto them; yet it would be ignominious to go meet and confer with a Prince, who aims at nothing but his own interest and advantage. This were to be defective both in the Rules of Prudence and Valour. Besides those conferences of face to face, between incensed Princes, do rather increase their hatred, then breed any hearty good will between them; and of this Plutarch hath well adjudged, upon that conference between Pompey and Lucullus. And Tacitus in his Annals, upon the meeting between Germanicus and Pison. It's true, the place designed by the Duke of Savoy was proper enough, and such as hath been sometimes used between Princes and great Commanders, who have chosen to meet upon Bridges, in the midst of which Rails and Barriers have been set up, to prevent any attempts of either party. And thus Lewis the Eleventh, met Edward King of England (as Philip de Commines hath it) upon the Bridge of Pequinis. But the same Historian doth much disapprove of such meetings between Princes in the midst of their discontents, and esteemeth it more to the Purpose, that they should refer the accommodation of such misunderstandings to their Officers and Ministers of State, who have not resented any offence done to their private and particular persons.   

The Duke of Savoy's Artifices discovered by the Cardinal of Richelieu.  
BY this refusal of the Cardinal, the Duke of Savoy concluded, that all his designs were discovered, and misdoubting that a just punishment would follow, he had another trick to take to, which was, he granted the Passages and Marts, but in such places as were accessible by none but Bears, and if those were not approved of, he promised others, but with this reserved resolution, that he would so long delay the furnishing the Army with Victuals and other necessaries, that in effect it should not pass at all. The Cardinal whose Soul foresee the Effects in their Causes, guessing he would fly to such tricks and shifts, gave advice of it to the King. His Majesty's Orders soon came, which were to accept of no other ways then those usually called the military, it being impossible to lodge the Troops in any of the other Passages, but most facile for his Majesty's enemies, if they had but as much power as they had ill will both to impede their march, and indeed totally to ruin them. So the Cardinal utterly refused any other ways, the difference now was concerning the Markets, which the Duke endeavoured to retard with all his might and main, that the Imperialists and Spaniards might have time enough to fortify themselves in their Passages and places of Mantua and Montferrat, and that he might force the Army to break up, either by mutiny or famine. The Duke gave out that the●e was no Corn in Savoy, though it was well known there had been great quantities brought thither from Bresse, Dauphine, and Bourgogne, and that which the King sent from Nice, had been likewise already received. He demanded a greater rate too for Provisions, than had been agreed on, which however the Cardinal submitted to, that he might take away all occasions of excuses, and paid down the advance money. Notwithstanding all this, there were fifteen days spun out, in which he had not provided one loaf for the whole Army, creating every day new difficulties; and in conclusion, would open no other Passage but that of Cand●n, which in Summer was good enough, but at that present so full of Bogs and Quagmires, that they could not be passed but with very great danger; so that all his whole proceeding for some time, was nothing but a continued imposture and cheat, that he might render his promises made to the King of opening the Passages, and providing Victuals for the Soldiers ineffectual and to no purpose.   

Politic Observation.  
IT's usual amongst Princes who would deny any thing to their Allies, rather to pretend an Impossibility, or at least a most extraordinary difficulty, then point blank to refuse them, & it must be granted for a prudent put off, when such excuses are not contradictory to any promises formerly made, which if they be they rather serve to condemn them of injustice. If any great or notable loss ensue, as the destruction of an Army, or the breaking a design, it renders them for enemies, and administers a good reason of commencing a War upon the Authors, without breaking any Treaty. He being reputed the first breaker of the Peace, who gives the first occasion by his unjust Combinations and Practices, not he who first takes up Arms. As Procope the Armenian Ambassador, suggested to Cosroes King of Persia, when he advised him to take up Arms against Justinian. Indeed he who would serve himself with such excuses, had need be well assured, that he is the stronger, for admitting him to be the weaker, the punishment of his falseness will be unavoidable, there being no one thing so difficult, as for a weak and low person to attempt and enterprise the deceiving and crafty undermining of others who are more able, and want neither prudence or intelligence to discover and detect him, nor force and power to punish and chastise him.   

Prepositions of Peace made by the Nuntio Pauzirolo on the Duke of Savoy's behalf to the Cardinal Richelieu.  
ONe other device the Duke had, by which he verily imagined to surprise and allay the Vigilance & Prudence of the Cardinal, incausing his troops to advance together with the Artillery and Ammunition, which was to send him every day new Propositions of Peace, sometimes by the Nuntio Pauzirol●, who had no power to conclude any thing; otherwhiles by Mazarini another Lord of his Court, but never consenting to the King's demands, without which, he knew his Overtures would never be admitted. The King was positively desirous to have the Passages free and open for him to secure the Duke of Mantua, as often as need should require, and the Duke of Savoy as peremptorily denied it, alleging that the Emperor never would consent that the Princes of Italy should undertake his Protection with. and against the whole world, and that the Spaniard never would give way that he should entertain any French Troops in his service, which were however very needful for the surety of his Estate, it being impossible for him to raise a sufficient party in his own Dukedom. The Cardinal long before had sounded the vanity of all these propositions, which did no way prevent his care of giving all necessary Orders for the carrying on of the War, never would he stop his ears to any Proposals of Peace, but used his utmost endeavours to obtain such conditions, as without them, the King neither would or could with his honour quit his Arms. And indeed had a Peace been concluded without such terms, it had been but of a short continuance, for that it had only given opportunity of time to the Spaniard, and the Duke of Savoy to fortify the Passages, and render themselves Masters of the Dukedom of Mantua with the greater ease, a design which France could not brook, though the hindrance and prevention of it was at that time most difficult to bring to pass.   

Politic Observation.  
MOst certain it is, that by how much a War maketh a State to be lamented, by so much Peace is to be wished for and embraced. Peace is the most sweet bond of humane society, the delight of nature, the nurse of good Laws, of Order, and Policy, it peopleth Deserts, and maketh the Land fruitful, every one finds it the more agreeable by its being accompanied with safety and abundance. On the other side, War is a fatal source of misfortunes, the desolation of Countries, the demolition of Cities, the destruction of Nations, and the cause of all sorts of miseries.  
There are, I must confess, two Occurrences, in which War is better than Peace. The first, when that Peace cannot long last, for who can imagine that a man would take any great care to obtain that which he doth verily conclude will be as soon lost. Such was Archidanus his advice, when he dissuaded the Lacedæmonians from making a Peace with those of Th●bes. in Isocrates opinion, wise Princes make a War for the procuring of more certain and established Peace to their estates and Countries, and they endure without regret the troubles of a War, that they may the longer enjoy the Tranquilities of a Peace; and most certain it is, that the Arms which are in the hands of a wise Prince do much contribute to ferment and fix it Besides the most wise men have ever preferred War before Peace, on all such occasions, where no accommodation could be made, but to the prejudice of the King's honour or estate. Peace is not to be wished for but upon honourable conditions, not only because the Glory of a Prince is to be preferred before all things; but because without this he hath but a slender assurance of any thing; it being apparent, that whosoever doth patch up a Peace with any confusion or disorder, will quickly be the first that shall break it to recover his lost honour and reputation. As you may find in T. Livius, the Carthaginians did after the ratification of the Treaty, upon the first War with the Romans.   

The Revictualling of Cazal.  
AFter all this juggling, the Cardinal was forced to break with the Duke of Savoy, but his Courage was still governed by his Prudence; though he did not believe that the King's enemies would accept of those very conditions of Peace which themselves proposed. Now the reason why he would not so soon break off the Treaty, was, because he would cast the blame on them and their party, and that the King's Army might appear with more Justice on its side, who had prosecuted their desires or Peace, so long as they might with their Honours endeavour the obtaining of it; moreover, that by this means he might pierce into their designs, as also to revictual Cazal, which he could not have done, should he have fallen out with the Duke, as soon as there was an occasion offered for it. For though the Duke had not force enough to carry away the Victory from the King's Army, he had however sufficient to hinder the transport of any relief to Cazal (without which, the Soldiers there could never have endured the Siege, and for which Spinola had began his preparations) and to skirmish with them in Piedmont, and there to hold him play until his enemies had begun the Siege, and fortified themselves in their Trenches, which would be in a short time impregnable. As soon as Cazal was thus victualled, and that he was not able to procure an honourable Peace, his Zeal and Courage for his Majesty, was not then longer able to break the insolences of his enemies, which till then his Prudence and discretion caused him to pass by, and take no notice of at all.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is not always fit to break off a Treaty of Peace, as soon as one despairs of concluding it. But I think it very expedient, and a matter of great concernment to prolong it, as long as honourably one may, provided he get any advantage by it. And as Sallust in his Oration of Philippus against Lepidus, hath well observed, a man ought principally to have a care that in Treaties he do not testify his desires of Peace, with too great an Ardour or Affection, because that were an assured sign of fear and weakness, the knowledge of which gives a considerable advantage to ones enemies. Though in a Treaty of a Peace, a Prince reap no other benefit then this one; to wit, the sending abroad with more liberty, his intelligences into his enemy's Quarters, under pretence of Conferences, there to find out his enemy's designs, yet the advantage were not despicable. In this Overture, the Cardinal was not behind hand with them in any of these particulars, for there passed not any day, in which he did not send to visit the Duke of Savoy, by persons both of great quality and judgement; well knowing, that men so qualified are capable in their negotiations; not only of knowing the State of Affairs, but also to penetrate into the very secrets of their enemy's Counsels. And so Plutarch hath well observed, that Hannibal was not to seek of this Prudent course in the Wars which he had with Scipio.   

Divers Conferences between the Prince of Piedmont and Cardinal Richelieu.  
I May not pass by the many conferences which the Cardinal had with the Prince of Piedmont, in which the Prince could say little in his own defence, for that the Duke of Savoy had promised the opening of the Passages, and furnishing the Marts with necessary Provisions. At last all occasions of discontent were removed, and the Cardinal did no longer refuse to see him. I am the willinger to be a little particular in this affair, that the model of it may serve for Princes to guide themselves by, in interviews of this kind. The main ends of the Prince of Piedmont drift were to sift out the Cardinal's designs in his discourses, and to sink into his thoughts, if he could find any manner of hopes, that the Cardinal would relinquish and wave the general Peace, with this belief, that Peradventure those many inconveniences, which the Army had smarted for in their first Quarters, might have somewhat abated, and it might be altered, the Cardinal's last resolutions: But the Cardinal who well understood, both by his own discretion and experience, the ends of such meetings and discourses, especially when such persons are concerned in them, who in former procedures, have evidenced their intentions of lying on the Catch, so managed himself, and kept himself in so retired a garb, that the Prince of Piedmont could not pick the least advantage out of him. At first nothing of business was named, only Compliments and Civilities. The Cardinal made his Excuses, that he should not first propose any thing, being obliged to pay that Honour to the Prince of Piedmont; that he might thereby learn what it was they would be at: And the Prince fearing to discover himself, would have slipped his Neck out of the Collar, and left all to the Cardinal's Proposals. The time was best spent in discoursing of the general Peace, after both Parties had made their proposals.  
However the Cardinal stuck close to those Articles, which he had proposed on the King's behalf, with this provisionary promise, that if they were ratified, than the Duke of Savoy, should expect satisfaction from his Majesty to whatever he should desire; more than this he would by no means discover telling, the Prince of Piedmont very plainly, that for his part, as he was not at all curious to pry into their designs; so he could not think it strange, that he did not discourse to him his Majesty's intentions and resolutions.   

Politic Observation.  
STayedness and discretion in Grandees, who are employed in treaties of this Nature, is a matter of very great concernment for even by this means, those who are but meanly versed in affairs, do discover the others most secret thoughts, and consequentially, are prepared to oppose them and lay rubs in their way when occasion and time serves. By this means they do as it were besiege and Block up a man by their divers prepared Questions and Artifices, so that if then he be not altogether silent (which will make him pass for an impertinent man, and render him suspected) it will be impossible for him to tell what he would have himself. There are but few men who indeed can discuss an affair of State in so reserved a disguisement for any long continuance, but by some means or other they will be discovered, for oftentimes the Behaviour and Gesture, speak a man as well as words; so that it is necessary for a Statesman to arm himself from head to foot, before he attempt any such Treaties; to be well instructed, advised and prepared not only to keep his thoughts locked up in his own breast, but also to make such propositions as may not in truth be any whit a kin to his thoughts, but such as all else would conceive to be the main things he drives at: and thus he ought to be complimental, with all kind of Civilities, with an open free discourse, ever referring his resolution upon such new proposals as are made to him unto some other time, and never giving his answer upon the sudden, upon any occasion whatsoever: For this same prolonging of a Resolve, is a sure hold to every wise man in his negotiation, but it is very difficult, I may say impossible for a man to prevent his being snapped and caught, if he shall presume to give an answer in that instant when the Question is first started: Those with whom a man treats have commonly cunning and craft enough, so to address themselves, that thereby they may discover that which they pretend, though they appear to be far enough from ever so much as speaking of it: indeed without this referring and delaying of a thing to another time, there is no way to shun the ruining and downfall of a whole design. In brief, If a Statesman would have his affairs to succeed according to his designs, it were requisite that he got the repute of being a Frank, open, generous person, and a speaker of truth, otherwise his words will not be belielieved, and are looked upon as no way tending to the design he hath, which is in effect to persuade his Enemies, that his Intention are quite contrary to his meaning: He ought also to be secret, not to speak one tittle of his designs. And lastly, he must make himself a Master in the Art of dissimulation, feigning to watch every thing and place, but that which really he doth, and by his discourse slyly endeavouring to persuade his designs, to be any thing but what they are.   

The Prosecution of this Subject.  
A Man can hardly imagine how much the Cardinal's Prudence, in these interviews did hamper and perplex the Duke of Savoy, the Prince of Piedmont, Spinola, and all others who treated with him. The Valour of the French Nation, is that which hath made them so much redoubted, they having been otherwhiles taxed with want of discretion in their Treaties; but here they found to their confusion, that the Cardinal had as much Prudence as courage, when as all of them had tried always to discover somewhat of his intentions, by their practices to tyre him quite out with prolong and delays; but he at length caused the Avant Guard to March from about Suze, and to draw near towards Ceseletta, they not guessing at his design in it, because he drew farther off from Cazal. The Cardinal pretended to do it principally, to engage the Duke of Savoy to join his forces with the Kings, and therefore brought the Army to his Frontiers which was strong enough to have made him jealous of somewhat else; and certainly the Duke was somewhat more than ordinarily engaged so to have done, for that the Cardinal presently sent him word, that the King had accorded him the vale of Sizery on the Bridge of Gresin, according to his own desires, and that he had also received his Majesty's Express pleasure, who would not have any thing omitted which might render him well pleased and contented.   

Politic Observation.  
OUr Minds having more fire than Earth in them, have much a do to contain themselves in negotiations: They drive on with too much vigour to the conclusion of an affair without considering, what way is the most honourable or advantageous to give an end to it Something they would willingly part with, that they might have a quick dispatch. Strangers who know our humours and dispositions, use to delay us, and leave us to champ upon the Bit as they say, in our heats and passions, and to weary us out by length of time, by which means they keep our very souls as 'twere in prison, amongst the intricacies of several proposals, giving us both subject and scope to fret and vex ourselves; to increase our desires of getting quit and free from them: from whence it follows, that at the first Proposals they make us, be they never so little agreeable; it is with us as with Prisoners, whose design being only how to get forth, they throw themselves out at the Window if it be but open, endangering the breaking of their very Necks; and will not expect till the door be unlocked, that they may walk out with more Honour and Security, which is a fault from whence nothing but great Inconveniences must needs flow. That lively sprightfulness which is in a man should never transport him in his business beyond the Rules of Prudence, or raise up in him any passions contrary to the Laws of a discreet Conduct. He must be endued with an  fidelity, that he may mock and laugh at their artifices, and with an invincible Patience, to surmount all their coldnesses, that he may make them despair of ever raising any advantages by their delays.   

The Affairs of Italy.  
AT length the Cardinal found by experience, that these fetches of the Prince of Piedmont, did end in nothing but the retarding the Army, which till then he had passed by, and put up, that it might be known to all Christendom, that the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy were the hinderers of the Peace's conclusion, as also that he might revictual Cazal; but being now satisfied, that he could not longer endure it, but with much dishonour, and the loss of his Army, he resolved to give an end to this affair; to which effect he called for the Marshals of Crequy and Schomberg, the Sieurs d' Auriac, de Thoiras, the Fenquires de Servient, and d' Esmery, and having made them a relation of all which had passed till that time, both concerning the General, and particular Peace, he desired their advices, what was proper to be done in that juncture of time. The Question being the keeping of Cazal from the Enemy, it was their joint resolution that it was absolutely necessary to make sure of a Passage both for their inlet into Italy, and for their retreat back again, as occasion should serve. Withal, that to pass thither was not so difficult, they being strong enough to force their way, in despite of any opposition, but how to make sure of a way to convey recruits, of men, money, victuals, and other necessaries, for the refreshing of the Army, and to assure themselves of a safe regress, in case the Army should be worsted, this was the main debates. That to trust in any promises of the Duke of Savoy was absurd, after he had so often played fast and lose, and after he had falsified his word, to their great damage already; The result of all at last came to this, that they were to make themselves Masters of the field, and neither to leave an Enemy or a Place behind them, which should be able to annoy or offend them in the least; that truth and sincerity being like the soul, once out of the body, it never returns but by miracle, so there was no colour of reason to hope it might find any place in the Duke of Savoy's breast; that if they should have left his Army behind them, he might with ease stop up the Passages, against any recruits whatever, as he had already seized on the Bridges of Alpignan and Colligny, and on all the Keys upon the Doria; and that there was so much the more reason to defy him, because he did openly side with the Spaniards; That they were no longer to defer the declaring of the War against him, for that the Army did already begin to be infected with sicknesses, and many Troops were forced to disband; as also that they had no reason to defer the punishing of the injuries and indignities offered to the King, in so often breaking his word, and causing the Army to suffer so many hardships and necessities, that he had thereby almost endangered the utter loss, and ruin of them all.  
That the Laws of Prudence and Policy assure us, that a Prince may justly raise a War, if any injury which he hath received, make him take up Arms; or if any just fear of imminent danger threaten him or his Armies; he is obliged to provide against the worst, though he be not as yet openly assaulted. Now all these reasons were so strong on their parts, that they could admit of no reply. It was then unanimously concluded on, to assault the Duke of Savoy; Every thing was disposed and prepared towards the War. However that all the blame and fault might light on the Duke of Savoy, the Cardinal sent both once and again to him, to summon him to join his Army with the Kings, and to keep those promises which he had made to the King at Suze, intending by this to take away all just occasions of complaint from his Person, Cause and Army.   

Politic Observation.  
HOw Eminent or great soever the discretion and Judgement of a Commander is, yet he ought to take advice and Counsel in such occasions. And this cannot be any prejudice to the reputation of his Judgement, for that Solomon the Wisest King of the whole World saith, that stability resteth upon Counsel; as if he would have said, that no resolution carries more certainty with it, then that which is grounded upon the advice and direction of other men's Judgements & opinions. The Excess of Courage doth sometimes blind the souls of such as are full of Honour and Gallantries, and there are not more Victories obtained by Armies, then by good directions and advices. It is to be doubted, that those resolutions which are not well anviled and canvassed by deliberation, will be thwarted by some misfortune in their Execution, when as a sound discussing of them, many times secures them from any attempt that Fortune can make upon them. It sufficeth not to have taken good advice in the beginning, because commonly none is so bad as that which never changeth: So that a man cannot be too long in deliberating the doing of a thing, which he would fain bring to pass, provided he do not let slip the opportunity of putting it in Execution.   

The Motives which invited the Duke of Savoy, to cast himself into the Emperor and Spaniards party.  
BEfore I proceed any farther, I am obliged to appeal unto all men, even those who have the least sparks of Justice is them, to condemn that envious Quill which makes open profession, and endeavours with Calumny to sully, if it were possible, the Glory and Splendour of the Cardinal, whilst truth doth not furnish him with any one subject of that nature to work upon. It is said by him; the Calumniator I mean, that the Duke of Savoy had never with drawn himself from the King's Interests, had not the Cardinal (being misinformed of his Person and proceed) despised, and in effect forced him to cast himself upon the Spanish party, much contrary to his own will and inclination. But what? Was the continual and daily sending to him Persons of the best rank and quality of the Army, with all imaginable proffers of Peace, a despising of him? Were those many Conferences with the Prince of Piedmont, and those extraordinary Civilities done to him, which would have wrought upon the most savage disposition, a despising of him? Was the Passing by of a thousand tricks and delays for a whole Month's time, in which the whole Army had like to have been ruined by him, and yet not to fall out with him, a despising of him? Was the sending of the Siour de Servient, the very day before the absolute breach, to desire him with all earnestness not to engage his Majesty's Arms in this extremity, only for having once refused to see him, a despising of him▪ Was the delivery of so great a quantity of wheat at Nice, and the Permission of carrying as much as he pleased out of Bresse, Burgogn and Dauphine: a despising or deceiving him? Was the having paid before hand for the wheat and provisions, a despising and deceiving him? Was the having passed his promise to him, for the according to him the Valley of Tizery, and the Bridge of Gresin a despising and disesteeming of him? Was the proffering to him, of what Soldiers he pleased, to go for Genoa, and to make good his pretensions there a despising him? Was the deferring to enter upon his Territories for 3 Weeks, or more, though he had given just cause for it as soon as ever the Cardinal came to Lions, a despising or deceiving him? There need no more then barely to open one's eyes, and a man shall soon behold the falseness of this Calumny, which this unworthy Pen sets down, under the vail of his usual disguisements, but without the least truth or proof at all.   

Politic Observation.  
MAlice is like a Serpent, which turns the fairest Flowers into the ugliest Poisons, and verifies the truth of that ancient saying; Honour is the Mother of Calumny. There are no actions how just and honourable soever, which it will not attempt to bespatter with some base unworthy misrepresentation. No Innocence can be secure from its Violences; It cannot more aptly be compared, then to those looking glasses which never represent the true Ideas of the face: It maketh molehills appear mountains; It fretteth and vexeth at virtue itself, and will raise its Batteries to demolish it, and though it come to be convinced of their Innocence whom it persecuteth, yet it thinketh wilfulness and obstinacy in its wickedness, to be more honourable than virtuous repentance. The Philosophers have given a good Character of it, when they liken it to a black and thick cloud, which hinders and obscures the light and exercises of Reason. Hence it comes to pass, that as all Bodies represent themselves to our sight for others, and quite contrary peradventure to what they are, if looked upon through clouds and in disorders, so the most commendable and worthiest Actions will appear and pass for low and unmanly, if considered through the Perspectives of Malice and hatred, and revera it makes lies and Impostures pass for Realities and Currant truths. High and generous Souls are unconcerned at the backbitings of Envy, and do not cease to continue virtuous, notwithstanding all her detractions. They know, that not only Malice but Envy too hath always endeavoured to defame the greatest Personages, and ablest Ministers of State, and that good men cannot believe any of their false Commentaries, without doing an injury to themselves, that this Monster is easilest overcome by scorn; And that the Integrity of their undertaking is their Bulwark, and like the Sun dissipateth and dispelleth all those clouds and storms which would obfuscate and diminish their Splendour, and in fine maketh them Triumph and Glory over the Malice of their Enemies.   

Prosecution of the History.  
AFter this resolution, the Cardinal appointed a place where there were two Fords, which he had given notice of about the 17 or 18 of March, for a Rendezvous to the whole Army, where he might draw into Battalions a good part of the Army, and likewise gave order for the planting of six pieces of Cannon in two Batteries, in places very proper for it upon the River's side, by which means, the Forces of Savoy which had seized the passes, were compelled to retire, whilst the Horse marched over the Fort in Squadrons, and took the field, giving the foot Liberty of marching over in file, upon Boats prepared for that purpose. And thus he made it apparent by this Excellent disposure and order, that his Conduct was as much to be esteemed in Execution as in Counsel.   

Politic Observation.  
THE Passing of an Army over a River, is a Theatre where the Conduct of a General is more taken notice of then upon any other occasion, because a whole Army not being able to march a breast, but only file by file, and by little and little, it is no difficult matter for their Enemies to cut them off as fast as they come on, unless good order be taken to prevent it. So Timoleon defied the Carthaginans in Sicily, upon passing the River Crimesus. The most proper order that can be in such occasions is, first to choose the Fords, so that the Horse may march over by Squadron, to make way for the foot, which cannot pass, but upon Boats, and that in small numbers, that thereby they may rally and bring themselves into Order, whilst they stand the first shock of their enemies. A Squadron of choice Horse is most proper to bear the first brunt upon such occasions, it being a hard matter to break or disorder men, who are stout and lusty, well ranked and locked as it were one within tother. Indeed nothing can so much conduce to the passing of an Army over a Ford or River, as a good Battery of Cannon, which forceth the Enemy to retire from their violence and fury, and giveth them leave and issure to pass with more ease, and to put themselves in Battalions before they come to any fight at all.   

The Siege of Pignerol.  
THere could not any thing be thought on, which could mend the care and order of the Cardinal in his affair; The Army indeed had not the Honour to encounter the Duke of Savoy's Forces, they being retired with him to Thurin, and not daring to attend the first charge of the French Valour, which nothing is able to withstand; so the Army passed the ●oria, without any trouble, and quartered at Rivol, where the Duke of Savoy hath a house of Pleasure, which the Cardinal preserved with a great deal of care and respect, and the Country people were treated with much kindness, and the Army contented to be served with such provisions as were brought from Suze. Then began the Duke to declare himself openly, and did many Acts of Hostility; amongst the rest, he seized upon all the French in his Territories, not so much as excepting the Merchants and Religious Orders. An Act very strange, against both the Laws of Traffic and Piety. The Cardinal he did the same▪ seeing it was no time to hope for any thing by fair means. The Glory of his Majesty, the Honour of France▪ and his own reputation, engaged him to pursue his resolutions with his Arms, of reducing the Duke to Reason. It was then concluded on in a secret Counsel between himself and the Marshals of France, that the Army should sit down before Pignerol, and make themselves Masters of it. Stratagems do many times entitle men to great advantages; So that the Cardinal with more ease to take in Pignerol upon a surprise, made as if he would march directly to beleaguer Thurin if self: Accordingly the Cannon and Army began to bend towards it, which the Duke of Savoy perceiving, presently dispatched orders to withdraw those Forces from Pignerol, which he had that morning clapped in there. The Marshal of Crequy advanced directly to Pignerol, with a 1000 Horse, 6000 foot, and some Cannon, and upon the 20 of March about Sun set, lay down before the Place, leaving the rest of the Army, to engage any party that might attempt the relieving it upon the 21 about 4 in the morning the Cardinal came up, with the Marshals of Crequy, La Force and Schomberg, and they so belaboured themselves, that about 10 the next morning, there were 3 piece of Cannon mounted upon the very Ditch, ready to make a Breach.   

Politic Observation.  
STratagems have been much used and commended by great Commanders, skill and craft do many times as much as force and strength, and are so much the more to be esteemed, because they shed less blood. This Prudence hath no certain rules to be learned by, but must be acquired by itself. It's true, we are made capable of it by nature, but it is form and confirmed by use and Experience. So Sci●io that valiant Commander, who being desirous to take in a strong hold in afric which was well provided by the Carthaginians, made as if he had other designs, and caused his Army to march another way; by this means he surprised Haribal who drawing forth all his Garrison, to pursue him with the more strength, left the place undefended, and gave Scipio an advantage of facing about, and sending a party under the Conduct of Massanissa, to surprise and make himself Master of it, which he effected with a handful of men, the inhabitants not having strength enough to defend themselves.   

The Reducing Pignerol under the King's Obedience.  
THus stood the State of Affairs in Pignerol▪ they saw their Town besieged, and found the Cardinal did summon them to render, if they would not hazard the force of his Majesty's Army, which had reason to treat them with more rigour, than indeed they afterwards did; they found the Canon ready to make a breach, by the Prudent Conduct of the Cardinal, and a resolute Army of men, who seemed to wish for nothing more than to be brought on to the breach, that they might carry the place by assault. The Presence of the Cardinal redoubled their fear, and they had learned that his Majesty's Army under his command, had vanquished and overcome all enemies for the last six years, in which the King had done him the honour to commit it to his care; that particularly the last year▪ he did only appear upon the top of the Alps, and that was enough to force the Spaniards to raise their Siege of Cazal. Upon the 22 of March they sent seven Deputies to make an honourable surrender, and after they had obtained such conditions as they desired, their lives and goods saved, their Privileges and Franchises preserved to them, they yielded themselves the same day with much joy and content, to his Majesty's obedience, and the same time the French army marched and took possession of the Town.   

Politic Observation.  
HE that commands an Army, aught to think himself very happy, if his first attempt have good success with it. Just as in the Orbs of the Heavens, the Primum mobile gives motion to all the rest, so if the first enterprise end advantageously, it hath so great an influence on the spirits of the vanquished, that they are more than half staggered to give way for their second overthrow. Fortune doth most commonly adopt ends to their beginnings; and as the Fountain head doth much contribute to the clearness and purity of those Waters which flow from it, so the first good success is a happy Omen of a prosperous issue, even to the very end of the War. Tacitus saith, they are the first chances which beget and breed either courage or cowardice in the hearts of the Soldiers. Orators in their plead use to place in the Front their strongest reasons and arguments, knowing that by it, they do so arrest and commit a force upon the minds of their Auditors, that when they have but once inclined and persuaded them by those their prime and principal motions and inductions, the rest appear too much the more plausible and effective. A General ought to employ his very best forces in the assaults of his first siege, or in his first engagement of Battle, and rest confident that his first Action will give a great stroke in the success of the rest of the War. Thus Charles the Eighth came into Tuscany▪ by the Road of Pontremole, and being near Serezzanella, which was in his way, seated on a most impregnable Rock, he resolved to take it, that he might give a reputation and credit to his Army, that the World might conceive an opinion that there was not any thing which could withstand the courages and resolution of his Soldiers and Commanders; in a short while he carried it, and by it gained so great an esteem and wonder, that his enemies were astonished at the report of it.   

The bringing of the Citadel of Pignerol under the King's Subjection.  
AFter the Town of Pignerol was yielded, the Count Vrban Lescalanga who was Governor, retired into the Citadel with 800 Soldiers, but the Cardinal pursued him to his Trenches, and raised works so quickly, that upon our Ladydays Eve, one of the Bastions of the Castle was entered, the circumvallation finished, and the Camp so strongly fortified with Lines of Communication, Redoubts, and Forts, that all the strength of the Emperor, Spaniard, and Duke of Savoy joined together, could not bring them any relief; so that they had much rather render themselves upon such honourable conditions as were accorded them, then expect that rigour of the King's army, which was impossible for them to avoid; and accordingly surrender they did upon our Lady-day, a day which hath ever been fortunate for France in their Italian expeditions, for on that day they won the Battles of Cerssolles and Ravennes.   

Politic Observation.  
IT must be confessed that the reputation of a General of an army, giveth a great stroke either in Sieges or other Encounters. Their very name is a Thunderbolt, which strikes amazement into the whole world; they are accustomed, as by their trade to vanquish; and those whom they do at any time besiege, give themselves for lost as soon as ever they see them appear before their Walls, and resolve to set open their Gates to them, having no other hopes but of being forced with dishonour. I am of opinion with that ancient Author, who saith, that great Captains carry good fortune along with them, and cannot blame Caesar, who forbade such as were with him to be afraid, only because they were in his Company. C●riolanus made it apparent to the Romans, when he was banished by them, and retired himself to the Volsians, who made him General of their Army, which he led up directly to the Walls of Rome, to revenge the injury they had done him, and there overcame them, though they had not long before beaten and triumphed over the Volsians; and this made Titus Livy to say, the Commonwealth of Rome hath gained as much reputation and glory by their Commanders, as by their multitude of Soldiers. Credit is to a General, the same as 'tis to a Merchant, and it hath been often seen, that by it little Armies have defeated very great ones; that is it which keepeth Confederates close to their promises, which renders the Soldier's courageous, which removes all obstructions, opens all Passages; which doth facilitate the ways for Provisions; and finally, which doth attempt many things with good success, which otherwise would appear to be impossibilities.   

The Passages from France to Piedmont were open after the reducing of certain Towns of the Duke of Savoy.  
DUring the Siege of Pignerol, the Cardinal gave order for the besieging the Fort of Perousa, which held out but a small time; and thereupon sent the Marshal of Sc●omberg, with a Regiment of foot, and 22 Troops of Horse, to seize upon the Town of Briqueras, which as soon yielded itself. The same day he followed on his designed way, and form a foundation for a Fort, which was finished with extraordinary diligence, that he might thereby make himself master of many Valleys, which adjoined to the Mountains of Dauphine, and secure himself of a safe Pass, which struck such a terror into the inhabitants of the Valleys of St. Lucerz, Augroaque, and St. Martin, that they forthwith rendered themselves under the King's Obedience, and went to take the Oath of Allegiance to the Cardinal accordingly. There was one only Fort remained, called Mirebourg, lying at the foot of the Valley of Lucern, which was besieged and soon taken; by which means the Passages between Piedmont and France were open, clear and safe, not only for the Army to march without danger; but for the conveying of Recruits, Provisions of Victuals, and moneys, and other necessaries for the Army, as often as need should require.   

Politic Observation.  
THere is not any one thing which a General ought to have a more especial care in, then that he leave no Place behind him, which may afterwards trouble or endanger him. Charlemaign gained a very great deal of honour amongst other our Kings by his Arms; and withal he was much blamed when he passed into Spain, for not making himself Master of those places which he passed by in the Mountains. It cannot be denied, but he deserved that blame, considering the consequences which followed it, for that the greatest part of his Forces were cut in pieces, upon their return, and all the Baggage rifled by the Mountainers. Caesar in his Commentaries upon the War with the Gauls, holdeth it for one of the greatest maxims in the Art of War, that marching through a strange Country, one ought to secure himself of all such places which are in his way, and that it was a great joy and satisfaction to him being there making War, to find those of Therovanne voluntarily proffering to render themselves after some little resistance, because willingly he would not leave an enemy behind him. One of the greatest oversights which Charles the Eighth committed in his voyage into Italy, was his relying upon the Duke of Milan's promise, instead of making himself master of such places as were needful for his safe Passage. The Duke being in league with other Princes, appeared in the head of the Passage of Tar, to obstruct and hinder his further proceeding; and this Prince returned not into France, but by the Battle of Fornone, where he ran very great dangers and hazards. But if in their return they o not engage them, yet two hundred Musquetiers in a Fort behind them, will so gall those that come to bring Recruits, that the whole Army may be much annoyed by it.   

The Mutiny in Dijon.  
Whilst the Cardinal was achieving these glorious exploits, the King was advancing toward Lion, and marching by Fountainbleau, his Majesty received intelligence of a great sedition, which had happened at Dyon on the 28 of February, by the mutiny of a Company of Vineyard Dressers, who had the boldness to pillage and rifle some of the chief Officers houses. They which blowed the fire of this sedition, informed the people, that the establishing the Elections in Borgogne, was to no other intent or purpose, then in conclusion to settle the taxes, and other impositions, though in reality his Majesty's intentions, were only to rectify and redress the ordinary contributions, which were made by all the Provinces. The insolences of Mutineers hurrieth them on to the greater extremities, by how much Magistrates are more remiss or negligent in confronting and punishing their first emotions and rebellions. His Majesty presently dispatched Monsieur de Bellegarde, Governor of that Province, who had a great power and influence upon the affections of the people, not only in respect of his Office, but in relation to the great love and repute he had particularly got a long time amongst them. He quickly allayed and quieted all things; and not long after, his Majesty going to Lion, would pass through it, to take course for a better order in future, forcing those great multitudes of Vineyard-keepers to pack away, and settling new Magistrates and Officers, who should be diligent to keep the people in their due obedience not forgetting to give a charge to the Parliament, that some of the principal Mutineers and Assistants of those destructions and spoils should be punished, and thereby be made examples of his Justice, and their own follies.   

Politic Observation.  
NOthing doth more alarm the common people, than the noise of new impositions: they think it is to take away their lives, at least to make them insupportable, if you do but diminish a little of their subsistence, which is the reason, that the poorest of all are most prompt and ready for sedition, they being desirous and greedy of novelties; and as Tacitus in his Annals hath observed, they have more to get then to lose, by such revolts and turmoils. Every one indeed aught to pity their poverty, but the obedience which is due to Magistrates, and the recessity of contributing to the public charge, renders them culpable without excuse. Those who lead them on, and incite them to their mutinies, ought most principally to be punished, for that they are the Broachers and Authors of all the mischief. Thucydides speaking of the resolution which was taken by the Athenians, to put to death all those of Mytilene who were able to bear Arms, and to keep the rest in slavery, by reason of the Rebellions which had been raised amongst them, saith▪ Justice doth not tie up a man from punishing the heads and principals only. It is not at such a time proper for a Sovereign to make his Clemency appear, which is one of the best Rays in his Crown. He ought so to pardon offences, that he do not by it give way to, or allow of that liberty which the people assume to themselves, who will be quickly quelled, if their Ringleaders be but punished. To pardon all were an excessive liberty, and would breed a like licentiousness, and to chastise the most culpable, is an effect of Prudent Justice. Impunity authoriseth licentiousness, and seems to give them leave to run into the same lapses, and 〈◊〉 too much rigour and severity, is enough to cast a Nation upon desperate resolutions and extremities. It is a good way of reducing them to their due obedience, by sending some grave personage amongst them, as T. Livy hath observed, whom they hold in some esteem and respect; because Reputation, and a good belief, is as the Soul of all other Reasons; for that very cause it was, as the same Author reports it, that the Romans sent T. M. Torquatus, unto Sardigna, when they were upon the point of giving up themselves to the Carthaginian Protection. The quick and timely dispatch of such person, is of great consequence too, for that Rebellion are like flames, which do increase every day more than other, if there be not great care to extinguish them in the beginnings.   

The Monsieurs return to France.  
THe King went to Troy's, and there rested some time as well to satisfy the resolution which he had taken with the Cardinal of seeing his brother (who after the conclusion of the accommodation; about the end of the year last passed, which we have already spoken of, retired to Nancy▪ and testifying to him his hearty affections, by all ways of lively demonstrations, and of which there could be no just cause of suspicion, seeing his Majesty had so frankly both pardoned him, and augmented his Pensions, 〈◊〉 we have already declared. The Monsieur arrived there the 18. of April, and in h●s Company (besides his own retinue) came divers Princes and Lords, who were th●● at the Court, and had been sent by his Majesty two Leagues out of the Town to me●● him. He alighted at the Queen Mother's lodgings, and the King stood expecting of him in the Court, and received him with so great a testimony of joy and friendship, that the Monsieur attempting to bend one of his knees to the ground, his Majesty would not in the least permit or give way to it, but embraced him so long and ardently, that one could not but conclude his Majesty loved him as his second self, and very passionate he was to find that they were united in their thoughts, in their wishes, in their wills, in their designs, and even in their very recreations; so that their faces seemed to be as it were glued together. The Court was filled with joy, and these endearments continued all the while that the King continued at Tr●y●● so that there was great reason to hope, that nothing would be ever able to separate 〈◊〉 make a breach between them, had not those who had rendered themselves masters of the Monsieurs inclinations and humour, rallied all their endeavours and artifices to confound and destroy it, thinking perhaps they should become the more considerable, by keeping them at a greater distance, and raise more advantages to themselves by their divisions.   

Politic Observation.  
NAture hath implanted certain roots of friendship in the Blood, which doth bud and spring forth upon any meeting, after a little breach or falling out; provided that hatred have not altogether seized upon the Spirit. The Branches of Trees are not so easily rejoined in their natural places, whilst as yet time hath not strengthened them upon the Gardener's binding of them up; as the minds of persons to whom God hath allotted the same Parents, are reunited into that love and affection which is natural to them, if a Series of years hath not as yet confirmed them in their hatred and disrespect of each other. And in this the power of Nature is very much observed, and the truth of their opinion made good, who say, that nature with our births doth infuse and inspire into us, affections and inclinations to love those objects, which she doth oblige us to seek after. And as the Creator of the World hath imprinted in light bodies a certain disposition of mounting upwards, and to others which are heavy, an inclination which forceth them by nature to tend towards the Centre of the earth; so hath she likewise planted in man a certain affection for those of his Affinity, as well as for those objects which are proper for him, so that he can neither check his eyes, or curb his heart, but he shall find some sentiments of love in his spirit; hence it comes to pass, as we see, that kindred love, and that tenderly, one another upon their first meeting, though they had not known one another before; this procedure making it apparent that their affection began not to be so much in their spirits, as to entertain by the presence its object; for that they had not differed to love, but only because they had not seen one another before.   

The King committeth the Government of the Army in Champagne, and of Paris, to the Monsieur.  
THat the King might the more oblige the Monsieur to preserve himself in his duty, not only of respect but of friendship, he was not barely contented to have given him those large testimonies of his hearty affection, but sent to him two Commissions, the one for the commanding of the Army in Champagne, the other to govern not only the City of Paris, but the adjacent Provinces in his Majesty's absence, whose affairs called him out of the Kingdom.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is great wisdom in a King to preserve and increase as much as in him lies, the friendship of the Princes of the blood, it being most certain, that a good intelligence and correspondence with them, is as advantageous to the State, as a breach with them is unfortunate and ominous. And as their greatest inclination is to command, so one cannot more oblige them, then by giving them employment. But one ought to be well assured and careful of their truth and fidelity, and that the steadfastness of their minds be not to be shaken by the dangerous suggestions of such as are about them, who are always sure of endeavouring to render themselves agreeable, that they may instil into them more Ambition than they ought to have, and induce them to revolt with the Army, and those powers which are entrusted under their command. Isocrates did well advise Nicocles, never to prefer those of his blood to employments, until he was extremely well assured of them; for that the desire of rule doth so much the more charm the kindred of a Prince, by how much they are nearer related unto him, as T. Livy very well observeth. Blood hath no tie so strong, ●hich ambition doth not oftentimes break, when it finds itself with Arms in its hand. They ought to be so much the less entrusted, by how much they have less true affection or friendship, as Plutarch hath verified by many examples in the life of Demetrius. If a King be obliged for any just reason to confide his Armies into the hands of any Prince of the Blond, I imagine he must follow the Prudence of Tiberius, who when he sent Germanicus to command his Army into Syria, he recalled Creticus Syllanus from the Government of that Province, who was an intimate friend to Germanicus, fearing lest their intelligence and correspondence might lend a helping hand to advance him into the power of Sovereignty; and placed in his room Cneus Piso, whose violent humour would make him oppose any designs of his, if they should be contrary to the duty of his Office. In a word a King ought (to such a person) to associate some one, whose valour and fidelity may be able to counterpoise or balance any erterprises, which he may attempt.   

The King came to Lion, then to Grenoble, where the Cardinal came to meet him.  
THe King passed by Dijon, that he might there give such orders as we have already said, and thence came to Lion, but rested there a very little while, for the great desire he had to be at Grenoble, where he had directed the Cardinal to meet him, as soon as the Passages of Italy were open. The Cardinal was passionately desirous to be near his Majesty, to pay him his usual services, and to ease him of the care and trouble of his estate, and his Majesty was no less impatient to see the Cardinal as he testified by his extraordinary care and caresses, with which he honoured him at his arrival, and which were proofs not only of the affection, but of the extreme tenderness which he had for him.   

Politic Observation.  
THe Passion of Love produceth the same effects in the Souls of great Kings, as it doth in those of private persons. It is that which carrieth their minds so naturally towards those whom they honour with their favours, that they take a singular delight to see them always near them. Alexander could not be without the sight of Hephestion. And it is most sure, that the greatest successes which Princes have, be it in War, be it in Peace, are but lame, and do nothing near so much affect their minds with joy, if they have not near them some persons, with whom they use to discourse with freedom and familiarity. And what greater satisfaction or content can there be to a Prince, than the Prudence of a courageous and faithful Minister, who he assuredly knows to have no Passion so great as that which tends to his honour and glory? What an honour is it to have near him a person to whom his Majesty may lay open his bosom, and intrust with his grandest secrets without the least suspicion, or doubt of his fidelity? What a great satisfaction and content is it to have by one, so noble a Genius whose discourses disburden his cares, whose counsels facilitate his greatest State-difficulties; whose vigilance secures him from dangers, and whose courage conducts him to a happy success in all his enterprises?   

The happy succeess of the Treaty of Peace by the Cardinal Mazarini, between the King and Duke of Savoy.  
THe King no sooner arrived at Grenoble, but Mazarini was ready to make propositions of Peace to his Majesty. The Duke, who till then had been deaf to all overtures, how reasonable soever, as well as the marquis Spinola, caused word to be sent to his Majesty, that if his Majesty would be pleased to restore him Pignerol, he would accord to any Articles which should seem just. The King who desired nothing more than Peace, provided it were honourable and advantageous to his Allies, received the message with much joy; and thought fit, that the Marshal of Crequy, the Sieur of Chasteauneus de Bullion and Bauttillier should assemble with the Cardinals Bagni and Mazarini, to prepare such Articles as might be for the contentment of all parties; however he would not be obliged to quit his design of prosecuting the War, until the Treaty was entirely concluded and resolved on: for his Majesty knew of what importance the restitution of Pignerol was, without which, they did not so much as name or speak of any accommodation.   

Politic Observation.  
SEeing Peace, when it is certain, is to be preferred before a doubtful victory; that being in the hand of a Prince, but this subject to the Laws of Fortune, it is not prudence to refuse it in Treaties, said Hannibal to Scipio in T. Livy. But Thucydides teacheth us in his History, that a Prince, who would treat with his Enemy should not cease to prosecute the War, in such manner, as if there were no hope of an agreement; otherways great Inconveniences might follow, adding: Thus did the Lacedæmonians, when they treated a Peace with the Atb●nians; and Peace is then soon made, when both sides appear in the field with their Swords in their hands, and an equal power following them, for if either hath the least advantage, he will be the more peremptory, and demand the harder conditions in his Treaties, as Caesar hath observed in his History of civil Wars.   

The taking of Chambery from the Duke of Savoy.  
HOwever the King assembled his Counsel, to take advice whether it were not , to prosecute the Victories of his Army, and to make himself Master of all Savoy, and so secure himself more and more, of the Passes. Many offered to his Majesty's consideration, that the Duke of Savoy and Marquis Spinola, would never hearken to any Peace, but by necessity, and to regain Pignerol, having until that time refused to do it, but upon dishonourable terms for his Majesty; That there was little reason to trust him; as to that of the Duke of Mantua, for whose sake the War was begun, or to believe that the Peace might be of some continuance. And on the contrary; there were good grounds to apprehend, that they would not conclude a Peace, in that weak condition, to which they were then reduced, but only that they might bring to pass their Intentions upon the Duke of Mantua, so that the King should still keep Pignerol, which would give him a free entrance into Italy, that his Majesty might with more ease take in Montferrat, as occasion should serve. That Princes not having any Juster titles to those places, which they possess, than the conquest of them in a just War, his Majesty should not acquit that which makes him so considerable in and to Italy, being by it able to march into it, when and as often as he pleased, and to set bounds to the Spanish Ambition, who would find work enough to do, so long as his Majesty continued Master of it; that it would serve to Curb the Duke of Savoy, who did nothing but commence and create every year new broils and troubles. In fine that it was absolutely needful to enter upon Savoy, because the Duke would infallibly besiege those places which had been taken, if his Army were not other ways diverted; and in case he should not besiege them, his forces would be coasting of it from one end to t'other of Savoy, and endanger the Passages, at least disturb them, which were of necessity to be preserved; for that Spinola had risen to besiege Cazal, at the same time that the Cardinal marched towards Grenoble. Can there be more just or important considerations? did they not deserve to be regarded and looked after? Can any one with reason say that the Peace was in the Cardinal's power, when the Duke of Savoy would not conclude it, without the surrender of Pignerol? the Importance of which Place was so great as shall be anon discoursed more at large. Indeed such things might take with Women (whom the noise of a Cannon terrifies) to juduce them to deliver up a place of such concernment into the hands of the Spaniards and Duke of Savoy, who had made it evident, no trust could be reposed in him. But certainly it would not at all move a great Minister, whose discretion was incomparable, and who was so far from being terrified into any thing, that he struck a terror into all the World, having Reason and Justice on his side. Would the Treaty which should be now concluded with them, be of any longer durance, then that of the last year, which they broke without any fear or wit? Will a wise man trust one who hath deceived him, and broke his word in that very same affair? And this Calumniator (who cares not what he writes whilst he endeavours to detract from the Cardinal's glory,) can he lay the blame on the Cardinal, for the continuation of the War? Caz●l would be no more the Duke of Mantua's, if the Peace had been concluded with the delivery of Pignerol. Thus the King who knew better than any of his Counsel, the Importance of these reasons, was not at all moved at it, but resolved to departed 2 days after to set upon Savoy, and accordingly upon the 13 of May he advanced, without delay, together with the Marshals of Crequy, Bassompierre and Chastillon, giving the command of the vanguard of his Army to the Marshal Crequy, with order to march before Chambery, which was put in execution, with so much diligence, that the 14 of May the approaches were made; the suburbs reduced without resistance, and the Town summoned to deliver. After they had obtained by Composition of his Majesty, the same Articles which were granted them by the late King when it was taken in the year 1600. they opened their Gates to his Majesty upon the 18 of May, into which his Majesty then made his Entrance.   

Politic Observation.  
When an Army marcheth into a Country to make War, the assaulting of the principal Town, is a business of no small importance; The taking of that, terrifies all the rest, and strikes such a fear into them, that if sometimes forceth them to deliver up themselves without fight. Cen●mon Captain of the Lacedomonians, did so, when he laid siege to Strato, the chief Town of the Country, upon his first entrance; And Thucydides who relates the History, commends that Act of his, as being conformable to Military Prudence. So Hannibal, having mastered Car●ia, the Prime Town of the Olleades, all the rest rendered themselves Tributaries to the Carthaginians. The loss of a Commander is oftentimes the loss of an Army, and the taking of a head Town or of a Fortress of concernment, seldom happens but the rest follow. But there ought to be great care had that he come not short of his enterprise for then it would happen to be quite contrary; and for this reason it is advantageous to use such diligence, that the Inhabitants may be taken unprovided, and when they least think of it, assaulting the Enemy before he comes to meet us, or that he attempt aught upon any thing which belongeth to us. The Emperor Oath is blamed in Tacitus, for that having designed to go into France and fight his Enemy Vite●ius, he used too much delay, for that in effect his long stay gave opportunity of time to Gallus and Spurma to pass over the Mountains, and seize upon the River Po, so impeding the march of his Forces; which were by that means forced to quit their enterprise: Perchance it might so have happened to his Majesty's Amy, if he had rested at Grenoble, upon those propositions of Peace, which were made to him by Spinol● and the Duke of Savoy, which were to no other intent then to recover Pig●●rol, or to amuse him and gain time. There is nothing so slight in a War, which a little time doth not often render of great consequence; a Moment of time doth work great effects in most enterprises, and the least retardment doth eftsoon bring with it extreme inconveniences and losses.   

The taking of Annesy and Romilly by the King's Forces.  
THE King departed from Chambery on the 22 of May, and ordered the Marshal of Chastillon, who had that week commanded the avantguard of the Army, to advance towards A●●sy, which rendered itself without any great resistance, as soon as the Garrison of the Castle (in which a Brother of the Bishop of Genova commanded) saw the Cannon appear; whence it came to pass that his Majesty, to lose no time, being assisted with the Marshal of Bassompierre, led the Body of his Army to Romilly, a place strongly situated, and which they had began to fortify; particularly the Castle, where there were seven or 800 Soldiers, who made show as if they would defend themselves. But this resistance did but add new heat to his Majesty's courage, who was very glad to find it so, that he might gain the more reputation. He advanced in person towards the Town with his Army, and took the trouble upon himself to put them into Battalia, in the plain which was out of Cannon shot; This struck such a dread into the Townsmen and Governor of the Place, who had never seen his Majesty so bestir himself, that they could not but imagine he would have taken all that pains for their sakes, without punishing them with rigour in the conclusion; so they presently dispatched Deputies to the King, to beg 3 day's time, that they might consider and confer what they should do, but his Majesty replied, that he would quarter in the Town that very day, so they then presently surrendered, knowing it to be Rashness, to resist a Prince so courageous, and one who knew so well to conduct his Army.   

Politic Observation.  
DElay, which a man granteth to an Enemy, is frequently of such consequence, that a good or bad success doth depend on it: One day's time gives the besieged leave to make such trenches, as will not be regained in a whole month, Henry the second, for having attended thus but a very little, was forced to raise the siege of Perpignan; and if Pyrrhus had assaulted Sparta, the same night that he sat down before it, he had then taken it without difficulty, which he could not the next day: Memorable is that example of Peter de Medicis, recorded by Guiccardine, who stayed only one or two hours, to let the rain pass, and so came too late to Florence, and found that his Enemies had but one hours' notice of his arrival, which gave them time enough to Arm themselves to resist him, and in fine they did hinder and prevent his entrance, which otherwise he had gained, had it not been for that little stop. It is as much folly to give time to a man's Enemies to fortify themselves, as it is discretion and advantageous to take them unprovided, and before they have time to prepare themselves for a defence.   

The taking of divers other Castles.  
THE Castles of Clermont, of Meyrac, of Allinge and divers others thereabouts, rendered themselves upon the first summons, and all the way was open and free from Chambery to Geneve and Pont de Gresin, so that his Majesty went directly by the Tarente, where Prince Thomas was entrenched with about 9 or 1000 men, in a place very advantageous, and where a few men might stop a very great Army; but he no sooner saw the King's Forces appear, but he sounded a retreat withdrawing himself from place to place from the King's Army, which followed him, until he had past the ●●ount St. Bernard, he not so much as offering to make any resistance, which he might easily have done, the Passages being very narrow and straight.   

Politic Observation.  
HE who hath at any time considered upon Mountains, the impetuous course of a Torrent, which running along the plain, enters with such a violence into a Valley that it carries away all the harvest, roots up the trees, turns topsie turvie the houses of the Villagers, forceth the Country people to climb the tops of Trees, drowneth all the Cattle and in a word commits a thousand ruins, hath a most perfect view of what passed in the Tarente, upon the coming in of his Majesty's Army: where ever he came, they did all things whatever to obey his commands, the most advantageous Stations were quite abandoned by the Soldiers, whom their own very fear had routed, all the Towns deserted; and particularly in the City of Constance, there was not one man to be found, to fight withal.   

The King makes himself Master of all Savoy.  
AFter his Majesty had made himself Master of this valley, he designed a Fort with 4 Bastions and certain Redouts at the foot of a Mountain, which cut off all communication Between Piedmont and Savoy, and hindered the march of any Forces, which would pass into it: It was guarded by 5 or 6000 men, whom he lest there, so that there was no other avenue for to be taken, but that of Morienne, which would be shut up by the taking of Charbonniers. Accordingly his Majesty commanded the Marshal de Crequy to go and besiege it, and the Marquis de Vignoles at the self same time to commence the siege of Montmelian, which was as soon executed as commanded: So that his Majesty being at St. Pierre D' Albiguy, the Cardinal shown him in his Tent, that which never any Prince had the Honour to behold at one time; Three several Sieges that of Montmelian, that of Charbonniers and that of Laville, from all which he might see the smoke of his Cannons. Charbonniers and Laville were quickly taken, and Montmelian was so blocked up, that it was impossible to relieve it with any it provision of men or victuals. Thus his Majesty was Master of Savoy, so that the Duke himself could not make his entrance in to it by any way to regain it, all the Passages being shut up.   

Politic Observation.  
SUch victories as these, being founded upon the invincible generosity of the King, assisted with the incomparable prudence of the Cardinal, cannot be sufficiently admired. Whence it comes, that leaving the usual method of this History, I shall turn the Politic Observations into Praises. Is it not to be concluded, that there is nothing which equalizeth his Courage and good Fortune; both which conspire in emulation of one another, to render him the most Illustrious and most Glorious Monarque of he whole Universe? Doth not truth oblige us to acknowledge, that he is both the greatest and wisest Captain, that every yet was, and that the Rays of h●s Valour do obscure the light of those brave Commanders, whom Antiquity d●d so much admire? In the Ages which shall succeed us, his victories will be proposed as an Example to all who shall weyld the Sceptre. The Generousness of his Actions shall be as a looking Glass, and a School to all such as would follow his tracts. The Reputation of his Arms and so many graces, and admirable virtues wherewith Heaven endued him; had much contributed to the conquest of all those Countries, which justly belong to him, if the misfortunes of this Kingdom, and those who are of nearest relation to it, had not obstructed and opposed it. There was not any one Enemy, who durst present himself before him with his Arms but soon carried away the Marks of his Valour: And it seems that those have in particular had no other advantage, admit it were in the siege of a Place, where a hundred might beat a 1000, or where the quantities of their Forces did much exceed his Majesty Numbers. But to add new Rays to his Glory, never durst they stay to expect him, and they placed their safety in the swiftness of their feet, and a shameful flight.   

The King marcheth toward Lion at the persuasion of the Queen Mother.  
THough the happy successes of his Majesty's Arms seemed to banish all cause of fear, yet as Women are naturally timorous; The Queen Mother was troubled with much impatiency, that his Majesty should engage himself any farther in the War; particularly against the Spaniard; partly for the natural inclination she had for Spain. by her birth, which was every day apparent by her conduct, whilst she had the management of affairs; as also because she every day fancied to herself, that she did see Foreigners enter into France with their Swords in their hands, burning and killing all, and turning the State topsie-turvie. These Panic fears made her earnestly desire to see the King, and because the ways were difficult for one of her sex to pass, she dispatched one to his Majesty beseeching him with all earnestness that she might have the honour to see him. The King who took a most particular care, to render her all respects and compliances, which might be agreeable to her, presently departed from the Camp at St. Pierre, to give her this satisfaction, though for the good of his own affairs, and for his health's sake, it had been more proper to have deferred it to a more seasonable time. It cannot be imagined how many artifices the Queen Mother employed to stay him, at Lions; without considering the news which came from the Army, how that many of the Soldiers, believing the King would not return any more, had disbanded the very same time, that they perceived his Majesty went from thence; and by this means, did put the success of affairs in hazard, for that the Companies were diminished to nothing.   

Politic Observation.  
WOmen are capable of ruining the most important affairs in a State, if they have but power to execute their passions. History is pregnant with examples, which verify the many evils they have caused, whilst the Government of Kingdoms hath been in their hands. Fear, which is natural to their sex, takes them off from approving the Wars, be they never so just, be they never so necessary, for the glory and advancement of the State. Their Conduct is founded more upon Passion then Judgement, and they look not into any Reasons, caring not so they may arrive to the end of their designs, and not at all reflecting on the consequences which attend it. There is not any blast of wind or flames, like the Passion of a Woman, especially when she is filled with hatred, as the Queen Mother was, who would have been very glad to have seen the Cardinal perish in this design, and which she hoped to see, if his Majesty did but leave him there alone. The Resistance which they find against their wills, serves to augment their hair, and the very contradition converts their designs and desires into fury, whence an Ancient very wisely said, that women's Counsel is not to be made use of in Public affairs, but as Medicines, to which a man hath recourse in extreme necessity, and when all other means fail.   

The Queen Mother continueth her anger against the Cardinal.  
THE King had too much knowledge and experience to be moved by all the Instances made to him; so that he departed three days after, to return to St. John de Morienne. But the Queen Mother was aggrieved thereat, so much the more sensible, by how much she had earnestly desired to stay him near her. And the Lord Keeper, who omitted no occasion to exasperate her mind against the Cardinal, raised thence great advantages to infuse into her Spirit new resentments of hatred and anger against him. The displeasure which he conceived in his particular to see the War was carried directly against the Spaniard, whom he had always openly favoured, raised up new inventions in his mind, to stir up the anger of this great Princess, entertaining her in all those thoughts which might serve to reinflame her. The opinion which he had of his own judgement, and of his own thoughts (which he adored as so many revelations) with held him from stooping to the Cardinal's prudent conduct; Though discretion and the acknowledgement, which he was obliged to show of that high Honour to which he had raised him, should have persuaded him, that he had strong Reasons, importing the good and glory of the Estate, which carried him on to continue the War.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is very dangerous for a Statesman, who hath any share in the Government of affairs under the conduct of the Chief Minister, to be too much wedded to his own opinions: All the Orbs follow the motion of the Primum Mobile, and as we should soon see the World revolve into its first Chaos, if they should clash, so can there follow nothing but confusion in Kingdoms, when the inferior Ministers would carry on affairs by ways contrary to those of the Chief. He wants Judgement who doth not accommodate himself to the principal Genius, which hath the ordering of all affairs, and deserves as much blame, as Fabius Maximus, who almost overthrew the Commonwealth of Rome, by opposing himself with too much violence against Scipio's expedition into Africa. It is good to conform one's self to the opinion of those who guide the Stern, and though it be permitted us to give some Place to our own thoughts, nevertheless it never ought to arrive to that height, as to hinder us from following their resolutions, or paying them our respects and endeavours. It is true, the Prudence of a Statesman is too remiss, who makes himself indifferent to all; he ought to resemble a skilful musician, who sometimes sets up one string, and let's down the others. But however, if he depend upon another, he is obliged to follow rather his then his own Judgement, not forgetting that his degree is in●eriour, and that in diversity of opinions, submission, and to know to how to yield, are Marks of a weltempered soul, and that the most generous spirits are the most universal, and the readiest disposed to all that another would have. This condiscending not being an effect of debility, but of Respect; whereas obstinacy and perverseness in maintaining one's opinion, is a dangerous sickness of the mind, and more proper to Pedants then to persons of affairs.   

The establishment of the 
* The yearly r●nt paid by the Officers of Justice to the King.  Droict Annuel.  
THe care which the Cardinal had of Foreign affairs, never took off his thoughts from the concernments within the Kingdom. The late King Henry the Great having hatched grand designs for the glor● of Fr●nce, had occasions for moneys, and thought it necessary to establish the Droict Annuel. Hence he raised great sums, but prejudicial to the people, because it gave way to all Officers of Justice, and of the Treasury to keep the free disposal of their Offices, they paying every ●e●r a certain Tax to the 
* A Treasury ●o calle● from the Casualty of the incomes.  Parties Casuelles, and the liberty to continue the Sale of Offices, which were introduced since the time of Francis the first, who finding himself obliged to make a Virtue of Necessity, was constrained to create many Officers, which were continued from the time of Henry the second, who created the Sieges Presidiaux, and many other Officers, which have remained even to this present. The Cardinal, who had no other end (in the Honour which the King had done him, to continue him in the conduct of the most important affairs of the Kingdom▪ them the Reformation and re-establishment of the State, did not fail at the end of the foregoing year to represent to his Majesty, that it was not only important, but almost necessary, to take away that power of Sale, and consequently, to suppress the Troict Annuel; upon which it hath its principal dependence. And his Majesty did so much the more approve of his resolution; because he found nothing in the Cardinal's Counsels, which was not as admirable as profitable to France.   

Politic Observation.  
THE Sale of Offices is one of the greatest mischiefs in a State. Ambition never fa●ls to raise them to an excessive price, which causeth, that all the Honours of the Kingdom serve rather for a recompense of riches, then of virtue. It takes away from Kings the power of choosing Officers, which are the Organs, whereby Justice is distributed to their subjects; it casts the greatest Courages into despair, when they find themselves reduced to Poverty, see others occupy the place of virtue, and that the most glorious Actions, to which they could aspire, shall not be able to raise them out of the dust. Is not that it, which gives subsistence to such a number of Officers, who-instead of serving do but oppress the people? Is not that it; which hinders the suppression of a great number, and reducing of them to a smaller, which might be the hundreth part, of what now are, and yet sufficient for the King's service, and the good of the people? With how many pensions doth it overcharge the King's exchequer, and the sum which is employed in their pay, is it not immense? But this Sale of Offices is not only a charge to the Public, since particular persons suffer extremely much by it. The hopes they conceive of the continuation of the Droict Annuel, encourageth them to buy their Offices at so high a rate, that the very richest are beggared by it. If they continue any long time in their Offices the expenses to which they are tied, to live with some Splendour, undoes them, and their Children are so far from drawing any advantage from it, that they are commonly left, if not in absolute poverty, yet in much want. Many are constrained to sell them off during their lives, for the accommodation of their families, and to divide the money among their Children, and it is as much as any, if he be none of the richest can do, to maintain one of his Children in the succession of his Offices, leaving all the rest in a necessity of living below their qualities.   

The suppression of the Droict Annuel in regard of the Officers of justice, reestablished by the King.  
THese just considerations being represented to the King, by the Prudence of the Cardinal, induced his Majesty ever since the beginning of the year, to suppress the Droict Annuel, in relation to the judicature, which are more considerable than the rest, that so by little and little, death might extinguish a great part of the Offices, and take away the venality without any great prejudice to the Officers themselves. For he had resolved to allow the Survivances to those who had long lived in their charges with Honour. Or if they were taken away by death, to grant their Offices to such of their Children as should be found capable, or in case they left none able to manage them, to cause that such as should succeed, should allow some recompense unto them; thus restoring to the State by little and little the accomplishment of its perfection. But these Officers, made so great instance to his Majesty for the Continuation of the Droict Annuel, being therein like the sick, who flatter themselves in their diseases, and will not apprehend the danger to which they expose themselves, that he was obliged to continue it for 9 years longer, but burdened with such extraordinary charges, that they would find difficulty to pay them, whereby they might enjoy the favour granted to them by the Declaration made in June, and be staggered another time to desire the continuation of it. The King would not absolutely discontent the Body of Officers, who do at this day constitute the greatest part of his Kingdom; But his Prudence sound it fit, so to burden this condition; that the greatest part should renounce the benefit which he accorded them, to free themselves from the charges. Besides the immense expense of the War, did incline him to this resolution for his supply; Necessity obliging to do that, which otherwise he would not do.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is with men, as with the sick: We must not administer neither to one or tother the remedies proper to their disease; without regard to the disposition of their humour; because they may sometimes be so stirred, in the discontentments which they receive, that their sickness would rather increase, then receive any abatement. The most commendable Counsels, which are given upon the General consideration of affairs, become oftentimes hurtful, by reason of some circumstance which may happen; The most that can be done in such occasions, is to put the business into such a state, that that which is needful to be done, suffer but a simple delay; conserving still the liberty of executing counsels in a more favourable time. It hath been often seen, that States have been cast into extremity and sedition, by attempting any unreasonable reformation. It is not of small importance to content the Officers, when they are so numerous as they are in France. They are they who keep people in obedience, who have power to enforce obedience to the Laws. They are the Directors of the civil Government in all Towns, and by Consequence, the commotions which might be stirred up in their breasts by any extraordinary discontent, though taken up upon a false ground, would be as dangerous as a violent heat, which doth seize upon the Heart, the Liver, or any other vital parts.   

The King's return from St. John de Morienne into France.  
A Little while after his Majesty's arrival at St, John de Morienne, he was seized on by 2 or 3 fits of a Fever, which gave occasion to the Cardinal to doubt, lest his Majesty might fall into some more dangerous sickness. And as one never ought to hazard the Person of a King, who is the Soul of his State; the heart which distributeth the Spirits of life by the Arteries unto all parts; the Liver which giveth nourishment to all, and the principal of all others good fortune, so the Cardinal entreated his Majesty, with so many instances to retire himself from that abode (which was near hand infected all over with the pestilence) and return to Lion, where he would find a good air, and ease from those great Cares, which the War had engaged him, to take upon himself: that at last he did accordingly resolve to return, and arrived there about the beginning of August. The Cardinal in the mean time could not think of quitting the Army so soon, foreseeing that should he have gone with his Majesty, the Enemy would have taken a great advantage of it, and that also the Soldiers, (of whom a great number had been destroyed by the plague) would quickly lose their Courage, persuading themselves, that Montferrat would be abandoned after his departure. He was sufficiently informed that the Lord keeper Marillac, had such an influence upon the Queen Mother's soul, that he had perverted that affection wherewith she had other times honoured him, into a mortal hatred, and that this old imbroyler, whom the Combination had heretofore taught, to extract of Quintessence from the very Spirits, had no other design, then to employ all his power, which such a Mother might have over so good a Son, as the King was, for to ruin him in the honour of his good opinion and favour, and to raise himself if it were possible upon this ruin of his Fortunes, even to the highst degree of the Administration. However he had testimonies too infallible of the King's bounty, which he could not distrust, for that his Majesty was better informed of his faithfulness, than any other person whatsoever. The same passion which he had for the glory of the King, and the good of France, which stayed him at the Siege of Rochel, whilst the King went to Paris, and which carried him to Privas, and Languedoc, to reduce the rest of the Huguenots Villages into that fidelity and obedience which they owed to his Majesty, whilst at the same time he knew that the same Lord keeper, and those of his Cabal, did then lay the first foundations of his disgrace in the Queen Mother's Spirit, made him now resolve to remain in Morienne though full of the Plague, to preserve if it were possible the Army in such a condition, that they might march to Cazal, and to keep up the courage of the Soldiers.   

Politic Observation.  
THE greatest testimony of fidelity which Minister can give, is to renounce his own Interests, for the glory of his Master. One cannot doubt but that he was obliged to hazard his Fortunes for his service, seeing that he gave it him, but not his blond and life too. However as there are no stronger or more natural inclinations, than those which carry a man to love that which concerneth him, so he could not give more certain proofs of the true passion which he had for his Prince, the to prefer the Glory of his Crown, of his Power, before all the advantages which he hath received from Fortune. But as this is the best Touchstone by which one can judge of the sincerity of his Affections; so one is obliged to esteem him so much the more after the showing of such a proof: for this true affection is a rare thing in the Courts of Kings. Every one sacrificeth to his own Interests: Greatness is honoured with so much esteem, that no one but stoops to it, and abandoneth all things to attain it. Whatever obligation there is to love Kings, yet they are the men, who have the fewest true friends, and if their service bring the least prejudice to any man's Fortunes, they will soon find themselves deserted. They are ordinarily loved as the Sun, with which one is glad to be enlightened, so long as his light and influences are favourable, but shuts too the Doors and Windows, not so much as to see him, if his heat (as in Summer) doth but a little incommodate or trouble one.   

The Marshal de Marillac would not let the Army march out of Champagne toward Italy.  
THE Marshal de Marillac was so far from this kind of fidelity and Passion for the King's service, that on the contrary, though his Majesty, sent divers express commands to him, to march with the Army which he commanded in Champagne into Italy, he sought out continual delays, that he might excuse it; That Ambition which possessed his Soul would not permit him to let others partake with him in the charge of General, which he had alone to himself in that Province, and the great gains which he drew from the Quarters and Soldiers. He would have made the whole World believe, that the Emperor would make an inroad into France, as soon as he should draw off from the Frontiers and after he had sent divers times that he would march the next day, he would presently dispatch another post after him, to send new excuses, but very frivolous, for his longer delay. The passion which he had for his own Interests, hindered him from considerating (that besides the obligation which he had to obey the King) it had been resolved upon in the Counsel of War to relieve Cazal, upon the supposition that the passage was open, and in order to those commands which were sent to him; and that his defect in following those orders which were given to him, did put all affairs into confusion by his perverseness. He reflected not on any thing of all this, until about the 9 or 10 of Aug. though he could very easily, (& as by command he ought) have been at Suze the beginning of J●ly. So Cazal had infallibly been relieved the beginning of August, 20000 Frenchmens lives had been saved, who died that Autumn in Piedmont, and there had been no necessity of making a Cessation at Cazal, which nothing but the success could render excusable.   

Politic Observation.  
THE soul of the ambitious is so charmed with his own Interests, that having no other end then his greatness, he cannot resolve to do any thing which may tend to the diminution of it, be it never so little. This humour is so lofty, that he esteems himself unhappy if he have not all: and as he doth regard nothing but to render himself considerable, he is not only dangerous to be chosen for a friend, but to be confided on in the conduct of public affairs. Ambition teacheth him to become disloyal, and there are not any Laws which it doth not make slight, not excepting those of Religion itself; he establisheth the place of his repose upon the highest pitch of Fortune, and as he hath heard it reported, that all things tend naturally to the Centre with violence, so he aspires to that with such ardency, that he doth not fear to make the very disorders of public affairs, to be the steps by which he will raise himself. Whereas a well regulated mind looks after the greatnesses of Fortune, only by the ways of Honour and Merit.   

Artifices of the Lord Keeper, and of the Marshal de Marillac his Brother.  
AT last the courage and fidelity of the Cardinal could no longer oppose the violence of the Plague and other diseases, which had consumed two thirds of the Soldiers: So it was the more needful to raise new forces or rather to form the body of a new Army; for that Cazal began to be close pressed upon by the Spaniard. The Cardinal found his presence was very necessary in France, to dispatch such forces over the Hills, and to take order for the sending of moneys, and victuals, both which were for the most part raised by his credit; All which began to be scarce by the unworthy Artifices of the Lord Treasurer & his Brother, and those of his Cabal. He found himself obliged to return, to the King at Lyon. Where it was a very great satisfaction to him, to find his Majesty in sy good health, after the apprehensions which he had, lest those fits of a Fever might have ended in some more dangerous sickness; but one cannot imagine how sensibly he was troubled, to find the Queen Mother's Spirit so extremely exasperated against him, though the King indeed undertook his protection upon all occasions. He believed that the Lord Keeper who had ravished from him the good will of his Mistress, was able to re-estate him in it again, and though it be very difficult to pay honour and respect to a person, who cannot be called other than a Monster of Ingratitude, yet he went several times to wait upon him, and endeavoured by all sorts of kindnesses and good Offices, to draw him to acknowledge the service which he owed, and the great obligations which were due to him. Now although Honour and good Actions break even rocks, and are the most powerful means which a man can employ to move the mind, yet Ambition, which had taken up the possession of this turbulent man, so hindered him, that he could not address himself to any thing, but a constrained dissimulation, which under the appearance of a counterfeited compliance, concealed that fire, which could never be extinguished after the Combination, and which then consumed him in so blind a passion, that he preferred the Interests of Spain before those of his own Country, and did a thousand things unworthy of his quality. The Honour and favours which the Cardinal did him, could not, as I said, quench that seditious fire, which instead of being put out, lay raked up under the Cinders of a dissembled and counterfeited Soul. Insomuch that the Soul of this makebate, could not rest, but continued and kept up those Cabals near the Queen Mother, not only blowing up her passion that it might not entinguish, but sometimes casting Oil upon it, but with such dexterousnesse, that there were not any, but such as were very near this great Princess, which could ever perceive it.   

Politic Observation.  
A Man may easily hid his natural inclinations, and sometimes he may diminish them, but it is almost impossible totally to extinguish them. Judgement may oppose its utmost to the violence of Nature, but it is ordinarily seen, that at la●t being weary of the Combat, nature reassumes itself, and becomes more violent. Happy he, saith an Ancient, whose birth inclineth him to lean towards virtue. And it is most true, that there needs as much constraint to re-estate a man in good habits, who is borne with wicked ones, as to make a tree straight which hath had time to grow big and crooked. Repel nature as much as the will; saith another, it will however have its course. And as he who is in the midst of a Torrent, is sometimes forced to suffer himself to be carried by the Current of the waters, so that soul which nature hath made to be borne accompanied with evil habits, hath a World of trouble to overcome and Master them. Who ever attempts to overcome them, ladeth himself with a Burden; under which he may sink down sooner or later, if he be not very vigilant, especially if he be in employments, which sooth his inclinations; For although Nature may have lain in a slumber a long time, yet at last opportunity revives it, his thoughts themselves seizing upon him, and giving new vigour to his inclinations, There is not any thing so joyful to us, as to embrace those objects, to which nature doth addict us, and the wills carry us insensibly to them.   

A fight wherein the French were worsted by the Spaniards.  
FOrtune (like the Sun, never at high noon, but soon after sets,) was not contented after so many glorious victories, obtained in Savoy and Piedmont, to afflict his Majesty, with the sickness in his Army, but would add to it the trouble of causing him to see the loss of the Duke of Mantua's Chief Town. Those preparations of War, which were made in the beginning of the year with so much prudence, had not so happy a success as was expected. Colalte assisted by a confident of the Duke of Savoy, and by Panigaole in the behalf of Spinola being encouraged by the Spaniards, was not wanting to urge the Emperor, for the obtaining of some new Troops, and to assure him of the taking of Mantua before the end of the Summer, which being granted he appeared in the head of a strong Army, which had given him the means of attempting any thing he would in Italy, had he not met with the Venetians Army in front of him; who though they had not the Glory to overcome him, had however the power to impede the course of his designs. It was not long before these two Armies met at Villebone, but the Venetians not being disciplined to War, gave ground, so that only the French, the Corpse's and Capelets continued the fight, their courage carrying them on, to resolve to perish in that encounter, in which the smallness of the number, to which they were reduced, did not give them any hopes of overcoming; only they would not lose their reputation by a shameful flight; so the most part were taken, killed, or wounded, so much did the heat of their courages engage them: They had doubtless had a happier success, had they been seconded by the Venetians though never so few; who not being accustomed to fight, were dazzled with the brightness of the Arms, and affrighted with the noise of the musket shot.   

Politic Observation.  
THere is nothing more dangerous to a State, than the want of well disciplined Troops: War is an Art to be learned, as other Arts are, and they whose courages are not fixed by experience, are commonly seized upon by some fears in their first encounters. The Romans quickly found their Empire, rend and divided between their Enemies, after their Peace had disaccustomed their Soldiers from flights. Their wisest Politicians thought themselves very unfortunate, when they had no more Enemies to keep their Troops in Breath, and looked upon the taking of Carthage, (which from time to time kept them in Action) as a greater misfortune to them, than the loss of some great Country. That which renders France so redoutable, is the happiness it hath, in the Cardinals being Chief Minister of his Majesty's will and pleasure, whose Arm is still provided, and store of Troops abroad, who want not any manner of employment. That which gives so great a facility to the invation of Italy, is their want of disciplined Troops; for those which it furnisheth to the House of Austria, do most of them perish in foreign Countries. I cannot but much wonder, that Machiavile, did so much forget himself, in this point of Prudence, as to aver, That it was dangerous to accustom a people to War: For though their courages be prejudicial in civil Wars, yet they are necessary to oppose themselves, against the incursion of Foreigners. And a Sage Politician, that he might avoid the inconveniences of civil Wars, followed this example, which the Cardinal hath given to all Princes, and which preserved France, in the happiness, of a long Peace, by keeping Troops still on foot, who were still ready to suppress any insurrections which might arise, and not suffering them, to be vaunting in other Countries and amongst our Neighbours.   

The taking of Mantua by the Imperialists.  
PResently after the Imperialists, were become Masters of the field they resolved to attaque Mantua either by surprise or an orderly siege and they addressed themselves with so much the more readiness to execute their design, because they knew, that a great number of the Soldiers in Garrison there, were much discreased, in several losses which they received upon divers assaults, & that the Plague had killed above 25000 in 3 months. Aldringuer and Galas, looked out all those Places, where they might make an assault, which was the easier for them to do, they having good intelligence in Mantua, by the means of Guastale, who pretended to the dutch before the Duke of Mantua, as we have declared about the latter end of the last year. They understood, that it might be surprised upon the Bourg side, and St. George's Bridge, by a Trench which was upon the Lakes side, where no great Guard was kept, for that the Place was thought to be ●naccessible, and few there were who durst attempt it, because of two Trenches made upon the Bridge, and certain chains, reaching to the Gate and the new Tower, so that no boat could pass there, for at least half a mile downwards. However there they resolved to surprise it, by means of certain Soldiers who were clapped in there, upon the design of assaulting the Town in several places, at the same time, that they should enter. This enterprise was accordingly executed under favour of the night about the 18 of Italy, an hour before day with so much violence and courage, that all the resistance which the Duke of Mantua and the Marshal d' Estrée, could make, (and they did all that could be expected from valiant men, on that occasion) was to no purpose, and could not defend them from being compelled, to render themselves upon composition, after they had behaved themselves stoutly in every place, that was capable of defence.   

Politic Observation.  
THere are hardly any Towns which are not liable to surprises. Breda a place extremely strong, was surprised by Prince Maurice, by making use of a Boatman, who using to carry Turf into the Castle, filled his Boat with armed Soldiers, covered both above and beneath with Turfs, who by this means entered upon the Castle, and made themselves Masters, both of it and the Town, being seconded by Troops and Companies who expected to be let in. Watchtendone, upon the River of Niers, was surprised by a Bark full of straw; in which Mattheo Dulchan and 13 others were concealed, and one Soldier, who used to guide in the straw, who being known to the Sentinel desired him to lend him his hand, to help him out, and so drew him into the Water, giving opportunity to the rest to land undiscovered, to seize on the Corpse du Guard and to kill the Soldiers on the Bridge, where they let in Henry de Bergue, who was near at hand to second them with 400 men. Thus one might produce many the like examples, it being difficult for a Town to be so fortified on all sides, that it cannot be surprised in some place or other.   

The Causes of the taking of Mantua.  
THE loss of Mantua, is principaly attributed to three causes. The first was Guastale, who gave Intelligence to the Imperialists, from within so that they were not only well informed, of that Avenue which was inaccessible to men, who were not acquainted with the condition and quality of the place, and what courses they ought to take to arrive there, by theinhabitants themselves, but were also seconded by some of the Inhabitants, after they were once entered. The Venetians bore another part of the Blame, by reason of the long delays which they used in revictualling of Mantua, for the last convoy which they sent, could not enter, the Imperialists having stopped up the Avenues; as also for that they defferred the raising of their Troops, it being certain, that had they made their levies and advanced at the beginning of the year, they might have taken all Imperial Garrisons and cut them in pieces, whereas they stayed until the new Germane Army came, and their Soldiers being all unskilful and not trained up the Wars, it was not difficult for the Imperialists to defeat them, to make themselves Masters of the field, and to take in all the little holds thereabouts. The Duke of Mantua is somewhat blamed too, for not being careful enough, to reinforce his Garrison with fresh supplies, at the same times that the sickness decreased them, whatever instances the Marshal d' Estree used to him from the King to that effect. The neglect whereof, was the cause, that the Enemies found not men enough in the Town, to oppose their fury or beat them off; which doubtless might have been done, had there been barely a thousand men in it.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is too great an excess of bounty, and very hurtful, to a new Prince, who takes possession of the Estate by some extraordinary change, which may clash with the minds of the people, to permit those to live in liberty under him, who have pretended to the same Government, and may peradventure, hinder him in the enjoyment of it; To do so, were to leave fire amongst straw, which will soon raise great flames, and he may be very sure, his Country will not long continue without troubles. The rules of Tyranny, oblige him to put such a one to death, and declare to us, that to take away his State and not his life, were a cruel pity: But not regarding those, the Laws of Justice, which permit him to restrain him of his liberty, exempt him from all blame, for that his possession being just; he is obliged to make use of all his Authority, to preserve his State, by all warrantable means, and ways whatever. Besides when there is a Question of setting an Army on foot, he ought not to be a little careful of preventing his Enemies, and their designs. We have already declared how necessary and profitable celerity, and a dexterous dispatch is in warfare, and no one can doubt but that it is a great piece of Prudence, to fall upon our Enemies before they have assembled their forces to assault us. For besides the infallibleness of a good success; the Victory doth mightly augment the courage of the Soldiers, and the custom of overcoming, is one of the greatest advantages which can be thought upon in all enterprises, which are afterwards to be attempted. Above all, the keeping of necessary Soldiers in a Town, which the Enemies have either invested, or made their approaches unto must not be neglected, for such a deficiency, were to put their Arms for a prey and to render their being taken infallible. There is no need of a surprisal, for in such assaults as are made, the Enemy not finding any to resist them, do as it were seize upon it. The slighting which we make of our Enemies, in neglecting to fortify ourselves against them, exposeth us to the danger of receiving a far greater loss, and in consequence the shame to be overcome by them, which is almost inevitable.   

Cazal assaulted by the Marquis of Spinola.  
THE Cardinal had too much Prudence and Generosity, not to secure Cazal against such an accident, though exposed to a far greater danger. But for the better understanding of his Conduct, it will be good to look back upon the beginning of the Siege. After the taking of Pignoral, both the Cardinal and Spinola had the same designs of quitting Piedmont, the one that he might join with the King at Grenoble, and accompany him in the Conquest of Savoy, the tother to lay siege to Cazal and to recover if possible the honour he had there lost, the precedent year when he drew off at the same time, that he had the news of the King's arrival at Suze, without abiding that his Majesty's Army might approach his nearer than six great days march. He was provoked in point of Honour in the design, his courage inflamed his passion and the shame he had to find the glory, which he had got by so many victories, blasted with this disgrace, gave him an extreme impatiency, to repair that fault which occasioned it. He resolved either to perish or carry the place, not being able to survive the loss of his Honour; and in prosecution thereof, there was no Stratagem or force omitted, which might render him Master of it. Never was place so vigorously assaulted, as never more stoutly defended: Few days passed without fresh assaults or sallies: Nothing which the Cannon could do, was left unassayed, almost continually; the Place was undermined on every side, wildfires were made use of in such abundance that the Town had been sundry times burnt to Ashes, had then not taken a very great care to hinder the effect of them. In a word, the discontent which accompanied his Courage, suffered him not to forget any invention that the art of War or Passion could suggest, to overcome.   

Politic Observation.  
SHame is a venomous root, from whence we sometimes see excellent effects produced; and it cannot better be compared, then to certain plants, which we observe in Nature whose roots are deadly, and whose leaves on the contrary, proper to cure many diseases. Is it not that, which hath often excited the courages of the greatest Commanders, to that height, that perceiving Victory to incline to their Enemies, they have precipitated themselves, into the fight and gored their Weapons and their hands in the Blood of their Enemies, by which they have engaged their own party to make new endeavour, and fortune hath thereupon accorded them that glory which they were upon the very point of losing? Have we not seen the like amongst Soldiers, who after they behaved themselves ill one day, have presently after appeared like so many Lions, in the pursuit of their Enemies, and so have defended themselves from that disgrace, with which they had been branded? The shame which the Persians had, as Justin reports, to see their wifes come towards them, with their Coats trust up, made them face about and charge the Enemy before whence they fled. And T. Livy writes how that the Roman Consul Agrippa, did commonly use to throw some of Ensigns, among the midst of his Enemies to the end the shame, the Soldiers should have had to lose them might oblige them to redouble their courages and regain them. Both the Greek and Roman Histories are fall of such like examples▪ needless to the rehearsed: The shame that Caesar had, seeing the the Image of Alexander, who had won so many remarkable victories, as soon as ever age had made him fit to bear Arms, so touched him that afterwards, he never ceased bending his mind to generous actions, which have eternised his glory.   

A Treaty to renew the Alliance with Holland.  
NOw for the perserving of this place, notwithstanding Spinola's extraordinary passion to take it, two things were necessary. First, to hinder the Spaniards from having such numbers of men, as they would have desired; Secondly, that the King's Army might want nothing, but be recruited from time to time, by the supply of new Troops in the place of those whom the plague had wasted. The Cardinal had foreseen and provided for the first, before he parted from Paris, giving such exercise to the Spaniards in the Low Countries that they had much a do to furnish themselves, with the Troops there requisite, without diverting them to new enterprises, especially seeing the King of Swede, of whom we shall speak hereafter, began to give them employment in Germany. The Cardinal having discovered about the end of the Precedent year, that the Sparniards were upon the design of offering great advantages to the Hollanders, to bring them to a truce, whereby to have means to draw Troops out of the Low Countries to send into Italy, acquainted the King how much this truce was prejudicial to the rest of Europe, giving way to the Spaniards to maintain themselves in the injust user patation of the States, of many Princes of Germany, as well as of the Duke of Mantua's. The King apprehended that danger, and his Majesty thereupon impowered Monsieur de Bangy his Ambassador in Holland to renew with them the ancient Treaties of alliance, upon condition, that they might not for some years come to any truce with their Enemies. That power was given him from the month of December, of the Precedent year 1629. and yet as affairs of that nature, are not so readily determined, the Treaty was not signed till the month of June of the Present year; The Cardinal thus preventing by his unparraleled Prudence, the most crafty subtleties of the Spaniard.   

Politic Observation.  
AS it is glorious for a Minister to prevent the force of the Enemies by a contrary force, as we have said, so is it very honourable to prevent the effects of their Prudence by an opposite Prudence. He ought to be like a good Pilate, who have attained great experience at Sea, can discover a Tempest before it comes, and prepears all that is necessary to resist it: or I will compear him to a wise Physician, who preserves those he takes into his care not only from sickness, but even from the danger of falling-sick, and to say the truth therein consists one of the highest points of Politic wisdom; and I have always esteemed that one of the greatest services, he can render that Governs a State, is to prevent by his Prudence; the craft from which the Enemy pretends to draw advantage, to avoid his undermining by a Countermine, and by his good conduct, to slight all the works of his industry: Prudence without doubt acquires great glory, when it surmounts force. Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others; Prudence itself, which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evil in the root; and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combat, weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy, that he has not the boldness to dare an encounter; as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions.   

The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy, Marquis d' Effiat, and the Marshal de la Force.  
IT was requisite besides that to send new Troops to the King's Army, the Marshal de Marillac having showed himself obstinate till then, not to follow his Majesty's commands in leading the Army of Champagne into Italy, the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them pass the Mountains, and take the reins into his own hand. But the great Cabals he found at Court, which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal, but to overthrow the whole State, if not dissipated, constrained him to stay at Lions with his Majesty, who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat, and the Marshal of lafoy Force. Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns, with such Order, that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others, one commanded the Vanguard one week, the other the Battalia, the third the Rearguard, and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week, all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army. The principal consideration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King, of committing the command of his Army to many Generals, was the necessity of Council, and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding, and experience in those affairs which should happen. Now it was impossible to send them thither without command, by reason that being persons of great quality, they would hardly be under command in the King's absence, if they might not have Governed in their turn; Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them, and consequently, is cause of great confusion in an Army, but his incomparable Prudence, who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State, wanted not inventions to hinder those inconveniences; and this same, to make them command the Army in their turn in the Vanguard, Battalia, and Rearguard, was an excellent one, by reason that making them all participate of the same glory, they had no occasion to envy one another.   

Politic Observation.  
AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any profession whatsoever, if he doth not show some effects which are not common, so a Minister of State shall never pass with the reputation of being endued with an extraordinary Prudence, if there be nothing singular in his conduct; And he doth not set up a new Order, both in Peace and in War, which is evidently advantageous to the Public. The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army, because the Commonalty know not the ways of conserving a good intelligence amongst divers, to whom the charge of them is committed. But this here was found to be so much the more profitable, as the Counsel of several persons, whose judgement and experience being as eminent as there qualities, is advantageous upon all occasions. Who knoweth not that a happy success doth as often depend upon good Counsel, as upon the quantities, and indeed the courages of Soldiers? But who is more capable of giving and resting steadfastly upon good resolutions then several great Captains, the least of which is able to command an Army? One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments, and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one, falls into those of another; and if one miss to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy, another doth not, if one forseeth any danger, the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it. It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army, but whoever joins three together, supplies that defect, provided he keep them from dissension: one perchance excels in stoutness, and being blinded with it, is by consequence fit for execution then Counsel; another is more dexterous in the Prudence of his Counsels, and to invent necessary expedients, but being of a colder constitution, is less proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden execution; and another haply may have an admirable address, and a winning carriage to retain the Soldiers in their Discipline, and to make them live in good order; so that joining these great persons in commission together, and giving them the same commands in the Army, not leaving any ground of jealousy, or cause of confusion, there cannot follow any other than a glorious success.   

The Prosecution of the History.  
EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains, who advanced the King's Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy, that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of encounter. The first encounter that they had with the Enemy, was upon passing the Bridge of Villain, where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to pass over; But the success was so disadvantageous, notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces, that all the Enemy's Army was either put to flight, or cut in pieces. The two Princes that led them, sweeting (as was afterwards heard) that they never saw any fight so well. In Prosecution of this victory, they ma●ched directly to Saluces, with design to take it, and to make use of it, in the room of Pignerol, whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities. The Marshal de la Force, whose week it was, commanded his Son with 500 Horse, to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender, thinking it proper so to deal with them, that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use, in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there. Those of the Town could not imagine the King's Army to be so near, so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals, which was granted to them, and accordingly they were conducted where they than were: But upon their return, 500 choice men were clap't into it, discharging both at them and ours too, with such insolence, that the Generals being informed of it, advanced with the Army. Many who made the first approaches, were slain and wounded: But the courages of others, who saw them in his condition, could not endure to suffer the King's Army to receive such an affront, without a ready help and assistance; so they used such diligence in planting the Cannon, that they were mounted within twenty paces of the Walls, and ready to make a breach, within two or three hours, after their arrival. Whence it happened, that the Inhabitants, being astonished, presently rendered themselves, and the Castle had not the hardiness to hold out above 24 hours, though there were 500 men in it, whom they would not receive but in the quality of Prisoners of War, to qualify by their fear, the heat of the rashness which they had used. It is true, that the most part of them were quickly freed from this fear, being in a Bravery that day sent to the Duke of Savoy, with this message, that seeing he wanted men, they had sent him some, and only kept Balbian, who was Commander in chief of the five hundred men, and some of the principal Officers, who were carried to the Castle of Dauphine.   

Politic Observation.  
RAshnesse is much to be blamed in sieges, as courage is to be commended, it is base for such as find themselves in a place of defence, to render at the first summons, and not to sell it at the price of the lives and bloods of some of the besiegers; but it is imprudent so to do, if the strength of the besiegers, or weakness of the place, make them despair of keeping it. It is handsome for them before they yield to testify by some generous action, that it is not out of cowardice that they surrender; but it is not commendable for them to provoke the anger of their enemies, which if they should draw upon themselves, it were an excess of heat, which were hurtful upon such an occasion, as well as in all other enterprises, and subject to turn into Ice, after its first heats are over, and produceth nothing but confusion, in those whom it possesseth. The Laws of Prudence in War, oblige those who are in an apparent weak condition, to stoop under the Arms of their enemies, at least not to provoke them with outrages, those of Justice giving leave to the victorious, to chastise the insolency of them who do otherwise. I have always much esteemed of 〈◊〉. Livy his opinion, who saith that temerity besides its inconsiderateness, doth ordinarily punish itself by infortunate successes. True Courage is founded upon strength, which giveth hope of overcoming. It is not only animated with passion, which serveth for a spur to quicken it, but with judgement, which maketh one scorn those forces and designs which are form against it. Now although this rashness be more pardonable than a shameful cowardice, yet it hath always passed in the judgement of the wise, and persons of Conduct for a fault full of consideration.   

The taking of Veillare, by the Marshal de Schomberg.  
THe Marshal de Schomberg had order, at the same time, to march over the Mountains with 8 or 10000 men to recruit the Army; so that passing by Veillare; he resolved to assault it, and in eight days he became Master of the Town and Castle; which struck such a terror into the Duke of Savoy, that he began to think of putting an end to these affairs by sweetness; acknowledging that the first Victories which the King and the Cardinal had obtained in commanding his Majesty's Army, had given the Soldiers so great a Courage, that there was nothing able to oppose itself to their violence.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is with Victories as with Torrents when the way is once open, and the passage free for the Waters, they overturn whatever they meet with, and there is nothing found which can resist their violence; so the first Victories of an Army do so stagger their enemy's courages, that it is afterwards easy for them to vanquish all that present themselves before them. True it is, those are the absolute effects of a true Valour, whereas those second ones, are rather to be attributed to their reputation. The first advantages infuse fear into their enemies, which if they once apprehend, they are almost half overcome before hand. Soldiers are ordinarily more affected with what they fear, then with what they hope; and they do many times leave and forsake the field▪ not because they have lost the Battle but because they believe that it is lost; in fine, an Army fights with so much the more courage, and assured hopes of overcoming, by their being fleshed with Victory, whereas the tother defend themselves faintly because they expect to be vanquished in prosecution of the forepast victories obtained against them. And if any small loss happen to them, be it never so ●ittle▪ all the Towns abandon them, and submit to the Conqueror's party. Thus after the defeat of Antiochus his Army, all the Towns of Asia sent their Key to the Consul who led the Roman Army, to bring them under obedience as Titus Livy hath observed▪ And so after the loss of the Lacedæmonians Army, all their Towns rendered themselves in two or three days to the Romans, as the same T. Livy hath recorded. And Diodorus Siculus tells us, that upon the getting of one Victory by those of Thebes, under the Conduct of Epamino●●as against the Lacedæmonians, they became Masters of all Greece, so available and powerful are the first advantages which are gotten in Wars, that they give a continuance of happy successes, to all following erterprises.   

The Death of the Duke of Savoy.  
THis taking of Saluces, together with the other Victories, which were obtained at Veillane, and the taking those other little places thereabouts, struck such a terror into the enemies, that they abandoned the Fort of St. Pierre, and all the Valley, excepting only the Castle of Bresol, which was taken the day following: But that which was most strange was, the Duke of Savoy conceived so sensible a displeasure at it, that it deprived him of this life, in a few days, after fortune had taken away from him, the greatest part of his Estates. Grief hath made evident in this Prince, what experience hath showed us in divers other persons, that it is able to dry up the radical moisture, to extinguish by little and little the natural heat, and to strike its poison even to the heart, and at last to kill outright. As the necessity of death is not to be avoided, so the Law which hath imposed it, admits not of any exception. Death doth alike exercise its power over Princes, and poor people, delighting to make them once equals, after they have lived in an extraordinary difference. It is as natural, as our births, and as agreeable with man's nature, as it is with the Sun to set; and as it is natural, so it cannot be bad; for that nature maketh nothing which is evil: Besides why should any one think it evil, seeing our departure out of this World, is followed with fewer afflictions than our coming in? There is nothing in it of suffering, but the inquietudes which trouble the mind, and the grief which the body endures before the separation of the Soul: Wherefore I esteem the quickest to be the happiest, so it come with God's grace, for that it hath less pain with it.   

Politic Observation.  
THat which I esteem to be most desirable by Grandees in that particular is (after the well disposal of the Soul) to die, before the miseries of this World make them desire death. That Prince is to be pitied, whom death hath spared only that he might undergo the disgraces of Fortune, and be despoiled of his Estates. If he be ordained by the Divine Providence to endure such displeasures, it were however much sweeter for him to die in a Battle with Honour, then in his Bed with shame. He who dies in a skirmish of War, wounded with any turbulent commotion in the heat of a Combat, doth hard●y feel his wound; for whilst death itself guides him out of the World by the Gate of Honour, it makes him leave it with the le●●e regret. But true it is the sickness of the body caused by the griefs of the mind, which pulls the Soul away with violence, in these disasters of Fortune, do not ordinarily convey it forth but with great Convulsions.   

The Prince of Piedmont, takes the Government of the Army, after the Duke of Savoy's death.  
THe Duke of Savoy being dead, the Prince of Piedmont who had always commanded part of the Army, took the whole charge of it upon himself; and one may say, he had none of the best good luck in it: For the King's Army prosecuting the point of their victory, went to seize upon Vil●e Franchie, and Pan●all●er; and afterwards the Bridge of Carignan, which gave them full liberty to pass the Po, and march up to Cazal: It is true, they found much resistance, but so that it was advantageous for them, being only an augmentation of their Glory. The choicest of the enemy's Army, as well Spaniards and Germans, as of the Duke of Savoy, were entrenched and fortified so advantageously, under a Half Moon which they had raised, that Arg●ncour who was sent to discover them, informed the Council of War, that it was impossible to carry it, but by time: However the King's Army fell upon them with such violence, that they entered the Half Moon unawares, and the top of the Bridge, in despite of all the resistance which was made, the chief of the Spaniards, being all either taken prisoners, wounded or killed upon the place. Now although this new Duke had no greater inclination to the King's Interest then his Father; yet the displeasure which he found in so many cross encounters, so opened his eyes; that he began to imagine that Peace would be more for his Interests then War, though he did dissemble it. He was more and more strengthened in that resolution, by the many reasons which were represented to him by some means or other: amongst others, these were the most considerable (that his Majesty's Army was not likely to be hindered from getting to Cazal, seeing they had not as yet met with any resistance; that if it were relieved without him, and the War continued on against him, he would inevitably, he would inevitably find the King's Army fall in upon the rest of his Territories, that it was a joy to the Spaniards to engage him in the War, they not having lost any thing in Italy & that they should but lose the hopes of Victory, of Cazal were relieved; whereas he would find himself quite despoiled; that he did but deceive himself, to believe that the Spaniards would raze the Castle of Cazal (if they should take it) for which they had used so many endeavours, and been at so great a charge, only that they might make themselves stronger in Italy: That the Duke of Mantua would grant to him some part of Montferrat, to which he made pretensions, and that he ought to rest satisfied therewith, it being as much as he could expect from the Spaniards, if they should become Masters of Cazal: That in fine, he had more reason to suspect the neighbourhood of the Spaniards, then of the Duke of Mantua, seeing they were but too potent in Italy already, in relation to the design (of which they had oftentimes given testimonies) of making themselves absolute Masters of it. All these reasons were very considerable, and did so work with the Duke of Savoy (though he could not as yet declare himself) that he did not so eagerly prosecute the enterprise he was engaged in, wherein he could not meet with any thing but his ruin; and it was perceived, that from that time he had not such frequent intelligence with the Spaniards as formerly he had used to have.   

Politic Observation.  
THere is not any motive which doth so strongly unite and divide Princes, as Interest. They quickly break a League, when they cease to believe that it is for their advantage. It is long since, T. Livy saith, common good is the bond and knot of Treaties; each one regards not but his own advantage, and cares not for that of another, so it do but accord with his own. All their common enterprises are built on this Foundation, which if once it begin to decay, you may see all their designs come to nothing. Grandees have neither friend nor foe, but in relation to the good or evil which attends it. But what is there of strangeness in it, seeing all the Elements of the whole Universe are as it were tied together and united with invisible Chains, which quickly fall into division, if any one attempt any thing upon another.   

A Cessation of Arms between his Majesty and the Spanish Army, by the mediation of Mazarini.  
THe Treaty of Peace was now upon breaking up, yet Mazarini continued to negotiate daily both of one side and tother. At last about the fifth of August he proposed a Truce to the Generals of the Army with such conditions, that at first dash were not all liked, viz. They were to deliver the Town and Castle of Cazal into Spinola's hands for a certain time (still keeping the Citadel) and this was to give the Spaniards some satisfaction, who as yet had not got any advantage in Italy; and that which made Spinola the more wilful was, he had seen in a Letter, how that his Master the King of Spain, was in a great anger with him, for that his Army had not made any progress at all; so it was thought fit to grant this favour for Spinola's honour, and the Arms of Spain, but upon assured confidence that the Treaty would produce a good Peace. However this did but excite the spirit and courage of the French, whose impatience was such, that it would have carried them on to the relief of Cazal by plain force. A proposition of so extraordinary a consequence could not suddenly be resolved on; but a Cessation of Arms for three days was concluded, and that seconded for three days more. Shortly after there came Letters from the Sieur ...... which made them give Cazal for lost; so that Mazarini coming again about the beginning of September to renew the propositions of the Truce, was more favourably received then formerly. The General assembled the principal Officers of the Army, to deliberate upon it, and eight of nine that were there, having approved of it, they were received, and the Cessation resolved on until the 15 of October, with condition, that his Majesty's Army, might Quarter any where on t'other side the Poe, and take for their money any victuals or provisions necessary for them: That the Town and Castle of Cazal, should be put into Spinola's possession, upon promise that he should restore it, if the Citadel were relieved by the 30. of October; and however that the King's Army might have free intercourse with the Citadel; and that if the Citadel were not relieved before the thirtieth day of October, it should then be delivered up to the said Marquis, and that the Spaniards should be obliged to make necessary provisions of victuals in Cazal, until the said thirtieth day of October.   

Politic Observation.  
A Treaty is the ordinary beginning of Peace, whoever gins to treat on condition to surcease for some time all Acts of Hostility, hath a great inclination to make an agreement. The only endeavouring of a Treaty doth ordinarily testify, that the fire which inflamed the War is now extinguishing, and the pleasantness which is found in a Truce, is a certain Charm, which doth insensibly allure one to a final accommodation, as Plutarch hath demonstrated in the life of Nicias, speaking of the Truce which was made between the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians; so that he who would make a good accommodation, considering the incertain success of War, ought never to refuse a Treaty, provided it be upon honourable terms. So much the rather ought he so to do, for that those very actions by which he proposeth to obtain a Victory, may end in a shameful flight; in Treaties one ought not always to look forsuch advantageous conditions; but each side must yield and give away a little of that which is their own. Thus did Pericles (one of the wifest: Ministers of State amongst the Ancients) make no difficulty, to grant the Treaty which was made between the Athenians, and those of Sparta, that the Athenians should every year send them two Talents, though they did in some sort pay dear enough for them, as Plutarch observes in the life of Pericles. So Lewis the Eleventh, whose Prudence is much commended in our Histories, easily accorded to the Treaty made with Edward King of England for nine years, paying him yearly 50000 Ducats of Gold, which the English vainly called Tribute; but were in effect a Pension, and was accordingly so termed by the French. It is true it cannot be paid with any great deal of honour; but it was however commendable by the Laws of Prudent Policy, because sent the English out of France, who had they joined their Forces with Charles of Bourgogne, might have much endangered it. In fine, safety is to be bought in any eminent danger, and it is at any time advantageous enough to hinder an enemy from obtaining a victory, and to get time to render one's self stronger for the next fight.   

Prosecution of the History.  
THis Truce was much condemned by many, and by the Cardinal himself too, who was just upon the point of persuading his Majesty to make a Declaration, by which he should dis-own those who had signed it, and with express command to his Army to advance: The Gallantry of his Courage, which knoweth not what it is to give ground, could not endure that the Town and Castle of Cazal should be delivered up into Spinola's hands; and it is not to be doubted, that had his Majesty been there, it had never been assented to at all. But however, take the reasons upon which it was so resolved, which I do the more willingly set down, to excuse those who undertook it: The first and principle was, the Duke of Savoy was much inclined and promised, to join himself with the King's Army, if the Spaniards did not agree to those conditions which had formerly been ascertained with Spinola. Mazarini passed his word, that the Duke of Savoy should write a Letter about it to the Duchess of Savoy; of which the Generals of the Army should have a copy for their discharge; so that agreeing in this manner with the Duke of Savoy; the Spaniards were obliged to conclude the Peace; and if not the Duke of Savoy was engaged to join his with the King's Forces, to relieve Cazal. There was nothing to fear in respect of Cazal, but on the contrary, the delivery of it was certain; and most true it is, without that the Generals had never resolved upon that particular. And the extreme necessities, to which Cazal was reduced, as Monsieur de Thoyras sent word, caused them to doubt, lest that in few days (and before the Army could come up) the inhabitants who were wearied out, with suffering of inconveniences for three years together, some of them who were gained by the Spanish party, should force the Garrison to surrender, which could not be suffered without great dishonour to the King's Army. Besides the marquis de Breze, had order from the Generals to go to Cazal, under pretence of finishing the Treaty however, not to execute it, until he had conferred with the Sieur de Thoyras, and understood whether or no he could hold out, till the relief came, without danger, and then to assure him, that in case he could, the● would bring up the Army forthwith, and not conclude the Treaty. In short the Treaty was not executed, until it was understood that neither he nor any one else would undertake to warrant the success.  
To be short, it was thought necessary to refresh the Army, and to give them more scope, they being much afflicted with the sickness, and to relieve Cazal, they were of necessity to march 30 leagues through an Enemy's Country, with a small proportion of victuals, and without any retreating place at all.   

Politic Observation.  
A Man may say thus much in the behalf of those, who were Authors of this Truce, that whoever pretends to make a long and durable Peace, ought not to refuse some satisfaction to his enemies; who in case they be forced to conclude with dishonour and confusion presently break out again, as soon as they find themselves in a Condition of taking their revenge. Such was the opinion of Archidamus, when he would have persuaded the Lacedæmonians, to make a Peace with the Thebans, upon the relation of Isocrates. And indeed it is impossible to make a good and firm establishment of a Peace, if one side hath all the advantages, and t'other be driven into desperation. And as nothing doth so much excite courage, as the loss of honour, so it engageth them to new attempts, without any hopes of reducing them to a second Peace. If one hath not Forces infinitely above theirs, and be not absolutely assured of the victory. Necessity itself when a man find that he suffers with shame and discredit, makes one of them worth four; and forceth him who before fled, to face about with fury. It snatcheth away all fears, and there is not any thing which it doth not persuade and lead him to. The Events of War are incertain, and it is in fights, as in other affairs of the World; sometimes he who negotiateth findeth himself reduced in certain conjunctures, to put himself upon an eminent hazard of losing all, to gain all the advantage to himself; so he who in a combat would carry away all the glory by a high hand, doth often see it reaped by his enemies, for that he attempted to reduce them to too great an extremity.   

The King falls very sick, and disposeth of his State-affairs.  
DUring the Treaty, God Almighty (who hath not made Princes of any other temper, than other men) permitted the King to fall into a violent disease, the issue whereof being incertain, put the affairs of the Kingdom into a strange confusion. But as all the sicknesses wherewith he doth afflict men, are not to destroy them, (his love always guiding and conducting the order of humane affairs) so he would not deprive France of a King, who was so necessary for them, nor the Church of her eldest son, who fought for her Liberty. He restored him his health, and employed the sickness, to let him know, that he was liable to the Laws of humane frailty, as well as the least of his subjects. He gave him this occasion to make known that virtue and extraordinary Piety, wherewith he had invested his Soul. His Courage evidenced to all the World that he did not fear death, but considered it as an easy passage from the miseries of this life, to the eternal happinesses of Heaven; his thoughts were not fixed upon any thing, but how to render his Soul worthy of the divine mercy which he did hope to obtain. The only regret which he testified, was, not the leaving his Crown, but the having committed offences, which humane weakness cannot avoid, and for which he desired pardon of God, which (all bathed in his tears) he begged those who were present to assist him in.   

Politic Observation.  
KIngs are not exempted by the lustre of their Crowns from the necessities either of sickness or death. If their Birth and Sceptre have advanced them, sickness and death render them equal. The greatest part of adversities do not spare them at all during their lives. But it should rather seem on the contrary, that the greatness of their birth, hath obliged them to undergo the greater afflictions: The divine Prudence having so ordained it, to let them know they are but men. The valiant Alexander bewitched with his Conquests, suffered himself to be persuaded by his flatterers, that he was of the Race of the Gods; and he was not undeceived of this presumptuous opinion until he was wounded, and saw the blood run down from his wound. There is indeed nothing more ordinary with great men then to forget themselves amidst those extraordinary respects which are paid to them. God hath left them subject to the same afflictions with the rest of men, which serve as so many calls to advertise them, that their Felicity is not on earth, and that their Kingdom is but a place of exile, where God hath left them liable to the same inconveniences. That true greatness doth not so much consist in the power to do whatsoever one would, as in the will to do what one ought. That it is blindness to measure their power by the licentiousness of satisfying their Passions, and that the greatest Princes in subjecting all things, have first subjected themselves to reason; showing in all their actions, that though they could do any thing, yet they would attempt nothing, but what were fit and worthy of God's Lieutenant; that greatness doth not acquit them from well-doing; but on the contrary, as it hath furnished them with more opportunities, so more is expected from them; that their surest Revenue is the good and love of their people, and that they ought not so much to fear to suffer evil, as to do evil.   

The gentleness of the Cardinal towards his Enemies.  
THe King's sickness produced several occasions, by which the Cardinal perceived, but with great grief, the extremity of the hatred which the Queen Mother had conceived against him, which made him redouble his care, to do all things which might render him agreeable to his spirit. There was no one quality or thing able to beget good will in the hearts of men, with which he did not study to furnish himself, that he might render himself deserving of the honour of his Majesty's good favour. Good Offices make a man acceptable, and it cannot be related with how much Passion he embraced his Majesty's Interests. We usually love them, that love our relations, and the Cardinal had so great a desire to pleasure his Majesty, that forgetting all the injuries which he had received from the Marshal de Marillac, he got ten thousand Crowns to be presented to him, and a Command given him, equal with that of the Marshals of Force and Schomberg, to go to the relief of Cazal.  
It is impossible to hinder our wills from loving them who love us, it being very true, that there is no stronger charm to oblige others to love us, than our first loving them. Now there is not any person can better testify (them the Queen Mother herself, and those who were near her, both at Lion and in her return to Paris) how much zeal and affection the Cardinal vowed, protested and showed to her in a thousand actions which concerned her service. Great submissions reclaim the most brutish natures. Now nothing could be added to those which the Cardinal made to his Majesty at Lion, and in the same journey to Paris, when he begged his pardon in behalf of his most just intentions, as if they had been most grievous offences; and in such a manner as was able to allay the fury of a Lyon. Was it needful to employ so many cares, to use so much industry, to make him be beloved who was the chiefest of men, and the most amiable? Those eminent qualities wherewith the Creator of the Universe hath enriched him, as a Masterpiece of his Power, and which he formed but once in six ages, and so many glorious exploits, which have immortalised his honour, are not these I say such efficacious charms, that it is impossible to see him and not to love him? It is true, that they were sufficient to have wrought upon any spirit, which had not been cemented in its Passion for above two vears together. And though it were so, he for his part did never forget any of those things which are imagined to be capable of re-estating himself in her good thoughts. The ordinary discourse with which he entertained her was, that he could never do enough to recover that place (which he had heretofore had the honour to possess) in her good opinion; and to confess and acknowledge to her, those great favours for which he was still engaged to her; though indeed, and by the strict Laws of Equity, they were procured and bestowed upon him, as so many just recompenses of his services, or to engage him to do others of more importance, as the effects of a pure liberality. But after all, either these endeavours, these cares, these services, these respects, or these submissions, could mitigate that sharpness which had taken possession of her spirit. They wrought for some time so much upon her reason, that she kept all fair, and seemed not to be displeased, but assoon as she was arrived at Paris, her Passion revived, and to that height, that she removed out of her family, Madam de Combal●t, and Monsieur de la Me●lleray and in prosecution her passion carried her to commit and act unheard of violences upon the King's disposition, to induce him to destroy this incomparable Minister, without whose Prudence France itself had been destroyed.   

Politic Observation.  
AS Women do not ordinarily love men, though the most amiable, with or by reason, the only instinct of their passion making a deeper impression in their souls, than the merit or worth of those whom they address themselves to love; so there is no reason which is able to root out any hatred, which they shall once conceive. They easily pass from one extremity to another upon those Wings of Inconstancy which nature hath given them with their births, and the changeableness of their humour is easily known by the pride which they take to hate such persons against whom they have once taken any impression, and of which there is not any hopes to cure them by any lawful ways. The strongest reasons of truth, pass in their opinions for Artifices, and the most humble submissions, do not at all touch their high minds, and the greatest in stances, make them the greater Rebels. They being of the same humour with fortune, who doth ordinarily bestow her favours upon those who least seek after them.   

The constancy of the Cardinal against those who would remove him out of the King's Favour.  
IT cannot be denied, but that the Cardinal was affected with such apparent grief on this occasion, as cannot be imagined, and as it is not generosity but a poorness of spirit, to a show an insensibleness on such occasions; so in the Cardinal's face one might see all the lively marks of displeasure. It was not the apprehension of losing his fortune that did touch him, for he had learned by a long experience, that the greatest happiness of this life is not confined to the greatest honours, and that those who govern an Estate, are like the Celestial Bodies, which receive much honour from the earth, but have no rest at all; so that he had most readily renounced all, according as he supplicated his Majesty, if his Majesty would have thought it fit, who too too well knew of what concernment he was to his State. It could not be, that he did suspect his Majesty's goodness or constancy, to whom he knew his fidelity, was better known then to all the rest of France, and of whose affection he had so many daily testimonies, that he could not but without great blame have him in any doubt at all. But as Innocence cannot without trouble pass for guilty; so the vice of ingratitude with which the Queen Mother did strive to sully his glory, made it so much the more insupportable, by how much less he had deserved it. He was not to learn that the power of Grandees was potent enough to insinuate into the people's minds, their particular thoughts for infallible truths, and that she might in France, and to posterity, make him pass for an ungrateful servant of those favours which she had conferred upon him. It was for this, that he could not imagine (no more than he King's loyal servants) that (after he had given cause to the whole World to admire him) the Artifices of some seditious spirits, would be able to counterpoise his glory.  
Ingratitude is a deficiency of that acknowledgement which one ought to have for good Offices, so that who so confesseth himself to be indebted, cannot be accused. But surely he cannot be called ingrateful, who hath no greater desires then of paying eternal service to those from whom he hath received obligations, and who hath no more apparent grief, then to see the malice of his enemies able to remove him from the opportunities of so doing But what appearance can there be of casting this infamous quality in his teeth who hath paid all imaginable services to his very enemies, only that he might make ' them Mediators of his Reconciliation, which would enable him to employ the rest of his life, to serve her who had obliged him? Can he be called ingrateful, who would lose the first place of Honour in a State, to preserve that which he had formerly possessed in the good opinion of his Benefactrix, seeing he could not make a more perfect demonstration of his acknowledgement? And now cannot the whole Court bear witness, that all this was but one part of the care which the Cardinal took to recover some part of the honour of the Queen-mothers' good opinion?  
He whom she made his principle accuser, never durst disavow it in his writings. But not wel● knowing how to describe his ingratitude, he would fain make him pass for ingrateful, because he did not adhere to, and follow all the Queen Mother's sentiments in State affairs; as if a Minister could with Justice prefer the opinion of such a person as she was, before the King's service! And as if the condiscendence which he should make to the Queen Mother's will, would not be one of the greatest defects in a person of his Trust! It is true that her birth, might oblige him to extraordinary services, but they never ought to run counter to the fidelity due to his Master, which commands him to pass by no occasion of preserving or augmenting his glory. He is obliged to know what is due by way of recognition to those who favour him, and what is due by Justice to the King his Master, and never to prefer the acknowledgement of of particular kindnesses, before the Interest of the State, which is entrusted to his conduct. He would perchance have him pass for ingrateful, because he did not discover some important secrets to the Queen-Mother, which was only in matters contrary to her opinion; as if secrecy were not the soul of counsel, as if to reveal a thing were not evidently to obstruct the execution of a Design. The sagest Politicians have said, He is the wisest King, who after he hath caused divers expedients to be proposed, communicates his resolution of what shall be done, but only to a few persons.   

Politic Observation.  
HAtred, which hath no just foundation, is so inconsiderate, that it proposeth Chimaeras for very plausible, nay strong reasons, without regarding that they will not be credited but by such spirits as she hath got the possession of, when Truth doth not furnish it with solid reasons, it attempteth to make pretences pass for currant lawful causes. There are no sorts of wickednesses, which are not powerful enough to entertain the minds of women, especially when they believe that the subject they work upon would set bounds to their Authority, and hinder them in their Governing according to their own Fancies. The greediness of absolute command hurries them with a greater impetuosity to revenge, than any other cause whatsoever, without this consideration, that God hath not created their Sex for Government: and experience hath evidenced it upon many occasions, that they are very unfit for that purpose. But as Ambition is a blind Passion, we do many times see great obstacles opposed to their Powers, when they think to increase their Authorities, and the greatest props of their Grandeur ruined, whilst they use their greatest endeavours to render themselves more absolute.   

The great Qualities of the Cardinal.  
ALL the Artifices of the Queen mother made no other Impression upon his Majesty, then to carry him to recollect and reiterate in his mind the Fidelity of the Cardinal's services, the great affection wherewith he had behaved himself, in all occasions where his Majesty's glory was concerned, the good success which accompanied his Conduct of his Armies, the Incomparable Prudence wherewith he was endued, with which he did penetrate into what was to come, and foresaw effects in their Causes, and accordingly prepared Remedies before they happened, the indefatigable vigilance which made him so intent both day and on the affairs of State, that though he gave Orders in the greatest, yet he never forgot the least, and that prodigious promptitude, which produced effects, from resolution in Counsel, before one knew whether it were resolved on or no: These were those just considerations which the King recalled into his mind, to oppugn the divers Artifices of the Cardinal's enemies; and one may say, they did so fix his Majesty against those violences with which they would as it were shake him, that to the end he might evade those perpetual instances which the Queen-mother hourly made to him, he resolved to go to pass away some days at Verfilles. In effect, that was the cause of the King's going from Paris, and the Queen-mother could get no other satisfaction from his Majesty, then that of Respect and hearty affection by his taking leave of her.   

Politic Observation.  
THe King well knew, that the disgraces of a grand Minister are as disadvantageous to a State, as his services have been profitable, and that in it a Prince receives as much blame, as he had once gotten glory in drawing him near to Person. An excellent Workman never uses to throw away his Instruments wherewith he is accustomed to make rare pieces of his Art; and a King doth much recede from a great Conduct, if he doth drive from the Government of his State-affairs, such a Minister whose admirable Genius is the principal instrument of his glory. Undoubtedly the Counter-blow of such a stroke, might rebound against his Authority. He ought to know, that it is easy to blame those who govern, and to lament their Conduct, and that many more find it very perfect and complete, seeing it doth not give them leave to do whatever they would in their own particular, and that the Estate of Public Affairs ought not to be judged by those of their own houses. There need no more but to consult with experience, to evince, that it is very difficult to find a great Genius, on whose Prudence they may confidently rely; for that two or three whole ages do hardly bring forth one only such. How many Kings have been constrained to leave both their Courages and States as unuseful, for that their Country produced none such in their times? He who is so happy, as to meet with one, aught to preserve him with as much care, as the most assured foundation of his Kingdom's happiness: How frequent are the misfortunes which happen in Battles, for the only loss of an expert great Captain.  
And how many confusions arrive to States by the loss of one grand Minister, his only conservation, is of greater importance than that. I will not say of Towns, but of whole Provinces; for he is not only capable of regaining them, but conquering new ones; whereas the loss of him is irreparable, for that hardly many ages produce one that doth resemble him.   

Why the King went from Paris, and caused the Lord Keeper of the Broad-Seal, and his Brother the Marshal de Marillac, to be Arrested.  
THe King went from Paris, only to give himself more liberty to negotiate in his important affairs, and to withdraw himself from those importunities, not to say violences of the Queen-Mother. In whose presence, the respect which he had for her, hindered him from doing any thing which might displease her. His Majesty knew, that it was necessary for the good of his Estate, to chastise those contrivers of Intrigues; and on the other side, he cemented himself in an unalterable resolution (which being an effect of his own only Prudence, acquired him so much the more Glory) never to part from the Cardinal. Now it was often seen, that these Cabals had no other beginning, then from the Lord Keeper, and the Marshal de Marillac, therefore his Majesty took away the Seal from the former, as the Arms of a mad man which he had employed to do evil, causing him to be carried to Lysieux, and sent Orders to the Marshal de la Force and Schomberg, to arrest the tother, and send him Prisoner to the Castle of St. Menehoud. What reason was there to suffer any longer the insolence of these two ambitious humours, who had been so audacious to commit such offences, between the King and Queen-Mother, and to breed a division between their Majesties, which keeps them at a disla●●e to this very day? Was it possible to suffer their unbridled Ambition, which made them aspire to the Government of the State, by the destruction of him who had established it, in so sublime a pitch of Glory, that it is not only more honoured, but more feared too by strangers? Again, could it be that the Ingratitude of these two Brothers, should not pull down as it were by force the King's Justice, to dash them as with a Thunder-Bolt, and to punish their devices, which they used with the Queen-Mother, to carry her on to the ruining of him, by whose Counsel his Majesty had raised them to the highest degrees of their profession, winking at their unworthy actions, which had heretofore rendered them culpable, and by which they made their first attempts? His Majesty knew in how many occasions the Cardinal had favoured them, the great gifts which he had obtained of him for them, and how that in some affairs he had become their Protector, when in their conduct there was just reason to complain of them: And on the other side, when he reflected on the extremity of their ingratitude, he could no longer permit, that one of them should be any more employed in affairs, or that the other should remain unpunished for those many Crimes, of which he had often been accused. So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungrateful wretches, who would have ruined the Genius of France, by accusing him of Ingratitude. It is an ordinary effect of the Divine Justice, to cause those evils to fall upon them, which they would pull down upon him, and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes, which they would falsely lay to his charge.   

Politic Observation.  
THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude, which renders men so much the more blame-worthy, for that they are impeached by good Offices. An infamous life hath three steps, first to forget kindness; secondly, not to recompense them; the third, to render evil for good. The first is, the effect of a great neglect: The second, may sometimes proceed from a want of ability. But the third, can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice. So though the first cannot be excused, yet it may be born with. The second, was in so great detestation by the Egyptians, that they caused such as they found culpable, to be proclaimed by the City-Crier, to the end, that no one might afterwards do them any kindness, thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been careful to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him. But the third, hath always been had in so great an abomination by all men, that they thought only death was fit to expiate it, that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought. An ingrateful man is worse than a Traitor, a Traitor being only to blame, for having fallen back from those promises which he was tied to by his Parole. But an ingrateful person is not only deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise, but by the obligations and favours which he had received. At least, the most moderate of men, could never endure it, seeing they are like those vapours, which the Sun having exhaled from the earth, do endeavour to obscure his splendour. They deserve to be punished, especially when their treacheries are prejudicial to the good of a State, as here they were when they attempted this destruction, who next to the King, was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdom's Felicity. Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister, who is the first instrumental cause, by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory, as striking at the very person of the King himself? I should much blame that Minister, who would endeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime. There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon, and there are others, amongst which I rank this for which the Public Interest requires vengeance. Mercy is not contrary to Justice, but Justice is governed by Mercy, which serves for●ts guide. Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousness, and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of. It is more noble in a King to pardon, then to execute the rigour of Justice; but it must be to such persons, whose Imprudence may not augment their licentiousness of doing evil, and whose Crimes arise rather from their weakness, then from black detestable Villainy.   

A Treatise of Peace between the Emperor and Duke of Mantua.  
DUring his Majesty's sickness, and their beginning of these Intrigues, the affairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid. The Duke of Savoy, Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany, that the Sieur de Leon, who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperor had concluded a Treaty; and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals, with Letters from the Sieur de Leon's, and an express promise from the Emperor, that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Duchy and Marquisate of Montferrat, with consent that the Town, Castle, and Citadel of Cazal should be delivered into his hands.  
This was as much as could be desired for the foundation, but the circumstances how to do it, were difficult, it being agreed by the Treaty, that the Emperor would invest the said Duke, only within six weeks, and that fifteen days, after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua, and the King of Spain his from Cazal, and other places of Montferrat. This did much trouble the Generals, because this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two months longer with the Army, before the Spaniards would leave Cazal; which stay they could hardly make, because the Plague was very rife in the Army, and they had victuals but for certain days; these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up, before half the time were elapsed: which should they have done, the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal, who had not subscribed to it, with their usual designs, because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got, whenever the Treaty should be brought. These just considerations were debated by the Generals, who believed his Majesty would never ratify it, so they resolved not to regard it, but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal. The Spaniards being informed of this resolution were so much surprised by their apprehensions of the first stock of the French, who at the first onset, fight like Lions. They presently sent back Mazarini, who had brought them the news, to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace, and that to put it in execution, they were content to permit the importation of a whole years' provisions into the Citadel of Cazal. But the General's having once heard that they began to be in fear, concluded, especially the Marshal of Schomberg, that they should presently advance to Cazal, thinking that their appearance only, would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith, without staying till the end of the two months, which was accorded by the Treaty.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace, which may have an assured end, in a place far distant from Armies, whilst they are enemies. Great distance maketh many things be unknown, in point of particular Circumstances, and of the present State of the Armies, which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on. It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance, as with Astrologers, who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven, perceiving only that which is most apparent in them, without being able to observe many particular Qualities. So those see nothing but the Lump of business, and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs, without the exact knowledge of all which, nothing can be certainly resolved on, which shall surely be put in execution. It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him, with whom a man doth treat; but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage; if that be omitted, there doth most commonly happen some one thing or another, which doth hinder the observation of it.   

The King sends an Ambassador to the Diet of Ratisbonne.  
THe Cardinal knew it full well, when he proposed to the King, to send the Sieur de Lion, to the Diet at Ratisbonne, where the Treaty was concluded: And on the contrary, he knew that in great affairs, something must be hazarded, and that this Negotiation would always serve to discover the Emperor's designs, as well as many others the Princes of Germany, who desired protection from his Majesty's Arms. That if a Treaty were made which were impossible to execute, it would however serve for an induction to make a better, because it prepared their minds, and did hinder the advancing of such Troops, as the Emperor was sending into Italy.   

Politic Observation.  
A Prudent Minister, never proposeth one only end in his Actions, but imitating as much as in him lieth, the series of the Divine Providence, aspires to many things at the same time, that he may not do any thing which is vain, or to no purpose; His Eye is not always fixed where his mind is; so, though he be not sure of effecting what he saith, yet he is still ready to execute what he thinks: He is acquainted with all the Turn which lead to the Conclusion of his Design, and with all Trapdoors to carry him to his wished for end, without giving to the world any just cause but of esteem and admiration. This being one of the sublimest points of prudent Policy, by which he never goes less than his Word. It is true, this kind of Prudence is not proper but for a grand Genius, and such as are of extraordinary fine and subtle spirits: But who so is endued therewith, may well vaunt, that he hath an assured means to prevent several inconveniences, and to give a happy issue to divers affairs, without which it were impossible to accomplish either the one or th'other. After all, he ought to be vigilant and careful, that his Prudence be accompanied with Fidelity, that he may be exempt from all blame, and that will render his conduct as it were Invincible, and will acquire him more respect than without; so that no one being able to penetrate into the moiety of his Designs, they will however trace him in many places, where he is not, but will never find him in any, where he is not prepared to defend himself.   

The French Army Embattel in view of Cazal.  
THis being resolved, the Marshal of Scomberg (whose turn it was to command the Army) advanced with all diligence, and on Octob. 26. came within sight of Cazal. He placed them in Battalia on th'other side the Brook Gattola, and after public Prayers (which are usually made on such occasions) marched directly against the Enemy, whom they found entrenched in a circumvallation of six miles about and well finished, but which served only to augment the glory of the French Army.   

Politic Observation.  
THe King had observed in the Beginning of the War with Savoy, (notwithstanding the fair Proposals of Peace which Mazarini had made) that it is great Prudence in a General (though to hearken to them, yet) not to forbear the carrying on of the War, and to show all sort of Couragiousness and Hardship; following herein the counsel of Archidamus in Isocrates, who ever made most honourable conditions by this means. As it is Action which sets off an Orator, and makes him more powerful to perswade● as Demosthenes answered one who questioned him concerning the perfection of Eloquence, so it is Action too which doth most powerfully persuade an Enemy to make a Peace. It is not reasonable for a General to lie still without action any long time together; the only time to do is after a Parley, and such action it is which acquires him the glory of being esteemed Valiant. The only showing of a good mind to be in Action, and putting an Army into Battalia, doth strike fear into an Enemy: He ought in a long Treaty to show that his Courage maketh him despise any danger; and as he proposeth nothing but to vanquish, so he feareth nothing but not to overcome. He ought not to have any apprehensions of the Inconstancies of Fortune, but to hope, that his Courage may enforce her to be favourable. It is good that his Prudence should carry him to take time for deliberation, but that done, his Courage ought to furnish him with wings to advance his design with the greatest celerity and promptness, seeing he shall never have any good progress who spends too much time in considering of hazards; and that many have oftentimes turned their affairs, by taking too much time for Consultations. It is an act of Judgement to begin with coldness, but to prosecute with heat and ardour, when things are once brought to the point of being put in execution: The fearful are most ordinarily overcome. War is a thing which acquires Glory from the most difficult enterprises, and those Battles wherein the greatest dangers are, do render a man the more honourable.   

Cardinal Mazarini accomodateth the Affairs of Cazal with dexterity, between the King and the Spaniard.  
AS soon as ever the Army approached within six hundred paces of the Spanish Trenches, Mazarini came galloping out and finding the Marshal de Schomberg, told him, that the Spaniards had accepted of certain Propositions which he had made to them, and that he doubted not but he would likewise consent to them, for the good of the Peace: They were to surrender the Town and Castle of Cazal, which were depositated in their custody; They were to march out of Montferrat; but instead of delivering them into Monsieur du Maynes hands (to whom they might have surrendered them, until his Father had received the Investiture of the Duchy) they would deposit them with an Imperial Commissary, who should transmit them over to Monsieur du maine, or to such as he should appoint, on November 23. upon which day the Investiture was promised. They consented (for the greater security of the Treaty) that the Imperial Commissary should carry none but his own Train into Cazal, and that he should not meddle with any thing, but only to give the Word. The Propositions were taken into deliberation by the Marshals de la Force, de Schomberg, and de Marillac, who considering that the King designed nothing more than the re-establishment of Monsieur de Mantua in his Estates, and the settling the Peace of Italy, did consent to them, seeing they had the advantage to make them first lay down their Arms, who had first taken them up: An advantage which is no little one, as Thucydides testifieth in his History. In prosecution whereof they prevented the Army from advancing and breaking in upon the Trenches, though it were with great difficulty, the Courage of the French not being able to endure that the Spaniards should make the●● take the pains to come so far, and not give them a memento. Soon after the Spaniards marched out of the Town and Castle, the French out of the Citadel, and the Imperial Commissary entered in their place.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is not without great reason that God hath called himself in the Mosaic Law, The ●ord of Hosts, seeing he holdeth in his hand the Courages of those who conduct them; as he himself thinks fit, he gives them Peace or War; and when they think that they are upon the very point of fight, than it is that he compels them to lay down their Arms; to teach them, that it is his gift, and that it is not in the power of all humane wisdom, if he himself doth not lend a helping hand to it. His Providence guides things to their ends by means, which to appearance are contrary to it: But his Power is always Master, and it is in vain for us to endeavour or labour to resist him. It is worth looking on the Sun in a storm, and to behold the Air cut with lightning and thunder, the Clouds cloven asunder, the impetuousness of the Winds and Thunder calmed, the Air cleared, and in a while, all that dissipated which hindered the shining of his rays: But how much better is it to behold the Sun of Justice (who over-ruleth Hosts) to make the force of his power to appear, just when Battles are joining, to cover the earth with dead Bodies, to die the Fields and Rivers with blood, to obscure the Sky with the smoke of Cannons and Muskets, and to fill the Air with lamentable Cries, and then to allay their rage, to cause their Arms to drop out of their hands, to fill their souls with gentleness, and in a word, to give a happy Peace? After such an affair, seeing all things fall out contrary to our expectations, may not one conclude that God laughs at our Designs, and that his just Power overrules the Order and Conduct of all humane Affairs.   

The revictualling of Cazal.  
AFter all this, the Spaniards whose arrogant humour could not well away with the disorder they were now put to, had much ado to march out of Montferrat, and they did not only delay the time, by pretending that their Ammunitions of War and Victuals could not so soon be drawn off, but began to take up new Quarters about Cazal, which the French (when they retired) had left. This made the Generals resolve to dispatch three Regiments of French to Cazal, under the Marshal de Marillac, and accordingly it was effected. The Marshal gave an account to the Imperial Commissary of the Reasons which occasioned his return, and that he pretended not to stay longer in Cazal, then till the Spaniards and Germans should withdraw from Montferrat, at which the Commissary could find no exceptions, it being reasonable that both should march off at the same time.  
Some of the Enemies were so much nettled at this, that the Generals having divided the Army in two parts, one Division marching by the Coast of Livorn and Byanzay, they were advised to follow them with intention to fall upon them. This breach of Faith did more affright than hurt them: They ranged themselves into Battalia, and so stood one whole day expecting when they would come on. In the mean time there were six thousand Quarters of Wheat clapped into Cazal, and the French marched off at the same time that the Spaniards and Germans went out of Montferrat, etc. Thus the War ceased for that year, though the Treaty were not as yet absolutely concluded on.   

Politic Observation.  
IT were great rashness in a General, after a Victory, or the taking in of any Place, so to despise his Enemy, as to let his Forces be in disorder, or to give them any opportunity to regain what they had lost. The Anger which an Enemy is possessed with after he is either beaten, or forced from his Siege, should induce him still to be ready for a fight, his enemy waiting only for an advantage to take his revenge. If they be once beaten out of one quarter of their Trenches, they should be so looked after, that they do not enter in at another part; they should never be thought to have left a Country, so long as there remains but one place which may make any resistance, not so much as a Castle which may quickly be fortified, or the Gate of a Town, which one may suppose to be secure by a Treaty, aught to be left unregarded: Desperation doth sometimes redouble an Enemy's courage, and even when an Enemy is absolutely routed, there ought to be a strict watch kept, seeing a broken Army doth often rally, and rush in upon the Conquerors, and do them so much the greater mischief, by their not being prepared to make defence.   

The King of Swede enters into Germany.  
WHilst the King carried his Arms into Italy, for the just defence of Monsieur de Mantua's Interest, several Princes of Germany, and amongst the rest, the Dukes of Pomerania and Mecklebourg, the Marquis of Brandenburg, and divers Commonwealths, oppressed by the House of Austria, imagining that the King of Swede's Nobleness would defend them from this violence, called him in to their assistance. They sent sundry Deputies to him, to engage him with all earnestness to assist them; whom they found so much the more inclined to it, in regard he thought himself justly offended with the Emperor for his unworthy dealing with him, for he had caused his Letters to be broken open, his Characters deciphered and interpreted, imprisoned his Subjects, trading upon the Baltique Sea, after he had taken away their Merchandises, prohibited the Commerce, though it were a natural right, and free to all the World, had by several means hindered the conclusion of that Peace which had been treated on with Poland; had sent whole Companies under his own Colours into Prussiia, to fight against the Swedish Army, to destroy him under pretence of assisting the King of Poland, had in a worse than barbarous manner refused the Ambassadors, whom he had sent to him to treat a Peace; and had openly and underhand spoiled and deprived his kindred and Allies of their States, so that some of them were even brought to Beggary, without being able to get any reason or satisfaction to their just complaints. These are the true causes which stirred up his Courage, not able to suffer such injuries; and which at last made him embark on the Sea a most puissant Army. About July he came before the Island of Rugen, which he made himself Master of in a few days, notwithstanding those great oppositions which he met with; thence he went to Stralzund, a Hans Town, seated upon the Baltique Sea, in the Duchy of Pomerania, which he had taken into his protection, in the year, 1628., and there he landed: The Imperialists had kept the Town close blocked up until March, and did still belabour it with all Acts of Hostility, though they were constrained to raise the Siege, after the loss of above twenty thousand men; but they quickly drew off for altogether, not thinking it possible to resist him in a field, who had so easily taken in the Forts of the Island Rugen.   

Politic Observation.  
THere are four principal causes which make Kings to march out of their own Country, Ambition which hath no limits, makes them impatient of being confined within those of their own States, and desirous to enlarge them at their neighbour's expenses. The natural inconveniences too of their own Country, may draw them out to seek a better, where they might live with more ease, as our first French, the Vandals and Goths did Some flatter themselves in the belief, that there is not at this day any lawful Prince at all, whose Estate had any other beginning, and that Kings have no juster Titles, then by Conquests with their Swords. Lastly, they go forth to revenge those injuries which are done them, it being allowable to repel Force with Force, and to decide their differences in the field by that power which God hath given to them. They quit their Countries to assist their Allies, it being not only necessary for a Prince who aims at an extraordinary pitch of Glory not to injure any person, but also to defend and protect those who are joined with him by interest, alliance or kindred.   

The Assembly at Ratisbonne.  
ABout the same time, there was held an assembly at Ratisbonne, and the King of Swede understood, that it was then and there resolved to make a strong resistance against the Justice of his Arms, and that the Emperor had contrived a design (wherein, though he was much mistaken) to force him out of Germany, and to make him perish in the Baltique Sea, not vouchsafing to treat a Peace upon those Proposals which had been sent to him only for restoring the States and Liberties to those Princes and Republics, from whom he had ravished them. Resistance heightens and augments Courage, and this made the Swedish King march up into the Country, and resolve upon great designs, which we have seen him bring to pass: But first he had recourse to such Kings and States with whom he was in League. About September he writ to the King, desiring him by that ancient Alliance which had been between the Kings of France and Swede with mutual promises, not only to preserve friendship between one another; but also when occasion should serve, reciprocally to assist one another, to employ the power of his Arms and Authority, to defend that cause which he had then undertaken; in prosecution of which he had passed the Sea, and all in the behalf of those who were tied to him by kindred, and allied to the Crown of France. The King, whose courage could not endure that any wrong should be offered to his Allies, received this request so much the more favourable, in respect it were as glorious a thing in him, to contribute to their establishment; and accordingly, he gave the most advantageous answer to his Ambassadors that could be expected. However the Cardinal offered one thing to his Majesty's consideration, that it would be needful to take care for the maintaining of Religion, in preserving of States, and to engage the King of Sweden not to commit outrages against it, where he found it settled. His Majesty took time to deliberate and resolve on the Articles of their Treaty, which being concluded and assigned about the beginning of the year following, I shall then reassume my discourse of it, in its due order.   

Politic Observation.  
HAsty rashness in resolving upon grant affairs, is as dangerous, as a nimble executing of them is advantageous; Prudence ought to guide both one and tother. And whatever Justice appear above-board in designs, yet they are subject to have but ill successes, if not commenced with mature deliberation. Though the wise man resolve to do such a thing which he knows to be just, yet he will take time to deliberate on the means. And as the interest of Religion is very considerable, so the Cardinal would not act any thing until that were secured: Whereas on the contrary, rash, hasty persons, do greedily run unto the end which they have once concluded; but never examine the ways which conduce to attain to it; thus they do many times find themselves so at a loss, and entangled in the executing their designs, that they at last find no door to walk out at with honour, and so leave off with shame and confusion. Hence it is, that Demosthenes in his first Oration against Philip saith, They who counsel with great haste, are not the greatest Counselors, those Stomaches which make a quick digestion, do not concoct so good a Chil●●s, as those whose heat is moderate, as Physicians tell us; and true it is, those spirits which make their resolution with most heat and promptness, do commonly came lamely of at last cast.   

The King honoureth the Sieur de Montmorancy and Thoyras, with the Staff of Marshal of France.  
SHortly after his Majesty came to Paris, well knowing that rewards of honour, are not only due to those who have deserved them, but withal useful to encourage others to follow their example. He resolved to honour the Sieurs de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staffs of Marshal of France, as a mark of Valour which the former had showed in the War of Piedmont; and which the second had showed to all Italy, during the Siege of Cazal. They being persons of great esteem, every one commended his Majesty's choice which he had made, in raising them to that eminent degree of honour. But the Rebellion of the one, and the evil Government of the other, did shortly after sully part of that glory which they had merited, they showing by their Procedures that valour and prudence do not always meet in the same subject.   

Politic Observation.  
THe rewarding of services is so necessary for the good of a State, that when it is once laid by, the practice of virtue is neglected, especially if it be not distinguished by marks of honour. There are but a few of the same mind with the Philosopher, who said he never expected other fruit from his good deeds, than the contentment to have done them, and that he thought himself very happy to receive that testimony from his Conscience, which she gave to him. It is true, a truly noble man, doth not so much regard the Recompense, as the Action of Virtue which render him deserving; but it cannot be denied, that those marks of honour do make lively, and excite resolutions to noble actions. The wisest Philosophers have said, that the two supporters, upon which all the motions of a State depend, are reward and punishment, without which, there were no doubt but that great disorders would soon follow, and virtue become totally neglected.   

The King Honours the Sieur de Servient, with the Office of Secretary.  
THe King who was not to seek in any thing which concerned the good of his State, would now make another proof of the knowledge he had of that Prudent maxim. One of the places of Secretary of State, being vacant by the death of the Sieur de Beauclere, his Majesty recollected in his mind, the services of the Sieur de Servient; the Prudence wherewith he treated in Piedmont and Savoy; the fidelity wherewith he had guided himself in those Treaties, wherein he had been employed since the beginning of the War. The intelligence of Foreign affairs, which had made him happy and considerable in several encounters. The good order which he kept in the Army, whilst he was superintendent of Justice; and the eloquence which he had testified in his younger days, in several Charges. Now that so many good qualities might not be let lie without honour, and so many noble actions without reward; his Majesty as I said, thought fit to impose the Charge on him, of having a care concerning the Affairs of War, making it evident by his judicious choice, how exactly well his Prudence knew to make use of persons, according to the particular qualifications of their minds.   

The quality and good parts of a Secretary of State.  
THe Charge of Secretary, being as it is one of the most important of the Kingdom It is needful, that the Person with whom it is entrusted, should be endued with qualities accordingly. He should have Experience to manage both at home and abroad, the affairs in which he is employed. He should be well acquainted with the particular humours of Princes, strangers, and Grandees of the Kingdom, as also of their several interests and pretensions. Eloquence in discourse is necessary for him, because the King entrusts his Pen with him, to write to all Monarches, Princes, Parliaments, and Estates, and generally to people of all sorts: For it is not enough, barely to let them understand the will of his King, but he should do it in fit and proper terms for a King, that is, with Majesty, and the Elegance of a Masculine generous stile, without any thing of bombast or affectedness. I know nothing so absurd, as to make a King speak beneath his Majesty. As for that which concerns Eloquence, though to write Letters in the name of some barbarous King, which are not so exactly digested, may be tolerared; yet it would be extremely found fault with in France, where neatness hath made her Throne, and doth particularly inhabit, and where our Kings have nothing, but what is eminent and of the best. The very name of Secretary of Estate doth sufficiently show how much Fidelity and Secrecy are required in him; he ought principally to be blessed with these two qualities, because should he discover such things as are entrusted with him, there could not but great inconvenience follow it.   

The King pardons the Duke of Vendosm.  
AFter that the King had evidenced in the course of this year an invincible courage, to reduce his enemies under the Law, an admirable Prudence in the good Orders both of Peace and War: A constancy not to be shaken in resisting the Artifices of seditious spirits: A Justice full of Courage to assist his Allies; and in a word, all other virtues which are proper ornaments for a King's Crown; he would conclude all with an action of Clemency, in pardoning the Monsieur de Vendosm, after some assurances of his repentance, and fidelity for the future, in relation to those Crimes, for which he had been till then kept Prisoner in the Boys de Vinc●nnes, and gave him liberty but on condition to go pass away sometime out of the Court and Kingdom.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is an act becoming the greatness of a Prince, to pardon the faults of Grandees, when there are no longer any apprehensions of danger to the State, and when they are washed out by an humble repentance. The most generous are still the most merciful, and they esteem it as honourable to forget an injury, as to remember a kindness. That Emperor was highly commended by all Antiquities, who being to sign a Warrant of Condemnation, wished he had never learned to write. And Solomon who hath left to all Kings a perfect example of Wisdom, saith it is the glory of a man to pass by offences. However a King ought to be mindful, that he do not too soon recall into his Court, a Prince or Grandee, who may be provoked by that Justice which hath been passed upon him, lest the opportunity of revenge which he may meet with in affairs, do carry him insensibly to a relapse. Opportunity is a charm which engageth men ere they think of it. The least disgusts which they shall receive, will revive their old grudges, and it is impossible for a great person to conserve any Love for a King, from whom he imagineth he hath received some harsh usage, and once not loving him, he is above half disposed to raise embroils whenever occasion shall serve. It is very difficult to join close together that which hath been once broken asunder, and a reconciliation in point of friendship is not stronger, than the glue which joins cracked vessels, which are easily broken asunder by a small blow. An imaginary wrong or a small displeasure, should not make a reconciled Prince fall back again, when he is replaced in his first station of affairs. They who imagine that just punishments are soon forgotten, do much deceive themselves. It is as much as a Stoic would say that he had forgot injuries; but Princes are far enough of from such maxims, so that the safest remedy for all their evils, is a removal from the Court, that no meeting with any, who are used to engage people in Intrigues, they will be (as it were) forced to keep within their limits, when as peradventure their passions would make them fly out again.    

ANNO 1631.  
IT is much more pleasant to behold the Heavens twinkling with a thousand several stars, or shining with the glorious light of the Sun, which rejoiceth the earth with its splendour, then to look on it full of Prodigies, flashed with lightnings, full laden with Clouds, shaken with Tempests, and covered with the Veil of an obscure night: Just thus, without all peradventure, was it much more agreeable to consider France in the splendour of her Victories, which she obtained in the foregoing years, in the enjoyment of a happy quiet▪ caused by the submission of the Grandees of the State, and by uniting of all the people, all things being established in excellent order under the Conduct of so wise a King, and every one living with Peace in his own profession, then to contemplate her full of factions, troubled with Combinations, and threatened with a general dissolution, by those intelligences which the chief persons of the Kingdom held with strangers: But as the Laws of History oblige me to write them impartially both in one relation and tother, so I look upon myself as compelled to give an account of those turbulencies, wherewith she hath been assaulted, that by those glorious actions of the King, and those Prudent Counsels of the Cardinals, the way of securing and warranting an estate from those dangers, whereunto it is commonly exposed by civil Wars may be learned. Though the Queen Mother had reason to have rested satisfied, knowing herself to be the happiest, as well as the greatest Princess upon earth, yet she could nor live contented, after the Cabal which had beleaguered her Soul, had once persuaded her, that she was obliged to ruin the Cardinal. She did near upon the matter equally divide the honour with the King. All the French did endeavour in emulation of one another, to testify by their respects and obediences, the sweetness which did shine in all her actions: The Revenues which she enjoyed were greater than those of three Queen Dowagers of France all together: There was no charge or expense, which she was not able to go through with, witness that magnificent structure of Luxenbourg, which contends with the Lovure, and is the most accomplished piece of all that ever any of our Kings have attempted, She could not deny but that she enjoyed upon the matter an absolute Authority in the State. The King permitted her to take upon herself as much as she could wish in the administration of affairs. He resolved upon no one thing of importance in his Counsel, but upon her advice. When necessity enforced the King from Paris, and that she would remain there, he still left the government in her hands, and also ordered that Ambassadors should attend upon her, to communicate foreign affairs to her, and to receive from her mouth resolutions thereupon. Was not this to possess all that is glorious and noble in a Government? Was not this indeed to enjoy herself with more pleasure than the King, seeing she was exempted (in what she pleased) from those great troubles which accompany the Conduct of Affairs, and from those embroils which are frequent in Wars and Voyages, all which the King was obliged to under-go; but she tied to nothing but what she pleased herself, excepting those affairs only, which related to the good of the Kingdom. Last of all, that Cabal factious as it was, being so much favoured by her what did it, but abuse her bounty, to serve the Passions of some particular persons? Did it not so trouble her repose by sinister impressions, which were infused into he● concerning the Government, and by those suspicions which were instilled into her against the Cardinal, by her eagerness and desire to intermeddle in affairs with greater power; insomuch, that the good order established in the State, wrought no other effect in her mind, then to make her doubt that the most glorious victories of his Majesty, instead of transporting her with joy, would fill her Soul with Fears, and that Foreigners would invade his Country. Thus the most sublime Acts of the Cardinal, which struck both terror and admiration into strangers, were not otherwise considered by her, then as so many tricks and deceits. Whence it happened, that instead of acknowledging his Majesty's bounty, and the respects which he shown her, she repaid his kindnesses with complaints, and instead of enjoying quiet and content, which she had reason to embrace, her life was filled only with vexatious inquietudes.  

Politic Observation.  
GReat personages, though raised up a little above other men, yet are neither more happy or contented. If they suffer themselves to be transported with Passions, it is with them, as with the Sea, which being of a vast circumference, is no whit the less subject to the agitations of the Winds; so they being raised a little above others, are not the less subject to be vexed with inquietudes. Though they possess more then enough wherewith to content themselves; yet they giving themselves the liberty of desiring still more, rather out of a humour then a necessity, are never in quiet or repose, but give us just reasons to believe, that although Fortune hath denied Crowns to poor men, yet nature hath made them happier in requital of it by giving them minds desirous of less. That shining flame which we may behold at the end of a Torch, dwells not there, but by the force of that matter which feedeth it, and is continually raising itself towards the Heavens, as disdaining the place where it then is, desiring, as it were, to get up into the Concave of the Moon; so grand persons, though clothed with such splendour as makes them shine in the eyes of all other men, cannot rest with quietness of mind in that authority from whence they receive it; but their aspiring souls carries them still onwards to new designs of raising themselves above all things. They can never be contented with the command over men, unless they can also command their Passions which nature hath created in them as in other men. Without this, all their glory serves only to stir up in them violent desires to get still more: Whereas on the contrary, he who hath circumscribed his will with reason, hath added this happiness to his greatness, that he will be exempted from the troubles of the World.   

The Queen Mother's hatred, against the Cardinal.  
THe desire of destroying the Cardinal, was the chief cause of the Queen Mother's discontents, and no one can imagine with what impatiency she designed it. Her most faithful servants were astonished at it, considering that meekness was the quality which every one saw to shine with so much splendour in her whole deportment: So that her Majesty cannot be accused with that violence; but to set the saddle on the right horse, it ought to be imputed to certain imbroiling spirits, who had engaged her in it, before she was ware of it: Whoever hath had the honour to be often near her Majesty cannot but conclude so, and they who have had never so little knowledge of the Intrigues of those times, cannot be ignorant that her Majesty did openly drive on at a meeting at Dupes, the design of ruining the Cardinal to that extreme and utmost verge, after she was counselled to it by the enemies of that great Minister for, two chief reasons. The one was, they concluded that the King could not, in fine, deny the abandoning of him, if her Majesty should continue to urge him to it, with fresh and continued instances. A Mother having but too too attractive powers over a son to draw him to her own desires; especially such a son so full of respect and observance as the King was. The second, because in case the Cardinal should get the better of them, he would then sit on their skirts, for those seditious Assemblies which they had contrived against the King's service, and against his own particular Interests, which if it should so fall out, 'twere better for them to drive on their first design to the very utmost.   

Intrigues of the Ladies near the Queen Mother.  
THe Ministers of Spain, who had great interest in the ruining of the Cardinal, did endeavour with their utmost the heat of these flames to which infamous intent, they employed several Ladies who were near the Queen Mother; but especially, three great Princesses, to whom her particular favours gave most free access, viz. the Princess of Conti, the Duchess' of Elbaeuf and d' Ornano: Several other great persons of the Court were of the same party; some of them not so much caring for the good success of any public affairs, but only for their own particular interests, which they thought would be much bettered by this means, if it should hit accordingly: Others found themselves engaged in the Faction, by their Love which obliged them to serve the Passions of some of the Ladies: Others suffered themselves to be led into it by their extravagant humours, which carries some capricious minds, to the never-liking of any thing in the public Government: Had the Queen Mother been of a more malicious and fiery nature she might have been safe and free from their invenomed artifices; but they wrought upon her, made advantages of her good nature, and such were the chief Agents, to whom she had done the honour, to give a more particular part of her gracious favours; besides, in all their actions, they only pretended a Passion to preserve her Majesty in her power and authority, the only absolute charm to bewitch the Souls of great Personages. They had at last so fortified her, that it was impossible, in a manner, for any others to whom she discoursed but little of her designs, to dis-abuse her. They were never out of her Majesty's sight; and if, by chance, one of them was obliged to go forth, another stepped in, as if it were, on purpose to prevent any of her loyal servants to dis-deceive her, or with design of picking an occasion to entertain her in such discourses, as might tend to the increasing of her Passion. They made her believe that the credit which the King gave to those sage Counsels of the Cardinal, were an authority so great that she was as it were forced to be jealous at it. They excited her upon the score of honour, that she was bound to let all Christendom see that the power which she had in the State was not so slight, that her will should become less considerable by the opposition of a Favourite. Neither did they omit to suggest to her the re-establishment of Monsieur de Mantua, as a crime, who was now upon the point of being restored to his Estates, as if the Interests of that Prince so important to the Glory of the King and his Crown, ought not to have been preferred before the hatred which she had conceived against him.  
Posterity will have much ado, to believe that they could drive things to that point, of informing her Majesty with suspicions of the Fidelity of this grand Minister, and of making her believe, that he designed to raise himself into the Royal Throne, upon the ruin of her children, instead of representing to her, that he sacrificed his life, his goods, and his honour to their glory, upon any occasion which did present itself. If her Majesty had not been acquainted with any secret of affairs, they presently told it her by way of complaint and accusation of the Cardinal, as if it had been absolutely necessary to have given her account of every thing, whilst she was engaged in those Contrivances and Assemblies, where strangers too had a good stroke, who might make use of it to the King's disadvantage. In her Majesty's presence they could never wonder enough, that he should suffer the King to propose to Monsieur, the marrying the Princess Mary; whereas they should have told her, it was with design to stay him in the Court But that was no part of their intention: And is it not yet more strange that they made the real endeavours which the Cardinal obliged her in, to pass for disguises and falsities, even to the persuading her, that he only desired to set himself upright with her, that he might take his own advantage, and find an occasion of removing her, as Monsieur de ●uy●es had done, well knowing, that the bare belief of that one thing would more and more fix her in the design of destroying him? These are the discourses wherewith those of the Cabal did ordinarily entertain her, or to speak more properly, the Charms wherewith they enchanted her Soul, so that perverting the genuine sweetness of her disposition, they rendered her incapable of any reconciliation, and  in the design of ruining him, whose Prudence was the greatest prop and stay of her Grandeur, and whose signal services done to France, had raised it to that eminent point of glory.   

Politic Observation.  
THere is hardly any one thing which they who are near great Princesses, may not in time persuade them to, when they have once gotten a little credit with them, and that they will but use those Artifices to obtain it, which the corruption of the Court soon teacheth. The first and chief thing they labour, is to insinuate into their minds, that they are very passionately affected for their services and interests, and that they have no other designs, but what contribute to their glory; this they do, as well knowing affection to be a reason able to persuade Ladies to any thing. Their next care is never to incense them either by words or deeds. They flatter all their faults, even to a commendation of them, which makes the word incurable. And though there he noting more free than love and hatred, yet they profess openly they neither love no hate any but whom they do. They serve them with a seeming heat and earnestness upon all occasions, but are in effect like Courtesans who wish to those whom they love, all that is good, excepting Prudence and Judgement. Is it not easily observed, that if any one displease them, they are the first who speak ill of him? They had much rather deceive them, then hazard their anger by telling truth. And thus by their Compliances and a thousand services, which are powerful attracts upon the minds of that Sex, they make themselves beloved, and acquire a great part of their Trust and Confidence: This once done, how many artifices do they then find out to surprise them? No one can so easily deceive us, as he who hath once possessed our minds, with a belief that he loveth us: The bare affection which we repay him, giveth him advantage enough in that he is not mistrusted. The honour which they have to be ordinarily near her, gives them no little advantage, seeing it furnisheth them with opportunities and occasions of saying whatever they have a mind to; they never hazard any thing, for that they have liberty to speak that at another time freely, which peradventure they than cannot without danger. Insomuch, that if they would make any one be hated, it is a most easy thing for them to bring it to pass. First, they attempt to make them mistrusted, with great caution, they speak ill of them; but so, as it may seem to have proceeded from an affection which they have for their service; and this commonly maketh their advices be well received; and having once discovered an inclination to receive these first preparatories, they are not to seek in recriminating them with new charges; and by little and little they insinuate a belief of their being evil, which renders them hated: And all this, with such a meekness of mind, but so full of dissimulations (of which, the Court is the most perfect School) that great Princesses can so much the less easily defend themselves from them; in regard the most part of those who come near them, do hardly ever tell them any truth at all.   

The Cardinal indeavoureth to restore himself into the Queen-mothers' good Favour.  
AS there never yet was any Soul more grateful or more respectful than the Cardinal, so it cannot be expressed with what grief he endured the Queen-mothers' anger, and to how many submissions he stooped, that he might recover her good favour. Shortly after St. Martin's day, she used her very utmost power over the King's inclinations to destroy him, insomuch that she would not endure to see him. But he having resolved it to be his greatest Felicity, next that of serving his Majesty, to render all testimonies of his fidelity, and of that great Passion which he had for her Glory, pretermitted no invention to get the honour of seeing her. Sometimes he would address himself to Father Suffren the guide of her Conscience, and beg him with signs of extraordinary grief, that he would zealously use his utmost power to procure him that satisfaction, and to re-estate her mind in her first kindnesses to him, which some of her Confidents had now diverted. The Good Father did it so much the more readily, perceiving that this bitterness of the Queen-Mother, did set the whole Court into Factions, that it did divide the State, raised combinations and fomented parties against the King himself, he represented to her, that God commanded her to moderate her hatred, and to behold him with respect, who had done such eminent services for the King her son but it was to little purpose, for he could not at all discover any disposition in her, tending to follow his advices. The Cardinal accepted with much affection those offers of the Cardinal Bagny his Holinesses Nuntio, a Prelate, not less recommendable for the greatness of his Soul, then that of his dignity to attempt and endeavour with her upon the same score: There could not be any thing added to that great care and prudence which he used to allay her Passion; at last he obtained this advantage, that she condescended to see him, and to promise him she would forget what was passed. The meeting was at Luxenburg Palace, where the King was present: But she discovering by her eyes, her words and actions, that there was nothing but apparencies in her reconcilement, he was necessitated to make use of a more potent cause for the obtaining of that, which neither the Piety of Father Suffren, nor the Quality or Merit of Cardinal Bagny could attain to. The King took the pains upon himself, to speak to her once and again with great earnestness, conjuring her to him whom she was equally obliged to as himself, to acknowledge him for her most faithful Servitor, and for a Minister capable of executing several great designs, of which he had already laid the groundwork. He beseeched her to reassume her former familiarities with the Cardinals, to assist at Counsels where, of late, she would no more appear, and his Majesty pressed her so vigorously that she could not deny him, which his Majesty had been sensible of two or three several times. It is true, some have been bold to say, that they who nourished her mind with this sharpness advised her to stoop in this particular to his Majesty's will, that he might gain a greater power over his Soul, and that she might gain a greater power over his Soul, and the she might find out new occasions fit to destroy the Cardinal: But for my own part, I can never believe that her goodness could credit them in this point: I shall only say this much, indeed the Passion which she conceived against him, was so violent, that she could not long forbear, so much did his very sight torment her, and that in effect this meeting was a recommencing of it.   

The Marshal de Schomberg interposeth.  
THe Marshal de Schomberg. whom she had heretofore much honoured with her Counsels; being returned from Piedmont, imagined that he might perchance work somewhat upon her mind; he resolved accordingly to assault her, with all kinds of reasons, and so evidently to demonstrate to her the wrong she did herself, that he would force her by the consideration of her own interests, to give up herself though she would not do it, either for the Love or Respect which she owed the King. He knew belike that interest was the breach by which all great Personages are taken. He beseeched her first to consider the great benefits which she received by his Counsels; and that whilst she had followed them, she was become the most glorious Princess of the World; whereas now she was in a maze, by having adhered to the advices of hers and his enemies. It is true, Madam, would he sometimes say, he ever persuaded you cordially to love the King, to have no other than his interests, and to be inseparably united with him; for that he well knew, all your greatness and quiet depended upon it, whereas they who now advise you, put other imaginations into your Majesty's head; but she would not yet see to what pitch of extremity they had then brought her. He entreated her to open her eyes, and to recollect with a difference she found in the effects, and made her apprehend and confess, that she could wish for nothing which she might not make herself sure of, if he did but continue in a strict union with his Majesty and the Cardinal. That if she desired any authority from the King, he had beseeched her to assist in the Counsels, only to give her all kind of respects and distinctions, and had in a manner divided his power with her. That if she desired Gratifications the Cardinal had never been backward to pay them unto her. The great zeal which he had to serve her, did even transport him to tell her, that her separating herself as she did from the King, would force the King to withdraw himself from her; which if it should so happen, she would lose all her power and the people themselves would not longer pay her their usual respects.  
These reasons were so potent and considerable, that there was nothing could be alleged against them and the Queen-Mother had accordingly believed them; but that some factious spirits about her, persuaded her that she should add to her authority and greatness if she could make herself Mistress of this one affair, and thus they easily reinflamed that fire, which the other had taken a great deal of pains to extinguish, though in never so little a manner. In fine, she became inflexible, and those unworthy miscreants brought her to that pass, that she refused his Majesty, when he entreated her to pardon the Cardinal, which she was so much the more obliged to have done, he never having really offended her at all.   

Politic Observation.  
NOthing is more easily effected, then to infuse violences into the minds of great men, when they are once persuaded it is necessary for the preservation of their Authority. There is not any thing but only power which advanceth them, above other men, and they are easily led by it, to ruin every one whom them, conceive to hurt them. But above all, women are most subject to this fault, in regard they are weaker and more wedded to their Passions then men are. The natural levity of that Sex makes them pass with little ado, from the extremity of love to that of hatred, not being able to keep a medium: It is enough to engage them not to do a thing, if you do but earnestly entreat them to do it; especially, if they be but a little provoked to anger. Such entreaties as are made to them when so affected, cause them to pass from that of Anger to Fury, and when they cannot disallow of the thing which is entreated of them, yet it is enough to deny it, if they love not the person who desires it. Rigour hath a greater Empire in their Wills then Submission. And they whose Souls seem to be more heightened than others, are so much the more to be feared, they having more mettle than conduct; it is impossible ever to root out of them any jealousies which they have once conceived, and their humours are so fixed in suspicions that it is almost impossible to defend one's self from them by lawful means. If the beauty of their countenances, give them an almost absolute dominion over the minds of men, yet the weakness of their Sex doth subject them under the commands of all and every Passion, especially that of hatred; from which it is impossible for them to dis engage themselves, after they have once given it admittance into their breasts.  
Although I look upon all Queens, as exempted from the major part of their qualities, by reason of the particular assistance, which they receive from God, who considereth them as his own Images here beneath; yet it is very rare to find any, who are not liable to that violence which is inseparable from their Government. And this is one of the reasons upon which Aristotle groundeth that saying in h●● Politics, that they are not proper to govern States. In regard Clemency is known to be one of their chiefest Pillars. It is also most assured, that such as are born with a more generous temper than others, are the more to be scared; for being unable to direct with Prudence, they fortify themselves with rigour, and become inflexible towards those, of whom they have conceived the least suspicion.   

Monsieur the King's Brother disapproveth of the Queen-mothers' Intrigues.  
MOnsieur Brother to the King was not ignorant that the Queen-Mother was in the quality of a subject, as well as in that of Mother to his Majesty; and that therefore she was bound to obey him in every thing, which absolutely concerned the good of his Kingdom, so that he could not approve of her opposing his will and pleasure, neither was he backward of testifying his dislike of it to the King. The discourse which he made of it did give no little satisfaction to his Majesty, who was resolved not to let pass any opportunity which might conduce to the firm establishing of him in his due respects, especially seeing Monsieur himself had confirmed him in it, by his protesting to the Cardinal, that he loved him as a person whom he thought necessary for the good of the State. Yet we know that the favourites of great Personages, do sometimes pervert their best inclinations, and are the common instruments made use of to divert them from their duries; therefore the King concluded it very fit to make sure of Coigneux, le Sieur de Puy-laurence & Monsigot, whom Mansieur principally confided in; he knew there was no chain which could tie the major part of such people stronglier than good Offices; and accordingly, he resolved not to wave or let slip any time to advance them, and to hold them off from being gained by such as were already engaged in any Faction. His Majesty caused three hundred thousand Livres to be given to Monsieur de Puy-laurence, that he might buy the Duchy of Anvil: He granted to Coigneux an Office of Precedent au Mortier of the Parliament of Paris with hopes of a Cardinal's Cap, which his Majesty had also writ for to the Pope Monsignot had fifty thousand Livres for his share, and each of them received these gifts with such handsome actions and expressions of thanks, that they made a thousand protestations of preserving and continuing their Master, in a strict intelligence and obedience to his Majesty's will and pleasure.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is very important for a King's service to make sure of those in whom the Princes of the blood do most confide. It is the only means to keep them within compass, and they are only able so to dispose them, for that they do make such impressions upon their spirits as shall carry them when and where they please to incline them. Princes commonly are notwithstanding the greatness of their Souls, which they receive with their birth, more addicted to their pleasures then their affairs; whence it happens, that they do not give themselves time enough to examine of what qualities any things are, or whether fit to be engaged in or not, but remit the particular care of that to those whom they confide in, and are contented when things come to be acted, if they do but hear them tell them they are good, and they had rather suffer some disorders in their houses, then lose a quarter of an hours pastime. These are they who share the government with Princes, whiles they impose on them the burden, and so divide the honour of commanding, thinking on nothing but delights, and supposing that as their births hath created them the chief in the State; so Fortune cannot but be propitious to them, for the obtaining of whatsoever is necessary to give them a continual subsistence. It is for this reason it cannot be doubted, that it were necessary to keep their Favourites obliged very strongly to the King's service, and to be dependent upon his Majesty's will and pleasure, that they may be made use of as occasion shall present themselves for the good of the State. In Spain none are allowed to the King's Brothers, but such as are belonging to the Kings themselves, which are changed too very often; lest a long continuance in their service, might in time beget too strong a confidence and draw them off from the first ties of their obedience. For this reason it is, that there ought no great deliberation to be had for the removal of such from them, who are experimentally known to engage them, in affairs prejudicial to the good of the State; for the great compliance in permitting them a longer continuance near them, will soon produce very dangerous effects. Their removal peradventure may seem harsh to Princes; but it is better they should be displeased, than the whole State be endangered. It is a great good fortune for a Minister, never to be put upon such a rock; and therefore it is, that he will endeavour to work upon them by good offices, which are the most powerful means to oblige men and tie them very strictly, the chains wherewith they are fettered, being so pleasant and agreeable to them. Interest, is that which doth most efficaciously more them: And indeed, it is in a manner impossible to gain them by other means, then by making provision for their advancement. There is no design which they will not approve of, always provided that they have but satisfaction in their own particulars. They persuade their Masters to rest contented, if they themselves are once satisfied. The most part of affairs of the world, are like those Pictures wherein you shall behold different Figures and shapes, according to the divers positions and situations of them who look upon them. They never represent any thing to their Masters, but on that side which they best like, and thus they can as easily retain him in quiet. There aught to be care had, that all which is intended for them be not done at once. Ambition still increaseth, and those benefits which are done to a favourite, do but whet his appetite for the receiving of others Therefore it is, that one should always reserve something to keep them in breath by the expectations of greater benefits to come.   

The Queen Mother's Resolution to win Monsieur.  
THe Declaration which Monsieur made to the King of his resentment, struck a great astonishment into the Queen-Mother, she having beforehand placed all her confidence in him, as also chosen him for the chief instrument of her designs. They had persuaded her, that could she but engage him in her interests, she might soon find men enough to uphold them, and such as would put themselves into the field in Arms to carry on her designs to their very utmost, and yet her natural goodness was so great to oblige her, to preserve Monsieur constant and faithful to the King's interests: But this factious seditious Cabal, which inverted her strongest inclinations, made her mislike those procedures, and carried her on even to reproach him; for that after she had so particularly cherished him, he should take so little care for her concerns. It is true, it was heretofore verily believed in the first years of her Regency (though I think without just grounds) that she was more affectionate and tender towards Monsieur, then towards the King, and that she might well cast her eyes upon him, as many others of her quality have done, to make use of him for the upholding of such designs, as she might have, to which the King might not be so favourable: But it must be confessed, that she governed herself so prudently, by those sage Counsels which were given to her after her first going off from the Court, that no one could discover any thing in her behaviour but real intentions to preserve her children in a good intelligence with one another, and never to attempt any thing which was not conformable to the Kings Will; insomuch; that this prudent Conduct of hers, gained her a great esteem with the people, who being desirous of nothing more than peace, they regarded her Majesty with extraordinary affections, as her who was the greatest advancement of public tranquillity, by her preserving the bond of union between her children. Though now she gave them just cause to change their good opinions of her, by her frequent entertainments of Monsieur and his chiefest Officers, in that design, which all men knew she had to gain him to her party, whatever it cost, that he might become instrumental for her in the resolution which she had taken to destroy the Cardinal.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is very usual with Mothers to love their youngest better than their eldest children, and to rely upon them, to be maintained in the greater authority. It should seem it is with Children, as with fruits, the newest are still most agreeable, so it frequently comes to pass, that the youngest are pleasures and diversions to their Parents, when as they who are older, shake off the yoke of obedience, and follow the inclinations of unbridled youth; but most especially so it is, when as mothers are become Widows, and have lost that protection of their husbands which kept their children within their bounds, that they do cast themselves upon the interest of the younger ones, whom they look on as the supporters of their old age, and as those who must uphold their Authority against the eldest, whom they look upon very often, as men do upon Creditors who come to take away their goods from them; withal, they are dependent upon them in several respects, because by the deaths of their Fathers, they are become the heads of their Families; and this dependency upon them is insupportable. If this be ordinary in private Families, how much more is it in those of Kings? History is pregnant with relations of such Queens as have advanced their youngest children to the Government, in prejudice of their brother. Ptolomeus Phiseus, gave at his wife's persuasions, the Crown of Egypt to his youngest son; and to go no further than France itself, Lewis the Debonnair, did not he prefer at his Wife's entreaty, Charles the Bald, before Lothair who was the eldest? Did not Constance wife of Robert, seeing her husband intended after the death of his eldest son, to Crown Henry her second son King, oppose it, in her earnest desires that he would prefer Robert her third son, whom she loved most entirely? And when she saw she could not arrive to the end of her design, did she not embroil all things, even whilst the King yet lived; but much more after his death, by fomenting the divisions between her children, that she herself might have the more Authority? This occasioned a most sad Civil War, to the great damage of the Kingdom and that good King, both in the declining of his age and Kingdom, when as he expected repose and tranquillity in his family, especially after he had suffered (upon his first coming to the Crown) so great afflictions by reason of the misfortunes of his first marriages, & their dissolutions which afterwards happened; for the remedying whereof, the godly Abbot of Fleury Abby was employed. Not to seek for examples far from us, is not that of Katherine de Medicis very certain, it being yet fresh in the memory of man, for she was ever know to favour some of her children against other some? Was she not likewise suspected to have hastened the death of her eldest, that she might make way to raise the Duke of Anjou to the Crown? And was she not seen after he was attained to the Government, to enter into the Combination against him, because he did not rely enough upon her for the the Government of affairs? It is so frequent in history, that we shall need no other proofs for it; it may safely be said, that it hath always been a very dangerous matter for States, that it hath caused many Civil Wars which have near hand brought whole Kingdoms to an absolute ruin. For that the particular affection of a Mother, raising jealousies between her children, hurrieth them into all extremities whatsoever, they divide the Grandees into Factions, than they appear all in Arms, and nothing escapes ruin; in fine, they are forced to quench the fire of their private quarrels, in the blood of their people.   

She gaineth his Favourites.  
IT was both difficult and suspicious for the Queen-Mother so often to discourse with Monsieur so it must needs be to draw him off from that resolution which he had taken of adhering to the King's Interests: They who kept up her soul in those discontentments, advised her to make use of those Favourites whom he did most of all trust in: This counsel was as judicious as it was wicked, because it was hard to shake the mind of this Prince, who received with his Birth the seeds of obedience which is due to the King, and which had also been cultivated by those Signieurs who had had the charge of his education. It was altogether impossible to overcome his Inclination, unless by the means of them who were never from him, who knew his humour, and by what devices they might work upon him. Virtue which hath taken deep root in a good nature, is not plucked out but with great labour; it will be needful to assail it by strong means; and none but such in whom he hath confidence and trust can bring it about. The business them was to gain his Favourites, who were three, Coigneux, the Sieur de Puy-Laureus, and Monsigot: But it would do the work if Coigneux only could be gained, for that Puy-Laureus had but a little before received a strong Obligation from him; for having removed Bois-dennemay, who partaked with him in the honour of his masters good affections, and so would not offer to be against it; and as for Monsigot, he was so much his creature too, that he had no other motion then that of Puy-Laureus. There were great endeavours used to get him, and a favourable opportunity was soon found; for he being possessed with an absolute unbridled desire to have the Cardinal's hat, which the King had given him some hopes of, it happened that the Pope deferred his Promotion for a few months, which he was upon the very point of granting: Some of them cast it into his head that this delay was a trick put upon him by the Cardinal; so that he, as a man bewitched to his own ambitious Interests, swallowed it, and conceived so great a fury against him, that he resolved to be revenged on him whatever it cost him; insomuch that he told a friend of his, who endeavoured to open his eyes, That he was freed from his hopes of a Cardinal's Hat, but that within six week's time they should be glad to send it to him with a witness. It was his usual saying, that a Son of France is always considerable, if he be in a condition to make himself be pitied. And this maxim was the true ground of those hopes which he conceived, That if Monsieur should departed from the Court in discontent, he would be pitied by all people; That the Princes, Governors of Provinces and Places, and the chief Lords of the Kingdom would come to him, and bring Forces for his assistance, and give him such means to raise and make a war, by which he would die that Cap in the blood of the people, which had not been granted to him according to his desires and expectation. The true cause of its delay was this, The Italians would not give way that the Pope should grant him that favour, unless they might be acquainted with the reason of it, it being contrary to the Bull of Sixtus v. which prohibited the bestowing the Hat on men who had been twice married, as he had been; and thereupon all the Interest of Spain had much ado to promote the Duke of Lerma to the Cardinalship. As for Coigneux, he was much more moved by the hopes which they gave him of stepping into the Cardinal's place as soon as ever he was ruined; and he flattered himself so much the more willingly into this Belief, because having caused his Nativity to be cast during the King's sickness, he had been told of great advantages of Fortune which should befall unto him. The splendour of this pretended Ministry did so dazzle his eyes, that he lost his reason at the first motion of it, and was absolutely fixed in the resolution of giving himself to the Queen Mother, and to persuade Monsieur to  she pleased: That he might give her a sure testimony of it, he had the boldness to oppose the Kings will, when his Majesty desired to engage Monsieur a little more strictly to the Court, by granting him that satisfaction which he had so long wished for, of marrying him to the Princess Mary. The Queen-Mother who could not endure this match, assured Coigneux, that he would do her a most particular kindness to divert Monsieur from it; who forthwith used all the Artifices which the malice of his soul could suggest to him, to break it off, insomuch that he beseeched his Majesty that he would not oblige him to marry so suddenly, Coigneux became so insolently proud of this prank, that Monsieur being at Chantilly, he vaunted (speaking to some one who was not at all engaged to him) that he had hindered the Match, and that it would never be concluded. It's true, the words were no sooner out of his mouth, but he repent them, fearing, and with great reason, lest the King would come to be informed of his insolency, and chastise him for it. In fine, Fear was joined to his Ambition: From thence forward, those two furious Passions wrought so mightily upon his inconsiderate Spirit, that he was at no quiet until he wrought Monsieur to leave the Court. There was no essay which he left unattempted to shake that resolution of Monsieurs, which he stuck close to, of not forsaking the King: He found means to renew in his mind fresh sentiments of revenge against the Cardinal, by remembering him of the Imprisonment and death of the Grand Prior, and of the Marshal d' Ornano, and the execution of Chalais: He often put him in mind of the Obligation which lay upon him to undertake the Queen-mothers' quarrel, who had always tenderly loved him: But finding that none of these devices wrought any effect he attempted to possess him with fear, which shaketh the greatest Courages: He made him believe that the King had been informed of his relapsing into the Queen-mothers' Interests, and was by the Cardinal's advice resolved to send him Prisoner to the Boys de Vincennes. Then it was that without more ado he absolutely concluded to leave the Court with all speed, not having the power to recollect (as it was to be wished) that this Favourite led h●m away, only that he might obtain that Honour by force, of which his small worth made him very undeserving.   

Politic Observation.  
I Have formerly said, It were requisite that the Favourites of Princes should be nearly tied to the King's Interests, that they might be carried to whatever his Majesty should desire of them; and now I shall add, that it is not less than necessary, to prevent their troubling of the State; for that the most part of such Civil wars have happened by their means: But there are great obstructions and difficulties in the encompassing it, seeing that it is not sometimes in the power of the greatest Ministers to retain them in their duties,  advantages are prepared for them. And as eating doth but excite the hungers of starved stomaches, so those Riches which are given to them, do but make them more ambitious of other, and greater. It is the humour which doth possess most Princes Favourites, and is the cause which doth often engage their Masters in great Broils. The most violent storms which turn all things up-side-down, are form only out of Clouds drawn up by the Planets into the highest Region of the Air; and the greatest Revolts which have troubled the quiet of the people, and ruined whole Kingdoms, have proceeded from those suggestions which Princes Favourites (the Stars of the State) have raised in their minds, from whence they often get nothing but mud and dirt. Hath not the last age made it evident here in France, in the time of Henry the third, when as the Duke d' Alencon had not gone out of the Court, but by the persuasions of B●ssi and Semier, and some others his Favourites, who were troubled to see the government of Affairs in the hands of some who would not give them leave to do what they pleased? And if we look back a little more, shall we not find that Lewis the eleventh, whilst he was Dauphin, had not withdrawn himself the first time from Charles the seventh his Brother, but by the advices of Chaumont and Boucicaut, and their Partisans who could not enoure to see that his Niece the fair Agnes and Villiquier, should have so absolute a Power? Our own times have furnished us with examples enough to prove this truth, which are so well known to all men, that I need not trouble them or myself to relate them. I shall only add this; that as Goldsmiths have a certain strong water to separate Gold from Silver, though incorporated by the Fire, that they seem to be the same Body: So the Favourites of Princes have certain Arts, which the malice of the Court teacheth them, the power of which is so great, that when they please, they will divide a Mother from her children, a Brother from a Brother, and generally all whom Nature or Friendship had joined together, in so strict a league, that one would have reasonably imagined nothing could have been able to have made a separation.   

Monsieur's resolution to leave the Court.  
When Coignenx had once persuaded Monsieur by his subtle devices to leave the Court, he gave him no respite, until he had put it in execution. That his departure might be with the more noise, which might serve for a Beacon to put the whole Kingdom in an uproar; he found a trick to persuade him, that it would be an act of courage in him, to go quarrel with the Cardinal in his own house, before he went off, and to declare to him, that he would be no more his friend, but that he would take the Queen-mothers' part against him. Accordingly Monsieur went to him, and told him so: But the Cardinal who knew such things could not proceed from his goodness, which rendered him not only the least evildoer, but indeed, the most obliging Prince of the world, answered him with nothing but respects and civilities. Assoon as Monsieur went from him, he got into his ●oach, and went directly to Orleans, without taking leave of the King. The Queen-Mother seeming to be surprised at it, presently sent notice of it to the King, then at hunting; who was much troubled at it; though he could expect little good from the base dispositions of Monsieurs servants, of all whom his Majesty had been fully informed, though he could not imagine they would have carried things to such extremities considering the great gratifications he had bestowed on them, and those several protestations of inviolable fidelity which they had but so lately made unto him. When his Majesty returned from hunting, he alighted at the Cardinal's, and gave him such singular testimonies of his favour, that they were able to obliterate any apprehensions of Monsieurs proceed: His Majesty promised he would protect him with and against all, and commanded him to be the more confident of it, in regard he was bound in honour to preserve him, from whom he had received such signal services. That if any did him an injury it was his Majesty whom they did offend, and he would so take it, as done to himself. From thence the King went to find out the Queen-Mother, to whom he could not dissemble how much Monsieur's departure did displease him, and the just ground he had to suspect that she had a hand in the counselling him to it, of which for the present she endeavoured to clear herself, though shortly after it was found to be but too true, by that strict intelligence which was between them, and by those letters which they writ to the King, having one and the same sense and expression, As also by Monsieurs own discourses to the Ladies at Orleans, when they asked of him the reasons of his so sudden return; not that the Queen-Mother was ever satisfied with Monsieur, or he with her, but that there was a means found out to persuade them, that if they would but closely unite themselves, they would be the better able to drive on their own Designs, and induce the King to ruin the Cardinal, the only thing which they desired.   

Politic Observation.  
THough the Ringleaders in a State be of different humours and inclinations, and though they be much divided by the emulation which they bear to one another, yet they do easily reunite, that they may (if possible) increase their own Powers, by destroying that of their King. Experience showeth us, that fire can naturally incorporate most different metals, as Gold and Iron; The fire of Ambition is no less able to unite the minds of Grandees, when it is once proposed to trouble the Kingdom. One hath not obtained the Pension or Boon which he desired; another could not get his kinsman into a Benefice as he attempted, and another thinks he deserveth to have a greater hand than he hath, in the government of affairs, or could not procure the Office which he aspired to; and these are those several discontents which they have received, in the diversity of their designs, and which run them up to that pass, that they become unsatisfied with the King, or his principal Minister, not at all considering, that there are several other concerns, besides theirs in particular, which oblige by necessity, that those things be granted to others, which they would so fain procure to themselves. This general discontent is enough to unite them together, and to engage them in that one design of a revolt: They know there are two ways to attain to greatness, Prudence and Power, when they once perceive that all the devices of their Will, or to speak more properly, all their Deceits, are not able to raise their greatness to that pass which they desire, they presently fly to the latter, imagining in themselves they might get more by it, then by the former. They cannot be ignorant how that many of their Predecessors have be shipwrecked on the very same score, by which they pretend to raise great advantages to themselves: and as the minds of most men abound rather with hopes than fears, so they fancy to themselves, that Fortune will be more favourable to them than others; and upon this account it is, that they do often associate themselves together, not with intent of putting State affairs into a better posture, as they pretend, but to advance (what in them lies) their own private Families and Interests at the cost and charges of the Public. I shall liken them to the first qualities, which not holding themselves in a good correspondency, for the preservation of the subject whereof they are composed, do unanimously conspire and contrive the ruin of it; for in the same manner do they instead of keeping up and maintaining the State by their Prudence and Authority, of which it is their honour to be chief supporters, they employ them to divide and ruin the people, forcing the Prince to contribute to the means which are necessary to oppose their violences.   

The Queen-Mother rejoiceth at Monsieurs Departure.  
AFter Monsieurs departure, the Queen-mother became more resolute in her eagerness against the Cardinal, and believed that his going away would be very advantageous to her. They who flattered her, and blew the Coals of her Passion, persuaded her, that half the Kingdom would quickly be up in Arms, and proffer their assistances to Monsieur, in  he would employ them: That several Towns would revolt; That Monsieur's discontent alone, if once known abroad, would raise a war on every side, and that amidst this confusion, the King would think himself very happy, could he but prevent the ruin of his Kingdom, by submitting to that of the Cardinal: She withdrew herself from being at any counsels, to which she had but lately before used to go, and seemed less solicitous in dissembling her discontents. What pity was it to see a Kingdom exposed to so imminent a danger of being totally subverted by Civil wars, and all to destroy him, who for eight years together employed his whole time (both day and night) to settle it in its former glory? What Injustice was it to repay the Cardinal's services with such Ingratitude? What a confusion was it to see a Mother and a Brother revolt against their King, and all to satisfy the Hatred and Ambition of their Ministers? The King endured it with the greater displeasure, because he understood that Foreigners had sowed these Tares under hopes of kindling a fire, which should constrain him to withdraw his Forces from Italy, abandon ●he assisting of his Allies or at least to submit to shameful conditions of Peace, for which purpose they were just upon meeting in Piedmont. His Majesty was not to seek in the knowledge, that Queens are not exempted from punishment, when they contrive troubles in the State, that is, if the quality of Mother did exact the respects of a Son from him, that of a King did oblige her not to prefer any consideration before that of the good of his State; and in conclusion, that he ought to use all di●igent means to break off the intelligence which she held with Monsieur, and those who nourished his mind with discontents: There was no more certain way, then to assign her some Town to live in, a little distant from the Court, to disperse here and there those, who abusing her goodness, did foment the fire of dissension in her soul, and to place near her, some one endued with Discretion and Power, that she might not in future attempt any thing against the good of the State. The Respect wherewith the King did always honour her was such, that he could never resolve to use any violent remedies, but at the very last cast, after he had tried all others; to which end he resolved rather to leave her, then that she should leave him, and accordingly he removed to Compeigne, imagining that the sharpness of the season would invite her to continue at Paris after his departure, and that in this small separation, she could not any longer divide the Court into Parties, as than she had done. There were likewise other devices found to draw off some of the most factious from about her, that their absense might afford some opportunities of calming her spirit. It were to have been wished, that she had rather (according to his Majesty's pleasure) resolved to have lived in quiet at her Palace of Luxenburgh, whilst his Majesty was out of Paris, then to have followed the Court, where her presence countenanced the Faction which she had there contrived. Indeed the King verily imagined she would the sooner resolve so to do, because she had declared she would intermeddle no more in any affairs, neither appear at any Counsels, so much did the Cardinal's presence afflict her; whereas she (instead of comporting herself to this fair and sweet way) was guided by the persuasions of those who ruled her spirit, and who induced her to resolve to carry on her anger to the utmost extremity, and to follow the King every where, assuring her, that at last the people would all rise, and that from thence she might undoubtedly find some expedient to persuade his Majesty to consent to the Cardinal's Banishment or Ruin. This procedure of hers did absolutely entrench upon his authority, as if he could not have commanded her to quit the Court, and it served only to provoke the King's anger, and to force him to deal more rigorously with her then otherwise he desired to have done.   

Politic Observation.  
HOpe is that Root which doth long nourish the Thought of Revenge, and without which the most generous persons lose their Courages, and fall into despair, instead of prosecuting their designs. No one hath so well described the qualities of that which is without reason, as the Ancient who said, it is the dream of those who are awake, and whose minds are mastered with this Passion. To speak truly, just as Dreams fill the mind with Chimeras, which have no other being then in our Fancies, so an ill-grounded hope fills our Courages with illusions and imaginary contentments, by representing such things which are absolutely beyond our reach, as if they were subject to our wills and desires; it flatters our thoughts with a vain belief, that there is not any impediment possibly to be met with in our enterprises, which we shall not be able to surmount; and though at the very instant a storm be over our heads, yet it assureth us that it will not last long, but that a calm will soon follow. If we are to begin a war, it makes us see an Army already in the Field, which nothing can resist. If any enterprise threaten us with miscarriage, it persuadeth us, that we shall soon see some alteration in affairs, setting before our eyes the examples of many, who have been raised out of great misfortunes, to greater glories and honours. Thus it is, this same Hope which fortifieth the most dejected Courages, animates the most astonished men with new souls, and recruits the resolutions of them who were even languishing. Have we not seen it serve for an Anchor to the most miserable, to keep them firm in all Tempests, when they have been upon the point of being overwhelmed, and for a North Pole, to guide them to their desired Haven? Hope is that which preserveth necessary vigour for the executing of hazardous designs; our own Wishes never last so long as Hope doth; for we soon disclaim our Designs, if we once believe they will not take effect. It hath always been known for the Mother of Valour, and for a vital Spirit, which animateth the heart to great attempts. The charms of Hope are very powerful, but they are also dangerous, and much like the Egg of an Aspic, which is very pleasant to look on, by reason of that diversity of colours wherewith Nature hath been pleased to paint it, but within it is full of deadly poison, of which time brings forth a most venomous serpent: For if in Enterprises there be nothing so dangerous as a misgrounded Hope, yet the pleasure wherewith it entertains our minds in matters of Revenge, is very dear to us, and makes us pay high Interest for it. It is the miserable man's Treasure, and sometimes too it is an addition to his miseries. It is not enough that a hope be conformable to our desires, but it ought to be laid by when it is grounded upon the assistances of some persons who are easily to be ruined, or upon an Insurrection of a people who every day change their resolutions, whom a little fear disarms, and who this day love him, whom but a little before they could not endure at all.   

The King entreats the Queen-Mother to desist from her Intrigues.  
THough the inflexible stubbornness of the Queen-Mother was able to provoke the most patiented Courages, yet the goodness of the King could not be overcome by it. Whilst she was at Compeigne, whither she followed his Majesty, he still made new attempts to surmount her resistance. He was not backward to let her daily see (by his frequent conjuring her, and that with a great tenderness of heart, which did evidently convince to her, that he neither wanted Respect or Affection for her) that she would much oblige him, if she would but recede from the evil advices of those who lived about her, and who only desired a separation between them, for their own Hatreds, or private Interests. He proffered to her to set the Marillacs at liberty, if her content depended upon it, though otherwise they had deserved to be punished; and indeed he valued nothing in respect of her affections. He often beseeched her to love the Cardinal for his sake, and made her see, that she was obliged to it, seeing she knew better than any one, how beneficial he was to the State, and that he had always faithfully served him. He was not deficient to let her perceive, That the grief which this great Minister had to find himself in her disfavour, was a most pregnant testimony of the affection which he had for her service; and that he did sufficiently oblige himself to an eternal fidelity, by those public acknowledgements of the Favours which he confessed to have received from her goodness; and that all her eagerness against him, could not obliterate the remembrance of them; and at last (that he might pretermit nothing which might move her) he caused new persuasions to be made to her, by the Sieur de Chasteauneu'f, Lord Keeper of the Seal, and by the Marshal de Schombergh, that she would be assistant at Counsels, and recede from those underhand Intelligences which she might have with Monsieur. But they could procure no other answer, then that she was weary of meddling with affairs, and that she would not have any more to do in the Counsels, testifying apparently by this answer, that positive resolution which she had taken, of following the wicked Designs of those who had engaged her; so that after all these endeavours, the King was only touched with uncomfortable grief, that he could work no more upon her; but his sorrow was accompanied with this satisfaction, that he had omitted nothing which might properly conduce to the obtaining of his Design.   

Politic Observation.  
AS there is nothing which causeth greater misfortunes in a Kingdom than Divisions of Princes of the Blood, so there is no greater care ought to be had, then for prevention of such differences. Physicians have always hopes of life, whilst the noble vital parts are uncorrupted, but they once tainted, they look for nothing but death: and the greatest Politicians have been of opinion, that no very great misfortune could happen to a State, whilst the Princes of the Blood (who are like the vital parts) live in that decorum and obedience which is due to the King. But on the contrary, they begin to fear and distrust, if once they see them falling back, and dividing Parties into Factions, against their King's Authority: But more especially, because their disorder is attended with confusion at home, and gives great advantages to strangers abroad. Other heads of Revolts are easily wrought upon, by satisfying their own private interests. But it is a hard matter to unite those of the same Blood, after a defiance shall have once seized on their minds. From hence it is, that Micipsa in Sallust saith, the greatest force of a Kingdom doth not so much consist in Arms, or in the richness of Treasuries, as in the good intelligence of the chief Nobles, which can neither be subdued by Arms, nor corrupted by Monies, but especially in the friendship of Brothers, whose Blood ought to render their union indissolvable. The Kingdom of Cyprus had not been ruined, as Justin relateth it, but only by the dissensions of two brothers. The whole East, had not been subjected to the Roman yoke, but by the misunderstandings of those Princes who ruled in those Countries. And no other misfortune made way for Pompey to make him Master of Judea, than the contention of Hircanus and Aristobulus, who in envy of one another pretended to possess the Crown. Philip well knew, of what consequence love between brothers was, when as beholding the small kindness between his sons Porseus and Demetrius, he so often commanded them to love one another; representing to them, that Eumenes and Attalus at the beginning were so small, that they were ashamed to be called Kings, and could never have raised themselves so high, but by their mutual and reciprocal affections, as Plutarch reporteth it in the life of Demetrius. Not to look after far fetched examples, what did ever bring France to so deplorable a condition, as the reiterated divisions between our Kings, the Dukes of Bourgogne and Orleans? Did it not reduce it to an eminent peril of Shipwreck, and expose it for a prey to Foreigners, who were only chastised by an extraordinary providence of Heave, which took a particular care for the preservation of this Monarchy, when it was just upon the point of being ruined? Undoubtedly, a State is easily vanquished, when divided by those of the Kings own house and family, disorders soon follow thick and threefold: The people following their example shake off obedience; every one fisheth in the troubled Waters; the poor are oppressed by the Soldiers; the rich have much ado to enjoy their Estates; Governors lose their Sovereign's good wills, and do no longer stick to their interests, unless upon their own private account; and in conclusion, foreign enemies make what advantages they please out of it.   

The Reasons of the Queen-mothers' Removal.  
THings being at this pass, was there any reason to defer the redressing of them? what colour could there be after so many persuasions, instances and entreaties to leave the Queen-Mother in the Court both animated and discontented, where she countenanced a Faction, kept a close correspondence with Monsieur against the King, and divided the State? Had it not been an absolute defect of all sort of Prudence to have endured her keeping up of Combinations without the Kingdom, of which we have seen but too many sad consequences? To have permitted her party, openly to slander the King and his Government, to stir up the people to sedition, to solicit strangers to make war upon the King, under pretence that they had married her children? Had it not been an extreme baseness, any longer to have dissembled the knowledge of that Faction, which would impose a necessity of driving away his most serviceable and confident Ministers, and only because they forsooth could not procure from them whatever they desired? Had it not been an absolute loss of common sense, to have allowed their abrogating that respect which is due to their Sovereign, as God Almighty's own Image? Can any one, and not be of this Cabal, wink at their endeavours to draw off his Majesty's most faithful servants, from that duty which they own unto him? Should one have expected until the English or Spaniard had brought their Armies into France, to assist the revolt, or until the Princes who were of this party, should have beaten up their drums and sounded their Trumpets, for to lead their Soldiers into the field to have ruined the whole Kingdom with fire and sword? To have done so, had been the most perfect piece of folly that had ever yet been heard of. Yet for all this was the King much troubled that he was forced to do such things as would displease the Queen-Mother, as to remove her, though after he had endeavoured all meek and fair means, which her Abettors had rendered in vain, though she had laid off all natural thoughts such as a Mother ought to have for a Son, and a Subject for a King, and though she had, to her very utmost, stirred up both the French and Foreigners to trouble the quiet of the Kingdom. But at last the King began to consider that the business would grow worse and worse, if convenient order were not taken to prevent it, that he was bound to prefer public before private interests, as those of an incensed Mother (and if it be proper to use the expression) of a Mother revolted against him, which were things not to be considered at all; according to the judgement of one of the Queen-mothers' Grandmothers, who amongst those instructions which she gave her son told him, that he ought to prefer without any distinction the safety of the Common-Weal, before that of any particular or private persons. Withal, his Majesty was not ignorant that as God doth ever prepose Universal before Individual benefits; so Kings who bear his Image, and are his Vicegerents on earth ought to do the same; That if the Father Almighty did expose his son, who was one and the same with himself, to the rage of the Jews, he could not then be blamed for removing his Mother a few days from the Court, yet continuing to her all Honour, Officers, Goods, Liberty and Power, that she could desire, and this for the necessary good of the State, to the conservation of which God had so obliged him, that he ought to prefer nothing before it. The King thought with himself, that those great Honours and Lands which he had bestowed on her, and that almost absolute Authority, which he had always entrusted with her, whilst she continued in her affection for his Majesty and the public good, would hold him excused from any condemnation, and would sufficiently evince to all the World that he had not made use of so violent a remedy, but by compulsion and constraint of those her Partisans, and by the extremities into which they hurried her; so that judging within himself, that he ought no longer to defer his resolution, he at last proposed it to his Counsel.   

Politic Observation.  
WHen Eagerness hath laid such deep roots in the mind of Princes of the Blood Royal, that they cannot be eradicated by any possibility, it will then be absolutely necessary to prevent their forming into Factions, which usually arise from such beginnings. There will unavoidably great changes soon follow in a Kingdom, where partialities have any sway amongst them. The very lest disorder which can happen between the Heavens, is capable of reducing the Universe into its first Chaos, and the dissensions of those who are nearest related to the King, are able to bring a whole State into Confusion, to tie up the hands of Sovereign Authority, and to expose all as a prey to Foreigners. The opinion which is held that it is proper to nourish several parties and bandyings amongst Grandees, whereby to make them less able to resist their King's Will, ought not to be understood of Leagues and Combinations to be headed by those of the royal Family, which may attempt to impose a necessity on the King, to do what even they shall think fit; for such a division would lead a Kingdom into utter ruin, and undermine the most solid foundations of Monarchy. It is no whit less inconvenient to let Princes alone in any bad intelligence, for their over great union hath produced sad effects; it always aught to be limited by the respects and obediences which they owe their King, for admitting it to be otherwise, their Factions being like impetuous winds, the popularity which is gentle and calm (like the Sea) would receive their impressions with ease, become furiously enraged, run into all disorders, and put a State into desperate hazards. On such occasion no persons ought to be respected. As the very greatest are not exempted from those punishments which the Laws have enacted for the Factious; so their erterprises ought to be cut off and destroyed the sooner by reason they are more to be feared than others, on the score of the power which they have to work upon the minds of people. It is true, ●●e means which conduce to it are very dangerous, and on such occasions it is, that a great Minister of State ought to testify his zeal and generosity, by taking the power out of their hands who abuse it, as Arms from a mad man. It is necessary to resolve upon one of these three things, so to reconcile them that they may rest in a true friendship, which is almost impossible, at least very difficult amongst Grandees who are once offended with one another. And this way ought not to be chosen but after a long time of consideration, that the assurance of it may be of some continuance. The second is more rigorous, and withal more certain, which is to take off the lives of the Factious; to which however I should not advise but in case of extremity, and after all other means have taken no effect, by reason of the respect which is due to the Royal Family. I esteem the third and last to be most agreeable, which is to banish them and take away from them the means of doing any more harm. They who are so dealt with, cannot with Justice complain of it, seeing they have deserved it. It is unreasonable to suffer such persons to remain in a Court, who make open profession of comptrolling their King's Actions, of blaming his Conduct, of setting limits to his Authority, of raising Wars and revolts in his State. Princes though of the Blood Royal, are not exempted from Obedience and Subjection to the Laws of the Kingdom. It belongeth not to them to give Orders for the government of affairs, That Prerogative is inseparable from the Crown, and they who would design the assuming such a power to themselves▪ by other ways then those of his Authority, deserve to be catechised as Rebels. Do we not all know, that, that which heretofore brought this State into the danger of falling into the Spaniards hands, was the too great condescension of Henry the third, towards Monsieur de Guise, who was but a stranger Prince too? Certainly, France had not been exposed to those extreme misfortunes which it hath suffered, had he but had the good luck to have held his hands from those erterprises.   

The resolution of the Council for the Removal of the Queen-Mother.  
ALthough the Cardinal did very well know the reasonableness, nay the necessity of seconding his Majesty's inclinations to the Queen-mothers' removal; yet such was his modesty, and so prevalent over his own discretion and interest, that instead of so doing, he on the contrary, rendered his often entreaties to his Majesty, that he would be pleased to give him leave to withdraw himself from the Court. He represented to him, how that peradventure the Queen-mother might thereby be appeased, and induced to leave the State in peace and quiet; and that for his own part, he should willingly suffer himself to be thrown into the Sea to save the Vessel, provided only, that his Majesty would preserve him in his affections, and not remove him out of any dislike either of his Fidelity or Services. Nor did he this, as being ignorant of the obligation which lay upon him, by reason of the place he held in affairs, of truly acquainting him with every thing which concerned the good of his State; but only that he might let his Majesty perceive how little he regarded private concernments in this occasion. Nor that he did not much esteem the honour which his Majesty did him, by intrusting him in the first place of the Administration; but only because the respect which he did bear to the Queen mother, surmounted the consideration of his own greatness. Not that he wanted heart in his persecutions and afflictions; for it was well known, the greater resistances he encountered in the Cabals and intrigues of the Court, did so much the more whet his Courage and Resolution; insomuch, that they could not at all move much less shake him; but only because the greatest courages are most temperate; it being sometimes more generous to destroy then preserve one's self. In short, not that he wanted affection for his Majesty's service, seeing nothing could more sensibly have touched him, then to have been deprived by his removal, of the means and opportunities to serve and defend him from the unjust attempts of those who perverted by their wickednesses, the minds both of the Queen-mother and Monsieur; but only that he could never with a good will be withdrawn from doing her all service, who had the honour to be mother unto his Master. How really was his advice any whit necessary to persuade his Majesty to remove her. Her own Actions bespoke her unto his Majesty, and shown him in words at length, that it was not fit she should any longer continue at Court, until that time and truth had opened her eyes. These were the true reasons which induced the Cardinal to desire his Majesty's permission to withdraw himself. But his Majesty who well knew how great a loss such a man might prove unto his State, seeing many Ages did hardly produce his Equal, and how that he had made the same use of him, that God doth of the Sun, that is, to dissipate all those storms which might arise, not only refused to grant his request; but on the contrary, weighing the great services he did him, the remarkable advantages which France had enjoyed since his promotion to the Administration, as also the condition in which affairs now were, in respect of the disorders and confusion into which the Queen-mother endeavoured to bring them. And lastly, comparing the present state of things with what they were, upon his first entrance into the management of them▪ he no longer deliberated on this particular, but absolutely resolved to desire the Queen-mother to pass some time away from the Court. All the Ministers of State were of the same opinion, unwilling belike, to fall into the sin of Treason against their King, to render an unjust respect to the Queen-mother, every of them considering, that she had no just ground to complain either of his Majesty, or them; but only of those who had engaged her in such wicked designs, as made her longer stay at Court incompatible with the good of France.   

Politic Observation.  
AS the end of all Government is the good of the State; so all Kings are obliged especially to have a regard unto that, as being the Centre, unto which all their Actions should tend, and to avoid all such things as would divert them, out of that way. In vain do they attempt or begin any great or glorious enterprises, if any by-respect to those of their Blood, or the consideration of their own pleasure be able to put a stop to their progress: The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the public; and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom, he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it. One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace, at a time when War is more proper; and if to satisfy him in particular, he shall lay down his Arms, he doth an action unbeseeming a Royal Prudence: Another will desire, that he would discountenance such a Minister, whose Counsels are however of great advantage to him; and doubtless, if he do it to satisfy his humour, he should commit an injustice against his own State. And what reason, I pray, can there be alleged, why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever, either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers; or remove from him any Minister, who like a good and Propitious Planet, doth by his influences cause his state to flourish, establish a good Order amongst his people, and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours? Who can think it any strange thing, if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours, seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it? No King doth ever merit the title of Just, if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights, for the good and glory of his Crown. He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him, as he is for his Kingdom; and consequently, that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever. Now, if he thus ought to prefer the public before his own private good, who can blame him, if he do the like (in relation) to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family? The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case, and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Public good, to show his Duty unto his Father, rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice. The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther than the house, and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds, he is not bound to observe them. Are not Kings the lively Images of God? If so, what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct? Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish, nay, not exempting Kings themselves, though of never so great use to their States, and all this for the preservation of the world in good order; So cannot any one think it unjust, that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations . And who is so ignorant as not to know, that Public good is the subject of all universal Causes? The Sun, Moon, and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us, because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good, notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it. Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes; whence it followeth, that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice, still to regard the Common good; which if they do not, they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them.   

The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother, returneth to Paris.  
THat course which the King took in this particular, was of all others the most moderate. Not that he was ignorant of those Ties which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother; but his own goodness, and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels, would not permit him to treat her after any other manner. Indeed if the course he took were so moderate, the execution of it was no less respectful and civil; insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it, The King was at that time at Comp●igne, and gave out, that he would on the morrow go to hunt, and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes. He sent for the Marshal d' Estree, and privately told him, that he should keep near to him, to serve him, as occasion should require, as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne, purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-mothers' Officers might chance to raise, and likewise to hinder any concourse of Soldiers in the Countries near adjoining, and to keep that Town in its obedience. The King made himself ready for the Hunting, and before he went forth, called the Sieur d● lafoy Ville-aux Cleres, and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother, that he went without taking his leave of her, because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her, did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth, which she could not receive but with some displeasure, though it were much conducing to the good of his State; which was this, That she would go to the Castle of Moulins (a place which she herself had made choice of for her abode, after the late King's decease) and there spend some time, companyed with all those of her Household, with all sort of Liberty, enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them, and with all Honour due unto her Majesty; To which effect he gave her the Government de Bour●onnois: And then he called for the Father Suffren, and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake, that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu, but that she should not be troubled at it, his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres, to inform her of his intentions. This was the Order, which was observed, and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne, Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it; a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit, and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been entrusted with him, that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty. Not long after the Marshal d' Estree sent unto her, to know if she would be pleased to see him, which she thought fit, and presently told him, she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner: But he having assured her, that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty, but rather on the contrary to serve her, and to receive the honour of her commands, she became a little more appeased; and about evening, the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres, came to request her, that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins, with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her: and in the mean time the King having ended his sport, went to lie at Verbrie.   

Politic Observation.  
Queen's are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as attempt against the King's Authority. Nothing is of greater concern to their Interest, than the Public good and quiet. And indeed History doth furnish us with frequent examples of their Removals from Court, and being subjected to other punishments, when either their own ill deportment, or the Public good hath required it. None but Kings themselves are above the Laws; and seeing their Majesties (both Wives and Mothers) have with the qualities of Queens, that of Subjects, they are not privileged from those rewards which are ordained by the Laws. Helen wife of Menelaus returning to Sparta, upon the ruin of Troy, was soon banished for having occasioned so many misfortunes. The Emperor Honorius returned Placida back unto Constantinople, she being suspected of holding correspondence with his enemies. Irene the wife of Constantine the fifth, was condemned to perpetual banishment by Nic●phorus, her Son's Successor. Martina wife of the Emperor Heraclius, was forced to undergo the like sentence by Decree of the Senate, for having put to death her Son in law Constan●ine the younger. Our own History hath plenty of the like examples, Lewis the twelfth removed his Wife from the Court, and divorced her, upon suspicion of her loyalty. Charles the seventh sent his Mother Isabel of Baviers unto Bloys, and thence unto Tours, to hinder the growth of those wicked contrivances, which were hatched by some certain discontented ones, under her name; he likewise seized on her Jewels and Money, by the Constable d' Armagnac, and committed her to the guard of three men, without whose leave she could not speak with any one whatever; in which condition she continued, until the Duke of Burgogne came to relieve her. The satisfaction of one only person is of so little consideration if compared with the good of many millions committed to the care of a King, and for which he must be one day accountable before him who hath only constituted him over them, that he might watch for their good: There is not any obligation great enough, or consideration just enough, to excuse a King from preventing the beginning, or stopping the progress of any evil which seemeth to threaten his people. This Rule is so general, that it admits of no exceptions. Besides, if a King (as doubtless he is) be obliged to lay down his own life for his Subjects good, how much more reason hath he (a fortiori) to prefer it before any other respect whatever? The late Queen Catharina de Medicis said, and that with great judgement, A King ought to have the same Jealousy of his Authority, as a Husband is obliged to have of his wife.   

The chief Leaders of this Cabal secured.  
AT the same time that the King departed from Compeigne, and had requested the Queen to pass away some time from the Court, there were Orders given out for the securing of the Principal Authors of this Cabal. Those Ladies who were interested in it, were commanded to withdraw themselves. The Marshal d' Bassompierre L' Albe de Foix, and Doctor Vautier were sent to the Bastille, where they received not any violence at all. The Princess de Conty, the Duchess d' Elbaeuf, d' Ornano, and Desdiquieres, were commanded to retire to their own houses. The Princes, Governors, and other Lords then absent from the Court, were so fairly dealt withal, that there was only course taken, that they might hold no further correspondence with the Queen-mother, by having an eye upon their actions and telling them, that they would force his Majesty to punish them; in case they did not surcease their Intrigues and Factions. What greater moderation could possibly have been used, and what greater Clemency could there have been showed towards those Factious persons, who had sowed discord in his Majesty's family, held intelligence with strangers, attempted to raise civil Wars in the Kingdom, who had openly found fault with his Majesty's Government, traduced his most glorious and just actions, and who were come to that pass of insolency, that they would compel his Majesty to destroy him whom he cherished as the worthiest instrument of his Glory: But had they been continued near the Queen-mother where they might have gone on in their agitations, what would they not have done, and to what extremities would they not have been transported?  
Notwithstanding all this, she complained aloud, that all those in whom she could put any confidence were taken from her; and earnest entreaties she made, that Vautier might be restored to her as a person whom she pretended necessary for her health: which was denied, he being one of the prime firebrands of the whole faction, and one who instead of pacifying her Majesty's spirit (as the Cardinal had but lately obliged him, by promising him very great advantages if he did effect it) had added fuel to the fire, and aggravated the violence of her Passion; but that she might not have any just cause to complain, she was offered to take her choice of above a hundred Doctors of Physic, in and about Paris, most of them much more able than him.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is not reasonable to suffer them who are factiously inclined to rove at their own liberty, seeing Prisons are only made to restrain them who abuse it against the Public good. In vain have the Laws ordained this means to stop the progress of their malice, if they be not put in execution. What colour can there be, not to confine them who are troublers of the people's quiet? It is hard to secure all; who have had their hands in a Faction; and indeed it were not peradventure fit so to do; but however, the Ringleaders must and aught to be restrained. It is very dangerous to wink at them, lest the people apprehend too much mildness; and besides the favour which is showed to them, and serves only to give them time so to settle and contrive their designs, that afterwards it will be to little purpose to oppose them. Mucianus victual us was much commended in the days of old, for having commanded his own son to be put to death that he might quench the flames of a War in its Cradle. The Duke of Alencon having conspired against Charles the seventh, in the year 1474 was, not only imprisoned but condemned to death. And the Duke of Bourgogne supplicating to obtain favour in his behalf, by alleging that he was of the Blood Royal and that his Ancestors had done great services to the Crown, was answered by the King, that as for being of the Blood Royal, he was not the less worthy of punishment, seeing he was the more obliged to have been loyal to it; and as for those services which his Predecessors had done, they ought not to be regarded in relation to him, seeing he had not followed their good example. Charles the Fifth, not only shortened the liberty, but the life too of a Gentleman who had dictated a Letter to those of Gaund, in which they entreated Francis the first to assist them against him. Philip the second, King of Spain, stood not in expectation until his son had completed that Faction which he had designed against him, and the State, but not sparing his own blood, he presently clapped him up in prison upon his first notice and assurance of his resolutions. Charles the Ninth, did not pardon the Duke of Alencon his own Brother, no more than he did the King of Navarre; for upon his first knowledge of their Intrigues, he sent them both unto the Boys de Vincennes. Did not Henry the Third, after conference with his Nobles at Bloys, threaten the late Henry the Grand, and the Prince de Condè, in case they did not conform themselves to those resolutions which had been concluded for the good of Religion and the State? Neither had France ever been so much spoiled by those Wars, had Monsieur de Guise been imprisoned, as soon as ever his wicked designs had been discovered.  
The Queen-mother herself did the same thing; for during her Regency, she imprisoned Monsieur the Prince upon suspicion, lest he might attempt something against her Authority.   

L' Marshal d' Estree, addresseth himself to execute his Majesty's pleasure against the Queen-mother.  
DUring the Queen-mothers' abode at Campeign, the Marshal d' Estrée was very careful to show her all manner of respect, according to the command given him by the King. He went constantly to receive the word from her, he sent to know what course she would be pleased to take concerning the Keys of the City, and whether she would have them brought to her. All the Officers of her Family, prosecuted their charges without any disturbance; she herself went abroad when and where she pleased, unaccompanied with any, who could but seem to restrain her liberty; neither did he ever discourse to her in any other dialect, but to beseech her from his Majesty, that she would be pleased to go to her house of Moulins, which herself had made choice of since her Widowhood; he assured her she should not have any guards about her: Insomuch, that really she could not have any just cause to complain: And in fine, she condescended to go to Moulins. Not long after, some of her Faction being at liberty, reflecting on the nearness of Paris, and how advantageous it might be to their designs in regard it was the Centre, where all the intelligence of the Kingdom was brought, and where all their Contrivances might be managed with the greater security and secrecy, advised her to change that resolution, and persuaded her to continue at Compeign, although herself had not long before said, that she could not possible live there. The King knew that the Neighbourhood of Paris war of a dangerous consequence, for those very reasons which made them aim at it, so that he refused to give way to her longer stay thereabouts, but offered her the choice of any other town in the heart of the Kingdom; she pitched upon Nevers, and the King had no sooner approved of it, but she presently changed her mind, pretending she had not any money for the journey; thereupon she was promised a supply, and that she should not want for any thing, so she pretended a great preparation of Galleys to transport her out of France, which was only an invention suggested to her by those who only continued it as a delay: The King proffered the Government of Anjou unto her together with the City and Castle Angiers, in case she would go thither: To all these Proposals she discovered nothing but a resolute stubbornness against the King's Will, having forgot, belike, that she was his Subject as well as his Mother, and not at all regarding those instances so often represented from his Majesty, that she would departed from Compeign, so that her disobedience against his Authority was not the only offence, but her delays in that City, being so passionately and stiffly by her desired, bred the greater jealousy and suspicion of her.   

Politic Obeservation.  
OBstinacy is a fault, the more dangerous amongst great persons, in regard their example may serve for a Spring to give motion unto the people, and their resisting their King's Will, causeth great evils in a State. That perverseness of not being ruled by reason and their Sovereign's Authority, serveth only to engage them in great disorders, which instead of advancing, ruineth their Interests, and shipwrecks all their adherents. For the King must be obeyed, and that by the very greatest of his own Blood and Family. Better it is for them to bend then break, to turn to any hand rather than go straight on to their ruin and confusion. The certainty of Prudence doth not consist in a determinative will, of absolutely doing this or that thing, but in a resolution of prosecuting with zeal whatever reason doth dictate to be advantageous or proper; when it followeth that whenever Prudence discovereth any notable disadvantage likely to attend that which formerly had been concluded necessary and profitable, she presently withdraws herself. An irrevocable resolution cannot be commendable but in Angels, who piercing into the truth of things in an instant, and knowing all the Qualities or Accidents, which can render them either good or evil, may, ●●hout fear of being mistaken, remain firm in their first decrees. But so it is not with a humane Soul, which oftentimes coming to learn, that those Subjects by him thought profitable are dangerous, is then obliged to reject them with the same earnestness as he did before prosecute them. That ignorance in which we are all born doth oblige the most powerful men, to follow the Counsels of the wise, even against their own opinions, which rendereth them more inclinable to accommodation than others. Hence it is not any inconstancy to change in any evil designs, neither then when any unseen misfortune comes to be discovered; but it usually happeneth to us in the confusion of affairs, as when we are sick, we are most eagerly desirous of those things, which are quite contrary to our recovery.   

The Discontents of Monsieurs Creatures.  
AMongst the many other complaints made by them who abused the Queen-mothers' Name and Seal in their Letters, this was one of the chiefest, that she had not been removed from the Court, but only because she would not hold a fair correspondence with the Cardinal. But is not this like the complaining of the sick, who being fallen into some shameful disease by their own faults, will by no means accuse themselves, but endeavour to impute it to some other cause more likely to justify themselves? Truly the Cardinal was no more the cause of the Queen-mothers' Removal, than Virtue is the cause, that Sin betaking itself to all wickedness, out of the hatred it bears to goodness, should by that means come to be aliened from God, who withdraws himself from it. It cannot indeed be denied; but that the King before her left he at Compeigne, did once and again charm her to love the Cardinal; and it were not amiss if the true motives which induced him so to do, were here laid down. The good of his State was chief in his intentions, and the necessity of withdrawing her from those Factions which would engage the Kingdom in Revolts, and all this to compel him, to deliver up this grand Minister, in case they could not effect it by the daily instances which they persuaded her to make unto his Majesty. This indeed is the true reason which forced his Majesty to part with her as himself testifieth in his Letter to the Governors of the Provinces, where true it is, mention is made of her refusal to love the Cardinal, but it is likewise said, that the hatred which she bore to him, transported her to attempt things contrary to the good of his State, and the public quiet, insomuch that he could no longer permit her stay at Court. But who can impute her removal to the Cardinal, when it is well known how careful and solicitous he was to appease that anger which she expressed against him, which he did so effectually as to renounce his own interest and Fortune, and to sue for his own discharge from the Court with that earnestness, that his stay there may justly be said to be only in order to his Majesty's Will and satisfaction, who expressly commanded it, and to acquit himself of the Obligation which he had to acknowledge, by the continuation of his services, of the honour which he did him; the King still protesting as great a resolution to preserve him as the Queen-Mother did eagerness to destroy him.  
But lastly, who can deny that a design tending to ruin ( it cost) one of the chiefest pillars of the State, and him whom the King himself had often professed to be the principal Author of his good, is not a crime Laesae Majestatis? Were it not such in any one, to attempt the destruction of any the strongest places on the Frontites, or rather to invade any the fairest Towns of France? Had not experience than made it evident, that the Cardinal was of greater use and concern for the good of France, than many Citadels, and divers of the best Towns in the Kingdom? He would easily have retrived them all, if so be any Invasion of our Enemies should have forced them from us, but it was not to be hoped ever to find a Minister qualified as he was, who was a greater Protection to France, than all the Citadels put together, and who by his Industry had made the King master of a great number of Towns and Cities.   

Politic Observation.  
IT was not without reason that Theodosius the younger, and Justinian, inserted in their Books, as likewise Leon the first, and Constantine in their Politicis and Basilicis, that Law made by the Emperor Arcadius, whereby they who had engaged themselves in any Faction tending to ruin the chief Ministers of a Sovereign, were guilty Laesae Majestatis. And for this very reason, If any one in England be convicted of having contrived (though but in his thoughts) the downfall of any Counsellor of State, though he had not executed it, yet such is the Law there, that he lose his life as guilty de laesae Majestatis, against the King; as it was in the case of Somerset, Uncle to Edward the sixth, and Protector of the Kingdom, for only having designed in his thoughts to put the Duke of Northumberland to death, who likewise governed the Kingdom of England under the same young King. The Laws of Swedeland are so respectful of them, that it is death only to speak ill of them. Salvian de Marseille saith, That the enormity of Injuries ought to be weighed by the quality of them on whom they reflect; whence it followeth (saith he) that those injuries done to a chief Minister of State, who representeth the Person of his Prince, are to be reputed as done against the Prince himself. Thou hast commitied an offence (saith Quintilian) but because it is against the Magistrate, thou art therefore guilty of Treason. Whence it was that Verterius (as Plutarch observeth, was condemned to die, he having been defective in his respects to a Tribune, whose place is much inferior to that of a chief Minister This was the sense which Antiquity had of those offences committed against public persons, and thus were they punished who so offended. And who can deny these their Laws and Customs to be very reasonable and just, seeing chief Ministers are like the noblest parts of the Sovereign, as is declared in the Law of Arcadius? And if the Prince be the head of his State, they are then the Members and Instruments by which he governeth. And thus hath another said, Our Saviour is the Head of the Church▪ the Church are his Body, and the Prelates are his chief members. They are Stars clothed by their Princes with part of their own splendour, that they may the better guide the people by their Influences; they are the lively Images in which they cause the footsteps of their Authority to shine forth. Whence it is, that if a man be guilty de Laesae Majestatis, for only offending by any disrespect his Prince's Image or Picture, made only of Brass, Stone, or the like; surely he is much more guilty who dis●respecteth his living Image, in whom the most lively stamps of his Royal Authority are engraved, who is the Organ by which he delivereth his Will unto the People, and indeed the principal Instrument of his Glory. And if it be needful to reinforce this with any stronger reason, That is the crime de Laesae Majestatis which offendeth the Sovereign, or which interfereth with the greatness of his State.  
And what? Is not this to attempt upon the greatness of his State, when a Cabal shall be contrived and fomented for the ruin of a Minister, who by the conduct of his Master's Arms, and his own Prudence, hath extended his limits, hath rendered him terrible to all other Nations, hath vanquished all his King's enemies, and reduced them to an impossibility of attempting any new thing against his Master's authority, who hath extinguished all those Factions which troubled the public quiet, who daily augmenteth the Revenue of the Exchequer, hath established Peace in the Kingdom, and in a word, next unto his Majesty, is the greatest prop and supporter of its greatness? Cicero saith, That he who raiseth a Sedition against the Public Peace, doth diminish the Majesty of the Empire. There are three sorts of High Treasons. The first is absolutely against the Prince's person The second against the Respect due to him. And the third against the Grandeur and Safety of his State and Kingdom. Now it were to be purposely blind, not to rank under this third degree, all those Factions which contrive the ruin of any Ministers of State, they being so much contrary to the good of the State; neither were it unreasonable to range them under the first, as in England, seeing Ministers carry their Master's Image instamped on their Foreheads.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
THe Marshal d' Estree, whose Discretion hath been often experimented in the many affairs in which he had been employed, used his utmost endeavours to induce the Queen-Mother to yield unto his Majesty's Will and Pleasure. The Marquis de Saint Chaumont came divers times to her from his Majesty, to assure her, that he could no longer permit her stay at Compeigne: All which produced nothing but new heart-burnings in her mind, and great lamentations at her Imprisonment, which in its self was but imaginary, seeing she had not any Guards upon her, disposed of the keys of the City, and went abroad wherever she pleased. This procedure of hers could not but provoke his Majesty, neither indeed could it be longer endured in a State, where Obedience is the Foundation of Government; so his Majesty resolved to dispatch unto her the Marshal de Schomberg, and the Sieur de Roissi, who were known to be both prudent and respectful; to the end they might deal clearly with her, tel● her the truth, which till then had been forborn, and discourse at length unto her the disorders of her carriage (of which his Majesty till that time seemed not to take any notice) notwithstanding the show which she made of her innocence. Accordingly they dealt ingeniously with her, represented to her, that the King was well informed of those many Cabals contrived against his Authority and Glory, that he likewise knew Monsieurs departure first from the Court, and then out of the Kingdom, was an effect of her only Counsel; Lastly, that there was not any one in the Kingdom, how great soever, who could pretend to a Right of imposing a Law on his Majesty for the choice of his Ministers; and that his Majesty could not but think it extremely strange, that she, above all others in particular, should so press him to destroy the Cardinal, seeing she knew better than the whole Nation, that there was not any person in the Kingdom, who had done, or was more able to do service to the State, than he: To be short, that she had no such great reason to complain, that she was forced to live removed from the King, there being not any Law in holy Writ, which require children always to live with their Mothers, especially when they are of age to dispose of their own good; but that it's found written in divers places which command Kings to be obeyed as God's Lieutenants upon earth; that his Majesty had just reason to be offended, he having so often sent to her to withdraw herself from Compeigne, and she having as often slighted it; nor could she pretend any excuse for her so doing, seeing his Majesty had offered her the choice of any other place to dwell in; that they were obliged to tell her, that this her disobedience was not to be endured in a well ordered State, neither that it were just for his Majesty to put up this resistance of hers; that it was the ready way to force him to use her with more rigour: and Monsieur de Schomberg did not stick to tell her, that it had been his own advice to remove her from the Court, so prejudicial was her presence to his Majesty's service. These discourses so full of Truth and Prudence, should have opened her eyes, and discovered his Majesty's goodness unto her, who was satisfied only with a short removal of her, for such reasons as have formerly Imprisoned, nay condemned divers great Princes to death: whereas her mind was so charmed by their devices who had engaged her in this Cabal, that instead of disabusing her, they only added extremities to the excess of her choler.   

Politic Reflection.  
ALthough great men should more especially be informed with ●he truth of things, seeing their affairs which depend on it, are of greater importance than others, yet however the most part of them do not much love her, she seldom comes within their Courts but naked; and if perchance she appear in their presence, they turn about from her, as if they could not endure to see her. They desire things should be related to them as they would have them, not as they really are. It is very dangerous to find fault with any of their Actions, which they undertake in confidence, that they are well-beseeming their greatness: If any one presume to debate their Designs, by discovering the naked Truth to them, he will presently be esteemed but an ill servant for his pains: whence it is, that the most part of their attendants unwilling to run the hazard of displeasing them, do not discourse to them of any their affairs, but so as they think may be acceptable to them; they find by the daily experience of others, both past and present, that this compliance of theirs is the most assured supporter of their Fortunes, and a far greater prop to them then Truth herself. Those Princes who are of this humour, never well counselled, there being but a few who would willingly for their sakes renounce their Fortunes▪ especially seeing by telling truth they should get nothing. Such counsels as thwart their Passions, are either esteemed extravagant, or as proceeding from a naughty servant. They are for the most part like that unjust Judge who demanded of our Saviour what Truth was, but would not stay to be informed. Great and many are the inconveniencies which by this means happen to them: for those specious appearances of Truth with which they are deluded, are like to those Lamps set out on the tops of Rocks by Pirates, which instead of a Harbour entice the vessels to their shipwreck, whereby they make a prey of their goods. An Ancient Author saith, That the greatest pleasure of the mind consisteth in the knowledge of Truth. But it ought to be understood of a soul free from Passion; and which only prosecuteth the Laws of Justice. And the Rule of the Wise says, Happy is the Prince who is so disposed, and who knoweth how to esteem those who counsel him freely, without disguising the Truth, for they, and only they, are the real supporters of his State and greatness.   

Prosecution of the History.  
THis behaviour of the Queen-Mother's seemed incredible, considering the goodness which she had hitherto made apparent in her conduct, neither indeed could she possibly have fallen into such disorders, had she not been lead into them, by those very persons in whom she most confided. Such and so great was their wickedness, that wanting sufficient reasons and inducements to entice her to their own bends, they sought for some amongst the Stars, and were so bold as to cast the King's Nativity, and foretold her, that by the Position of the Heavenly Signs, his Majesty could not long live; which being so, the Laws of Prudence obliged her to side with Monsieur; that she ought in reason to look on him as the Rising Sun, who would shortly sit at the Helm, and whose favourable influences would be necessary for the upholding of her greatness. This foundation being thus laid, it was no hard matter to persuade her in her Passion, that she need not much regard the Cardinal, for the King once ceasing to be, he would of consequence lie at their mercy. These were the vain wicked imaginations of certain malicious extravagant persons, which they went rather to Hell then Heaven, to learn out for the feeding of others ambitious humours, and to continue by this device the pensions which they procured from her Majesty. It is strange that any man should ground a belief upon such like predictions, yet it is a Rock upon which many Grandees have been ruined. By this means was Lentulus Sura drawn into Cataline's conspiracy; And by this means did the late Queen Catharine de Medicis engage herself in several affairs prejudicial to her children's and her own Interests. Thus indeed did the ancient Pagans in all their great enterprises, on which they durst not think without the Predictions of their Augurs, and other Priests, though in truth it was without any reason or good foundation.   

Politic Observation.  
THat knowledge which we have during this life, hath enough to do, if it can but penetrate into the depth of things present, to extend and stretch it unto things to come, is not only useless, but dangerous▪ I shall willingly for my part subscribe to the opinions of Plato, Aristotle, and Seneca, all who have absolutely rejected the Art of Divination, and held that the Predictions of Astrologers are vain and idle. The Chaldeans (as most probably may be conjectured) were the first who discovered the use of Horoscopes, but happy had been their ignorance had they known nothing of it. It is very commendable in us to foresee by Prudence that which may befall us, but it is a foppery to ground the event of our undertake upon the motion of the Stars. The Devils have sometimes foretold by the frivolous ordinary rules of Astrology, what shall happen, but most men have attributed the truth of their predictions, not so much to the strength of those Rules, as unto Chance; or as others will have it, unto their care to effect these things by them foretold. To desire to know what shall hereafter happen, is to search into that which belongs only unto God; and it is equally rash to predict, as it is vain to pry into the knowledge of it. Notwithstanding all this, there are such as do suffer themselves to be led away into this error, and that upon two different occasions. Some, that they may avoid those misfortunes which they fear; but it is commonly seen, that they who would fain shun the Rock, do run upon the Shelve. Others, that they may attain unto those goods for which they hope; but to them it likewise happens, that crediting too much the good fortune promised them by the Stars, they come to run into disasters; if perchance they meet not that amongst the Stars which they desire, presently they slight the Art; but if they do meet with any thing correspondent to their minds, it so flatters their passions, that they are blind, and engage themselves over and over, in such enterprises, as do at last bring them to their ruins. There need no other reason to evince the ignorance of Astrologers than this one, that they are so little knowing of what shall befall themselves in particular; for they know not how to prevent any thing, neither indeed need there more, then barely to examine with Prudence the Rules upon which they ground their conjectures, and it will then soon be discovered that they are Impostors, and that their knowledge is mere ignorance.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
NOtwithstanding that there was as much clemency in his Majesties, as obstinacy in the Queens procedure, yet did she not forbear to lament, and accuse him of cruelty. His Majesty being then no longer able to endure those complaints which she made to all the Princes of Christendom, especially at her Imprisonment, and being equally desirous to stop her mouth, by withdrawing those forces which happened to be then near her (not upon the score of guarding her, but for other reasons as hath heretofore been declared) and likewise knowing that it would be a hard matter for her to cause Compiegne to revolt, or to raise any Soldiers thereabouts, the principal of the Cabal being either imprisoned or affrighted, did at last resolve to disperse them into other places. The only thing feared was, lest she should cast herself into the Spaniards hands. His Majesty to make sure of her, as to that particular, first sent to her by the Marshal d' Estree, that he would readily satisfy her, by withdrawing all those forces then in Garrison at Compiegne; provided she would engage herself not to stir out of the Kingdom. She thereupon passed her word once and again, not to go out of the Kingdom, and the Forces were accordingly drawn off; only his Majesty left part of them, some certain leagues from thence, to prevent the assembling of any soldiers.   

The Queen-mothers' departure out of France.  
THis excess of his Majesty's goodness, should have wrought upon her, but she instead of acknowledging it for such, abused it, and that she might add to his troubles went out of the Kingdom. For the facilitating and private management of this design, she gave his Majesty to understand by the Marshal de Estree, and the Marquis de Saint Chaumont▪ that she would withdraw herself from Compiegne, to such other Town as he should appoint, might she but have the honour to see him The King overjoyed at this her Proposal, offered to meet her, either at her house of Monceaux or Nantes, or such other places as she pleased upon the Roads of Angiers, Bloys, or Moulins. The King pleased himself for some certain time, in this hope, believing it might be a means to regain Monsieur, but in the interim, the Queen mother negotiated her retreat with the Infanta in Flanders, and found means to prevail with the Marquis de Vardes to deliver up Capelle into her hands, of which he was then Governor. The Request which she made unto the Infanta was no long time unanswered; for the Spaniards who aimed at nothing more than to foment divisions in the Nation, whereby they might prevent the assisting of any of our Allies, when they invaded them, quickly persuaded her Highness, to assure her of a good reception; that she should be entertained in her Territories with all honour and respect, and that she would make such provisions, as she should not want any thing she could desire; this answer once received, she stood no longer in deliberating on her retreat; but providing every thing necessary for her person, she departed from Compiegne with Madam de Tresnay, and one woman of her Chamber. The same day she came to Capelle, but could not get in (the King having sent thither the Sieur de Vardes the Father, upon suspicion of the Son) and from thence she went to Avennes, which is the first Town in Haynault, bordering on France. By this she made it apparent to the whole World, that she was not only a Prisoner, but that she did wed herself to her passion, by giving herself up to the enemies of France   

Politic Observation.  
TO give way to Passion, and let it overrule our reason is very dangerous, so are the consequences which attend it, especially in matters of great concernment. God hath ordained reason to govern in Man's Soul▪ as in a Throne, that she might guide all his Actions. He hath appointed reason to be the rule of his motions, as the little fish which marcheth before the Whale, to lead him through the Waters, lest his unweildinesse should carry him against the Rocks. We are all bound to follow the dictates of Reason; but of all others, Princes are most concerned so to do; for if once they shut their eyes to reason, and suffer themselves to be transported by the violence of their Passion, what do they but open a Gate to Usher in disorders and confusions into their States. This violence may well be likened to that of a Torrent, which rooteth up Trees, teareth up Rocks, and overthrows whatever it meeteth; for just thus is it, when reason is once extinguished, the judgement is then spoiled, and Prudence is of no more use, than feathers to a Bird caught in Lime. Is not this the thing which hath destroyed most, if not all Kingdoms, which hath trodden Crowns under foot, which hath excited people to revolt, and Cities to mutiny, which hath profaned sacred places, abused Altars, and whatever is most reverenced by mankind? How many have there been seen, who in their fury have not cared to lose themselves, provided they might ruin them in that Precipice which themselves could not avoid? It is great wisdom to suppress anger, and to stifle it in the Cradle, for by permission and toleration it grows to be headstrong. Violence by giving way to it, becomes invincible, insomuch that in time it will be difficult, nay impossible to overcome it; it is like Lightning, which once broke out from the Cloud which restrained it, is not by any means to be again reduced.   

The Queen-mothers' entrance into Brussels.  
THe Queen mother was no sooner come into the Infantas Territories, but the Baron de Creve-Coeur received her, in the Town of Avennes, as Governor of Haynault. She than gave notice of her arrival unto the Infanta, by the Baron de Guaypre, and her Highness presently dispatched the Marquis d' Ayetone, to offer unto her Majesty all the Power and Authority which she had in the Low-countries and to beseech her absolutely to dispose of it. Don Philip Albert de Valesques, Captain of her Highness' Lifeguard, came at the same time with his Company to serve her, as Guards from Avennes, she went to Mons, where the Prince d' Espinoy put the Townsmen all in Arms, to receive her with the greater splendour. Thither came the Infanta to meet her, who entertained her with all imaginable respects, and confirmed to her the Proposals which she had made of delivering her power in the Low Countries, into her Majesty's hands. Two days being thus spent, they went both together to Brussels, where she was received with the same honour, as if she had been King of Spain. She was entertained with all the satisfaction and diversions that could be imagined. It cannot be expressed, with what honour the Spanish Nobility did attend her; but we may conceive, that their designs were far different from those of the Infanta, who good Princess, had in her whole life time testified a great deal of goodness, sincerity, and holiness itself, so that what she did cannot be ascribed but to her civility, and the particular kindness which she had, both for the Queen-mother and France. Whereas, the Spaniards had other ends in it. They knew that Women are bewitched wish Honour, and by this means did they endeavour to engage her more and more to them, that they might make use of her to ruin the Cardinal, whose Prudence alone held their Noses to the Grindstone, more than an Army of a hundred thousand men.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is great discretion in Kings to receive with honour such Princes, who discontented with their own Countries, come to make addresses to them. The qualities of their birth make them venerable, in what condition soever, though they were vanquished, yet ought they to be treated with respect. E●nones King of the Adorses is highly applauded by Tacitus, for his courteous entertaining of Mithridates' King of Bosphorus, when his evil fortune forced him, though his enemy, to ●●st himself into his hands. And if the quality of stranger Princes, be an obligation on Kings to receive them with respect, amidst the misfortunes in which they are sometimes involved, yet Prudence doth much more advise, nay require it; for the honour done to them, is a Tie which doth engage them to wish well to their Countries, upon the score of the good usage and kindness which was there showed them. Besides, and which is not a little considerable, it is a most infallible way to foment and exasperated divisions in those Countries, from whence they retire. They may at any time be placed in the head of an Army to go raise a War there, and yet not break with their King. A thing of great concernment to the Spaniards, whose Countries being separated from one another, cannot well be preserved in obedience, but by their setting on foot dissensions and wars amongst their neighbours, as hath been observed by one of themselves who hath treated of the Politic secrets by them used. A wise Prince is never sorry at any partiality in his neighbouring Countries. He knows that he is by that means safe from them, and that whilst they are engaged in Wars, he many have leave and leisure to execute his own designs, and oftentimes to make great advantages by it.   

The Infanta dispatcheth the Sieur de Carondelet to the King, to negotiate the Queen-mothers' accommodation.  
SHortly after the Queen-mothers' abode at Brussels, and about the month of August, the Infanta desirous of Peace, sent the Sieur de Caro del●t Doyen of Cambray, her extraordinary Ambassador unto the King then at Monceaux, for to assure his Majesty that she had not received her into her Country, but ou● of the affection and respect▪ which she was bound to pay unto her; that she had not for her part any thought of making any advantage against France, but would contribute her utmost endeavours to the tranquillity thereof. The King, who was not naturally inclined to war, but when it was necessary, in order to the establishment of Peace in his Dominions, would have easily been induced to an accord, had he not been certainly informed that those about the Queen-Mother, and the Spaniards procured this Embassy, only the better to conceal the designs they had against the Public Peace of his Kingdom; Nevertheless as Kings are politicly obliged to dissemble their actions, and to acknowledge apparent civilities by apparent testimonies, the Cardinal by his appointment received him with all possible demonstrations of honour and kindness, to flatter his vain ambition, and to render him at least seemingly serviceable to France, knowing he had in charge to make divers agreeable Propositions: He made divers journeys betwixt the Court and Brussels, and was always received and entertained at his return with honour and magnificence; and when he took his last leave, was presented with a Cross of Diamonds worth two thousand Crowns: But his frequent Voyages made him to be more swayed with imaginary conceits, than prudence in his undertaking; and that after he had wasted the estate by Birth and Fortune derived to him, he would have been glad to have gotten others from the bounty of his Majesty.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough one Prince may have received some unkindness from another, yet ought he not however to be deficient in receiving his Ambassadors with civility and honour. Civility is a virtue which ought to be used every where. Alexander whose example is the more considerable, seeing he was always esteemed for generous, used it even to excess, and that towards his very enemies. He ought to hold a correspondence with others, though he hath neither reason to love them, nor to think that he is beloved by them: It will not become him to seem as if he would be revenged, but effectually to punish him who hath provoked him; whereas at is discretion to entertain him with Civilities, for the easier surprising of him; the highest testimonies of friendship which he shall render to him, being the best devices he can use, to give him no cause of jealousy, which may induce him to stand upon his guard. One of the Ancient Sages said. A Prince never ought to receive the kindnesses of others, but with distrust. Pompey was decived by the pretences of peace, and Lepidus by an apparent Friendship, as Tacitus hath observed. In general it may be said, that Civilities are like a winding lane, which lead by a Trap door into any designed place . They are always seasonable, and although they are not always accompanied with frankness, yet are they nevertheless agreeable to the Receiver, and advantageous to the Giver. The Wise man sometimes seemeth to be highly satisfied, though he be inwardly displeased; which he doth, that he may the better take his time, and show his anger to the purpose; for by dissembling his discontent with his enemies, he is the more enabled to do them a displeasure; neither ought he to show his Teeth, but when he is in a condition to by't. But more especially ought he not to receive Ambassadors sent to him, but with Honour and respect, seeing their Quality hath always made them pass for venerable, in consideration of the person whom they represent: Neither is the Honour done them cast away, for it serves to take off from their Master's distrust, who may thereby be enticed to take less care in his affairs, than otherwise he would; withal, it keeps his Neighbours in suspense, and hinders them from associating themselves with him; for most Princes are apt to divide upon the least noise of War.   

The King sendeth the Cardinal de la Valette unto Monsieur then at Orleans.  
HAving related the causes of the Queen-mothers' discontent, and the manner of her retreat, it will not be amiss to speak something of Monsieurs affairs, of his Majesties and the Cardinal's endeavours to bring him back to the Court, and of the ill Counsel which engaged him to raise a War, and at last to withdraw himself out of the Kingdom. Upon his Majesty's return from Compeigne, where he had left the Queen-Mother, he resolved not to omit any opportunity which might be conducing to reconcile him unto him, and to withdraw him from the Queen-mothers' intrigues, and having thought nothing could be more proper to allay his Spirits, which had been a little exasperated, then to marry him, his Majesty dispatched the Cardinal de la Valette to him, then at Orleans, to assure him, that there was not any security or satisfaction which should be denied him, in case he would return as he was desired; more particularly, that he would very willingly yield to his marriage with the Princess Maria, which heretofore had been importunately entreated. This Procedure was a sufficient testimony of the King's affection, seeing he could not marry himself, without engaging his Majesty's Interests in it, and that his Authority could not but receive some prejudice, in case he should have any children: Yet some ill Counsellors then near him, stopped his eyes, that he might not see it. The Cardinal de la Valette proposed it to him, and gave him all imaginable assurances of the King's affection: But he found him in a thousand jealousies, which Coigneux and others had instilled into him, on purpose to decline him from his Majesty's Interests, and to make themselves the more considerable with him: For his own part, he was well enough inclined to do  could be required of him, but those creatures of his had gotten such a hand over him, by their tricks and devices, that in a minute they unravelled  the Cardinal de la Valette had with much ado wrought to any perfection. They represented to him the Queen Mother's Interest and persuaded him that he was engaged in Honour to assist her in those persecutions into which the Cardinal had brought her (which were Chimaeras only) and that it were a great dishonour for him, to forsake her, she having cast herself (as it were) into his Arms: witha● they terrified him with panic fears, and protested to him, that they would not assure him of his liberty, if once he came within the Cardinal's reach; as if the King's Arms had not been long enough to have secured him, whilst he was at Orleans, had he been so inclined; and as if the King's word had not been an assurance ample enough: Was not that only proposal of the Marriage a certain demonstration that the King had not any intent of imprisoning him, unless in the fetters of Love, which he thought a tye strong enough to continue him near unto him? But this too they persuaded him, was a Lure to draw him to into the gins provided for him; insomuch that it was impossible to bring him back, or to persuade him to have any confidence in his Majesty. Thus did those Creatures of his triumph over his goodness, sacrifice his glory to their own Interests, and raise themselves to that pitch of Insolence, that they would build their own Fortunes upon the despisal of the Royal Authority.   

Politic Observation.  
AS a Wise and Loyal Counsellor is the cause of a thousand good successes, so a bad one serves only to engage his Prince in the extremity of misfortunes. Prince's ought especially to beware of such who make their own private interest their main business; for from such they cannot expect any thing but dis-service, and they are obliged to remove such from the Court; seeing they themselves do but seldom take the pains to examine and discuss such affairs as are presented to them, whence by the advices of such men, they come to be oftentimes engaged in very dangerous designs. Happy are those Princes whose Ministers chief ends, are their Master's glory; and this is his Majesty's present happiness; for they being neither passionate nor partial in their advices, do always adhere unto that which is most honourable: whereas they who have other Interests, or are prepossessed either with Fear or Ambition, do ever and anon infallibly fall on that side, by which they hoped to secure themselves from the storm, or raise their own Families. Princes in their necessities have the more reason to complain, they then having most need of good advice: Faithful Councillors being hard to be met with in Courts; there is the place where Interest holds the chief Seat of its Empire, where it is more regarded then Kings themselves; for the most part of their Attendants do serve them only for the love of it: Love and Loyalty are seldom admitted into those places, it being usual to sue for a Prince's favour, not so much to love him the more, as for the better effecting of one's own designs. Hence it is that the major part of their Followers give them such advices, as they think to be most conformable to their inclinations not such as are according to the Rules of Prudence or Justice, and by this means they hope to acquire more favour, then if they had told the truth: Not that they are ignorant of what is good Counsel, but they think it unprofitably bestowed, unless it contribute to increase their Fortunes. Now the best resolution on which they can fix in this misfortune which inevitably will fall upon them, is, not to adhere unto Cleobulus his opinion, who (as Plutarch observeth) said, That a wise Prince never ought to believe all which his most intimate familiars advise him: for that were to ceprive them of a very great advantage, when they are faithful and able; but that they should well examine the qualities and sufficiencies of them whom they advise withal, and then likewise to follow their counsels; not because they proceed from them, but because after a due deliberation, they are esteemed good and reasonable.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
FOr this reason it was that the King pressed Monsieur by the Cardinal de la Valette, to discharge himself of those evil Counsellors which were then near him; being very well assured, that this once done, his inclinations would be no longer so violent, and that he would with ease be disposed to seek the good of France. Coign●ux seemed to agree to it, and the Sieur de Chaudebonne, who came from Monsieur unto his Majesty, then at Estampes, assured him that he was totally disposed to it. But his Majesty having replied to him, that this was his only way to raise his Master's affairs unto a height of good fortune, he made it apparent, that his overtures were only words, and that he was yet blinded with those fond hopes which he had grounded on the last years State Almanacs, made by his means during the King's late sickness. He was very vigilant and industrious that Monsieur might make sure of Monsieur de Bellegard, Governor of Burgogne, that he might might have the disposal of the strong places in that Province, as himself informed the King by the Sieur de Bovoarre about the end of February. The King likewise understood from other parts, that he had lifted divers of the Nobility under Monsieurs name, in Normandy, Languedoc, and Limosin, and that Fueillade, and others of the Sieur de Puy-laureus his kindred, did raise forces as freely as if they had had the King's Commissions. There was brought a letter unto his Majesty, written by his direction from la Ferte, Lieutenant of Monsieurs Gens d'Armes, unto his Companions, that they should come to Melun near Orleans, though it ought not to be done without his order. Every one knows that he had persuaded Monsieur to write unto the Sieur de Thoiras, to entice him from the Court, and to draw him to himself. The Letter having been brought by himself unto the King, the design in which this rash indiscreet Minister had engaged Monsieur, of seizing on the passages upon the River Loyr, and of victualling Orleans, was every where known; His correspondencies with Spain and Lorraine were public; His confederates in Provence and Dauphine were discovered, so that it was easy to judge he had not the least thought of withdrawing himself, but designed to frame the Body of an Army, and so raise a war. And most true it is, That in case the Nobility who were expected above fifteen days before his Majesty departed from Paris, had come, or if those who were employed in levying of Forces had brought them according to the time appointed, he would not have made use of them to march out of the Kingdom, but much rather to have settled himself in such a condition within, that he might not be subject to that Law which the King of Right aught to impose on all his Subjects. He little considered how easily his Majesty had reduced the whole party of the Hugonots, how he had set bounds unto the Spanish Ambition, how that he had put the English to a shameful flight, in that very place which they had designed for a Theatre of their own glory, and that he would but laugh at their attempts, which were so  with rashness.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is not sufficient in a Prince, who would attain glory, that he be not apprehensive of any dangers in war, or that he show himself to be more desirous of honour, then fearing any misfortune, unless he consider before he take the field, what strength he hath; from what friends he can presume to have assistance, of what force his enemies are, and whether he have Provisions enough for his own subsistence. He ought to measure his Courage by his Forces, and not to attempt any thing above his Power, or against Reason. It is courageous to stop the eyes at all hazards in the execution of a Design, but it is discretion first to discuss all the inconveniences which may arrive, lest he engage himself in his own ruin. Who so doth otherwise, cannot escape falling into one of these two extremities, either he must fall with his attempt, or be compelled to a shameful composition, after a discovery of his own weakness and discredit. Beside, that rashness is full of inconsideration, it is ordinary attended with misfortunes. They who give up themselves to it, are for the most part reduced to a necessity of quitting their designs, with as little advantage, as they used consideration in their attempts. The vain hopes wherewith it feeds them, makes them at first all fire; but their flame evaporateth into Ice, by their want of subsistence; It is blind, and foresee not neither dangers, nor any accident which may happen; whence it followeth, that it is very unsafe, nay pernicious, to be guided by its Counsels, and that experience telleth us, it seldom keeps any of its promises. The History of Cambyses King of Persia, related by Herodotus, may serve to exemplify it; he designed to make a war upon the Macrobeans in Aethiopia; to which end he sent Ambassadors to their King, who might under pretence of carrying him presents, espy the force and strength of the Kingdom; but the King smelling their design, commanded them to return, and tell their Master, he could not be just▪ who would invade a Country not belonging to him. Cambyses receiving this answer, became so inflamed with anger, that he presently advanced his Army towards Aethiopia, without making provisions necessary for so long and great an expedition; insomuch that before he had marched one quarter of his way, his Army was forced to eat Horses; and not long after his Soldiers eat one another, himself being forced to return into his own Country, after a great loss of his Soldiers, and to his perpetual dishonour, by reason of his rashness.   

The King goeth to Orleans; With the true Motives of his journey.  
THe King well acquainted with all these contrivances, thought fit to go in his own person, that he might dissipate the storm: he well knew that the presence of a King is like that of the Sun, which soon dispelleth all those thick clouds which attempt to obscure his light. About the beginning of March he set forward towards Estampes, and thence to Orlean, as Monsieur had resolved His Majesty did verily believe, that coming to discourse with him, it wou●d be no hard matter to efface those evil impressions which his creatures had infused into him; that however the expected levies would not dare to come near Orleans, whilst he was there; and that peradventure he might engage him in the match which had been proposed, by laying down before him the many advantages which might from thence arise.  
These were the true motives of his Majesty's journey, which they who were about Monsieur endeavoured to obstruct, by sending the Sieur de Chaud●bonne, unto him with a Letter, which they had persuaded Monsieur to write; in which he made protestations of obedience, and beseeched his Majesty not to give credit unto such reports as were spread abroad to his disadvantage. But however, the King who knew that no time ought to be lost in matters of revolt, did not forbear to prosecute his journey. He was no sooner come unto Estampes, but he received intelligence, that Monsieur was departed from Orleans towards Bourgogne: His attendants had persuaded him to ground his departure, upon pretence of his Majesty's coming, and gave out that he only came thither to make sure of Monsieurs person. A report without foundation, for his Majestly had been acquainted, at the least fifteen days before that time, by the Sieur de Bellegar●e, how that Monsieur had told him, he would shortly go into Bourgogne, and that before his Majesty had designed his journey unto Orleans. It cannot be expressed, how sensibly the King was troubled at Monsieurs departure. But it had been effeminate only to bewail amidst their present misfortunes, and take no care for the future; the King advanced with all diligence unto the same Province, that he might keep the Towns in obedience, and pursued him so closely, that he had not the time to make himself Master of any place, which doubtless he would have done, had he not been followed at hand by some or other, who might prevent his designs. Before the end of March, the King came to Dijon; and having secured the Town and Castle, gave order to the Sieur de la Grange Mestre de Camp, to march with his Regiment into Bellegarde, which place Monsieur had left behind him; he sent the Regiment de Piedmont into Auxerre, and St. Jean de Lone; he left three hundred horse in garrison on the Frontiers, in such places as were most requisite, to secure Bourgogne from any incursions, and the Sieur de Hauterine to command them, as Marshal de Camp Monsieurs Ministers did every where give out, that he had not forsaken the Kingdom, but only to secure himself from them who pursued him, but it was without truth: His Agents indeed having designed under his name to fortify themselves in that frontier of the Kingdom, his Majesty was obliged to follow them at hand, to prevent their effecting what they had contrived it being of great consequence, not to lose any time in such occasions; his longer delay could but have given them leave to second their own with foreign forces which as was well known they had negotiated: But if he would not have left the Kingdom, why did he not condescend to those fair proposals made to him, both at Orleans and Auxerre: The King was ready to embrace him, and to give him fresh testimonies of that affection which he had always born to him; but his not assenting to them, forced his Majesty to pursue him, that he might divert the storm, which seemed to threaten not only Bourgogne but France itself.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is a great misfortune to a Kingdom, when a Faction is once fomented within its bosom; but that once being so, it were a great imprudence in the King of that Country, go give time and opportunity to the heads of the Conspirators, to draw their forces together, wherewith they might carry on a War against him. He ought to be before hand with them, and not to stay until revolted Princes are in a condition to put their designs in execution. He must not indeed be too credulous in believing all reports, nor take the field upon the first news of a Revolt; but being once well informed and assured, he ought no longer to delay. Thus Alexander the Great, made not the least stop, that he might prevent the rising of his enemies in Greece, and he came so suddenly upon them with his Army, that himself brought the first news of his coming. It was his usual saying, that a quick dispatch in preventing an enemy, is the thing which obtains great advantages against him; for this reason it was, that Apelles painted him with lightning in his hand, which hath a motion so swift that how little soever it be, yet it reduceth every thing to ashes. Grandees when once revolted want neither courage nor power provided they have but time to raise their Forces. They have for the most part, persons of knowledge and valour near them, who are capable of settling their affairs in a good equipage, if they have but leisure to effect it. For this cause, is a King obliged to go in person, and encounter them whereby he may break the neck of their Rebellion. A small matter will sometimes suffice to set all right again; the King's presence is a terror to Rebels, and takes away their courages who are not yet come up, that they have but little will to engage themselves; and in case they return not to their obedience by fair means, he is then in a capacity to compel them by force, seeing they cannot be in a condition to defend themselves. Henry the third, committed a great oversight by withdrawing himself from Paris, at the mutiny of the Barricadoes; for a King's obedience diminisheth the respect due to him, imboldneth the Ringleaders of a faction, and animateth the fury of the people. Bajazet the second did not thus, in the rebellion of his son Selim the first, but shown such an undaunted courage that he could never be persuaded to withdraw himself, although the Janissaries of his Guard were corrupted; and so behaved himself, that what with Iris presence, and what with the gravity of his words, they became ashamed to forsake him, or commit the treason they had resolved against him. Charles the fifth did the same thing in reducing the City of Gaunt; for being in Spain upon the first report of their revolt, he took ●et, and came in great haste unto Flanders, where he easily checked their rebellion, and punished the chief contrivers thereof.   

Monsieur arriveth at Bezancon, from whence he writeth unto the King.  
MOnsieur being arrived at Bezançon, Boigneux was much afflicted and displeased that he had so poorly played his Cards, having not so much as time to draw his forces together, so that he had recourse to his usual devices, and persuaded him to send a Letter unto his Majesty, wherein he should lay before him the pretences which he alleged for his departure. The Letter was framed by himself with a little assistance; but so imprudently was it contrived, that there needed no more to condemn him guilty of high Treason. It was full of injurious language against the King, and seemed to call him a Prince without judgement; neither had he any other pretexts for his departure out of the Kingdom, but only the Queen-mothers' imprisonment at Compeigne, a Chimaera only, and the necessity of saving himself without, having no security within the Kingdom; a reason altogether inconsiderable, seeing he was offered any assurance whatsoever: and his third was the Cardinal's ill conduct, whom he could no longer endure, so dangerous he was unto the Kingdom; which last himself would have confessed to be ridiculous, had he but reflected how effectually he had served the King at Re, in reducing of the H●gonot Cities, in the relieving of Cazal, in the taking of Savoy and Piedmont, and divers other expeditions, which have much added to the honour and glory of the whole Nation. These were the weak pretences which Coigneux made use of, to hid Monsieurs imprudence and rashness, in going ●orth of the Kingdom. But such insolency being insupportable, and the Letter brought by the Sieur de Brianson unto his Majesty, then on hunting near Baign●ux where not one of his Council had followed him, he commanded the Lieutenant of his Guards to seize on him, and from thence carry him unto the Castle of Dijon, that he might teach others to beware of bringing any more letters unto him, which were not conformable to the respect due unto him: The King likewise considering how that Princes are commonly unfortunate in seeing their best actions discommended by their Subjects, instead of being honoured, as so many mysteries, whose causes are to them unknown, published a Declaration in the Parliament of Dijon, wherein he set forth the true causes of Monsieurs departure, both from Orleans, and then out of the Kingdom, as likewise of his journey into Burgogne, which are the very same formerly intimated; only adding this one, that his Majesty was the more obliged to march into that Province, in respect they had engaged the Sieur de Bellegarde in their party, and had particularly prevailed with him, to send the Sieur Damase unto him, then at Aux●rre, to contradict the news he had formerly sent unto the King by the Sieur de B●●carre, of Monsieurs Designs to retire into Burgogne; for he had then discovered all their intentions, and their pretences were esteemed as ridiculous. It was not indeed only to manifest his own actions, that his Majesty made the said Declaration, but likewise to proclaim the Conte de Moret, the Dukes of Elboeuf, Bell●garde, and Rovannes', the Precedent Coigneux, the Sieur de Puylaurens, Monsigot, and the P●re de Chanteloupe, guilty of high Treason, every of them having been accessary unto Monsieurs departure; it being his Majesty's further pleasure, that they should accordingly be proceeded against, in case they should not within one month make their addresses to obtain his pardon for their offences; impowering all Governors and Officers to fall upon any who should attempt to levy any Soldiers without his Commission and Authority.   

Politic Observation.  
IN vain were the Laws for punishment of Treason made, if they be not executed upon them who persever in their offences. Mercy is indeed one of the best Qualities in a King but it bringeth Kingdoms into disorder and disobedience, unless it be sometimes accompanied with severity. Impunity doth embolden the head of a Faction to persist in his designs; when violence escapes , the public Peace runs a hazard; and when a King testifieth unto them an excess of Bounty or Mercy, he only reduceth himself to the extremity of being afterwards disabled to correct the●r insolences when he most desireth it. To permit a party of factious persons to save themselves by flight, at least without declaring them to be what indeed they are, were to be injurious unto the State, and guilty (in some kind) of cruelty: The least severity inflicted upon such men (after their Designs are once perceived) doth extinguish the remaining flame, whereas conniving at them, adds fewe● to their fire; in vain it is to hope by fair means to reduce them unto their duties: the ablest Politicians have thought it an improper way to work upon them, seeing it makes not any impression in the minds of Grandees, who are incapable of true Friendship, and that the means to stop the Career of their designs, is by Force and Fear.  
Not that I would advise a Prince to drive them into desperation, by being over severe; for that were equally dangerous, and hath been found to have carried them on to extremities; but so ought he to manage his business, that he strike them with Fear, and make them apprehensive of his Justice. Men are more easily subjugated unto such as have made themselves terrible, then to such who only endeavour to be beloved; and they will sooner break the bonds of Love, then of Fear: Benefits work less upon their Natures then Punishments. If the rewarding of services be so necessary for the encouragement of Faithful and Loyal servants, surely chastisement is as needful to impede the progress of such as are factiously bend, by striking them with Fear. To be merciful alone, is to want one hand, and not to let them feel the rigours of Justice, who cannot be kept within the limits of their duties by clemency, were to endanger the loss of the Supreme Authority.   

The Debate in the Parliament of Paris, upon the Declaration against the Rebels.  
THe Crime which they who abused Monsieurs name did commit by their boldness in writing so outrageous a letter unto the King, was but too to great, yet as one error makes way for another, so they did not sit still there, but seconded it by making of parties in the Parliament of Paris, to obstruct the ratification of the Declaration published at Dijon. His Majesty had sent the said Declaration to the Parliament of Paris as conceiving it to concern his reputation, to make known the Truth of those passages, not only in Burgogne, but through the whole Kingdom. Now Cogneux, together with divers others of that Cabal, having gained some principal members of this Court, by informing them with all things, though quite contrary to the truth, had engaged them so far in their designs, that they publicly exclaimed against it as violent, for such reasons as had been sent unto them, which were as frivolous as false. They had raised such a confusion in that honourable Company, surprising them with false informations and untruths, that it was debated whether the Declaration should be ratified or not; whereas they ought to have remembered, that such Declarations as regard the Government of State, are sent unto them only to be registered, proclaimed, and observed by his Majesty's Subjects, and most commonly they are not acquainted with the true reasons which induced his Majesty to make them. The debate was so hot and great, that their opinions being equally divided, the Declaration remained unconfirmed, and unproclaimed. Whereupon the King being upon his return to Paris, was forced (that he might not let such a disorder pass unpunished) to command the Parliament unto the rovure, with order that they should come on foot, as guilty, and in a posture to receive that rebuke which they had incurred, whereby he might give them to know, that to discuss State affairs, did not concern them at all; that he only sent this, and other Declarations of the like nature unto them, to be proclaimed, enrolled, and caused to be observed by his Majesty's subjects, and that they ought to have been more readily disposed to have passed this Declaration in particular, there being a very great difference between a bare Commission to form an Indictment against any one, and to adjudge it, and between a Declaration published by his Majesty for the information of his Subjects, concerning those persons against whom he complains, with what reasons he hath so to do, and for what causes it is that they are guilty of high Treason; for that in a Declaration his Majesty assigns them a certain time, within which they may obtain his pardon, if they have recourse unto his Grace; and moreover, for that after all this, not any formalities are omitted, which are necessary in the process of Criminals before their Condemnation. This was effected in the Lovure, the King sitting in his Counsel, and the whole body of the Parliament being on their knees before him, where after that the Lord Keeper of the Seals had in his Majesty's name given them to know, that it was not in their jurisdiction to determine concerning any Declarations of State, which should be sent unto them; the King with his own hands tore the sentence of 
* Upon the equal Division of their Members debate, they Registered that Division as a Sentence.  Division, which was Registered as a Record, and commanded that the Order of his Conncel, whereby it was declared void, should be entered in its places, with prohibitions of intermeddling for the future in debating Declarations of the like nature: And lastly, for the punishing the fault of the whole Body in some particular Members, the Precedents Gayon, Battillon, and the Sieur Lesne Counsellor, were commanded, by Order from his Majesty to withdraw themselves for some time from Paris, and suspended from executing their Functions, in regard they had discoursed too freely, and without respect concerning his Majesty's proceeding, and the Government of the State; which notwithstanding his Majesty's goodness was such, that lasted not long, for they were soon after recalled and restored unto the Parliament, and to the discharge of the Offices of which their integrity and merit had made them very deserving, and from which they had been restrained not without the grief of all wise men, who were sorry to see that they had blemished their reputations, by a zeal too rash and inconsiderate.   

Politic Observation.  
PArliaments are no less bound by the Laws of Prudence than those of Justice, not to separate themselves from the King in State-affairs. I say, they are obliged to it by Justice, for for them to judge of such affairs, were to assume a Power which belongs not to them; their first creation was by Kings, and that only to do Justice unto the people, as the Precedent de la Vaquiere told the Duke of Orleans Chancellor, who in his Master's behalf moved the Parliament that they would press his Majesty to come to Paris, and make use of their advice in certain weighty matters. The selfsame answer did the same Parliament make unto Lovys de Bourbon, after his taking of Orleans, and sending his Declaration unto them. Francis the first, prohibited them from intermeddling in affairs of that nature, in the proceed commenced against the Chancelly du Prat; and after him Charles the ninth did as much in prosecution of the Arrest which had been issued out for the summoning the Prince, of the Blood, and Peers of France, to consult concerning such complaints, as tended to the good both of King and State. Thus, his Majesty having impowered and entrusted them, with the hand of his Justice, that they might only preserve his Subjects right each to other, they may not intermeddle in any other business without particular Order from his Majesty, who can only confer that Authority upon them. But how can they with any reason, descent from his Majesty in State affairs, especially in this particular of Declarations, which are sent unto them to be proclaimed, when as they are not acquainted with the many circumstances which induced them, without the cognizance of which, it is impossible to make any true Judgement? Were not this to determine things without judging of them, as also to do it without lawful power so to do? But if they complain of their want of Authority, the Stars might as well murmur against the Sun, for not imparting a light unto them, as glorious as his own. They ought to recollect unto their memories, that that Power which makes them considerable, is no more natural to them then that of the Stars; that from the King it is, that they receive all their Marks of Greatness, and Badges of Authority, and that from him alone all those rays do proceed, which make them shine in the eye of the people.  
And if Magistrates would but look a little nearer into themselves, they would easily perceive that they have not any power but what is derived from their Kings; it is from them that they hold their Authority, and which lasteth no longer than their Will and pleasure: Hence it is, that all Bodies corporate are bound to take their confirmation from all new Kings who shall succeed to the Crown, whereby they might learn, that as they were created for the good of their Sovereign, so their subsistence depends merely upon his Will and Grace. Peradventure they will pretend, that what they do is to conserve his Majesty's Authority; but why do they not then consider, how they themselves abuse it by resisting it; and that whilst they violate his Authority, their own flowing from his, cannot remain entire and survive it. When as the Moon; jealous of the Sun, attempts to obscure his Rays, and sets herself just before his face, she depriveth us of his light; but we all know she loseth her own likewise, and that she receiveth her whole light from those Rays which she obscureth. As true it is, that Magistrates who become jealous of their Prince's Authority, which alone hath clothed them with lustre, and made them to shine in the eye of their fellow Subjects, and attempt to abridge their Majesties of their Power and Glory, cannot so do, without wounding themselves, and eclipsing their own light.   

Monsieurs Request to the Parliament, to Indict the Cardinal.  
THe Cardinal's ruin, was the main design at which all they who were with the Queen-mother and Monsieur did drive; they verily believed, that in case they could induce the Parliament to impeach him, that then his Majesty would begin to have is Fidelity in suspicion, and to give credit unto those Crimes wherewith he should be charged; but this was a resolution very inconsiderately taken, seeing they could not be ignorant, that it lay not in the Parliaments Power; and withal, seeing they could not but know, that his Majesty being better acquainted with his integrity and services than any other person whatever, would never permit that he should be entreated with such ingratitude. However, in order to this design of theirs, they caused a request signed by Monsieur, to be presented unto the Parliament, wherein he protested that the persecutions which he had received from the Cardinal, had forced him to go out of the Kingdom. He desired an instrument of his Protest, that the Declaration made in the Parliament of Bourgogne, might not prejudice either himself nor his Dependencies, and that he might be admitted as a Party against the Cardinal. This Request indeed was one of the causes which engaged the Parliament in the Declaration, of which we shall anon speak, and which made them culpable, in not publishing that of his Majesty. But the King having commanded the Request to be brought unto his Council, it was ordered by Arrest, that it should be suppressed as contumelious, contrary to the good of his Service, the Peace of his Subjects, the safety of his State, and as presented to that intent by those who had induced Monsieur his Brother, to withdraw himself out of the Kingdom, whereby they might escape the punishment of their Crimes, and traduce his Majesty's chief Ministers, against whom no charge or complaint can or may be given (although there were cause for it) but by way of humble Petition to his Majesties own person, who hath the particular cognizance of their services and proceed. Besides, his Majesty not satisfied with this bare Arrest, dispatched a large Declaration unto Fontainbleau, to let his Subject know, that the evil Counsels which had been given unto Monsieur, had carried him out of the Kingdom, as those given unto the Queen-mother had caused her removal from the Court, and that the Cardinal could not in the least be taxed therewith, including a most honourable mention of his Integrity and Sincerity, concluding that his Majesty was well satisfied and assured by a long and continued experience that the Cardinal's chief ends and designs did only tend to advance the glory of his Crown, and the good of his State; and lastly, conjuring his Subjects and Successors still to preserve his memory in their minds: Thus was this great Minister secured by his own sublime virtue, and his high services, from the violences of a factious potent Party.   

Politic Observation.  
NEeds must that Minister be endued with an extraordinary Prudence and Wisdom, who can preserve himself immovable in all the shocks which are raised to his ruin. Low and mean souls are frequently constrained to stoop under the violence of calumny, and to give way unto those storms which are falling upon them; but great persons, like rocks, are not to be shaken, though in the greatest turbulence of wind or weather. It is said, that of all Birds the Eagle alone can soar above the Clouds, whereby he may secure himself from storms; and upon this reason it is, that the ancient Heathens feigned Jupiter to have committed the guard of his Thunder unto the Eagle. Now great men are like the Eagle and they only can support themselves amidst all the storms and designs which are raised and contrived for their ruin. These are those Suns whom the clouds can only dusk for some small time, which once passed, they dissipate of themselves, and become annihilated. All the attempts made against their Fortunes, are but like so many blows in the Air, so ineffectual they are either to hit or move them. The Prudence wherewith they are endued, affordeth them the means to foresee all their enemies designs, as also to secure themselves, and to command even Fortune herself to be favourable unto them; their innocence is so great a Bulwark of their glory, that it gives Truth power to triumph over Calumny. There needs nothing more to preserve them in their Master's affection, than the services they do him, for those alone will easily make apparent, that all the slanders spread abroad against them, are only inventions of some base people, who would endeavour to destroy honest men of their reputation, whereby they might be made useless amidst their disgrace, and that themselves might get somewhat by their shipwreck; notwithstanding all which, they still persist in the prosecution of those glorious designs which they have laid, and make it daily evident, that souls which are truly great, do but laugh at those who endeavour to injure them▪ and wipe off with their fingers such Vipers, without receiving any hurt; neither will they be discouraged from continuing to act what they have well begun. Their generousness is like and armed Soldier, prepared to resist  shall oppose their Reputation. Their Fidelity is like a Wall, impregnable against all Force and Artifice: Their Wisdom maketh them Masters of their Passions, neither will they suffer themselves to be surprised by them, so that any advantage may be taken against them. Their address dictates unto them to watch the time, when they may gain that from their enemies which they design to obtain. Their Abilities are enough to secure them from discredits and disgraces with their Prince, where it is impossible for him to get their like: In a word, those excellent qualities of theirs, do discover unto them their enemy's contrivances, and renders them Masters of their own Fortune, which is impossible to be ravished out of their power.   

The Queen-mothers' Request to the same effect.  
THis Request was only the beginning of those Calumnies wherewith Monsieurs Agents did endeavour to bespatter the Cardinal's glory; for from that time laying their heads together, with those of the Queen-Mother, they never ceased from inventing and spreading of defamatory Letters and Libels. The Queen Mother too herself presented a Request unto the Parliament against him. But when they perceived all their attempts were vain, either as to the ruining of him in his Majesty's good opinion, or for the advancing of the Army which they had already contrived in their conceptions, than their Anger turned into Fury, and they resolved not to leave any thing unsaid which might bring his Reputation into . They verily persuaded themselves, that at last some Neighbour Prince would assist them with an Army, to maintain their Quarrel, or that they might ra●e so great a hatred against him in the people's minds, as they would rise and take up Arms, so to force his Majesty to sacrifice him unto their Fury. Indeed I should have concluded him very unfortunate, had his glory depended upon their testimonies, and if the honour which he hath merited by laying out so much of his health, by drying up his blood, by watching day and night over the Affairs of State, by giving up his Freedom▪ his very soul, his words, his writings, and all his time unto his King's service, and for the good of France, by doing things even above admiration itself, should need their approbation. But as the reward of Virtue is extracted from Virtue itself, and as there are no theatres where great men's actions appear with more pomp, then in the testimony of their own proper Conscience, whereby Noble deeds glance out rays of honour, like the beams of the Sun, so it was happy for him that they chose this time to calumniate him, when he had newly accomplished such glorious actions for his Majesty's service, as cannot easily be described in History. He needed not have desired (as that Ancient did) to have a house so built, that all the world might behold him, seeing the glory of his actions was of so great advantage unto all Europe, that every one was taken up in contemplation of him with admiration. I may safely add, that the malice wherewith they belied his most just and sincere proceed, did render all their accusations suspected. And who knows not without more ado, that the usual course with them who would embroil a State, is to fall foul upon the Ministers of Government.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is commonly seen, that good services are rewarded with calumny: Envy is one cause of this injustice, her eyes being offended with the splendour of any noble actions; just as the Sun dazleth and decayeth eyes already sore and weak. It is a passion which in some sort runs counter with God's goodness, which draws good out of evil; whereas this takes occasion to injure and would great persons, even from those very actions which makes them most conspicuous; the same relation which the shadow hath to the Body, such hath envy with virtue: And as the highest mountains cast the greatest shadows, so the greatest persons are most exposed unto envy and calumny: Private Interest is another cause, and to say the Truth, is the first and chief; for that it begets envy. All they who by their ambition pretend to have some part in the Government, do fancy unto themselves, that Fortune hath cast them so much the further from it, as it hath raised up them who now possess it: Now as for those who do not pretend unto so much, but do yet aspire unto some higher quality then that in which they are at present, they suppose they have reason enough to complain of the Governors of State, when that which they expect is not cast upon them; the discontent which hereupon they conceive, is not unlike those false Prospectives, which represent things and objects unto the view, which neither are, nor ever were; and thus indeed their judgement being overswayed by Passion, becomes so depraved, that they apprehend things in their conduct, far different from what they really are. I might add Ignorance amongst the causes which produce ill reports against Ministers; there is nothing but the outside of their actions to be seen, their intents and designs are secret and unknown, at least of such as have any conduct; neither do they ever disclose their drift and main end, whereby they may not give the enemies of the State opportunity to prevent their being effected. Which being so, it cannot be denied but that the small knowledge of their actions giveth their enemy a great advantage to exclaim upon them. They seldom have any thing to object against them, but what seems to be defective, and they disguise things so artificially, that they make white pass for black, & lies for currant truth, being very wary that it fall not into their consideration, how they have extraordinary intelligences, which ought not, nay which cannot be dived into by vulgar judgements. But above all the rest, they are assaulted by slanders,  the Grandees of a State are bend upon mischief, they dare not openly to complain of their King, lest they should too much discover themselves, and lest their railing might pull down some vengeance upon them, which might prevent them from effecting their intentions, but they address themselves to throw dirt in the face of the chief Ministers, although in effect they strike at their Kings Withal, they are commonly troubled at the ill-government of the State they distaste the power and honour which the King confers upon them, and complain of the charge which is imposed on the people. These are the subjects of all the Manifests, which were ever made to provoke the people to rebellion. If we but look back on the Passages our own times, or those before us, we shall always find that Factious persons have been always discontented with the Ministers of State, and against them have they ever made use of reviling slanders, as a most certain torch to set the whole Kingdom in a Flame. Examples hereof are so frequent, that we need not stay to recite them. Besides, it may be found in all History, that when by the Prudent Conduct of any Ministers, they have been reduced to a disability of being further troublesome to the State by War and open Force, yet have they still persisted to disgorge the fury and rage which possessed them, upon their papers, fraught with poison and lies.   

Aspersions charged on the King, refuted.  
IT was indeed somewhat strange that these Libelers should attempt to defame a man, whom the ablest wits have recommended to be of as great a Soul as any these many Ages: But it is incredible, that their malice should strike at the Kings own person, endeavouring to represent him as uncapable of Government. I could willingly complain of all French men, who seeing such indignities done unto their Sovereign, whom after so many years they had reason to know for the most Just, most Valiant, most Generous, most Prudent, and most Merciful Prince that ever swayed the Sceptre of France; did not take up their Arms, to punish those Libelers in other Countries, but that they may not undertake any War without his Majesty's permission. What reason could be alleged, that he should pass for a King without Conduct, who had vanquished the English in so many encounters, taken Rochel, forced the Alps, twice relieved Cazal, suppressed his Rebellious Subjects, bounded in the ambition of the house of Austria, settled religion in divers Provinces of his Kingdom, secured the Pope from the Spanish oppression, gave peace and liberty unto Italy; by his Victories became the Arbitrator of Christendom and whose Arms strangers did apprehend with fear and terror? It cannot be said of him but that he was the most courageous in his undertake, the most Pious in his Conscience, the most Just towards his Subjects, the most Daring in any dangers, the most Prudent in his Counsels, and the most deservedly to be admired for all his Actions, that ever yet reigned over us. Have we not all seen, how his zeal and courage for Religion hath engaged him to expose his person, the most flourishing years of his time, his Nobility, his Treasures, and in some kind to hazard his own State, and all to abate the Insolences of the Church's enemies? It might indeed have been said, that some other besides him, had achieved all those glorious Actions, which we daily see before our eyes, provided any enterprise had been done without him: Had he not in his own person ordered Battles, had he not personally appeared in sundry dangers, and had he not been actually assisting at all his Counsels, to resolve what orders were most proper to be followed? But the one is as visibly apparent as the other; and he who would believe their aspersions must necessarily be born among the Antipodes. All Europe was so sufficiently convinced of his Majesty's rare and divine endowments, as not to suffer themselves to be surprised by the calumnies and devices of such wicked impostors; and all such as have had the honour to know, though but a little of the Conduct of affairs, have had ground enough to admire those great lights of Nature, and particular blessings of Heaven, wherewith his Majesty was stored; by means of which, they who were of his Counsel, have seen him take such expedients, as could not but be so many marks of an extraordinary Prudence.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is a misfortune for a King to be exposed unto slanders. Let a Prince's actions be never so glorious, yet Man is naturally so averse from Government that he is hardly to be restrained from evil speaking against him who rules over him, not excepting God himself, as may appear in the particular behaviour of the Israelites. But however it cannot be esteemed for other than a monstrous ingratitude, thus basely to reward the great cares, which he undergoes for the public good; neither can it be denied, but that such reviling, whereby the reputation of his glory is endeavoured to be eclipsed, aught to be severely punished, and especially when it tends to raise troubles in the State. It is much more just to honour the actions of a Sovereign with respect, then to asperse them with blame, which cannot but be rash and inconsiderate, unless accompanied with a most exact knowledge of all his designs; besides, those Calumnies which are laid to their charge are so much the more dangerous, in regard that admitting they do not drive men into a distrust of him, yet do they undeniably dimini●h that confidence which his Subjects would repose in him. That Lie which is reported with asseveration, does commonly leave some impression in the mind behind it, though it beget not an absolute belief. Reputation is a Treasure, which Kings cannot sufficiently esteem; this is it, which makes them venerable, not that it adds to their virtues, but renders their virtues more conspicuous; not that it gives perfection to their abilities, but sets off their splendour, and this splendour is it which maketh men more obedient and subject to their Wills and Pleasures. Opinion governs the whole World, and gives Princes themselves Authority in their very Thrones. Experience hath told us, that we are not apt to credit a truth, if reported by a Liar; so likewise no one will easily subject himself to a Prince, who is commonly reputed for uncapable of Government; being once in dis-repute, he may cease to hope either for obedience or respect; he loseth with his honour, all the Love which was formerly paid unto him, and fear will not long stay after the loss of Love. Which being so, no one can doubt of the Justice, nay absolute necessity of inflicting exemplary punishments on such as have the boldness to offend their Sovereigns by their Calumnies. He who doth not chastise them, doth expose himself to eminent dangers; for that men having once heard him ill reported of, take the lie for a truth, if the Authors remain unpunished; and thus consequently, he will fall into scorn, and run the hazard of losing both person and estate: And as he who puts one injury, inco●rageth others to do him more and greater; so it may well follow, that the same party having first offended him by words, may take the boldness, next time, to do it by deeds.   

The King is careful to justify the Cardinal by his Letters and Declarations.  
ALthough small aspersions raised against a Prince, ought not to be chastised with too much severity, yet when they tend to the destruction of his Authority, and the troubling o● his State, the greatest rigour is but little enough. The Emperor Theodosius, did one day upon the score of a fiction raised against him, answered as became his Clemency, saying: If he who scandaleth his Prince doth it by way of Pastime, he should scorn it, if by ignorance or folly he should pity him; if he did it out of Malice he should forgive him. Which is only to understood of small injuries, such as are not prejudicial to the State; and which indeed deserve rather a Princes Scorn then his Anger, whereas those others deserve to be punished with severity. Whence it follows, that no one can doubt but that these Libelers ought to undergo the rigours of Justice, their absence having secured them, and his Majesty satisfying himself, only by setting forth the take sincerity of his Intentions, and the justice of his Proceed, in his Letters and Declarations. His Actions indeed were a defence to themselves, being accompanied with so much honour and glory, that there was not any aspersion but vanished at their presence. But it cannot be expressed with what care his Majesty was affected in the Cardinal's behalf; how solicitous he was to vindicate him; for he had not only not the least thoughts of abandoning him to the malice of his Calumniators, but he rather undertook to justify him to the life upon all occasions, in his Declarations and Letters which he sent unto the Parliaments of Provinces, to the Queen-Mother, and Monsieur. He needed not any Mediator with his Majesty, for that he knows better than any other person, the solidity of his Counsels, the Fidelity of his Zeal, the Justice of his Intentions, the Generousness of his Courage, and the Moderation of his Conduct. The greater reason therefore had his Majesty to justify and vindicate him unto Strangers, in regard the major part of affairs which are transacted in his Government, are only known to himself and his Ministers, every one else seeing nothing but things in their effects. And true it is, his Majesty omitted not any occasion of publishing his Fidelity and Services, but did it in expressions and demonstrations of an extraordinary esteem and affection.   

Politic Observation.  
KIngs are in some sort obliged to defend their Ministers from the assaults of slanders; They own this protection unto them, in remembrance of their Fidelity, and that they may be the more affectionately engaged in their services, for that they seldom attract the hatred of the Grandees upon themselves, but only by their resisting of attempts made against their Master's Honour and Authority. It is impossible for a Minister to serve his Prince as he ought, and not to discontent the chief of the State; for he is often necessitated to curb their ambition of advancing their own power, in detriment to that of the Sovereign, and then all the envy falls on him, as if the whole Government were in his hands; and unto his Counsels are all the denials which they receive attributed: Which being so, what Reason or Justice can a King have, to abandon unto the mercy of envy, a loyalty, which (if not cherished) will soon languish? Nothing does so much diminish the zeal which a Minister hath for his Master's service, as the discountenancing of him. The Prince that forsaketh him who hath done him faithful service, is blind in his nearest Interests, and besides the blot of Ingratitude wherewith he blemisheth his reputation, he exposeth himself unto manifest dangers, by permitting his ruin, who was the greatest Supporter of his glory; which once admitted, he becomes like a City, whose Fortifications are razed, and laid level with the ground. For this reason it was that Artaxerxes seeing the Athenians banish Themistocles, who came and cast himself into his Arms, said, he wished his enemies no greater evil, then that they might continue to be carried away by their envy, to deprive themselves of the Prudence and Valour of such like men. Now if Prudence and Justice doth oblige Kings not to remove able States men from their service, upon the score of Report, so ought they likewise to be careful in defending their Reputations, seeing they are only maligned upon their accounts, and for their fidelity unto their services. Who knoweth not that an ancient Commonwealth would not admit of a good Law, if proposed by a suspicious person, unless in had been first of all moved by one of an approved integrity? They who were the Contrivers of this Design, were not to know how greatly the credit of a minister doth advance his Master's Interest, by causing him to be readily obeyed by his Subjects, And experience hath evinced it in a thousand encounters, that all things run into disorder, where a Minister once loseth his Credit and Repute.   

Prosecution of the Sub●ect.  
THere hath been so much already said in answer to those aspersions laid in the Cardinal's way, that to say any more were needless in relation to his glory, but it is not so in relation to the end and drift of this History; which is for the Instruction of succeeding Kings and Statesmen, how they ought to govern themselves; for Sovereigns may here learn how to carry themselves towards their Ministers, by the King's behaviour towards the Cardinal, wherein there was an appearance of objection, though it was an effect of his Majesty's Prudence. Amongst the many accusations laid to his charge, one of the chiefest was, that he had obtained from his Majesty the Government of divers strong and important places of the Kingdom, and that other some he had procured for his friends. Now these so considerable places were reduced unto Sea-Towns, Haure, and Brovage; and that these places were the more to be regarded, they being in his keeping at such a time, when as there were endeavours used to bring some Foreigners into France, which could not be more commodiously effected then by Sea. The Contrivers of this charge were not well versed in the History of late times, wherein they might have learned, how that the Government of Haure and deep had been united and incorporated into the Office of Admiral de France, by two several Declarations of Henry the third. Neither were they better acquainted with the passages of the present times, How that the Government of Brovage had been conferred on him in exchange of deep, it being impossible to intent the necessary affairs of Sea, without having some chief Seaport: Which being so, What reason can he allege to quarrel at his Majesty's conferring those Governments upon him?  
As for those which, his Majesty entrusted with his Relations, I shall only say, that they were not comparable with those favours which divers other Ministers have received from their Kings and Masters, though they never did the Tithe of those services which he hath. Anna's de Montmorency was Marshal and Constable of France, Grand Maistre, and Grand Chamberlain, and Governor of Languedoc, whose eldest son was Marshal of France, and Governor of Languedoc; his second, Colonel of Horse, Marshal of France, and Governor of Languedoc, by Survivorship; and his third son Colonel General of the Swisseses. One of whose Nephews was a Cardinal, another Admiral of France, and a third Colonel of Foot, and whose four Daughters were matched into four of the chief Houses of France, viz. that of Thurenne, de la Trimonille, de Candale, and de Vautadour, and whose power was such, that Francis the first commanded Henry the Dauphine, afterwards King, to obey him in the Armies which he governed. I could likewise add, that there is not any thing in the Cardinal's Family that may hold comparison with that of Amboise, who flourished under Lovis the eleventh, Charles the eighth, and Louis the twelveth. Charles d' Amboise was Governor of Champagne, and afterwards of Burgogne, under Lovis the eleventh, and six other Brothers which he had, with many others of this Nephews, were all advanced by him. By his favour Meri d' Amboise was created Grand Master of Rhodes, Jean was made Bishop of Langres, Lovis was made Bishop d' Alby, and Lieutenant for the King in Languedoc and Guyenne Pierre was installed Bishop of Poitiers, Jaques was made Bishop of Clermont, and Abbot of Clunie, Jean was preferred to be Seignieur de Bussi, and Governor of Normandy; the three sons of his eldest Brother, Louis Bishop of Alby, Archbishop of Roven, and Cardinal, Grand Maistre, Admiral and Marshal of France, Governor of Milan, and Lieutenant of his Majesty's Armies in Italy; Guy Siegnieur the Revel, Captain of two hundred Gentils-hommes d'armes, which was then a high preferment; Francis de Clermont his Nephew, son of his Sister Catharina d' Amboise, Cardinal, and R●nede Prie son of his Aunt Magdaleina d' Amboise, Bishop of Baye●x. Is there any thing in the Cardinal's Family which may compare with this? But without making of comparisons, it shall only suffice to say, this complaint was ridiculous, seeing the Cardinal had at that time only two places which were of any importance, and his Kindred as many; whereas some great Houses of France had more. Besides what cause of Jealousy could there be seeing he was every week twice or thrice at least with his Majesty, and still brought with him a surrender of his Offices, it being in his Majesty's power not only to dispose of his Charges, but of his Person likewise? He had indeed over and above the Government of Bretagne, But how? Was it not at the earnest entreaties of those of the Country, who considering themselves to be environed with Ports, concluded that he could most effectually establish their Trade (by means of his Superintendency upon the Sea) which had been much decayed during the late Governors times, because of the frequent differences between them and the Admirals of France, each of them pretending to command upon the Sea coast? That which made these factious exclaim more loud than all the rest, was, because his Majesty had discharged some Governors from their places, and committed them to him. But what? Was not his Majesties so doing a piece of great Discretion, when he foresaw the ruin of the Kingdom by the little obedience of such Governors, who having the possession of Towns and Places in their Families a long time together, would hardly be persuaded they were beholding unto his Majesty for continuing them unto them, but would presently fly out into Rebellion, upon the first noise of any insurrection? Hereupon his Majesty resolved to punish them according to their deserts, and deprived some of them of their Offices and Governments, with intent of bestowing them on such persons, of whose fidelity he was well assured, as upon those of the Cardinal's Family, who were never seen to intermeddle in any Cabal against his Majesty's service and who knowing the honour of his Majesty's favour to be the only support of their Fortunes were careful of not being engaged in such Designs, as might make them unworthy of it. The advantage which this alteration brought with it, was soon after apparent; for how would it have been if one had continued Governor of Breast, if another had kept his Government of Brovage, and if Calais had not been dispossessed of its Commander? would they not have served for so many Citadels and Magazines to countenance all Revolts which they designed? And what I pray is become of all those places which were entrusted with the Cardinal or his Allies, Have they not continued in their Obedience to his Majesty, and those who engaged the Queen-Mother and Monsieur in their differences, could not dispose of any of them according to their own desires? And that indeed was the only and chief motive of their complaints.   

Politic Observation.  
NOthing gives greater tranquillity to a State, than the disposal of Governments into the hands of such persons whose affection and fidelity are well known unto their Prince. The experience which France hath so often had, hath been too sad to be forgotten, seeing the most part of Civil wars, nay of Foreign too, had not been broached, but by the defect of Governors, more solicitous of their own Interests then of their Master's glory and service. Few are the Grandees who are not discontented, if they have not Governments conferred upon them, nay, if they have not some kind of assured settlement in their Commands, that their Authorities may be greater. A King therefore is obliged to be the more inquisitive, whether with their Gandeur they have loyalty and zeal for his service, otherwise it were only to give them the means of combining one with the other to raise Factions, and to diminish the Sovereign, by advancing their own private power. Admit they be discontented, 'tis without cause; for no one hath any right to prescribe a Law to his Prince, how he shall choose such persons as he is pleased to employ in his service. It is prudence not to regard such discontents, they are inconsiderable, when the public Peace is in question. A King cannot distribute his Governments with more discretion, then by intrusting them with such persons whose loyalty is impregnable, and who he is assured will never interest themselves with any party but his own, if any Division should arise. Now of whom can he better be assured, then of such a Minister, of whose fidelity he receives daily testimonies, and who, when he sees him, brings with his Person all the Governments and Charges which have been conferred upon him? As for those related to him, seeing they absolutely depend upon him, and that their Power is as his own, dependant upon his Majesty's good favour, they are equally obliged to be faithful. For this reason it is, that the greatest Princes have not only not been backward to bestow the chief Governments upon them, but have looked upon it as a thing very necessary for their service. Touching the distribution of Governments, I add, That a King is obliged, what he may, to displace those persons who have enjoyed their Offices any long time, unless he be very well assured of their fidelity; they are so used to hold them, when long continued, that the fear of losing them, doth oftentimes engage them in some Faction, which gives them hopes of a longer continuance; Besides, when not received by his Majesty, but his Predecessors, they are the sooner engaged in a Faction, because they think not themselves beholden to him for them; Withal, in process of time they get so absolute a Power, that sometimes it exceeds their Masters; it being usual, that long command is accompanied with pride and insolence. Hence it is, that in the most politic States their Governments were never but temporary. Rome lost her Liberty by continuing her Magistrates too long in their Power; and Caesar could never have mastered his own Country, but by acquiring too great a Power over the soldiers by his long command.   

The Cardinal's Riches not to be envied;  
NExt of all these factious spirits would have the Cardinal's possessing of his Majesty's favours to pass for a great crime, although his free humour acquits him to every one from the guilt of covetousness, and concludes him to be so naturally generous, that he values not all the goods of the world, but only in order to the well disposing of them. The place which he holds under his Majesty in the State, necessitateth him to great expenses; and without them, sure it is, that both he, and all those who are in the same employment, would fall into , and that inevitably, unless they be accompanied with some splendour, and extraordinary magnificence; else how should they cause his Majesty to be obeyed? Those charges once defrayed, the rest he doth employ in good uses, to the poor, o● some actions becoming his virtue and bounty. Ought his moderate estate to be envied, who hath done so great services for France? We have in our times beheld a young Prince, whose name is fatal to this Crown, enjoy more profits than he at four years old; we have seen a Treasurer of the Exchequer buy himself out of a disaster, by giving the King two millions of Livres, which was but a sixth part neither of his estate: We have know two Jewellers enrich themselves with between four and five hundred thousand Crowns, during the Queen-mothers' Regency Is it not then unjust to complain of those favours which his Majesty hath conferred upon him, and wherewith he hath always assisted his Majesty in the wars, when the moneys of the Exchequer could not be brought in time enough? Is he as rich as the Prince of Kemberg, the Emperor's Favourite at this day, who of a private Gentleman of Styria, hath gotten five hundred thousand Crown per annum in two Provinces, which his Master gave him opportunity to effect, permitting him likewise ●o gather Contributions from the Imperial and Hans-Towns, and causing his expenses to be defrayed by his own Officers, which could not but exceed an hundred thousand Crowns per annum? The most part of the Cardinal's Revenues are in Church-livings, which are no ways chargeable to the people, and aught the less to be envied to him, in regard he hath deserved them, and much more from the Church by his services, and that he employs them for the relief of the poor, with honour, not prodigality in his own Family. We shall not find that his moveables would amount to so much as those of the Cardinal d' Amboise did at his death. To conclude, could his services be rewarded with money, his actions have made it apparent he deserves much more. His chief end was only to have the glory of serving his Master, neither did he regard such low recompenses. He hath often refused gifts which the King hath proffered him, and the greatest care he took for money, was to see his Majesty's Treasures well ordered, when as before they were squandered away in frivolous gifts, and superfluous expenses, little tending to his Majesty's glory: So that since his coming to the management of affairs, there was less expended than before, though there was a necessity of maintaining continual Armies both at home and abroad.   

Politic Observation.  
RIches are the least rewards which Kings can bestow upon their Minister, for that in themselves they are the least of all other goods. Can any one deny Kings to be much indebted to their Ministers, seeing they are the most worthy Instruments of their glory, and that by their endeavours it is that they effect such exploits, as render their memories immortal? For how much are such riches beneath such great services? They are Fortune's may-games, and only useful to pass away the necessities of life; most commonly they bring more care than pleasure with them, and are equally common with the greatest persons, and those who never obliged the State by their services to reward them The Geese of the Capitol were well fed at the expense of the Commonwealth, because by their noise they discovered the surprisal which the French intended. A Dog that set upon certain sacrilegious men, was maintained at the Public charge. An Horse that carried his Master out of danger was for ever freed from labour: And shall not a grand Minister after the rendering most signal services to his Master and Country be rewarded with more than common advantages? I may add, that it is necessary for a great King to confer great benefits upon a Minister whom he hath found faithful and courageous in those things which relate to his service, whereby he may give him more authority and power to go through with all sorts of enterprises tending to his glory. The greatest genius hath occasion of them to make himself potent in affairs, and without them his vigour will be feeble. He is compelled to stifle a thousand noble exploits in his thoughts, for want of means to bring them forth. It is well if he be endued with generous inclinations; but if impotency assault him, it dis-incourageth him: Besides the affairs of the world are so disposed, and man's thoughts so fixed, that all yield and give place to riches. They may all, and do all amongst men, and we see them acquire as much credit and authority to their owners, whereas they who are destitute of them, are inconsiderable To wave these acknowledgements due to Ministers, who is ignorant that Royal Majesty attracts no less glory from liberality then justice? One of those perfections which render God most worshipful to men▪ is his Bounty, that inexhaustible fountain of all good things, which (like the Sun) disperseth his favours like so many rays upon the earth, and is as beneficial as active. The gifts which Kings bestow, carry with them as much credit as profit to the receivers; they bind the affections of their servants, not by their worth, but as so many testimonies of good will, the greatest Bond which ties them to their service. Liberality in a King is properly termed magnificence, they being obliged to do great good, and nothing is more beseeming their Majesties, then bestowing great gifts. The perfection of the work is an assured mark of perfection in the workman; whence certain it is, that God acquired more glory when he created men and angels, the chief workmanship of his hands, then when he made other creatures: Equally true it is, that that which makes the riches of Kings more admired, is the establishing of some great Families; and our Ancestors did not acquire greater glory of being rich and liberal, then by the greatness of their Favourites Houses, which remain as so many monuments of their magnificence.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
IT is an ancient judicious saying, that as Roses grow upon Thorns, so truth is ordinarily made to appear amongst the sharpest calumnies, for they that find themselves concerned, are compelled to discover it for their own justification; so those factious spirits who endeavouring to offend the Cardinal, abused the goodness of the Queen-mother and Monsieur, makes me take notice of those truths which their malice constrains me to publish. But as they did not with only two accusations cease from their reproaches, we shall have occasion to discover the rest of their falsities. They would have the World believe, that this eminent Minister of State had so great a dominion over the King's spirit, that his Majesty gave an absolute credit to all he did, and was wholly moved by his influences; and that all affairs depended on his Empire over him. But all Europe knew sufficiently that his Prudence and Generosity equalled his justice; and these seditious people, seemed like those that shoot against Heaven, and see their Arrows fall back again at their feet. Nay, I am confident, they themselves had not that opinion of his Majesty they being in their attendances too near his person, to be ignorant how impossible it is to draw him to any resolution without strong and pertinent reason, and that Heaven hath so enlightened his spirit, that he can discern the depths of the most great and mysterious affairs: But they only publish these things for a pretext of their mutiny, by the example of some in the last age, at Roven and Valence. O strange fury! to render that a weakness in the most puissant King of the World, which is a true effect of his wisdom, when he saw in the Government of his estate that no affair whatever presents itself, of which the Cardinal doth not foresee the end, consequences, and causes; that there is no inconveniency which he doth not remedy; no danger which he doth not both prevent and secure; that there is no difficulty which he finds not the means to compass, and that he never proposed any enterprise, which he did not happily bring to pass. Why then should not his Majesty follow his Counsels, seeing his spirit, is, as it were, forced by the solidity of his reasons to apprve them.   

Politic Observation.  
AS a King cannot too much confide in a Minister, when he is throughly assured of his prudence and fidelity; and if himself be of excellent parts, he will not scruple it, it being an assured sign of judgement to conform a man's actions to the counsel of wise men: so he ought to trust him the more cheerfully in affairs of mean consequence, when the temper of his genius assures him that he will acquit himself with honour; And that is unbeseeming a great Monarch, to trouble himself with trivial matters. He who is not happy enough to have a Minister thus able, is compelled to take the conduct upon his shoulders, but surely he is much to be pitied; God having not put the Crown upon the Head of Sovereigns, to entertain their minds with trivial affairs. Tiberius, one of the greatest Monarches that governed the Roman Empire, being retired for his greater quiet, into the Isle of Cherre●, writ a Letter to the Senate; wherein, as Tacitus observeth, he complains that he was troubled with all sorts of affairs, and gave them to understand that neither Aedile, nor Praetor, nor Consul, should have any access unto him but in matters of great concernment. Thus Themistocles, one of the greatest Statesmen of of his time said, as Plutarch acquaints us, that as the Ship of Salavere (which may be likened to the Bicentaure of Venice) never Launched out into the Sea, but for the reception of Princes, or some extraordiniry occasion: So the Commonwealth of Athens should not make use of him but in high and difficult matters. Now as for matters of great consequence, it will be his advantage to be directed by his Counsel, he having often made appear that his prudence is furnished with most infallible means to bring them to an happy issue: The honour which herein he doth him, is so far from taking off from his own authority, that on the contrary, it doth rather raise his greatness, and advanceth his affairs to that pitch which himself would most desire for his glory. It is dangerous presumption in any Prince to be wilfully bend upon his own judgement; such an one is in a Road that leads directly into ruin. The necessity of counsel is not to be avoided; they ought to remember that God who is solicitous to keep the greatest Monarches within the bounds of modesty and humility, hath as well subjected them to the necessity of Counsel, as the rest of men unto them. The most Prudent are always the most stayed and it is generally agreed, that to be wedded to ones own opinion contrary to the senses of great men, is an assured mark of want of discretion, because every one is blind in his own affairs. I may hereunto add, that this staidness is a bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power, whereby they are bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power, whereby they are preserved within the limits of their duty, not suffering themselves to be transported by the impetuousness of their passions. Nature hath not form Princes more than other men so perfect, that they should always swim in the right stream, and never err, unless they have some one who may serve them for a guide: The greatest Princes are most subject to be singular in their own opinions, they having more authority; it being most certain that a great power doth easily transport the mind into licentiousness. It is my opinion, that no greater harm can betid them, then to want some person near them, whom they respect▪ and who may have the liberty of advising them, as he shall find most expedient, whose advice they may follow with a respectful condescension.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
THese Factious persons were not backward to hit the Cardinal in the teeth with the impositions charged upon the people, no● that he was either the cause of them, or that they were excessive; but because they knew that this complaint was a fit Trumpet to raise sedition, and such as all they who had ever raised any revolts in France, had made use of. True it is, they were charged with some impositions, but besides that they were not excessive, they were absolutely necessary. Never was there yet that time when the people d●d not apprehend their burdens to be extreme. It is a burden to them to demand part of that for the King, which they got not but with pain, nor do enjoy in any great plenty. But it is without cause, for that the impositions were necessary, and there was not any misgovernment in the disposal of the treasures. Now that those Impositions so much cried out upon, were unavoidable, cannot be doubted; because those Wars and Designs began after his coming to the Administration: In consideration whereof, those Charges imposed, where absolutely necessary. They were engaged to allay the factious insolency of the Hugonots, to secure Allies, to suppress the ambition of the house of Austria, who after the invasion of our neighbours, would assuredly have made their attempts upon this State.  
This being so, who can deny them to have been necessary? which admitted, the Impositions could be no less; and I may safely add that those very factious spirits themselves were oftentimes the causes of raising the Taxes, by causing more by half to be expended in the Wars of Piedmont, by the delays they gave the Troops in detaining them so long; besides they forced his Majesty to keep an Army a long time on foot, purposely that he might watch and prevent their designs. Wars and Taxes do constantly march hand in hand, and the same pace; poverty serving only to bring an Army into disorder; if it be a fault to make the people contribute to the charge, it is much more blame-worthy to see a State laid open to their enemies. The people's misery is an incommodity which is soon outworn in a good Country, where a good Harvest puts them, in statu quo prius; but it is not the same in the advantages▪ which the enemies of France are permitted to have, there is need of a sufficient foundation to maintain the charge of the War. I assure myself they question not these truths, but besides that those expenses were absolutely necessary, do they not know what great advantages they gave both to the King and Kingdom? The glory will remain for ever, but the incommodity is already forgotten. What reason is there to complain? I shall only make this answer, the Ministers had deprived the King of that great honour which he now enjoys, had they been deficient in drawing from the people those things which were necessary for the subsistence of Armies during the Wars, and that it was a certain sign of their good conduct, to have made such careful provisions. If the Impositions were thus necessary, the money which did rise from them, was no less carefully expended during those times of which they speak; in which it may be said, much was done with little money. Can any one deny, that this incomparable Minister did not buy that glory and those victories for the King, to the shame of his enemies, at an easier rate than others have done, who have only used allaying Medicines to defer those evils which afflict us from exasperating into extremities, but have still left the enemies of France great advantages upon us? It must be confessed, that some particular people have been charged over and above their proportion, but neither the King nor his Ministers are therefore to be blamed; the Possessors, and Raters were faulty, and deserved to be punished, because they oppressed the weak, and let the able escape upon the sum of friendship.   

Politic Observation.  
JUstice and Prudence do equally oblige a Prince, to force a contribution from his Subjects, towards the urgent necessities of the public. No one can doubt whether any thing be more efficacious than a good Treasure to preserve a Kingdom in order, be it in Peace or War. That Prince is easily surprised, whose Exchequer is exhausted; for he that wants money, wants wherewith to levy men, and he who is defective of men, is to be vanquished without difficulty. Now as to matter of War, every one knows, that moneys are its principal Nerves, whereupon Suetonius Paulinus a Captain of great repute, said in the Emperor Otho's Council, where the means of carrying on a War, were discussed; that in public dissensions Money was more necessary than an Army. Hath not Thucydides recorded to us, how the chiefest arguments which Pericles used to induce the Athenians to make War, was by convincing to them, that they were in a capacity of so doing, because an Army would easily be supplied with all necessary provisions, from that abundant Treasure, of which they were Masters? War is undeniably a great Gulf which devoureth incredible sums: What imprudence therefore were it for a Prince, who finding himself engaged in Wars, and the Revenue of his Crown unable to furnish him with necessary conveniences, not to compel his Subjects to contribute towards the public Concernments? Would he not soon be reduced to the condition of Cleomenes; who according to Plutarch were forced to a War, without moneys to support his Soldiery, was compelled to fly into Egypt? If there be any thing of Prudence in it, there is as much of Justice too. The common Axiom is, that every one may make use of his own; now is it not, I pray, most certain that Kings may rightfully impose Contributions upon their Subjects towards the defraying of public expenses? It is a right so undubitable inherent to them, that the most able and sincere Divines, assure us, that every one is in conscience bound to submit to it, they grounding themselves upon that command which our Saviour gave of paying unto Caesar, and the example which himself showed. Herein consisteth the Sovereign power which Kings have over their Subjects goods. I shall moreover add, that a Crown doth not only empower to impose Taxes, but doth oblige Kings to require them, for the preservation of its lustre, and to demand them, as a debt due to the State, as also that no Subject can reasonably complain of it, it being but just, that particular and private persons should suffer some incommodity for the preservation of the public good; and better it were a Nation were impoverished, than a kingdom lost.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
THose crimes wherewith the Cardinal's honour was taxed were so frivolous, that we need not any longer detain ourselves upon them, especially seeing all wise men knew them to be groundless. Easie it is to speak ill of the Governors of a State, as the Queen mother herself once said, to some who complained of her Agents▪ during her Regency. Every one takes the liberty to discommend their Conduct, because Man is naturally an enemy to Government, and propense to judge the worst of his Governors, whose actions indeed may appear in their true Colours, but not the causes, inducements and circumstances of them, they remain locked up in secret. Revile are the rewards of their watch, and let their actions be never so advantageous to the public good, yet private particular persons shall never be satisfied or pleased with them unless they advance their private and particular Fortunes, as well as that of the public. Never was yet Minister otherwise rewarded; and for this very reason, whatever was said against the Cardinal, was regarded by wise men; but as the effect of a furious faction, who could not meet their particular advancement in his Conduct, which he little esteemed after he found their ends to be guided by their interests, without consideration of the King's Honour, so that it will be needless longer to insist on this particular discourse.  
Shortly after the Queen mothers and Monsieurs departure, the King unwilling to hinder their Officers from going after them, was well informed that divers abusing that Liberty accorded unto them, did carry Letters under the notion of Officers, and packets of correspondency, for the continuing many Intrigues still on foot. Whereupon, his Majesty to suppress that disorder, ordained that they should have fifteen days time to retire themselves either unto their persons, or else to confine themselves unto their own houses, inhibiting any one either to go or come (the time once expired) without his particular licence, under penalty of being declared disturbers of the public peace▪ of being punished with confiscation of their Estates, and the ●osse of exemption from payment of Tributes, which they then enjoyed; it being unreasonable that under the intent of favouring some who did not abuse their liberty of going to discharge their Offices, others might without comptrol foment and carry on the divisions in the Kingdom, which cost so dear to extinguish,   

Politic Observation.  
IT is very dangerous to suffer in a Kingdom divided with factions, such persons who have any particular dependence upon them who are the Authors of those divisions, after themselves are retired out of the Kingdom, so to do, were to leave fire in straw. Although ●ome may be mindful of their obligations, in being more submiss to their Sovereign then to any other, yet undoubtedly, many there will be, more affectionate to their own interest, who will become spies to give intelligence and agents to draw others into their opinions. It seems rigorous indeed that the innocent should suffer with the nocent; but how prejudicial would it be to the Commonwealth, if not so? better it were to preserve the public tranquillity severity, then to endanger it by lenity. Never was there yet Law made for the public good, which was not attended with some inconveniences to particular persons; and he who would make Laws in which no particular man should be interessed, will but deceive himself for want of penetrating into the consequences. The best course which can be followed, is ever to prefer the universal be●ore a particular good; remembering that wise saying of Tacitus, that all exemplary acts have somewhat of evil in them; but the injury they do particular men, will be abundantly recompensed by the public advantage.   

Prosecution of the History,  
THus you have the several Intrigues and the strange attempts, which they who abused the favours of the Queen-mother and Monsieur used, during this year, contrary to their allegiance, the King's Authority, and the tranquillity of the Kingdom. You have likewise the courses which were taken to impede their designs, which ended in the ruin of the Complotters. The Cardinal used such care, address, and Prudence, that all their attempts were only like so many impressions made upon the clouds, which vanish with the first breath of Wind: they were like Bullets shot at random, like blows in the air, and like pictures in the water, which the waves do as soon deface as designed. The Pilot seems sufficiently employed during the Tempest, if he preserve his Vessel from the violence of the Winds, and fury of the Waves, his presence and command being necessary to guide all those who have any charge to the performance of their Offices, and his prudence to encourage them to go through stitch with any thing which conduceth to his happy success; so it is hard to believe that a Minister of State hath not as much employment as humane wit can undergo, when he is obliged to defend himself and the State too, from the violence of a faction headed by the chief persons of the royal family, seeing he must necessarily every day issue out a thousand several Orders, and hardly will any one believe that he can be capable of any other thoughts, whiles he is agitated in such furious Tempests: True it is, the highest pitch of glory that a Minister in such encounters can attain to, is to avoid shipwreck. Experience hath made it evident that great Souls can pass further on, and that as the intelligences though taken up in their contemplation and love of the Divinity, yet cease not to be solicitous of things here below, or neglect the protection of Princes, Kingdoms and particular persons; so likewise Heaven doth sometimes produce certain sublime wits endued with courage, address, and prudence enough to undertake such encounters, a thousand other noble enterprises, besides the conservation of the State. Hath not all Europe found it so in the Cardinal, who without showing any trouble at all the attempts this year made to embroil France and destroy it, under which any other but himself would have sunk, not only rendered them successelesse but reestablished the Duke of Mantua, and defended the Princes of Germany, whom the House of Austria had almost swallowed up? a thing which I cannot sufficiently admire, and of which I find myself obliged to say something, that it may serve for instruction in the Government of States.   

Affairs of Germany.  
I Will begin with the assistance of the Germane Princes, concluded with the King of Sweden in January, at which time, these factious agents did their utmost to destroy this great Minister. We have demonstrated in the precedent year with how much justice the King of Sweden, entered Germany to defend the liberty of some Princes oppressed by the House of Austria, who were allied unto him, as also to this Crown, and who were not only driven out of their Principalities, but also reduced to such extremity that they knew not how to live. We have likewise seen, that he was the more readily induced to defend them in regard himself had received some injuries from the Emperor; particularly, when the Emperor caused his Letters sent unto the Prince of Transilvania to be opened and falsely interpreted, when he sent the Duke of Holsace with a great Army under his own Colours, to make War upon him in pruss, when he confiscated the Ships and Merchandises of the Swedes, formerly landed in the Towns of Germany, when he not only refused audience to his Ambassadors, and denied them answer, but commanded them upon pain of their lives presently to departed the Empire; and when he refused by way of scorn, his proffer of Peace, in confidence of destroying him, not thinking him able to sustain the force of his Arms. The Cardinal knew, that a Prince received no less glory from defending his Allies, then from curbing the Ambition of his Neighbours, and therefore thought himself obliged to persuade his Majesty not to forsake the King of Sweden and Princes of Germany, in so important an occasion. He knew no War was more lawful than that which tends to the keeping of confederate Princes in their Dominions, and to revenge any injuries offered unto them: Hence it was, that having taken order for the interests of the Catholic Religion in Germany, he persuaded his Majesty to conclude and sign the Treaty of Alliance with the King of Sweden, the conditions whereof, had been concluded about three or four months before. His Majesty engaged to assist him with Men and Money, as he then did, and the King of Sweden expressly engaged not to attempt any thing in prejudice of the Church in the Catholic Towns, of which he might possibly become Master; our invincible Monarch not thinking it enough to follow the generous sentiments of his justice, which led him to secure those Princes from oppression, unless accompanied with those of his Piety; so he could not resolve to assist an Heretic King, without precaution for the interest of the Church, that those violences, which are the usual effects of Arms, might not be attributed but to the disorders which do necessarily follow the Camp.   

Politic Observation.  
THat War is just, saith St. Ambrose, which is undertaken in defence of the weak or the Allies of a State against those who oppress them: St. Augustine teacheth us, that those Arms are justifiable which are taken up to revenge injuries. The defence of Confederates, is one of those actions which doth most of all set off a King's glory, and raise it to the highest pitch of greatness. Nothing doth more assimilate them to the Divinity, than the stretching out of their hands to support the weak, the protecting of whom is an act well-beseeming their Majesties. He who never ought to divide his Crown to any one, ought however let his Arms be common to other Sovereigns for their defence. They who do otherwise besides the blemishing of their glory with the brand of ignorance, do withal render themselves undeserving to be assisted in like necessities▪ There is not any Prince who is not a●med at in his turn, or able always to subsist by his own force; many times they are necessitated to stoop under the arms of an invader, for want of the assistance of their confederates, who forsake them, as they were before forsaken by them. If a King may with Justice defend the weak, and his confederates, doubtless he may as justly employ his power to revenge an injury. God who hath entrusted the Sceptre in the hand of Kings, hath also obliged them not to permit that the respect due to their Sovereign Majesty be violated by any other Prince, as well as to maintain their Subjects within the bounds of their obedience. He hath given them a Sword to correct any indignities offered to their Crowns. There is not any one above them, who is Arbitrator of their quarrels; they are legal Judges of their own differences, and in this Independency God hath given them power to take up Arms to carve their own right. It is enough to justify their War, if the Princes against whom they fight have given them occasion, and the misfortunes which inevitably follow the disorder of Soldiers cannot be imputed but unto him who first gave the occasion of taking the field. A Kingdom would be very defective (as Aristotle observeth) if the Sovereign had not Authority to chastise with his Arms him who hath injured him; in like manner (saith he) as the body of creatures is not perfect, if unable to repel those objects which offend it: So an estate is not in that perfection which it ought to be; if destitute of power to repay any injuries done against it.   

The Justice of the King's Alliance with the King of Swede.  
THere is no doubt but the Alliance of the most christian King with him of Swede, for the defence of their common confederates was very just, seeing the War itself undertaken by the King of Swede was just, and that all Alliance contracted for the support of a just War, is in itself justifiable: Yet there was no device unassayed by the house of Austria, to induce the World to condemn it. The first reason by them alleged in discredit thereof, was, that it was undertaken in the defence of Heretic Princes; but what reason was there, so long to have invaded the States of other Princes under the pretence of Religion? After Charles the Fifth, had joined the Imperial Crown to his Kingdoms of Spain and Italy, with the Provinces of the Low-Countries; he thought that having forces enough to re-conquer all those Countries, which formerly belonged to the Roman Emperor, he might with justice attempt it; as if Kingdoms were the division of force, and as if birth and succession of many ages were not bars enough to stop ambition. Now as Germany is the Bulwark which serves all he States of Europe to defend their liberty, as Henry the Second, King of France, writ unto the Princes of the Empire in the year, 1552. he resolved to overrun it, concluding that having once mastered it, he might with ease invade France, England, and the rest of Italy. The Emperor who reigns at present knew as well how important it was, seeing in his letters sent to Zuinga chief Counsellor to the King of Spain, he particularly nameth it the foundation of the Authority of the House of Austria. Germany indeed doth so abound in men and riches, that it is alone able to entertain Armies, and those, great ones, for ever; nay, to supply the very Indies in case of a defect. This is the true ground of the War, and that which obliged the King of Swede to assist it, although the Spaniards pretence was, the rooting out of Heresy. It is long since, the great St. Leon, writ to the Emperor Theodosius, that men palliate their Passions with Religion: but much more reasonably may it so be said of the Austrian Princes (as Mariana hath well observed in his History, that being it which makes so great an impression upon the people. The World sees by experience, how advantageous it was to them, when Ferdinand usurped Navarre from his own Niece; they themselves have seen, that it wanted but little of putting our Sceptre into their hands, during the League. It is the best title by which they hold part of both the Indies, where they have put to death not only lawful Princes, but at least fifty Millions of people, with such cruelty, that they have died the earth with blood, and made Heaven to groan with horror, and well will they now make use of it to despoil the Germane Princes of their estates. But who is ignorant of their injustice, seeing that as the true Religion gives no right to Empires, so force cannot deprive him of it, to whom it falls by succesion.   

Politic Observation.  
Heresy doth no more disengage Subjects from obedience to their Prince than infidelity; but this being a point of Doctrine, peradventure some mean capacity will make a scruple to believe it, if only proved by the verity of politic maxims. I shall therefore back it by the belief which the Apostles-left in the Primitive Church, which the Fathers taught in their Precepts and Examples, and which the ancient Christians did most religiously observe amidst their greatest persecutions. Did not the Apostles, St. Peter and Paul, writ to the christians in their Epistles, at what time Nero made the earth tremble with his cruelty execrised upon them: Let every one be subject to the higher powers. For there is not any Dominion which is not established by God, and those which now are, are by his gift, Whoever rebelleth against them, opposeeth his Commandment, and they who endeavour to shake off the yoke of their obedience, expose themselves to damnation. A Prince is God's servant, it is not to no purpose that he holds the sword; it is to make himself known for the Almighty's Officer: He ought to be obeyed, not only because he can punish, but for Conscience sake; neither are these the only exhortations left unto us upon this subject, their Epistles are fraught with divers others so frequent, that I need not recite them, le●t I play the D●vine, and forget the Historian. Who likewise knoweth not how all the ancient Fathers of the Church would have sealed this Doctrine with their blood, notwithstanding they lived under Atheistical and Pagan Princes, who were as so many firebrands to Religion, and sworn Enemies to our Faith? S. Ignatitus writ very earnestly to the people of Antioch, to persuade them to serve Justin● the Emperor, and gave all Pagan Princes to understand by a learned Apology▪ that their hopes were in vain to force the faithful by the violence of their torments to worship Idols and false gods, who in all other things would render a full and entire subjection to their Emperors. Tertullian acknowledgeth none but God above Kings, and confesseth that their commands tie the soul with a strong knot. Origen writing upon the Epistle to the Romans, though born under a Pagan, saith, there ought to be no difference in obedience due to Princes, of what belief soever they be. God hath advanced them above man, for reasons unknown to us. I could easily add the testimony of others, but that I fear I should act the part of a Divine. I will only add the exemplary loyalty of the Primitive Christians, who without any sense of being hunted, beaten, persecuted, imprisoned and burnt, did yet continue so constant, that the horrible diversity and excess of torments, to which the fury o● Tyrants did daily expose them, could never make them do any thing repugnant to that obedience they ought their Prince, no more then against the Faith they had sworn to God. It were to be wished that the Spaniards would follow these glorious Tracts, whereby the world might remain in Peace, and Princes might be unmolested in the enjoyment of their estates; but their Designs being different, no wonder if their faith be dissonant.   

An Answer to the Spaniards who blame the Alliance between France and Sweden.  
THe second reason which they allege in condemnation of the Alliance of France with Swede, was, that it was contracted with an heretic King, an enemy of the Church, and one who exerciseth great cruelties against the Germane Catholics: But this scruple of Conscience which they pretended, aimed at nothing else but to force our Arms out of our hands, that in effect they might the easilier despoil the ancient A●●●es of this Crown, who are only able to curb their Ambition. It is a very frivolous objection, and I do the more wonder at their condemning the Alliances of Heretics, it being their practice time out of mind, not only to admit them, but Infidels likewise into their confederacies Do we not know how in the time of the Florentine Counsel, and of the Emperor H●nry the second, who designed to make Spain Tributary to him, that King Ferdinand contracted an alliance with the Moors, that he might by them be assisted against the Emperor, against the Council against the Pope's Leon the ninth▪ and Victor the second, his enemies? Do we not know that they have attempted all possible means to contract alliance with the Turk, and that they have already effected it with the Persian, who is of the same Religion? Do we not know that they are allied with the Indian King, who openly worshippeth the Devil? Do we not know how Charles the f●●t leagued himself with the Lutherans, that he might the better make war upon us, and that by the advice of the Theologians, as Bannes rep●rteth it, who about the second of his Commentaries saith▪ It is no more inconvenient to make use of Infidels, then of Elephants and Horses? Do we not likewise know how Aurelius King of Spain, who slew Troila, leagued himself with the Moors and Saracens, and paid them yearly a Tribute of an hundred Catholic children, as Mariana reporteth it? Do we not know how Alphonsus' sir-named the grand, leagued himself with the Moors, on condition that he should deliver his Son Ordonius to be brought up amongst them? They who have taken the pains to read their Histories, may meet with divers such examples. We are not ignorant of the ancient alliances which they have had in Germany, the King of Denmark, the Dukes of Saxony, Brandenburg, and others, and which have been but lately renewed, though they are all Protestants.  
Now what reason can there be to blame alliances with Heretics? Were it not to plead against their customs? And why should they alone assume this Liberty, seeing they only object it to authorise their own ambitious Designs, and for our parts we only design by it the preservation of our Allies in the lawful possession of their estates? It is a right which our Kings will the hardlier relinquish, seeing the holy Chair is so much concerned in it, who ought the more be defended from the oppression of the House of Austria, because they have too to much discovered their Design, of setting on foot their ancient Titles to the Empire, for the recovering those lands which the Popes have heretofore received from the bounty of our Kings. We are not ignorant how he contrives to invade Italy, which after the reducing of ●ermany would easily be brought to pass. Our Kings who have always undertaken the Church's Protection, as having the honour to be her eldest Sons, cannot endure it; because after the temporal is once subdued, they will soon be intermeddling with the Spiritual, which would produce an immediate Schism. This one, was the weightiest affair which hath a long time befallen the Church; and that alone consideration were enough to vindicate the alliance with the Swede. If in process of time any disorders have succeeded upon this Treaty, well may they be imputed unto the proseperities, which had made a Prince become insolent, but not unto the effects of his Majesty's alliance with him, who had no other design besides the establishing of the Germane Princes. Religion was not interessed in the least in the Articles of agreement, it having been expressly concluded between them, that no alteration should be made in any of those places, of which his Arms should make him Master. Those disorders which he committed against the Church were accidental, like unto those medicines which weaken Nature, yet cure the disease; in regard of which, no one ought to be deterred from assisting his Allies: As the weakness caused by Physic ought not to fright us from receiving it, because strength and health will the sooner return after it.  
The King hath already given satisfaction for some of those injuries suffered by the Germane Church, and he will be glad to establish the rest, after the ambitious madness of the House of Austria shall be somewhat more reasonable. But admitting Wars could be unjust by reason of injuries done unto the Church, how would the Spaniards save themselves? What could they said for themselves in that expedition of theirs against Monsieur de Mantua, where the Lutherans by them introduced, omitted no kind of Sacrilege which could be perpetrated against the Church? This reason therefore cannot be right for their turn, it will only serve to lay their own injustice before them, which is but too notorious, from many other considerations. It cannot then be hence concluded, whether a War be just or not● There are moreover another sort of people ignorant of affairs, who allege the King might have made a Catholic League, which would have wrought the same effect. To which I answer, his Majesty would have been very glad to have found it so; and the reason why it was not effected, was, because it was never proposed. Some Religious persons indeed, more Devout than Prudent, did make some overtures, but they were the more suspected, because made by those who were Subjects to the House of Austria, and such men who are unacquainted with the reaches of the Spanish Ministers, and are as commonly deceived, as frequently disowned by them. These good Fathers were but ill spokesmen, in matters of Propositions, being entrusted to say nothing satisfactory, and sometimes what they say is contradicted; so that in fine, themselves conclude themselves to have been deceived; which is all the satisfaction to be had by them.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is an error to believe it unlawful for Princes to confederate themselves with Heretics or Infidels, either for their own defence, or the preservation of their Allies, in the possession of their just Rights; The contrary opinion is frivolous in the judgement of the ablest Divines, though Spanish. The Law of Nature doth generally oblige all men to unite themselves for the defence of one another, of what condition soever. Those who doubt it, would I send to the School of creatures void of reason, who would make them ashamed of questioning it. The Law of Grace doth not destroy that of Nature: Hence it is that this Obligation doth still remain, and that those Alliances made by Kings with Infidels or Heretics, when profitable or necessary, may not justly be blamed. Do we not see in holy Writ, how the Patriarches, and the most Renowned Kings of Judah have authorized this Doctrine by their example? Did not Abraham alley himself with Abim●l●ch, both for himself and his Successors, as also with the Canaanites? Did not Jacob league himself with Laban the Idolater? Were not the Israelites allied with several Infidels, excepting only those with whom God prohibited commerce? Was not Lot confederate with the King of Sodom, and did he not go to war with him? The Macchabees (though zealous in the observance of their Religion) did yet confederate themselves with the Lacedæmonians: God himself was pleased that Solomon should join his Fleet with the King of Tyre's, and so blessed their alliance, that they obtained vast riches by it; nay, he was likewise well contented that the Temple should be built by the Tyrian Infidels. To pass by these examples of Antiquity, let us descend to later times, where seeking for proofs of this Truth▪ we find S. Paul recommending to the Primitive Christians, to be at peace with all men, and not refusing his proper de●ence from the violence which the Jews designed against him, by the assistance two hundred Archers, and seventy Horsemen, all Infidels▪  
What can be objected against this Reason? It is permitted every one to make alliance with all such as are comprised under the notion of Neighbours; and it may not be doubted, for the Son of God hath commanded us to love them as ourselves: The Infidels are positively comprehended under that Title, especially when they are of advantage unto us; as Jesus Christ restifieth in the parable of the Samaritane; and by consequence it only resteth to be concluded, that alliances with Infidels, and so with Heretics, are permitted to Princes, and that they only ought to be circumspect in the use of that liberty, that they abuse it not.   

The Affairs of Italy.  
THis is all I shall say concerning the alliance with the Swede for the good of the Germane Princes: But who will not admire that at the very same time his Majesty gave the Law to the affairs of Italy, for the settling them in peace? It is good to see the Sun after a long storm, dispel that cloud whence the Tempest arose, clear up the Air, command the Winds to be still, to gu●●d the mountains▪ and make his Rays shine in our Eyes; but how much more pleasant is it to behold the King (whom the glory of a generous and invincible courage maketh to shine among other Princes) alloy that War wherewith Italy had been embroiled, for the three years' last passed, compel the Forces to retire into their Countries, establish the Liberty of commerce and re-estate Italy, Savoy, Piedmont, and the Grisons in the enjoyment of an happy peace? Europe beheld all this about the end or this year, at which time those embroils which we shall shall shortly treat of, were agitated in France, and which we come now to consider; for the more orderly describing those things which happened. Before we come to the ground of the Treaty of Peace, I think it proper to speak a little concerning the inclinations of Prince's affections to a general accommodation. The King having learned about the end of the last year, by a dispatch from the Sieur de Leon, in which his Majesty was informed how the Emperor was certainly resolved to be at Peace, and to permit the investiture of the Duke of Mantua, in conformity to the Treaty of Ratisbonne, commanded him to return to Vienna; and assure him, that he would contribute his utmost to effect it, and that he would willingly surrender to the Duke of Savoy, whatever he had gotten in his Dominions, although in his just possession by the Laws of War; provided the investiture of Mantua and Montferrat were confirmed, and restitution made of what had been usurped from that Duke. His Majesty engaged himself in this War, only to establish the Duke of Mantua in Peace; and consequently, would make no difficulty to withdraw his forces from Italy; provided, that the Emperor, the King of Spain, and Duke of Savoy did the like, relinquishing their designs, which their ambitions had hatched upon that Prince's estate. Whereupon, they having resolved to leave him in quiet (though the Spaniards did not speak very freely) the Cardinal bent his thoughts in finding out fit means for the executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne, not that he was ignorant that the laws did not oblige him relinquish all those advantages which the justice of Arms should obtain, or to relinquish those places taken in Savoy and Piedmont, but he easily condescended to suppress his own interest, that Europe might see the sincerity of his designs, and how he had not entered upon Italy with intention to invade any one, or to trouble the peace of Christendom, but only upon the score of preserving his Ally in the just possession of his undoubted right.   

Politic Observation.  
DIvers are the considerations which oblige a Prince to give an end to a foreign War. He ought to resolve to sit still, when he shall have obtained his pretences; for, as Thucydides saith, it is unjust to prosecute a War against him who is disposed to give satisfaction, and willingly submit to reason. No War is just, but that which is necessary, and Sovereigns are permitted to end that difference by force of Arms, which they perceive cannot otherwise be concluded. He who continues a War after satisfaction offered by his enemy, instead of glory acquireth hatred▪ One of those reasons which got the Emperor Augustus so great an esteem of justice, was, That he never undertook a War, unless compelled by some important reason. Xenophon saith, that a wise Prince forbeareth what ●e can to make War, though sometimes pressed unto it, and that he is obliged to prefer Peace before War, where his honour the interest of his State or Allies, are not totally concerned Only furious beasts make War to satisfy the motions of their rage; but a wise Prince will easily be inclined to quit his Arms, when those three grand causes do cease, which are the usual occasions of War. The Philosophers say, the effect is no longer necessary when the cause ceaseth to act, which ought not only to be understood of the efficient, but also of the final cause, it being reasonable to abstain from such actions, when the end which first stirred us up doth no longer engage us; besides he is compelled, as it were, to make peace abroad, when any intestine War calls him to look home. The discreet Physician gives the same counsel by his example, when he is much more solicitous of those evils engendered within the body, than those which only appear upon the skin. Civil Wars concern the preservation of a State foreign Wars are only useful for glory or power. Now, as that which is necessary is still to be preferred before that which is profitable, he ought so much the sooner to recall such forces to remedy that disorder which threatens him within, it being almost impossible to give order at the same time both for one and the other; in fine, ●e ought to make peace, after the obtaining those advantages which he could expect either from fortune or his own conduct. The success of War is not always the same, and it is difficult to make good fortune to last always. Victories do not always depend upon Prudence, Fortune hath her share in them. It is not to be avoided, but that after a long Calm the Vessel should meet with a Storm, maugre the Prudence or the Pilot; so likewise, it is impossible, that after divers advantages obtained in War, some misfortune should not happen. Hannibal was alike courageous both in Africa and Italy, yet after his return to Carthage he was no longer successful in his Arms. This is one of the reasons which hath induced the Sages to advise great Captains to withdraw upon their advantage, lest they lose the glory which they had formerly obtained.   

What it is that makes Cazal considerable to the Spaniards.  
THis advice were fit for the Spaniard to follow, that he might stop himself in the enjoyment of those great successes which fortune hath bestowed upon them under Ferdinand: Charles the Fifth, and Philip the Second, but their Ambition will hardly give them leave so to do. They made it apparent in this particular, where they shown themselves totally averse from Peace, unto which his Majesty was so easily inclined, they testifying by their actions, that their chief design, was to hinder the Duke of Mantua's peaceable enjoyment of his States. They persuaded themselves that the Court being divided by those Tares which they had sowed, and which they manured with such care in the minds of the Queen-mother and Monsieur, France neither would nor could long sustain the War in Italy; and withal, as they could not imagine but the Queen-mother would, in fine, attain her will in the Cardinal's destruction, they concluded that that once effected Cazal would easily be reduced to their obedience, which his discreet conduct kept safe from them. Montferrat, of which Cazal is the strongest place, is a Country of small extent, yet of great importance to the design, which they have a long time had upon Italy. Until this present they have been forced to sit still in the out-bounds, Naples and Milan; and true it is, this is one of the principal objects which hinders the conquest of the rest, could they but once join their German with their Italian power; they would soon be Masters of the whole, therefore have they endeavoured it for so many years, but without Cazal all their attempts are vain, that place alone being a Bulwark to block up the passage of any Troops which pass from Germany to Milan. This is indeed, that which makes Cazal so considerable, the not having whereof is the more important, in regard, their power is bounded in at the Fort of Fuentes; which being so, they resolved to give their Ambassador in Savoy full power to conclude any thing in his Master's behalf, an artifice full of injustice, but which ceased not to be very proper for their design; for that he not being party to the Treaty, it will still be free for him to break it, by refusing to subscribe those Propositions which concerned his interest▪ However, as Princes never want pretences for the most unjust designs, they would not own this Artifice, and the Cloak with which they covered it, was, that fight under the Emperor's Colours, there was no need of any one to treat in their behalves, but after all their endeavours to prevent the execution of the Treaty then concluded; they made it apparent that this reason of theirs was only a pretence, and that their true design was to hinder the peace, that they might make new attempts upon Cazal.   

Politic Observation.  
THat Ambition which is sometimes favoured with good success, hath much much ado to relinquish its enterprises, though unjust. It is an error to think Fortune is blind, because she distributeth her favours inconsiderately and without forecast; for that God himself whose eyes are clearer than the Sun, is the Author of whatever befalls mankind. Well may she be painted without eyes, when as she doth usually blind those whom she doth at any time oblige with the least extraordinary success. A Prince accustomed to conquer, proposeth no law in prosecution of his Will, though that right be inherent in God alone: Little doth he consider the condition which his birth hath given him, and the passion of growing great at his neighbour's expense, doth so transport him, that he thinks he hath right enough, if he have but power to conquer them; he flatters himself in the belief, that those Monarchies which are this day held with most justice, are grounded upon no other Titles than the swords of those that first founded them. The desire of Dominion which transporteth him, rendereth him careless of dying the earth with blood, if he may but subjugate more people to himself, and of making the world groan under the violence of his arms, if he may but get a new addition to his authority. It makes him forget that he is a man, and consequently that he is subject to the Laws of Death, and equally liable with the meanest Cottager, to render an account of his actions; that the usurpation of another's right, shutteth the gates of heaven against him, and that ambition itself is a punishment to those whom it possesseth, augmenteth their inquietudes with the increase of their powers. Who knoweth not that it is not the greatness of Kingdoms which maketh Kings greatly happy; that the desire of conquest is accompanied with more pain and hazard then pleasure; that those Princes who will subjugate all men, are hated by all men, and are oftentimes reduced to a nonplus, just when they think to extend the bounds of their Empire to the utmost; That it is no more just to usurp the power of a Sovereign Prince, then to commit murder; That God who is the Judge of Kings, taketh pleasure to abase their insolence, and to cast them down when they think themselves highest? To be short, the most sure and agreeable Dominion, is that which hath justice for its Basis.   

That the Duke of Mantua's Right doth not prejudice the Emperor.  
THe Emperor had been disabused by the Sieur de Leon, of those ill impressions which the Spanish Ministers had instilled into him, concerning those Forces which the King had sent into Italy. He was informed with the true reasons which engaged him to undertake the Duke of Mantua's protection, which was such as did not at all prejudice the Rights of the Empire, seeing he had never any thoughts of hindering that Prince form rendering to his Imperial Majesty all those devoirs which could be expected by him: He was informed with the Duke of Mantua's pretensions, who had no other crime then that of being a Frenchman, and therefore odious to the Spaniards; to deprive whom of his lawful Succession, were to commit an insupportable outrage, and to force the most Christian King to protect him. At length his eyes were opened to discover the disguisments wherewith the Spaniards had surprised him, to the end they might employ the power of the Empire to carry on their ambitious designs in Italy; whereupon from a Scholar, being made Master of the Affair, he resolved to put an end to it; and accordingly sent unto the Baron de Galas a full power to conclude with the Ambassadors of France, upon some means to execute the Treaty of Ratisbonne, and to establish an happy peace in Italy, promising to invest the Duke of Mantua in that which belonged unto him, his Majesty being readily disposed to make a surrender to the Duke of Savoy. These are the true reasons which induced the Emperor to this resolution, yet it cannot be denied but that necessity compelled him to it, for the King of Swede had already made a great progress in Germany, and done great exploits; so that had not the Emperor presently recalled his Forces from Italy, he would soon have overrun the whole: He likewise knew how the Christian King had made a Treaty of alliance with him, for the defence of his Confederates, and that he must undoubtedly fall in that war, if he did not unite his scattered forces to sustain the charge of two so great Powers.   

Politic Observation.  
NOthing is more powerful to reduce Princes to reason than necessity, whose Laws are more absolute than those of their Power; they know nothing but the Divinity and that above them; sometimes it is a trouble to them to admit it, especially when it thwarts their ambition, yet it cannot but be thought happy, when it forceth their arms out of their hands, and leads them to a fair accommodation. The most discreet do the more willingly submit to its Laws, in regard no one can be blamed for following that condition which necessity imposeth, a good excuse in the greatest faults; sometimes it is so favourable as to lead them to victory, by obliging them to attempt it when they least expected it; at other times it is content to settle them in peace, by a reducing them to a disability of prosecuting war. In fine, they must subscribe to its pleasure, for necessity it is which imposeth the Law upon them, but receiveth none from them, they being in this respect in the same condition with meaner persons. Hence it was that ●hal●s being demanded what was the strangest thing in nature, answered, Necessity, because it surpasseth all things. Are not Castles (in themselves impregnable) forced by necessity to surrender? What saith Quint● Curtius. Necessity hath a more absolute Empire in Arms, than reason itself. Is there any Rhetoric which can persuade the mind more efficaciously? There is no power which is not obliged to re●der it obedience.   

Prosecution of the Subject.  
WE now come to speak of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua. Who can doubt of their inclinations to Peace, when it was the only means to re-establish them in their States? It is a trouble to behold the earth languishing under the rigours of a tedious Winter, covered with Ice and Snow, and overspread with torrents of waters; But it is much more troublesome to a Prince to see his S●ates in the possession of others, his people oppressed by the burdens of War, his Towns and Villages forsaken, hi● Fields unmanured, and the Earth died with the blood of the dead These were indeed the reasons which obliged Monsieur the Duke of Mantua to entertain the Sieur Priaudy still near him, that he might propose such overtures of peace to him as presented themselves to his thoughts, and which induced the Duke of Savoy to send about the beginning of the year, the Comte de Drovin to assure the King of his Respects and Affection, to contribute his utmost to his Majesty's service. He well found that the Spaniards chief design was to advance their affairs at his expenses; and that on the contrary, his Majesty who hath evermore fought rather for glory in the defence of his Allies▪ then to usurp their estates, had not overrun Savoy and Piedmont until he was necessitated to it by his denying assistance; whence it was that he no longer doubted that it would more advance the recovery of his estates, to keep a fair correspondence with France, then to follow the interests of Spain.   

Politic Observation.  
THere is not any condition more to be pitied, then that of a Prince despoiled of his Estates. The impotency to which he is reduced is so much the more insupportable▪ by how much the memory of his former Authority doth constantly present itself unto him; and his Poverty is the greater, in regard of his former plenty. Such great ●alls do carry some shame with them, especially to such who have been the Authors (in some sort) of their own miseries. We do not hold them to be so much Philosophers, as to be content with what Fortune hath left, or that they would live in any other condition than their former; they are likewise the more impatient of being restored to their estates, for that they know Authority if once degraded, falls to ruin, if not quickly reinstated. The Pilot who finds his Vessel beaten by the Tempest, his Masts broken, his Sails rend, his Cordage torn, and his Ship leaky, bends all his thoughts how to get into Port; and a Prince considering his places to be in the hands of his enemies, his Revenue sequestered, his Country foraged, his Subjects fugitives, and his Forces reduced to an impossibility of securing themselves from a total ruin, is in perpetual trouble, until he finds himself restored by a Treaty o● Peace.   

The Deputies of the Christian Princes for the Treaty of Peace.  
THese are the inclinations about the beginning of this year, of the several Princes who had taken part in the War of Italy, or the Interest of Monsieur de Mantua. The Pope▪ who is the common Father, did not a little contribute to bring things to this pass, both by the endeavours of his ordinary Nuncios, who resided near them, and by the prudence of the Nuncio Panzirolo, who had always continued in Piedmont, or thereabouts, endeavouring to extinguish the flame when it was first of all breaking out. His Holiness was no less interessed in the Peace than the rest, because in War the Church is neither heard nor obeyed, nor indeed regarded, but as a Magistrate in a City troubled with dissensions, and who in consideration of his Temporal estate could not be exempted from those troubles which attend Armies, and upon whom the House of Austria had designed, as well as upon the rest of Italy, as having been heretofore the most noble part of the Roman Empire, and which their ambition tells them they have right to recover, through the whole extent of it. Upon these just considerations the Pope sent Mazarini to the King about the beginning of the year, as to the best qualified, and most just Arbitrator of Christendom, whose victorious Arms had acquired him a full power to settle Italy in peace at his own pleasure. His Majesty did very well resent the entreaties made to him for the contributing his endeavours to peace; whereupon the Marshal de Thoyras, and the Sieur de Servient were shortly after chosen for this employment, worthy of their abilities, to meet at Suze, a Town near Qu●rasque, where the Plague had forced the Duke of Savoy to retire, and where all parties had concluded to send their Deputies, to confer of some convenient means for executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne. The Nuncio Panzirolo came in the first place to testify by his diligence the ardour of zeal and charity which the Church hath for the ●e●ling of Peace between Christian Princes. The Baron de Galas Captain and Colonel General to the Emperor, came shortly after, with full power from his Master, whom the progress of the King of Swede made impatient till he could see his Imperial Forces at liberty, to return into Germany, whereby to give a check to his proceed; not considering that this earnestness of his gave others advantages upon him: This obliged the Sieur de Servient to go directly thither, without the Marshal de Thoyras, who was not as yet come, though he arrived shortly after, to show that his Master had no less inclination to peace, than courage in War, when the enemies of his Allies provoked him to it. The Precedent de Baines was appointed by the Duke of Savoy to assist at the conference, and Guichardus Chancellor of Montferrat by the Duke of Mantua, though he had given an absolute power to his Majesty's Ambassadors, to dispose of his affairs as they should think fit. Cavac●ia was sent thither by the Commonwealth of Venice, but it was only to reside near his Majesty's Ambassadors, whom they looked upon as the chief Arbytrator of this affair, and who took the same care of their Interest as themselves would have done, for they assisted not at the Conference, no more than the Comte de la Rocque, extraordinary Ambassador of Spain; for he had no power, as we have already declared, and came thither only to hinder the accommodation. These were the chief Deputies which had the charge of this important Treaty; amongst which (I may safely say) that those of his most Christian Majesty evinced unto the Comte de la Rocque, and Galas, that the French Nation are no less prudent in counsel, then courageous in arms; that if they have more of fire then the Spaniards and Germans, yet they have no less Phlegm to debate such Propositions as were made to them; the vivacity of their soul penetrated into the depth of affairs, but their prudence prevented them from saying any thing but what was necessary; their solidity sustained the assaults of others, their prudence deluded those artifices wherewith it was endeavoured to surprise them, and their patience surmounted the slowness of Galas, and the Comte de la Rocque, whom they made despair of obtaining any thing but by reason. They came last to Querasque, and at all meetings stayed till the last, to let the world see they were not in haste, and that they desired no an end of the Treaty, but by the way of Honour, and for their Master's advantage; They well knew that the Emperor's, the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua's Deputies would press the Treaty home enough, by reaso● of the ill condition of their Master's affairs, and from thence indeed they knew how to draw divers advantage.   

Qualities necessary for an Ambassador.  
PRinces though they are great, yet can they not negotiate their most important affairs, in their own persons. Necessity compels them to employ some of their Officers, and when they may negotiate in person any treaties with stranger's Prudence forbids them so to do; they should not only be unworthy of that Mejesty wherewith they are accompanied, by employing themselves in the resolution of a thousand difficulties which they will meet with; but also, committing their authority to the contests which happen at all conferences; and what is most considerable, is, that they have more liberty treating by their Ambassadors to reject any Propositions dis-agreeable unto them, without being obliged to declare their reasons: Withal, they have more time to weigh their resolutions, either ratifying or rejecting them with their counsel, then when they are in public Assemblies; they may likewise judge with more judgement, because before the final conclusion they are informed of all the intentions of the contrary party, which their Ambassadors present at the Treaty, cannot but successively discover, although they are obliged to resolve on the Articles upon mature deliberation. Treaties of Peace are the more important, seeing in them is debated the restoring of the bond of human society to States, the life of the Laws, Order, and Policy, and the plenty of all Prosperity, so that able persons ought to be employed in them. The necessary qualities which he who is employed on such occasions, aught to have, cannot be laid down in few words. I shall content myself, to name some few which are the chiefest, and to say, that above all things he ought to have a perfect knowledge of the affair which he negotiates, as also of his Master's interests, of theirs with whom he treats, and of their Allies, for otherwise he cannot avoid a surprisal. Next to this chief quality, prudence ought to be as his eyes, to inform him what to resolve, and what to evade, to foresee the consequences of those propositions which are made, to countermine them who endeavour to blow him up to know how to choose means proper to obtain that end which his Master proposeth, and to wave those reasons which are pressed upon him. This Prudence ought to be accompanied with a certain staidness which may prevent him from running into a rash resolution; he ought to be more phlegmatic than choleric to check his hasty design, of giving too quick a dispatch to his affairs. He ought let others wrangle, without being moved from what he hath solidly resolved, and to content himself with answering moderately such objections as are made against him, without receding from those fundamental propositions, upon which the main chance is to be decided. Irresolution is a thing extremely dangerous in him, not only because it gives great advantages to the opposite party, but because it allays that vigour of spirit, with which his advice ought to be accompanied, and that earnestness which he ought to have for his Master's service; not that I would have his Prudence joined with so sublime a subtlety, unless he were endued with all those extraordinary qualities which make a man eminent; for experience hath evinced unto us, that they who are only crafty, do commonly lose themselves in their own thoughts, and follow such expedients which savour more of Chimeras and Apparencies, than Truth or Solidity. Such ruin affairs, by their Ambition to extract the quintessence of them, like those who have a long time blowed to find the quintessence of Metals, and in the end have nothing but wind for their pains. Secrecy is a quality the more needful in him, because a design once discovered is of no more advantage them a Mine contramined, and that nakedness doth as ill become his Soul as his Body; besides, as no one can keep a secret without dissimulation, he ought to have a Soul strong enough, and well adjusted to disguise his designs, & to make show to have other ends then those which he doth pretend, though he ought not to make use of it unless in matters of great importance, for the most part, behaving himself with great freedom to beget the reputation of being sincere, which will make his disguisements pass for the more currant truths, by reason he useth them so seldom. In fine, it were to be wished that he were powerful in discourse, both for the well deducing of his reasons, as also to animate them with that vigour which is necessary to get approbation, and which might render them as effectual, as faintness renders them useless, when they are therewith accompanied.   

A Treaty of Peace at Querasque.  
THe Deputies were no sooner arrived, but the conference began, yet not until after the order of their sitting had been concluded. It was resolved that Panzirolo should sit at the end of the Table, which in Italy is esteemed the most honourable place, the Baron of Galas on his left hand, the Marshal de Thoyras on his right hand, the Sieur de Servient beneath Galas, the Precedent de Banies over against him, and the Chancellor Guichardy, at the lower end over against the Nuncio. At first indeed, and before the beginning of the Assembly, there was some difference upon this score, because the Baron de Galas, and the Comte de la Rocque, coming together to visit the Sieur de Servient, the Comte de la Rocque took place of Galas; for afterwards the Marshal de Thoyras, and the Sieur de Servient, did likewise pretend to take place of Galas, they being too much concerned in their Masers' glory, to endure that his Majesty should suffer any diminution, which must have been, if representing his person they should have given place to him, of whom the Spanish Ambassador took place. The Comte de la Rocque would take this advantage of Galas, because he was only qualified as a Commissary, pretending that King's Ambassadors took place of the Emperor's Comissaries, though not of his Ambassadors. In fine, it was adjudged, that for this once, the Spanish Ambassadors should give place to the Emperor's Commissary, unless Galas would likewise give place to the Most Christian Kings Ambassadors. To conclude, they went publicly through the Town, the Comte de la Rocque being in a Coach beneath Galas, and the Sieurs de Thoyras and Servient took place next after him; their priorities being thus regulated they began to confer upon the means for executing the Treaty of Peace, concluded the precedent year at Ratisbone, in order to that which concerned Italy; for as to the rest, the Most Christian King would never ratify it, his Ambassadors having gone beyond their Commissions. There were two chief causes of difficulty, the first, in regard of the eighteen thousand Crowns rend, accorded to the Duke of Savoy in Montferrat, for which the Town of Trin was left him, and divers other Lands and ancient Demesnes, which did amount to that sum: The second was, about the manner of restoring the places both of Mantua and Montferrat, as also Savoy and Piedmont; the contests of either party were hot, and nothing concluded until the 6 day of April, when it was resolved that the Duke of Savoy should content himself with fifteen thousand crowns rend in Montferrat, valuing the Crown at eight Florins, in consideration of the quality of those Towns and Lands which were left unto him, which was concluded by the Assembly; as concerning the restitution of places, it was concluded that the Forts newly built should be demolished, that each party should withdraw his forces; and lastly, that the places should be restored at the same time, and that for assurance of the restitution, hostages should interchangeably be given, and all to be conformable as much as could be unto the Treaty at Ratisbonne; nevertheless, it being apprehended that those of the House of Austria would more readily sacrifice three Hostages then relinquish the Grisons▪ seeing the possession of them, would join their estates in Germany with those of Milan; it was concluded by a secret Article, that the Towns of Suze and Avigliane, should be delivered into the hands of the Swisseses raised in the Cantons, allied with France and Savoy, to be by them kept in his Highness of Savoy's name, until such time as the Forts and Passages held by the Comte de Merodes in the Grisons were left free with obligation of restoring them to the Marshal de Thoyras in case the said Forts and Passages were not quitted: This general Treaty being concluded, there were particular endeavours used to decide the differences between the King and Duke of Savoy, for the establishment of an assured Peace between their Subjects. It was not long unconcluded, because there was nothing of difficulty in it, only the same conditions which had been agreed on the foregoing year. These two Treaties being thus finished, were signed to a general satisfaction of all, except Monsieur de Mantua, who was something troubled to pay the charge, and the Comte de la Rocque, who would have continued on the War upon any conditions whatever; all the rest, thinking that Peace was now restored unto Italy, which for three years' last passed, had been the Theatre of Sorrow.   

Politic Observation.  
HAppy is the Prince, who after he hath seen his Country desolate by horrid and cruel Wars, can at last settle it in Peace. He will find this great Mistress of Arts, to give being to all those exercises which had been interrupted and neglected during the troubles. He will see Religion, upon which (as an Emperor once said) dependeth all the good or bad fortune of States, to reassume its former lustre, which frequent disorders had destroyed. He will soon see his Towns deserted by the violence of the Soldiers, repeopled and revived out of their own ashes. He will see his Subjects discharge their Offices with pleasure and live in abundance of tranquillity, traffic free, commerce open, voyages secure, the earth loaded with rich harvest, all things restored to their first splendour and order, the Laws and Statutes which before were dead put in execution; justice established in her Throne, reassuming her authority, and terrifying such as before scorned her; in fine, his estate putting off its mourning apparel, and clothing itself with magnificence, mirth, contentment, and joy.   

The second Treaty of Peace.  
THe Articles of the general Treaty, had been concluded with so much Prudence and Equity, that all those whose intentions were just, could not but rest abundantly satisfied, though the Spaniards who only sought an opportunity to embroil affairs, made the Emperor believe, that under that secret Article divers designs were comprised; insomuch that he writ to the Duke of Savoy somewhat discontentedly, that Suze and Avigliane should be put into the Swisse's power, and withal, refused to ratify the Treaty of Peace, though it had been expressly concluded in that of Ratisbonne, that any other way might be taken besides that of Hostages, if the Deputies who negotiated the Affairs of Italy should so think fit. This difficulty was enough to have undone all, if the Most Christian Kings Ministers had been tainted with the like design as the Spaniards were; but their thoughts being altogether bend upon finding out some assured means for the restitution of places on either party, they made no difficulty to renew the conference in order thereunto. The Conference lasted until the 19 of June, on which day the second Treaty was signed, by which all the Articles of the former Treaty were confirmed, excepting only that of the secret Article. The Baron de Galas obliged himself to invest Mantua and Montferrat in Monsieur de Mantua within 25 days; or at least to deliver the investiture unto the Sieur de Leon, or the Bishop of Mantua, both resident with the Emperor: So that it should be expedited and consigned into their hands. He likewise promised that the Emperor's Forces should quit Italy; as for the rest, it was concluded as in the first Treaty, that for the assurance of the restitution of places, Hostages should be consigned on both parts, to wit, on the Emperor's part, the Signieurs Pi●olomini, Chisa, and Vileben; and on the King's part, the Sieurs de Tharanes, de Nerestan, and Aiguebonne who should be deposed into the Pope's hands, upon the 20. of August under promise from his Holiness, not to deliver them until the execution of the Treaty, and not to assume any Authority but as Depository: In prosecution whereof, the Sieurs de Thoyras and de Servient, obliged themselves to restore unto the Duke of Savoy, Brigueras, the same day that the Baron of Galas who delivered himself for hostage, should quit the Forts, and the Passages of the Grisons, withal, that Suse, and Avigliane, with the adjacent Forts should be restored to the Duke of Savoy, as Porto, and Canetto to the Duke of Mantua; and that lastly, Pignerol should be fortwith surrendered into the hands of the Duke of Savoy, the same day that Galas should restore Mantua to its lawful Lord, that each party might be Master of his own at one and the same time. This Treaty was signed both by one and the other, the Emperor and the Most Christian King ratified it; The Investiture of Mantua and Montferrat was expedited the second day of July; the new● of which being once arrived, the rest of the Articles were put in execution; the Hostages were delivered to Cardinal Pallotta, appointed for that purpose by the Pope, who received them; excepting what concerns the Forts, and Country of the Valtoline, Grisons▪ and Comte de Chiavenne, with which his Holiness would not intermeddle, the Inhabitants being Heretics, and not acknowledging him; but in exchange, the Baron de Galas delivered himself as Hostage unto Monsieur de Mantua, for performance of his promise. Brigueras, with the other small places of Savoy, were delivered to the Marquis Ville, in behalf of the Duke, and the same day the passages o● the Grisons to their lawful Lords; the places of Mantua, except Mantua itself, Porto and Canello to the Marquis de Pomare for the Duke of Mantua, the fifteenth of September Suze and Avigliane were restored to the Duke of Savoy, Porto and Canello to the Duke Mantua, and on the twentieth of the same month the French quitted Pignerol▪ and the Germane Mantua. Thus were all things remitted into the hands of their proper Princes, and each one established in the possession of their own. Cardinal Pall●tta who had received the Hostages in the Pope's behalf, having received notice thereof dismissed them; and this great storm which had troubled all Europe, gave place to an happy peace; leaving his Majesty the glory of having supported his Allies, in despite of the Emperor, the King of Spain, and Monsieur de Savoy; and the Cardinal the honour of having equally vanquished them both by Arms and Prudence.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is always necessary for the better assurance of the execution of Treaties between Princes, that some security be given, especially where there is any diffidence between them. Some have received places in deposit, as Charles the eight going to N●ples did of sundry Italian Princes; others have contracted Marriages, as the Historians of most Wars have recorded, and it is a custom as ancient as common to give and take Hostages. It is very hard for those who have been exasperated during the Wars, to believe interchangeable promises only, especially when they are to be executed at divers times, and in divers places; besides it will be easy for a Prince to deceive, if he will break his Word, To allege some particular examples of Hostages; St Lewis having made a Treaty of Peace with the Sultan of Babylon, offered for assurance of their agreement, the Comtes de Po●ctiers and Anjou. Thus Charles King of Navarre, son in Law to King John, having caused Charles d' Espaigne to be killed, who was Constable of France, and extremely beloved of the King, would never return to the Court, till his Majesty had delivered to him Lewis Compte d' Anjou his second son, for hostage, whom he forthwith sent to his City d' Eureux, under his Brother's custody: Thus the same K. John having been four years' Prisoner in England, was not set at liberty until he had paid his ransom in part, and given hostage for the assurance of the rest, who were Lewis d' Anjou, and Jean Du● de Berry his children; Lewis Duke de Burgoigne, Peter Comte d' Al●●son, John brother to the Comte d' Estampes, all Princes of the Blood: Guy brother to the Comte de Blois, the Seignieurs de Montmorency, de Hangest, de St Venant, d' Andresel, de la Roche-Guyon, and the Comtes de St Pol, de Coussii, de Brenni, de Harcourt, and de grand Pre. This is so usual, that it will be needless to add any more.   

The Spaniards intention to break the Peace of Querasque, followed by that of Mirefleur.  
ALthough all these places were restored, yet the Spaniards (whose Counsels are engraven in brass for the perpetuating of them) could not resolve to withdraw their Forces from Italy, or to send the Emperors into Germany; they stayed them whiles they could in Milan, and thereabouts, pretending they should want part of them in their Garrisons, and that they expected leave from the Legate of Ferare, to transport the rest into Naples. Those whom the Duke de Feria had promised to disband in July, were on foot in September, and this very delay caused the restitution of places to be retarded; Besides, the King was certainly informed, that the very morning after the expediting the Investiture, they had found means to wrest an act from the Emperor, which they caused to be published in the Imperial Chancery, by which it was nullified, in case the Treaty of Ratisbon were not punctually executed; although concluded in express terms, that it should be given without any limitation. Was not this testimony enough of their intentions to break the Treaty, if they could but find any favourable opportunity, seeing particularly that this Declaration was a firebrand, for that it gave them the liberty of finding fault with some of the Duxe of Mantua's actions, which themselves would interpret and judge to be contrary to the Treaty. Neither was this the only Index of their minds, the Comte de Merode who acted not but by order from Feria, committed all sorts of violence in the Grisons, as if he would force the King by a just resentment to make a breach; moreover, the Comte de la Roch letters having been taken by some thiefs from his Courier, who were more careful of his money then papers, left no cause of doubt to them who saw them, of their intentions to foment the discontents of the Queen-mother and Monsieur, to such an height as should be irreconcilable, that they might be revenged on France for those advantages obtained against them. They likewise raised new Troops in Milan, as if they would not have any ignorant of their designs; and lastly, they were extremely urgent to force the Duke of Mantua to disband an inconsiderable number of French from Casal and Mantua, whom he had desired to be left there for the guard of those places, and which were hardly able to secure them from a surprise, whereby he might be so disabled, that they might with ease overrun his Country; which being so, and that no one can doubt of their Design of re commencing the War the following year, what reason had his Majesty to leave Italy without full assurance of Peace and Liberty, by other means then that of a Treaty? Should he not have so done, he had thrown away his charges in vain, and the lives of so many French to no purpose.  
This was it which obliged the King to require new assurances in the behalf of his Allies, and to inform the Duke of Savoy, that he himself was in no greater assurance them others, considering how distrustful the Spaniards were of him, and how much discontented with his late proceed. On the other side, the Cardinal represented to his Majesty, that Prudence obliged him not to abandon Italy in this danger, and that it was needful for him to use his power with the Duke of Savoy, to obtain some one of his places, which might afford a free passage for his Armies into Italy, if occasion should draw them thither a third time. His Majesty whose judgement is equally prudent as just, apprehended the importance of this advice, so that soon after he sent Orders to the Sieur de Servient, who was yet with the Duke of Savoy, to desire him to put Pignerol, Suze, Avigliane, or Savillan into his Majesty's hands for some time, that he might keep the Spaniards in awe, and prevent them from making new attempts. This Proposition indeed was somewhat strange, but did not exasperate him as it happened; for the Prudence which the Sieur de Servient used in that affair obtained his demands to his Majesty's glory and the liberty of the Italian Princes; he evinced unto the Duke of Savoy by so many demonstrations, the designs which the Spaniards had to recommence the war, & the just reason he in particular had to fear their growing powerful in Italy; which if once effected, all he could hope for was the favour of Cyclops, when he found himself obliged for the surety and defence of his estates. The Sieur de Servient perceived that distrust which is natural to Princes, made him loath to part with a place of importance, and to intrust it in the hands of a stranger, but when he recollected to his memory that frankness wherewith his Majesty had so lately restored unto him the greatest part of his Dominions, and the open profession which he made of establishing his glory, by the defence of his Allies, he at last brought him to resolve upon the delivery of Pignerol until such time as the Spaniard should make apparent that they intended to leave Italy in peace. This Treaty was concluded and signed at Mire●leur upon the 19 of October, and presently put in execution. It cannot be apprehended how unpleasant this news was to the Governor of Milan, and with what resentment he complained in his Letters to the Duke of Savoy, and his Highness was not wanting to return him an answer full of courage, how he had not done any thing but what was lawful for any Prince, and that he was obliged to entrust this place in the hands of his Christian Majesty sooner than any other, since his bounty had restored him to those States, of which the War raised by others had despoiled him.   

Politic Observation.  
THat Prince cannot be thought imprudent, who in making Peace foresees those dangers of War which threaten him, and who for the preservation of his State in an happy tranquillity, deposits some Town in the hands of a Monarch, whose power can secure him from all misfortunes. He who assures himself of the protection of a potent King, secures in it his Crown, and peace to his Subjects, strikes a terror into his enemies, and makes them afraid of falling on him. These advantages are far greater than those which he can possibly receive from any place by him deposited; whence it is great prudence to prevent the storm, and imitate the wise Pilot, who fearing a total shipwreck, throws part of his goods into the Sea; ●e cannot but be commended who accommodateth his counsels to the necessity of times, and he ought to think himself happy, if by the loss of one Town he can secure the rest. It is advantage enough for a Prince (saith Augustus in Suetonius) to put himself into such a condition that no one can offend him. One City indeed may increase his Revenue, but cannot so well peradventure secure him from those violences whereunto he is exposed, as the power of a great King with whom he intrusteth it. Ferdinand King of Naples, did wisely, when he found himself without money, destitute of necessary Forces to recover his estate (of which we French had despoiled him) in resolving to enter into a league offensive and defensive with the Venetians, who made a scruple to admit him, unless he would deliver them the Cities of Otrante, Bronduze, and Trave with Monopoly, and Sulignan with condition that they should be restored upon payment of 200000 Ducats, for their expenses in his occasion. Prudence alone is capable to make known unto us without producing other examples, that it is more discretion to quit a part to secure the rest, then by preserving it, to endanger the loss of the whole.   

When Pignerol was promised to the King by the Duke of Savoy.  
PRinces actions are liable to divers interpretations, because they are more maturely considered then ordinary men's, and their drifts are more secret. This Treaty of the Duke of Savoy, did set many heads on work, and divers apprehended it in terms quite different from the truth. He granted the City and Castle of Pignerol to the King for six months only, and that for performance of his promise, to give him free passage through his State, and to assist him with Ammunition and Provision of all sorts, as much and as often as need should require, for defence of his Allies in Italy. However divers believed that he had absolutely given this place to the King, and besides, that it had been so concluded before ever the Marshal de Thoyras, and the Sieur de Servient departed from Paris toward Querasque. It was said, that the Comte de Drovin had passed his word in January, and then assured his Majesty that the place should be delivered to him. But that being never declared they did rather guess than know it, for knowledge is grounded upon reasons certain. All that can be said, is that the Duke of Savoy did consent to remit Pignerol absolutely into his Majesty's hands, for the conservation of the rest of his estate; in so doing, he did very prudently, as we shall hereafter declare, had the King procured this advantage to his Crown, it had been but just to recover an ancient Demean, which had been lost by the condescension of his Predecessors, he had raised a Trophy to his glory, obtained by his Arms in Italy; he had conserved part of that which did justly belong unto him by the Laws of War; it fine, he had secured all his Allies on the other side the Mountains, and kerbed the Spanish Ambition. These reasons were so full of Justice, that the greatest part of the world was persuaded that the Duke of Savoy had absolutely given Pignerol to the King; for what likelihood could there be that his Majesty should not retain some part of his Victories? That he should expend at least fifty millions in a War without reserving somewhat for recompense? That his Prudence should not take some care for the preservation of his Allies, after the experiment he had made of those difficulties in the Passages? And that he should leave the Spaniards in full power to prosecute their Usurpations? There could not be any reason for it, and he must have renounced his just and lawful pretensions so to have done: On the other side, that which did most of all call in question the truth of the Treaty, if indeed there were any thing was, that it was always denied and dissembled in the conferences, and kept as a secret till this present; nevertheless this secret cannot be denied but to have been the effect of the Cardinal's Prudence, who well knoweth that the greatest designs ought to be executed with the greatest secrecy, and that counterfeit pretences cannot but be commendable, provided they be advantageous and free from injustice.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough Dissimulation is commonly esteemed a vice amongst private persons yet it is so much the more needful amongst great Princes, in regard their designs ought to be kept more especially secret. The discreetest Princes never look that way they design, and though they always effect their thoughts, yet they seldom speak what they think; they who apply themselves to reading are more fit to entertain good company than for high erterprises, seeing the Government of a State is a Stage upon which the Actors oftentimes ought to change their Masks and habits: They who can best of all cloak their designs are the most ingenious, and do oftenest attain their ends; hence it is, that he who hath any thing to do with a crafty companion, hath work enough to look about him. Who knoweth not, that if all truth were necessarily to be told, nothing would remain unknown, which if so, the highest erterprises would be successelesse, it being most certain, that the discovery of an affair, is like an Alarm to summon together the strongest oppositions? It is allowable to keep that a secret which may be advantageous to ourselves, or our friends, and cannot injure any one. It is great Prudence not to discourse it with those whom a man suspects, and absolutely to disown it to all others. Thus Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan, having made a Treaty with Charles the Eighth, to give him passage into Italy, and to favour his designs did constantly deny it to the King of Naples, the Pope, and Peter de Medicis, although the report of it was common, and some signs of it almost indubitable: Whereupon, he denying it so confidently, they remained a good while in suspense, without knowing what to conclude. The denying of a design with asseveration, doth insensibly leave some doubt in the most determinate minds to believe it; and although the protestations made to the contrary do not gain an absolute belief, yet do they commonly delay obstructions which might be raised, and put off those enterprises which would be set on foot to hinder them.   

The Interdiction of the Court of Aids of Paris.  
Whilst the Cardinal's incomparable Prudence was thus busied in these weighty foreign affairs, there passed some others in the Kingdom which I cannot omit, especially seeing his Genius which giveth orders for all things, teacheth by his conduct divers maxims, very necessary for all Ministers. The great expenses made the last four or five years in the Wars, having exhausted the Treasure, and the factions of the Queen-mother and Monsieur breaking out, there was a necessity of raising great sums to support divers Armies at the same time. This was that which forced the King to lay new Impositions upon his Subjects, which he did with the greater regret in regard he had formerly by the Cardinal's counsel, used some expedients to ease them; but necessity, whose Empire is more absolute than that of Princes, forced his Majesty to defer them, until such time as his affairs were settled in a sure Peace; neither did the Chamber of Accounts make any scruple to confirm those Edicts which did contribute thereunto when brought unto them, but it was not so with the Messieurs of the Court of Aids of Paris. Mensieur le Comte having informed them that he was going to their Chamber from the King to do as much, they fell into such disorder that they all departed, thinking by this to disengage themselves from their duty of confirming them, so that, Monsieur de Compte coming thither found no body there. This their inconsiderateness could not be without misprision of the royal Authority, and was looked upon as an example the more dangerous, in regard Magistrates are like the Primum mobile, which draw all the inferior Orbs after it; so their motion might be capable of making the people mutiny and refuse succours which they owed the King, and which his Majesty might lawfully demand from them to help discharge the necessities of the State, as we have formerly said. Justice and Prudence did both require that they should be made exemplary; they were suspended from the exercise of their Offices, and a Commission issued out to some of the Messieurs, Masters of Requests, and Counselors of the grand Council to do justice in their rooms, and to determine those affairs which were depending before them. This continued for some months to teach them against another time how they run into such misprisions of his Majesty's will, which made them unworthy to sit upon the Flower de Luce's, seeing they had been so little affectionate in contributing to the means necessary to preserve them in their beauty:   

Politic Observation.  
THere is no offence which Kings are more obliged to punish, than those which are accompanied with disrespect; for as he who is much respected doth easily retain his Subjects in their obedience, so being once fallen into disesteem his commands are little regarded. The wisest Politicians have always thought respect to be the greatest support of Authority. The lustre of the Sun is that which causeth people to regard it with the more reverence; and the authority of a Sovereign is that which doth most of all oblige his subjects to pay him respect and obedience, which if violated by disrespect, remaineth inconsiderable; His Ordinances are laughed at, his Will not regarded, and attempts are often made against him. I think for my part, that scorn is more dangerous than hatred; for peradventure a King who is hated, may yet be feared, and fear is of itself sufficient to keep subjects in obedience; but he who is once fallen into , is neither hated nor feared; so that his affairs will soon fall into extreme disorder. Hatred is a frequent cause of Insurrections, but disrespect is more effectually so, because it not only causeth the fear of offending to cease, but adds confidence to it. Now of all disrespects, none is more dangerous than when Magistrates are guilty of it, by withdrawing themselves from their Princes Will and Command. No one will easily attempt against him whom he sees honoured by his Magistrate; and on the contrary, men will readily provoke him who is not regarded by them. Magistrates are the more obliged to continue their respects unto Authority, because their example is sufficient to hold the people in submission: They ought rather to comply obediently with their Sovereigns, then by denying him to show an example of Rebellion to his Subjects, their resistance tends only to raise an irreparable disorder in affairs, and obligeth the use of constraint for the ratifying of such Edicts which presently make the people believe them to be unjust. In fine, they are no less bound to render respect and obedience unto him, than justice to his Subjects. They flatter themselves with a dangerous vanity, if they believe themselves to have been instituted to bound in his power, seeing it was only to supply his presence, and perform his will. All their power vanisheth at his presence, as that of the Stars when the Sun appeareth; neither ought they to take notice of his Commands, further than he gives them liberty. Now that liberty which he gives them, is by their humble Remonstrances to represent their grievances, not absolutely to deny, and that with disrespect, the execution of his commands; especially seeing the custom of confirming of Edicts was not introduced by necessity, or for any dependence which Kings have upon Sovereign Courts, but that they might be executed with more submission, and to discharge them from those commands which the importunity of Courtiers might wrest from their Majesties, without regard of Justice, or the good of the State.   

The Treaty of Alliance between the King and Duke of Bavaria.  
IT behoved the King so much the more to secure himself against the Emperor's Forces, in regard he did at this time seem to be discontented concerning the Succours given to the Germane Princes, and the design of retaking Moy●nvic, with other lands alienated from the Bishopric of Metz This induced the Cardinal (whose eyes are always open to the interests of State to represent unto the King, that it were necessary to make sure of those who might any ways assist him in his enterprises against France, and that there being no other persons from whom he could receive a greater support in his desire, than the Duke of Bavier and the Elector of Tr●ves who have the principal Passes by which he must come unto us, it would be very advantageous to contract an Alliance with them, that they might hinder his Forces, or at least, that they might not join theirs with his. The King apprehended this Counsel as an effect of his innate Prudence, and this great Ministers foresight having already laid the groundwork of these Alliances, his Majesty issued out Orders for the prosecution of them. There was concluded by the Treaty that there should be a sincere, good, and constant Friendship between them and an firm and strict league offensive and defensive for eight years, in consideration whereof the King bound himself to furnish him with nine thousand Foot, two thousand Horse, Cannons and Ammunitions of War fit and necessary for the defence of him and his Dominions, leaving it to the Electors choice to demand of his Majesty instead of the nine thousand Foot, and the rest, such moneys as might defray the charges. The Elector of Bavier did likewise engage himself to furnish his Majesty with three thousand Foot, and one thousand Horse, and Ammunitions of war necessary, for the defence of his Dominions, in case of an Invasion, with liberty for his Majesty to demand instead of the Soldiers, so much money sufficient to pay them▪ Besides they interchangeably promised not to b●a● Arms one against the other, directly or indirectly. Thus was France assured on that quarter, and the taking of Moyenvic might be attempted without fear or hazard, the Emperor not being able to hinder it, by reason of the King of Swede's diversion, without the Duke of Bavier's assistance.   

Politic Observation.  
DEfensive Alliances cannot but be very useful to all Princes, how great soever. Few can subsist by themselves, and if any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies, it cannot be without danger, and sometimes loss to their Countries; whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful, no one will think of invading them. Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body, yet it standeth in need of those others; and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarches, hath so established them, that they have all occasion to make use of one another. This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances, but it is more particularly advantageous to have recourse unto them, when a Neighbour Prince is so successful in Arms, that he gins to be terrible. On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may join their Forces, as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent, to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors, because contracting an Alliance with such, they not only augment their own Power, but weaken that of their enemy, and make him incapable of further mischief. It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy, to take a care that he hath not two; for their power being united, will be more terrible. Thus the Comte de Cha●olois, son to Philip Duke de Burgogne, was very solicitous to contract an Alliance with Charles Duke of Normandy, only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakened one third, and the less able to hurt him.   

His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco.  
THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land, but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea, by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out, and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen. In order hereunto, the Sieurs de Moleres, de Razilly, and de Chaalar, were sent to the King of Morocco, that an Alliance might be contracted with him, and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary. He had before by underhand Treaties so disposed of affairs, that they were well received.  
The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron, and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral; At ●heir landing they were received by two Alcaids, and two Companies of Soldiers: The King gave them present audience, and with as much honour as they could wish; so venerable was his Majesty's Name amongst Strangers.  
Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions, whose liberty was presently granted, the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom, to testify how much he esteemed his Majesty: It is true indeed, he accepted a Present of Stuffs, worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him; ●et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him, to testify the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him. The next thing under consideration, was, the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries, which was presently accorded; the substance of it was thus, that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass, should not in future be made slaves, nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods, according to their usual custom; that for the better continuing their correspondence, Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent, and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States, but on condition not to exercise their Functions, unless only to the French. The Treaty was signed; and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls, at Morocco, Male, and Saphy. In fine, The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country.   

Politic Observation.  
IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom, without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable, the gains being greater and more just: That of the Land, how advantageous soever, seldom yields above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury; whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yield Cent per Cent, and sometimes more, and that without giving the least cause of complaint. Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable, and great States vastly rich, and abounding with all sorts of commodities: There is another reason which rendereth it the more important, and that is, Princes being bound to make themselves powerful, as well by Sea as by Land, which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness, for it renders them the more redoubted. It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea, unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them, otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirates; and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element, is the more feared by his Neighbours, in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land, in case they should presume to offend him. Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany, and the ablest Politician of his time, said, That a Sovereign can never gain an high repute, unless he join both those Powers together, which are to a State, as the Arms to the Body. This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable; were they but deprived of it, they would soon grow weak and poor; but maintaining that Power as they do, in a good equipage, by a long tract of time, they want nothing, but are capable of undertaking great expeditions. Hath not this enabled the Hollanders, though their Commonwealth may be reduced to a small number of men, to sustain the whole power of Spain? What makes G●noa so rich, but this power by Sea? And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy? Thus we see all our Neighbours have been solicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories; and we know that our late King Henry le grand, whose Prudence was no less advantageous to this Kingdom, than his Courage, was extremely desirous to settle it in France, after he allayed those storms of Civil War; to which end he gave order unto the Precedent Janin, when he was treating with the Hollanders, to learn of them what was necessary in that particular.   

The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris.  
AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised, against the proclaiming of his Majesty's Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom; his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Process, and to chastise those who were found guilty, was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance: He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be disrespected, as his would have been, if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders, should neglect to prosecute them, as was much to be feared they would. Those reasons which gave the cause of that suspicion, were, their apparent discontent because Pollette was not restored with such conditions as they desired, and because their authority came short of being parallel with his Majesty's; and besides, the correspondencies which several of Monsieurs, and the Queen-mothers' Officers had amongst them. It was likewise considered, that divers affairs of concernment came to be divulged from their manner of proceed, it being impossible to keep a secret among so great a multitude; Whereupon his Majesty resolved to establish a Chamber of Justice, composed of persons equally considerable for their ability and integrity, who should have full power to judge, seeing it was likewise requisite to commissionate some Judges extraordinary, for the chastizing of divers Clippers and Counterfeiters of money, of which there were store in the Nation, the toleration of which did much endamage Trade; so that both Commissions were given to the same Judges. The King to carry on the business with the more sweetness, was pleased out of his Prudence and usual Goodness, to elect most part of the Judges out of the Parliament, and to appoint their meeting in the Palace, the common Seat of Justice: But the Parliament little considering this grace, raised new difficulties against the confirmation of the Letters of Establishment; which obliged his Majesty to remove the Chamber unto the Arsenal, and to compose it of two Counsellors of State, six Masters of Requests, and six Counsellors of the grand Counsel, all chosen for their extraordinary merit, who began to sit the tenth day of August.   

Politic Observation.  
THe King is the Head of Justice, and may commit the administration of it to whom he will. The Sea distributeth her waters as she pleaseth, by subterranean passages unto all Fountains, neither bath any thing right to control her distribution; the Sun, that inexhaustible source of all worldly light, communicateth splendour unto the Stars, as God hath ordained; neither can any of them complain of receiving less than others. So a King, whom God hath endued with Sovereign Authority to distribute Justice to his people, may commit the charge of it to such as he thinks fit, and that with such power and extent as he judgeth proper for the good of his State; usually he entrusts this power with Parliaments, but they ought to remember, that he who hath given them this Authority, may likewise take it from them, may bond it, or give it to others as he pleaseth. The Authority of a Senate which is in Commonwealths or Free Cities, cannot be altered by any Princes, because it partakes of Authority with them, and is established to confine their Prudence; But it is not so with Parliaments Monarchies, where the Magistrates have no other glory but that of being Ministers, to execute Justice in their Master's behalf; they are like Clouds raised by the Sun from the Earth, which are by him refined, to represent his Image; not that he deprives himself of the power of raising others, to whom he may impart the same favours: Thus is their power a Twig sprung from the Royal Authority, without depriving its Root of the power to produce others of the same quality.   

Judgement given against several Persons.  
THis Chamber of Justice being thus established, they began to act with as much zeal as integrity, to the punishment of the Coiners, and those who had brought the State into trouble. Divers of either sort were exemplarily punished; and amongst the factious, Senelles and du Val were for ever condemned to the Galleys, the Duke Rovannez, the Marquis de la Vi●ville, and the Marquis de Fargis, were beheaded in Effigy, the rest were remitted till the next year. Now as he who condemneth the Body, confiscateth the Goods, so those of the condemned did undoubtedly belong to the King; whereupon that it might be accordingly adjudged, his Majesty being at Troy's, established a Chamber of Domain, composed of Counsellors of State, and Masters of Request to attend the Court; who declared the goods of the Comte and Comtess de Moret, the Dukes d' Elboeuf, de Bellegarde, and de Rovannez, the Marquis de Boissy, de la Vi●ville, and de Sourdeac, and of the Precedent le Coigneux, to be confiscate and forfeited to the Crown: In fine, they who had any Governments or Offices, were deprived of them; the Government of Picardy was taken away from Monsieur d' Elboeuf, and bestowed on the Duke de Che●reuse; that of Burgogne was taken from the Duke de Bellegarde, and Monsieur ●e Prince appointed in his place; the King's Lieutenance which the Marquis de la Vieville had in Champagne, was granted to the Sieur de Senneterre, as the charge of Precedent was taken from Coigneux, and conferred on the Sieur de Lamognon, and so of divers others. Now that which did more particularly oblige his Majesty to drive things to this height, of finishing the Process of these factious persons, and of confiscating their Goods and Offices, was, a discovery of their designs to attempt the surprisal of divers places in the Kingdom; They had gained the Marquis de Valençay, who promised them Calais. La Louviere was employed to work upon the Marquis Moncaurel, and to persuade him to do the like with Ardres: The Captain du Val was hanged, for having attempted to surprise the Citadel of Verdune; Threescore thousand Crowns were given in Monsieurs name to the Duke of Bovillon, that he would raise a party in Sedan, one of the Ports of the Kingdom, and that he would let in Foreigners that way, when thereunto desired; There were likewise divers Gentlemen seized upon, raising of Forces in several parts of the Kingdom, and it was not unknown how they had induced the Queen-Mother and Monsieur to send persons of Quality into Spain, England, and Holland, and to all Neighbour Princes, to procure what Soldiers they could for him. What reason was there longer to let these attempts against the State go unpunished? Such a patience had been unjust. That difficulty which the Parliament of Paris made to confirm his Majesty's Ordinance, which commanded to execute after six months the confiscation of such as were guilty of high Treason, who had been condemned by Out-lawry, in regard of an ancient Ordinance, might have seemed just enough in regard of those who are guilty of mean crimes, but surely not in the behalf of Traitors, such as these were, who had made Divisions in his Majesty's Family, who had attempted against his Authority, who had endeavoured to surprise divers places, who had raised Soldiers in divers parts of the Kingdom, who had published a thousand aspersions to eclipse his Majesty's glory. What reason (I say) could there be, that such men as these should longer continue unpunished, by confiscating their Offices and Goods, seeing their absence would not admit the punishment of their persons? And hereupon it was that his Majesty commanded his Ordinance to be proclaimed, and the Parliament accordingly obeyed it.   

Politic Observation.  
AMongst the divers Powers of Sovereigns, that of making Laws is one of the greatest marks of their Authority. God entrusting them to dispense Justice, hath not only appointed them to chastise the people, but likewise to make Laws and Statutes, which may serve for a Rule of their Government. Hence the Lawyers say, That Princes Will is Law. Democracy ascribeth this power to the People; but Monarchy restraineth it to Kings only, and acknowledgeth no Laws but what are signed by their Majesties. Now as the power of making Laws is in them, so is that of changing and adding, according as they shall think fit; if they had not this power, we should have no other Laws than those of Nature, imprinted in the heart of man by the mere instinct of reason, or such as were made by the first Father of Mankind. All the Volumes of Theodosius and Justinian might be burnt, and those of our Kings too, as so many attempts against the liberty of the people, because they have been but of late Creation, there being none so ancient but what did once savour of Novelty. Were not this to put the people into an extreme licentiousness, and to shut our eyes against reason, which teacheth us, that the Kings of this age have no less power than those of old, who in their Laws have included  they thought necessary, and which could not tie up their Successors hands from following their examples left unto them. It is a vulgar error, to imagine that to alter Laws must needs be dangerous: Without just consideration indeed it ought not to be done, but when there happens any such to be, the alteration of them cannot but be advantageous; it being impossible that the first Lawmakers should foresee all inconveniences; which being so, their Successors have power to change or abrogate them, as occasion shall require. Absolutely to reject Laws because they are new, is but a Cynical humour, seeing the antiquity of them cannot be a just denial to the use of several others which have since been ordained; neither can novelty be a sufficient reason to empower those which are at present in use. Ulpian saith, Kings may change any Laws into better: and Cicero pleading against Verres, very boldly saith, That the ancient aught to be left, and the new received, when there is a probability of advantage by it. All France hath commended Hugh Capet for changing that law which called all the male children to the succession of the Crown, and sti●l will approve of those changes which tend to preserve the Royal Authority in its lustre.   

The Cardinal is created Duke and Peer of France.  
THe King having established all things so firmly in France, that none of the factious cabalists could trouble the Peace, and restored the Princes and People of Italy to their Liberties by the Treaty of Quera●que, it was but just that the Cardinal's services should be rewarded with some new Titles of Honour, in regard those important affairs had been managed by his discreet counsels. No one can doubt but that the Quality of Duke and Peer was his just due, seeing he had so gloriously acted the part of a Duke and Peer; which as the French History relates, is either to govern the Affairs of State, or some particular Province by his Majesty's Order, or else to command his Armies. Was it not in these two employments that his prudence and courage so eminently appeared, that all Strangers were no less terrified, than the true Frenchmen rejoiced? His Majesty (who admires more than any one the eminence of his Genius) having made the greatest experiments of him, was not defective to confer this honour upon him. His Majesty dispatched his letters unto him, which carried in them an extraordinary recommendation, it being seldom conferred on persons of his worth, and after so many glorious actions. They were confirmed by the Court not only without any difficulty, but with high eulogiums, and a particular acknowledgement of the good offices he had done in France. In fine, he went to take his Oath at the Palace, on Sept 15. accompanied with Monsieur le Prince, the Dukes of Montmorancy, Cheureuse, Rets, Crequi, Vantadour, and Montbazon, the Marshal d' Estree▪ Vitry, and d' Effiat, and many other Lords who desired to follow him, to testify by their presence how great an esteem they had of his services, which rendered him worthy of so eminent a quality. The Chambres were all assembled, and coming into the great one, he took his Oath to serve his King well and faithfully, in his highest, greatest, and most important affairs; to do Justice impartially both to poor and rich, and to behave himself in all things like a most virtuous, most generous, and most magnanimous Duke and Peer of France; and then he took his place beneath all the rest of the Dukes. Amongst these great honours, I cannot omit one remarkable passage, that as the greatest Genius are the most modest, and scorn inferior men, who esteem of nothing but an extraordinary honour,, so he would not pass by the great Gate of the Palace, where many thousands attended him, but by a private door, where he might not be seen, because he desired not to be publicly commended, as the custom always was on such occasions; and indeed, the most eloquent of the Barreau would have found themselves gravelled to have done it, his Actions and Qualities being above expression.   

Politic Observation.  
A King ought never to forget the rewarding of extraordinary services, with marks of honour; for glory is the Nurse of Virtue, and reward ought to follow all Actions accompanied with Courage and Valour; so that it is unjust not to reward those advantages which a grand Minister procureth to the Crown It is likewise true, that honourable Qualities cannot more justly be conferred on any, than those that do honourable actions; seeing the most significant names are given to Subjects, only in consideration of their ordinary Actions. Now the name of Duke most properly belongeth to him who leads an Army in War, and manageth affairs of State in peace under the King's Authority. In this sense the primitive Gauls took it, and it is most conformable to the Etymology of the word: Those are the Offices which Just●nian ascribeth in his Institutes to a person of this Quality. Ancient Authors do not observe that this was taken for any constant Honour, until Dioc●esian and Constantine, in whose time the Governors of Provinces and Frontiers, and Generals of Armies, were called Dukes, and Masters of War; as may be seen in Amienus Marcellinus. Tacitus indeed who lived under Trajane, called Generals of Armies Dukes, but it was only a temporary Quality, which lasted no longer than their Commands. It was under the later Emperors, and our first Kings, that this qualification was annexed to any particular person, and made permanent, as may be seen in Gregory de Tours, the most ancient of our Historians; where it is observed, how King's ●●ntram gave the Dukeship and Government of the whole Kingdom for five years unto Eudistus. At that rhyme indeed this quality was not so fixed, but that it might sometimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed, seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time; and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity; yet commonly it was given for life. As for the Dignity of Peer, that is not so ancient, but very eminent; for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom, as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne, who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother, at the Creation of Charles the sixth their Nephew, by reason he was a Peer, which his brother was not. The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Char●em●gne, but without other proof than this, that History maketh no mention of it before his time, and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs, which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence: That great Prince establishing this Order in the Kingdom, to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merovingiens had exposed it, by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasures. T●ere are some ancient Titles found, which make appear, That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte, who were Peers, and did astist them in great Ceremonies, and the Decision of chief Affairs. In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Prince's Justice; but although they partake of the Name, yet are they but Images, and those very imperfect, in regard of the greatness of those of France, who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King, to serve him, and receive his Oath at his Consecration, and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State.   

A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton.  
THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year, to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France, for the maintaining of their Order and Belief. The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton, because being within his view, they would have the less Freedom to renew such Cabal as they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc. This Order was followed, and the Sieur de Galland, Councillor to his Majesty, was sent to be Precedent in the King's behalf; his Loyalty was not to be suspected, and they were obliged to accept of him, in regard of divers authentic testimonies which made appear, that this Order was conformable to that of Counsels assembled in the Primitive times, which they professed to honour. The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline; to silence them in his Majesty's name, in case they should discourse of any other affairs, and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed necessary to keep that Sect in submission; To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty, he persuaded them to enact, that there should not any more National Assemblies be made, but in the presence of a Commissary from the King, who might (by testifying their obedience) be a means of continuing them in quiet; besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers, this being intended of all that were not natural French, and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence, by this means to prevent all intelligences, associations, and correspondencies with the enemies of the State, according to the Laws of the Kingdom, and his Majesty's particular prohibitions, in fine, he used so much prudence, that they required their Ministers not to intermeddle in any affairs Politic or Military; and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous, because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinances there made for the subsistence of their Sect, it not being the Design of my History: It sufficeth me to have observed those foregoing, which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom, and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence, who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's service, broke their correspondency with strangers, and left them no arms but the King's goodness for their defence.   

Politic Observation.  
REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any design, to conspire unanimously to the Public good; neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them, than the diversity of Belief; it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis, which separateth the most moderate minds; hence it was that the Kings of Egypt did heretofore entertain divisions among their subjects, that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute, by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt; and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships: Some of them adored a Crocodile, others an Eagle, this a Dog, that some other thing, as himself fancied; thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyranny; But besides that this maxim is impious, and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ▪ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians, because the diversity of Belief being reduced to two or three parties, is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince: France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it▪ and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity, as the wise Pilots, who in a Storm let their Sails go, they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwreck; they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes, could they have prevented it in the beginning. Now what better advice can be taken, then to deprive Heretics of the means to Revolt; which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers, their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious, their being able to make Assemblies at their pleasures, and there to deliberate what they think fit, without informing their Prince of any thing? He who depriveth them of these Liberties, striketh a great stroke in settling the Public Peace, and after despoiling them of their Arms, which never ought to be allowed them▪ he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it. Besides, it is necessary to repress their insolency, the inseparable companion of Heresy: They have a certain insatiable fierceness, which makes them always discontented; and the only way to tame them, is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion; That resistance which they meet in the soul of a generous and vigorous Prince hindereth them, whereas if they find him weak, and ●asie to be wrought upon in condescending to their commands, they are never at quiet, but do always take the liberty of making new requests, in hopes of a like success: This doth likewise much contribute to maintain them in obedience, to support their quiet, without which they will easily revolt; it is the true beginning of the people's happiness, and cutteth up the root of their rebellions.   

Affairs of Lorraine.  
ABout the end of this year the King could no longer endure that the Duke of Lorraine should abuse his clemency in continuing to be the supporter of those who troubled the Kingdom. They had chosen him for their Brave, and an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men, which he had raised about Spring, were the chief of their hopes, when Mounsieur went out of the Kingdom; they were so inconsiderate, as to believe that these Forces entering into France, would be like Rivers falling from great mountains, increase as they go; as if the King (assisted by the sage counsels of the Cardinal) were not able to ruin all their Soldiers upon their first taking the Field; It was however a great satisfaction to his Majesty that he was not put to that trouble; the cause was either Fortune, or peradventure the Cardinal's prudence, which so wrought, that the Emperor finding himself oppressed by the King of Swede, commanded the Duke of Lorraine with his Army to assist him in his occasions; so that leaving Monsieurs affairs for some months, he addressed himself to attend the Emperor, and exercise the charge of Generallissimo of his Armies, but like the Greyhound who running after two Hares, takes neither, he forsook Monsieurs assistance as he had promised; and instead of coming to the Randezvouz assigned by the Emperor 7000 of his men disbanded, and were scattered, whether by a Panic fear, or by some accident which so disordered them, that it was impossible to rally them again. It was a sensible displeasure to him to fall into this disorder, after which he was forced to return to Nancy to take care of his promises made unto Monsieur, and to make a recruit, which the Emperor pressed him to do. The Cardinal did not lose so favourable an opportunity, to teach him that he did but wrong himself in provoking the King, as he had done for three or four years' last passed by fomenting of Cabals against his Majesty. It was well known that he entertained Monsieur with turbulent hopes, not only of raising a potent Army in his Country; but withal, of bringing forces from Germany and the Low Countries, sufficient to force the King himself to grant him his desires. It was well known that he had exasperated those divisions in the King's Family, by particular intelligences which he maintained with several embroilers; that he had received Madam du Forgis with great honour, after her disgrace as his chief correspondent; that there was not any foreign Prince whom he did not endeavour to make an enemy to France, and if he did apprehend that any one of them were discontented, that he would with him hold a particular friendship, and all this without considering, that building without a foundation, his superstructure would soon fall to the ground, and that his Majesty would effect as many generous erterprises in his chastisement as himself had conceived imaginary sign●, which were ever successelesse.  
It was resolved that the Duke of Lorraine should be made sensible of the injury he had done himself by provoking his Majesty by his Intrigues and devices. His Majest would not however demand satisfaction from him, which was not conformable to justice, the rule of all his actions, and in this he took the sweetest course, he might with justice have seized on Barr, because he had neglected to pay his fealty and homage, and have invaded his Countries, in revenge of the injuries he had received. But he contented himself with attempting to recover such places only as the said Duke and his Predecessors had against all reason usurped from the Bishopric of Met●; in particular, whiles the King's Arms were in Italy, he only seeking occasions to incense France, that he might render himself the more considerable to the House of Austria, induced the Emperor to make himself Master of Moyenvic, and to give it him in keeping, the chiefest place of the Bishopric of Mets; and the Emperor animated by the Spaniards, was glad to have it, and fortify it, though against reason, by a mere attempt against the rights of the Crown, and his Majesty's reputation, who was Protector thereof. The Cardinal whose courage could not put up such wrongs, seeing the Peace of Italy concluded, and the Emperor sufficiently diverted in Germany, persuaded the King to retake it, with as much justice as it had with little reason been usurped from France. The King who needs no additional heat to his courage when the maintaining of his glory is in question, did easily resolve upon it, and his Forces being come to the Frontiers of Lorraine under the Marshal de la Force, defeated a Regiment of Liege commanded by Colonel Mars, who had the confidence to advance into the Kingdom, he sent him Order to lead them before Vic and Moyenvic. Vic presently yielded, but Moyenvic did not. For the Governor was in hopes of relief which made him resolve to hold out; he advised Colonel Offa the Emperor's Commissary with the condition of the place, and the little hopes of long holding it, if not relieved; but he was answered, that it was to him a great astonishment that the Duke of Lorraine who had promised the Emperor to relieve this place, should be so careless of it, that himself was now upon return, and that to him he ought to redress himself for relief. In conclusion, the Duke of Lorraine was charged by the Emperor to defend it, after it had been fortified at his charges, and that with such passion, that it was observed he caused the money for payment of the workmen to be carried in his own Coach. He addressed himself to the Duke; but he fearing left the storm he raised should fall upon himself, durst not openly assist them, but gave order to the Governor of Marsal to assist him with Men, Ammunitions, and Victuals, yet these succours were too weak, is likewise the place, to resist the King's power; whereupon a parley followed, and conditions were agreed on for the surrendering of the place, if within six days an Army able to relieve it did not appear. No Army appeared, the Duke of Lorraine wanting forces but not ill will. The garrison marched out, making it appear that unjust usurpations are not of long continuance and serve only to expose people to the misfortunes of War, when they are committed against a Prince able to carve his own satisfaction.   

Politic Observation.  
NO Prince whatever may usurp without injustice, but for a mean Prince to attempt it, relisheth of mere imprudence. It was pardonable in Brennus who boldly answered the Romans, that it was neither outrage nor injustice to seize the goods of another, if he can make himselt Master of them, but that so doing he followeth the most ancient Law of the world, which gives leave to the strong to take whatever they lay hold of. This indeed is not tolerable by the Law of Christianity, which hath ordained Justice to bound in the covetous Ambition of Princes, although birth and succession in States at this present, are bars enough to defend them. Usurpation was pardonable in Caesar who lived in Paganism, but he who professeth himself a Christian, aught to regulate his designs by the Law of Jesus Christ. It is true indeed. Ambition of all the passions of the Soul is most incurable, because never to be totally eradicated, and a Pince is the more obliged to suppress such motions which persuade him to make himself Master of that which belongeth nothing to him, in regard the vivacity of his spirit may raise a War in his own Country, and the heat of his covetousness may without reason shed the blood, and destroy the lives of his people. It were to be wished, that Princes were as solicitous to preserve the blood of their subjects as Pericles the prime man of Greece in his time, who being to die thought himself very happy that no Athenian had ever wore mourning through his occasion: they would then be lovers of peace and the preservation of their subject would be powerful enough to extinguish the heat of their Ambition, it being most certain, that the usurper of another's right, pulleth his Arms against his own State, and indangereth his Subjects to undergo a thousand misfortunes.    

ANNO 1632.  
EVery one esteems the work of those poor men as unprofitable, who, that they may enlarge their habitations, do build and make encroachments upon the Banks of large Rivers, whose Waters upon the first great rain, break out of their Channels, and by a thousand reinforced Waves, carry away whatever opposeth their violence, it being certain they will not spare the weak endeavours of their hands. Who will not in like manner conclude, the attempts of a petty Prince to be equally vain, who that he may gain some repute, and make himself considerable, offereth violence to the glory of a great Monarch, whose victorious Arms are soon able to reduce the forgetful to their duties, and to overrun whatever resisteth his power? Just thus ought we to consider the D. of Lorrain's rashness in taking of Vic, in the Emperor's name, and fortifying it against France, when as his Majesty's Forces, if bend against him could not but chastise his proceed, break his designs, and render all his endeavours useless. His Majesty's recovery of it, quickly showed the whole world, how vain his attempts were▪ Neither did his Majesty's Forces rest there, for the Marshals de la Force, and de Schomberg, forthwith besieged Moyenvic, which rendered upon composition, and also invested Marsal a place of importance belonging to the Duke, and one of those which his Predecessors had usurped from the Bishopric of Mets. Now the Duke, though mastered by ambition, and filled with hatred against France, was not however so senseless, but that finding with what celerity Vic was reduced in despite of his Fortifications, wherewith he had encompassed it, he began to suspect lest all the rest of his Country might shortly run the same chance; in case he had not the sooner recourse unto the King's mercy, rather than his own forces or power. Hereupon, he resolved to send unto his Majesty propositions of peace; but in effect, he was unwilling totally to relinquish his unjust designs, which he would be sure to reinforce, whenever any favourable opportunity, or an extraordinary succour from the Emperor or Spaniard, should afford him the means, such deep root had the hatred, which is almost natural to that Family against this Kingdom, taken in him. It is also true, that finding himself straitened in point of time, and knowing that the least delay would give the King's Forces opportunity to take other places, he at last resolved to go in person and meet the King at Mets, that he might appease his Majesty by his feigned submissions, and hinder the progress of his Armies, by a pretended Treaty of peace. Had this resolution been frank and sincere, the visit had been commendable; but such was his malice against his Majesty, that those things were the least of his thoughts. Not but that he was particularly, and I may say, strictly obliged unto the King, who was very careful of his education during his, youth, which he spent in this Court; who had patiently expected for eight years together the homage of Bar, whereas be might justly have seized upon it within one year after the late Duke's death, for non-performance thereof; who had passed by the several troubles and intrigues raised by him, and his, against this State and Kingdom. But all these things wrought not upon him, and he continued insensible of them. He sent word unto his Majesty that he was coming to wait on him, and to give him all satisfaction; accordingly, he came to Mets upon the 26 of December, with his face composed of sorrow and sadness, for his late misbehaviour. The King being informed of his approach near Mets, sent the Prince de Joinville with his own and the Queen Coaches, who met him half a league from the City, and conducted him to his lodging, where his Majesty had given order to his Officers to defray his and his Retinues expenses. The Duke after a short repose, went to see his Majesty and shown himself very submissive, protesting that he would fly unto no other refuge, but his Majesty's goodness; in order to which alone, it was that he had been so desirous of the honour to see him. The King received him with all the demonstrations of kindness, which an offended Majesty may be permitted to use; and shortly after being entered into discourse, freely told him, that he would say before him an infallible sign of his ill-behaviour; the Duke endeavoured to justify himself, but he could not allege any other reason, then only his being discontented with the Sieur de Bret, Conseiller d' Esta●, for having used too much rigour in the Borders of his Country, in his Inquest concerning the Rights of the Crown of France; and his having been assured from the Marshal de Marillac, that his Majesty had resolved to invade and ruin him. Unto this the King replied, every one might justly inquire after ●is own Rights, so that what rigours the Sieur de Bret had used were only the effects of Justice; and as for matter of invading him with hostility, there needed no other proof to assure him of th● contrary, then that he would not at that time employ his power any more against him, in case he returned to his devoir, whereas he then might easily ruin him, it being impossible for those persons who had engaged him in those imbroils, to afford him any succour or relief; whereas his Majesty would assuredly protect him, from the victorious Arms of the Swedish King, who was upon the point of entering into his Territories, and to take revenge for some injuries, which he pretended to have received from him This proceeding of his Majesty was accompanied with so much clemency, that the Duke could not but acknowledge at that very instant, that his Majesty had just reason to be discontented with him, and that his Majesty's readiness to forgive him, then when it was in his power to carve his own satisfaction, would be a strong obligation upon him; and lastly, protested that if he wanted power to defend himself from his Majesty's forces, hereafter he should not desire it. Upon these respects his Majesty condescended to pardon him, and treat with him. His Majesty could not but be jealous of his fair promises, for that chastisements, though just do usually exasperate those on whom they are inflicted; whereupon, he demanded Marsal to be delivered up unto him, for an assurance of his world. The Duke agreed thereunto, and in fine, the Treaty of Peace was concluded and signed in the month of January at Vi●, by which, the Duke did then engage to relinquish all Intelligences, Leagues, Associations and practices whatever, which he had, or might have with any Prince, in prejudice of his Majesty, his States and Country under his obedience or protection; or in prejudice of the Treaty of Alliance and confederacy contracted between his Majesty, the King of Swede, and Duke of Baviers, for the preservation of the liberty of Germany the Catholic League, the defence and protection of the Princes in friendship and alliance with the Crown of France: Moreover, he engaged himself not to make alliance with any Prince whatsoever, contrary to his Majesty's knowledge and approbation, to expel the King's Enemies out of his States, as also all his Majesty's Subjects who were then there contrary to his Majesty's allowance, and in fine, not to give them any passage or protection, nor to permit any Levies of Men against his Majesty's service. The King on the other side, to testify his true and sincere affection, promised to protect his person and defend his States with, and against all men; and after the execution of this Treaty faithfully to surrender Marsal into his hands Marsal was put into the King's power upon the thirteenth of January; Monsieur the King's Brother, being then at Nancy, departed; and thus every one verily believed the Duke would sit down in Peace, and that this Treaty would compel him to keep himself within bounds, either in regard his Majesty's clemency was such, that it alone was sufficient to captivate the most stubborn Rebels, or in regard the fear of losing Marsal would oblige him to be as good as his word. But there are not any chains strong enough to bind up a spirit, overmastered by ambition and hatred, the only insinuaters of disloyalty into the minds of men, and the sequel of his Actions made it apparent to the whole World that he only engaged in this Treaty to divert that storm which threatened him in case of non compliance, as also that to observe the performance of those Articles, was the least part of his resolution, as we shall hereafter declare.  

Politic Observation.  
ALthough it do much concern little Princes, not to pull upon themselves the forces of their neighbours, who exceed them in power; yet they are hardly to be persuaded thereunto, unless compelled by mere force. Though they want power yet they have a good mind, and want no ambition to instigate them; on the contrary, as Passion increaseth by opposition, so it should seem their desires of extending their Authorities, addeth new provocations from those wants of abilities which their sense represents unto them The most inconsiderate do exceed those limits, which their debility hath prescribed, and commit themselves to the hazard of Fortune, which feedeth and blindeth them with vain hopes; whereas, they who are truly wise, make a great virtue of this necessity, knowing that the most eminent Philosophers have placed their greatest felicity in being contented with their conditions, and in cutting their cloaks by their cloth. Admit their minds to be of what temper soever, yet after they have once rashly run into any designs against a Prince more potent than themselves, who forceth them to stoop under his Arms, and to be at Peace, it cannot be doubted but they are obliged to act with all reality and sincerity; to allege his power with whom they treat, as a pretext to cover their dissimulation, is frivolous; indeed the power of an unjust Usurper, may give a Prince leave to dissemble; yet the case is far otherwise, in consideration of the power of a victorious Prince, who after being compelled by injuries and provoked by indignities to take up his Arms, may lawfully, according to the custom of War, give the Law to the vanquished, and compel them to Treaties very disadvantageous to them. A private person indeed, who is forced to promise any thing by contract, is not obliged to the performance thereof; but otherwise it is, when there is a necessity of obeying a lawful Prince, or of compl●ance for fear of just Laws. Thus a petty Prince oppressed by a Tyrannical force, to promise any thing, is not obliged to act with integrity, or to perform any part of his agreement; but if he find himself go by the worst in a just war,, and in conclusion is forced to a Treaty, contrary to his Inclinations and desires, it is far otherwise; for there he is obliged to proceed with reality, and is fully bound to perform his agreement: If it were not thus, all Faith would be banished from Treaties of War, for that usually one party finding himself the weaker, is compelled by fear or necessity to submit unto such conditions which else he would refuse. A Prince is a lively Image of the Divinity, and his chiefest happiness consisteth in imitation thereof; Whereupon God being Truth itself, he is the more obliged to study Truth in his Treaties, Antiquity having esteemed them sacred, and not to be violated. He ought not to run into any promises, which are not first discussed with mature deliberation; but having once passed them, he is bound to perform them with Truth and Sincerity: Admit it be to his disadvantage, he ought to complain of himself only, seeing he first gave the occasion of War; and it is unreasonable to term that violence, which is a mere and just chastisement of injuries. The Saguntines are blamed by Plutarch for having falsified their Treaties with Hannibal, unto whom they gave their Faith to be obedient, and to pay him three hundred Talents of Silver, which they undertook to do, that he might be induced to raise the Siege from before their City; but resolved upon his withdrawing from their Country, to make use of the first advantage against him; whereas he (provoked by their Treachery) returned to besiege them a second time, and forced them to surrender, upon condition that the men were to march out with a single Coat, and no Arms, the women with their wearing habits, and in this equipage to go live where they best liked.   

The Emperor and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorraine.  
THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorraine. The Emperor sent Montecuculli unto the Duke, to animate and assure him of a potent Army  he was in a condition to defend himself from the King of S●ede. The Baron de ●●e●de came to him from the Infanta, to give him the like assurance, and to beseech him to believe, that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal, when the Emperor should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns; Nay the Queen-Mother too, though tied by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests, resolved by persuasion of Cha●teloupe, to send a Letter unto the Parliament of Paris, to engage them (if possible) in a Revolt, which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris itself, with divers other Cities of the Kingdom, and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorraine, that he might extinguish the fire nearer home. That Enemy of the public Peace, took occasion from the Parliaments discontents, for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets, to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the confirmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the foregoing year. There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his, than the bare reading of it: Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty, could ever be persuaded that it proceeded from her inclination, though signed with her hand, but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator, who in peace being inconsiderable, would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles. He well knew how to work upon this great Princess' weakness, who being extremely exasperated against the Cardinal, would easily be persuaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him. Hereupon he made her believe, that this propitious Genius of France, was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain; That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries, and that in fine, the Spaniards and Emperors Forces would jointly strike into France, seize upon the Cities overrun the whole Champagne country, pillage the Towns, rob the people, pull down the Churches; That Religion would be laid aside, the Nobility ruined, The Royal Houses errazed, and the French Nation exposed unto death, or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts. This was the purport of the letter, and these were the considerations which obliged her to sign it. Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that honourable company in a revolt, which hath ever been the main support of this State, It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designs, although all the enterprises wherein he engaged the King, were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdom's glory, as was apparent in the relief of Casal, and Treaty of Pignerol. They were solicited to ruin this great Minister of State, whose prudent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom, and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt, annihilate the ambitious designs of the House of Austria: But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany, though it was sufficiently apparent, how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed; that relaxation having afforded opportunity unto the Emperor, to take those advantages which he obtained in the Palatinate, and upon divers other Princes.  
I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter, viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publicly profess her giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four months, and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France, and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman, or loyal Subject. But the blame of this defect, as likewise of the whole Letter, was laid upon him as the true Author thereof, who had been so solicitous in procuring her to sign it, whose goodness (like that of the Sun) cannot do any hurt, unless when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality; Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto, but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards, who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency, were apprehensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany, and began to look about them; when they saw the King employing the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies, and also a likelihood of Breach between the two Crowns, whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers, although he would never be induced so to do, having always thought it more glorious to preserve Treaties of peace with integrity, then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours.   

Politic Observation.  
ONe of those many and chief causes which persuaded the wise Politicians to seclude women from the Government of States, is, their being easily circumvented, either by their own passions, or the ill advices of others: If the person enterprising any thing, be but in discredit with them, that is cause enough to mislike the whole affair, or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy: Their passions are extreme, and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure; and on the contrary, they are apt to approve of defects and faults in them whom they affect▪ They are born with such inclinations, that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions; their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree; and on the contrary, when they pass from one passion to another, they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved; whereupon the wisest of Kings, and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost, said, There is no malice like that of a Woman; Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted, which clasheth with their inclinations, as all War doth work upon their Fears, which are natural unto them, there cannot then be any War, how just or necessary soever, but shall assuredly be condemned by them. In vain it is to endeavour to persuade them that it is needful to make war, or to carry that war into a Foreign Country, which is designed to be brought into our own; it were bootless to represent unto them, how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Countries, and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbour's houses, as knowing their own to be the next in danger. It were but time and labour lost, to offer unto their thoughts, that it is better to prevent a mortal sickness when it threatneth a State, then to apply remedies just when the height of the disease threatneth a total ruin. To conclude, it is to no purpose to persuade them that the people's charge in maintaining an Army out of the Kingdom, is less than the inconveniences of an Intestine War. The fruitfulness of a Country will afford the Inhabitants a sufficient livelihood, neither can want fall very heavy upon them, notwithstanding any Taxes, though great, imposed upon them, in case they have freedom of commerce, and work. But it is not so when an enemy is once entered among them, for even then they are not exempted from contributing to the means of their preservation, though they daily find the enemy at their gates, their Cities lost and plundered, their Farms burnt, their Grounds untilled, and they who are never so little worth, taken and forced to a ransom, besides a thousand other cruelties and oppressions. There need no other allegation to prove this Truth besides the People themselves, who think it well enough if they may be free from Alarms, and the noise of Guns and Trumpets; whereas they despair if they once see the enemy at their Gates, who encompasseth them with confusion, maketh them fly from their own houses, and who on all hands maketh them undergo a hard necessity, and even depriveth them of the use of their very Highways. These reasons are so apparent, that one must either be prepossessed with Passion, or surprised by some sinister advice, to imagine the contrary; and they are so much the more considerable for France, in regard the Emperor Charles the fifth discoursing with Francis the first concerning the Natures of their Subjects, said, That both French and Spaniard were naturally so inclined to murmur, that they would easily be led on to rebel against their Prince, if not diverted by some Foreign employments. To be brief, one of the chief causes which preserveth Spain in peace, is, their continual employing of all able to bear Arms in Foreign attempts; whereas France hath ever been engaged in Civil combustions and wars, because this Crown hath no Dominions lying aloof from it, unto which it might send abroad its people. Which being so, the best course that can be taken, is to vent them in the service of our Allies, so to do, is to follow the example of Scipio, who finding the youth of Athens could not be kept quiet in Idleness, rigged out two Galleys, and lead them (to show proofs of their courage) against the Persians; and of the Romans too, who to divert Hannibal from coming any more into Italy, resolved to invade him in Africa.   

The Duke of Lorraine consenteth to Monsieurs marriage with the Princess Marguerite.  
THe Duke of Lorraine had other intention in the Treaty of Peace made with the King, but to avoid the punishment due to his boldness; neither did he long keep himself disengaged from new Intrigues: and although his Majesty thinking the best of his submissions and protestations, had sent unto the King of Swede (then falling upon his State) to divert that storm, yet could he not forbear running into fresh contrivances against the good of France. In conclusion, it is found, that at what time he passed his word unto the King at Vic, he, at the same time, broke it by his conventions at Nancy with Montecuculi, who was then come thither to wait upon him; and that he might not omit any manner of disloyalty, he shortly after executed the pretended marriage between the Princess Marguerite his Sister, and Monsieur le Duc d' Orleans, whom he had drawn thereunto by a thousand tricks and devices. He knew that most of the children of France have occasioned such bloody wars, as have terribly afflicted the State; the Courage wherewith they are born, not permitting them to expect the time of their commanding; neither was he ignorant of Monsieur's discontent, conceived against the management of the present affairs, although admired with astonishment by all strangers, who found France daily increasing in glory, but at their cost and charges; Hereupon he used his utmost skill to conclude that marriage. The Princess de Falsbourg his eldest Sister was the chief Agent in it; who as she had deserts enough to render herself amiable, so wanted she not any art whereby to captivate the Sieur de Puy-Laurens by her attractions, whom she persuaded she would marry, in case he could effect the match between Monsieur and her Sister the Princess Marguerite, whereby besides the honour of marrying with her, he should likewise become Brother in Law to his Master. He was earnestly desirous of this Alliance, in regard it was very honourable; and the King being childless, it was taken for granted that her Sister would one day be Queen of France, which could not but be a great protection to their Family, who have a long while been conversant in the Customs of France. The Spaniards were not behindhand to advance this Treaty, as well knowing the power of France was not to be overmastered, but by arming one party against tother, which this match would infallibly bring to pass; by reason Monsieur would then be irreconcilable to the King, and consequently the easilier disposed to enter into France in the head of an Army, which would undoubtedly divide the Nobility, and so divert his Majesty within the Kingdom, that he might not possibly think of assisting the Germane Princes. The Cardinal who suffereth not the King to be ignorant of any thing, having discovered this practice. forthwith acquainted his Majesty therewith, who was not backward in complaining unto the Duke of L●rrain. But the Duke, well prepared how to make his excuses, endeavoured to vindicate himself from that aspersion by solemn protestation, confirmed with deep Oaths, how that he never would attempt any such thing; upon which his assurances there was not any thing more provided in the Articles of the Treaty, as to that affair; but his Majesty verily believed him to have relinquished all those Designs. Notwithstanding all this, no sooner was the King departed from Mats, but he concluded the match not so much as ask his Majesty's consent, and quite contrary to the positive inhibition thereof. This prohibition indeed did not a little trouble him, and raise suspicions in his head, for that he knew no stranger had ever yet attempted to marry his relations with any Prince of the Blood of France, without feeling the Force of our King's Powers: So that he proceeded herein with the mo●e circumspection, and left the whole management thereof unto Monsieur de Vaudemont his Father, and the Princess de Falsbourg his Sister, who had not either of them much to lose.   

The Princes of the Blood may not by the Laws of France, marry without the King's approbation.  
THe Fundamental Laws of France do not permit Princes of the Blood to marry without the King's consent▪ If it be demanded where that Law is to be found; I must remit the Inquisitive Reader to a certain Book amongst the Public Registers; where in one of the chapters of Royal Rights, it is expressly so recorded. But this Register being but of four hundred ●eats standing at most, whereas this Custom is as ancient as the Kingdom itself, I would fain ask them, where the Salic Law is to be found, which hath been inviolably observed in the Kingdom, above twelve Ages together? Thus it was established by the Custom, to which oftentimes there must be recourse had, and which must be admitted for a Law, carrying in its forehead the Image of Justice much more evidently than any written thing, and being also more prevalent to induce the people to a due observation thereof. Who can then forbear to have this particular custom in great esteem or not embrace it for a Fundamental Law, when it hath been observed from the beginning of this Monarchy, and then established for the Kingdoms good?   

Troubles happened in consequence of Marriage.  
THe greatest troubles have been the consequences of Marriages, and they who have contumaciously violated this custom have, been constantly punished by their Kings. The example of Merovee, son to Chilperic, ninth King of France, will evidently prove the establishment of this Custom in the beginning of this Monarchy, who assuming the boldness of marrying with Bruneh●ut, without his Father's consent, became the object of hi● justice, and was punished according to his desert, and Pretixtatus Bishop of Roven who had a hand in the marriage, was impeachel in a Council held at Paris, of that very thing, as a great Crime; he indeed was the first who exceeded the limits of his duty in this partitular, and accordingly was he chastised for it. Saint B●ru●ra willing excuse unto the King the Comte: 〈◊〉 hibaut de Champagne, accused for designing to marry his children without his Majesty's consent, alleged, it was improbable a man of his integrity would ever run into so great a praemunire. Thus Philip Con●te de Namur, brother to Baudovin Con●te de Flanders, being overseer of Jean and Marguerite his Nieces, daughters to the said Baudovin, engaged unto Philip Augustus in a Treaty, that they should not be married without his Majesty's consent, which one of our Historians saith to be in reference to the Sovereign right, which our Kings have over such persons, whose marriages may occasion troubles to the Kingdom. Is there not yet extant in the King's Charters, an Oath made by the Grandees of the Nantion unto Charles the Fifth, which absolutely implies they were not to marry with Rebels, disobedient or enemies of the State? One of the Crimes charged in the Duke of Alençon's Indictment, was his treating a Match between his Son and the Duchess of York, an English Prince's daughter, without approbation from Charles the Seventh. The same Charles the Seventh, would not look upon his Son, Lewis the Eleventh, though of Age, for having treated a Match with Charlotte de Savoy, without his knowledge, though it remained unconsummated until his permission, first had and obtained. Doth not an English Historian, though an enemy to France say, that the Match between Anne ae Bretagne and Maximilian of ostrich, unto whom she was betrothed from her Infancy was broken, in regard the King had not consented thereunto? Now if any one imagine that this permission cannot avoid a marriage once consummated, I shall endeavour to convince them of the contrary, by laying before them the example of Lovic de Begne, who having married Ausgarde, without her father's consent, was in conclusion, forced to quit her, though he had children by her, and though he was his eldest Son, and to marry Adelaide, and his son by her, was acknowledged for right heir to the Crown, by name Charles the Simple. I shall add this one more, of Judith daughter to Charles the Bald, who having (though a Widow to the King of England) married Comte Baudovin, against her father's Will, saw her marriage disannulled, by Pope Nicholas the first, together with the Bishops of France, and was compelled after obtainment of her Father's approbation to be remarried, as she was, at Auxerre.   

Monsieur's Marriage with the Princess Marguerite of Lorraine.  
ALthough the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was very passionate for the concluding of Monsieurs Marriage, yet (Princes Families: being often divided into factions) the Precedent Coigneux was not so inclined; but on the contrary, took occasion in the tother's absence, whilst he was at Brixels negotiating with the Spaniards for aid, to represent divers reasons unto Monsieur to divert him from those thoughts. He was not to learn, that in case Monsieur married the Princessee Marguerite, and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens the Princess of Falsbourg, himself should totally lose that little credit and authority which he then had; he was apprehensive of the ascendency which a Woman hath over the soul of a Prince, when she is once passionately beloved by him: Besides, he was the more concerned in that particular of the Princess Marguerite, because he conceived she would be guided by the instinct and directions of the Princess de Falsbourg, who would, in fine, rule all; lastly, he doubted there was no way left to break off this match, which would be imputed as his fault; by reason of the place he held with Monsieur, so that there would be no hopes for him to be restored to the King's favour, or the enjoyment of his Goods and Offices. These were the true motives and grounds which induced Coigneux to declare himself against the marriage, and to dissuade Monsieur from any further progress therein, although his advices were seconded with no other reasons then the service of his Highness, and the good of his affairs. He one day took the boldness to tell him, that he ought not to steer such a course as would undoubtedly render the King irreconcilable unto him, seeing his greatest glory and power was tied unto his Majesty's grace and favour, which this marriage would assuredly hazard, nay utterly destroy; he laid before him, how that though Princes are sometimes excusable, for doing such acts in their heat and passion, which are displeasing unto their Sovereign, yet they never ought to fly into such extravagances as may totally ruin them in their King's Favour. If may sometimes peradventure turn to their own advantage, to run out into discontents, as the increasing of their stipends, or the obtaining of some other gratification; but so it cannot be if they embark in such designs as may cause an absolute breach. All the lustre which Princes have▪ and which rendereth them venerable, is the effect of their Sovereign's favour, just as the light of the Stars, is derived from the Sun their Fountain. But these Counsels of Coigne●x being known, drew the whole house of Lorraine to have an eye upon him. And I verily believe they might have wrought some good effect upon M●nsieur (seeing he was ever inclined to be obedient unto the King) had not the return of the Sieur de Puy-Lau●e●s prevented it, who at first dash spoiled all the tother's endeavours. This new Favourite had gotten so great an influence over Monsieurs affections that he easily countermined and blew up all the others reasons: neither could Monsieur possibly guard himself from the subtlety of his insinuations: He persuaded him to believe that the King would doubtless at length agree unto the Marriage, especially seeing his first Lady was altogether of his Majesty's choice, and a person totally adhering unto the Interest of Lorraine, and in regard there was not any inequality between the former a●d this, divers Kings of France having matched with the Princesses of Lorr●in, and the Princess Marguerite herself, being daughter to a daughter of Fr●nce▪ He represented unto him, that he could not choose but follow the same steps which H●nry the Great had trodden out unto him, who did not stick to marry his late sister unto the family of Lorraine which only consideration were sufficient to induce his Majesty's confirmation of this marriage; and lastly, that in case it should please God to set the Crown upon his head the whole Family of Lorraine, a thing of no mean consideration, would be inseparably tied unto the interests of France▪ These reason at first glance seem specious enough, yet could they not have made any deep impression upon him, had he represented unto him, as indeed he ought, how the late King was forced to marry his sister unto the House of Lorraine, that he might thereby reclaim them from thwarting his designs; how that the late Madam, had in that small time of her being married unto Mon●●eur raised such a fire in the Court, as was not easily extinguished; and how that the Alliance of H●nry the third with the House of Lorra●n, had only served to encourage their boldness, and give them opportunity to prosecute their design of pulling the Sceptre from him. But these things entered not into his thoughts the passion which he had for the Princess of Falsbourg having blinded ●im, and left him no eyesight, but only how he might encompass the consumnation of his Master's marriage. That Princess herself whose Soul is very active, omitted no invention to facilitate her designs, and being not to learn how powerful young Beauties are to captivate the greatest courages, there needing no other device to render them beloved then the bare letting them be seen, she used her utmost endeavours to draw Monsieur unto such places where the Princess M●r●uerite was, that in fine, the flames of her Beauty adding new forces to the Si●ur de Puy-Laurens his reasons, might compel Mo●sieur to submit unto the Laws of Love. Accordingly it succeeded, and the marriage was performed in presence of a Religieux of the Cistercian Order, who had not any authority from his superior, but only from the Cardinal de Lorraine. Bishop of Thal, though he had not any jurisdiction over him to empower him to administer Sacraments, for that he was exempt from the Diocese of Lorraine, as all the rest of his Order. The Abbess of Remiremont▪ with whom the Princess Marguerite was brought up, was assistant at the Ceremony, as also Monsieur d● El●oeuf, and Monsieur de Puy- Laurens who were witnesses; besides these, there were not any other present, excepting only two Bernardines, to assist him who married them, and all this secrecy was used to prevent his Majesty's knowledge thereof, and escape the punishment which they could not but expect would fall upon them, as a reward for such attempts, and not only so, but likewise because they much doubted the validity of the marriage, which was thought such, that Monsieur de V●udemont could not forbear saying, that in case his daughter were not fit one day to wear the Crown of France, yet she would always be good enough to make an Abbess of Remiremont, suspecting belike the weight of his Majesty's prohibition.   

Politic Observation.  
AMongst the divers Prerogatives of Princes, that of hindering marriages, is not of the least importance. The right whereof may be proved from the Authority of some Canonists, whose reputations stand clear in the schools of all Divines▪ and who affirm it in express terms. But not to quote their testimonies, me thinks we need no other proof to evince this truth, then common custom. For were not the Emperors the first who determined the conditions and qualities of those who might marry? Were not they the original institutors of who might, and who might not marry? Hath not the Church extracted her decrees from their Laws? Besides those decrees of the Church, have not our Kings eftablished new Orders, as is to be seen in the Ordinance of Blois, where Henry the Third declared all Marriages void, wherein the Banes were not published, which however are not so adjudged by the Church? And what hath given credit to the Decree of the Council of Trent, but our King's Declarations? Now if the validity depend upon their Seal, how can it be denied, but they likewise have authority to enforce this new prohibition? And have they not likewise Ordained, notwithstanding the Decree that Heretics should not be obliged to contract their Marriages in presence of the Curate of the Parish where they live, which cease not to be valid and in force? Besides, is there not likewise another Ordinance, which impowered by our Kings only, and the custom of britain, which maketh the marriages of Guardians with their Pupils to be void, than not effected by the permission of the Justice, whereas the Church is of another opinion? These are reasons which do evidently maintain and prove, that our King● have a disposing power in the marriages of their Subjects. And indeed, what reason were there that they should be denied this privilege, seeing the whole power is principally conferred upon them, for the preservation of the public Peace and private Families, which depend exceedingly much, as is not unknown unto any one, upon marriages; which besides, that it is so granted by the chief of Divines, is likewise deduceable from common experience. Let not any one therefore make a question of it. But if any one demand, in what manner they may hinder and obstruct marriages, I shall make use of a distinction in my answer, and say, that for the making of a general prohibition, it is requisite to Ordain a public and universal Law, to signify their Will unto their Subjects, as was done in the Ordinance of Lewis the Eleventh, which enforced the publication of Banes. And in case of a particular marriage there need only a particular inhibition, to be signified unto the particular persons, intending to contract themselves, so that they be duly informed of the prohibition issued out against their further proceed therein.   

The Catholic Electors of the Empire, propose to become Neuters.  
During our King's abode at Mots, the Catholic Electors were in such disorders, that they were forced to make address unto his Majesty, for his protection. The King of Sweden prosecuted his Conquests in the lower Palatinate, with such extraordinary success, that they looked on themselves as all undone, if his Majesty did not assist them, the Eperours' Forces being reduced to such an ebb, that they were not able to secure themselves. They well knew, our Kings have ever been the Churches Refuge, the Scourge of Heretics, the Protectors of the Holy Sea, and that all Ecclesiastiques have ever secured themselves from those storms which threatened their ruin, by retiring themselves under their Power; neither were they ignorant, that he who now welldeth the French Sceptre, hath destroyed Heresy in this Kingdom, and made his Actions illustrious, as well by Piety as Justice. Hereupon they sent their deputies unto him to implore his assistance. The Bishop of Wittsbourg was chief of the Embassy, on whom that employment was more especially imposed, in regard he was most concerned to animate their complaints, by the report of the great losses himself had sustained; the Baron de Te●iff accompanied him from the Elector of Cologne, and the Sieur Ruter from the Duke of Baviers, neither of them was backward in laying before his Majesty a large description of their miseries, of the increase of Heresy, of the calamities whereunto the Catholics were exposed, of the Swedish Kings Ambition, of the Church's Interests, of France's concernments; and all this they frequently did at large in their Audiences, that by this means they might infuse some jealousy into the King's mind, which might draw him off from the Swede, and instill some Ambition into his Soul, which inducing him to pretend unto the Empire, might engage him in their protection. But his Majesty, informed by his Ambassadors of the Swedish proceed, and that their Victories were not extraordinary from others, but conformable to the Treaty of Alliance, presently apprehended, that the losses they had suffered, together with the fear of totally losing the remainder, if they continued to countenance the ambitious designs of the House of Austria, had persuaded them to make such pitiful complaints. He could not be persuaded to change a War of State, into a War of Religion, or to believe the King of Sweden intended the ruin of the Church, being fully assured his intents were only to abase the Emperor's pride, and to curb his Ambitious designs. Yet the Compassion he had at the sense of their miseries, would not permit him to dispatch them without some satisfaction, and the using his intercession with the Swedish King for their safeties, and the securities of their States. Having kissed his Majesty's hands, they visited the Cardinal, whose zeal for the Church's interests gave them a most kind reception, and ample assurances, that his advices should second their requests unto his Majesty. In future coming to discourse the means, how to secure them, he ingeniously told them, that the King of Swede striking directly at the Imperial Party, it would be impossible to mediate any Treaty in their behalves, unless they withdrew themselves from that association; that this was it they were necessarily to resolve upon, unless they would totally disable his Majesty from making any interposition with the Swedish King, who no doubt, would never be persuaded to spare them, whilst they endeavoured to give a subsistence unto the Imperial Army, both by assistances of men, money, and provisions of all sorts. This discourse, although equally tempered with Prudence and sincerity, seemed very harsh unto them, in regard of their affection to the House of Austria. But as no interests are nearer than particular, so they shown a great deal of readiness to submit unto the Kings Will and Judgement, to do as he should think most proper, whereby they might the more strongly engage him in their protection and defence. Whereupon it was thought fit that his Majesty should deal with the Swedish King to permit them to continue Neuters, they hoping to pick out some way or other of accommodation hereby, at least to gain some time which might produce an overture to avoid the storm which threatened their present ●ine.   

Politic Observation.  
PRinces are not in any thing more industrious, than in making their demands seem plausible; now no pretences make a deeper impression on men's minds, than those of Religion; whence it is, that if they can with it cloak their designs, they think they have done sufficiently; under this veil have they often palliated their most vicious and ambitious devices, and they who treat with them, if truly wise, do not easily believe, whatever is proposed under the notion of Religion: The Faith which they profess, maketh them zealous for the Churches good, but this very Faith teacheth them, that sometimes Wolves cloth themselves in Sheepskins; and that as the Tree is known by his fruit, so there is no safer way to judge of Prince's Proposals, then by reflecting on the government of their actions, the true fruits of their designs.  
King Achas, that he might deceive Isaiah, played the Hypocrite, and did at first refuse the proposition made unto him of craving a Miracle from God for assurance of his promise, pretending himself to be respectful and fearful of offending God, that he made a difficulty of tempting him by an extraordinary belief. Many there are who use such like slights, when they find it may conduce to their advantage; in a word it is great Prudence, not always to believe those who cover their designs with the Church, but maturely to examine their Proposals, and to observe them by their former conduct and proceed.   

The King sendeth the Marquis de Breze, towards Gustavus Adolphus, Kign of Sweden.  
THe Cardinal informed his Majesty of the Propositions of Neutrality, to which the Ambassadors of the Catholic League seemed to incline, and his Majesty having cast his eyes upon the Marquis de Breze, as a person capable, by reason of his Prudence and Ability to give a happy success thereunto dispatched him unto the King of Swed●n to obtain his assent in that behalf. He departed from Mets not long after, and arrived at Mayence, accompanied with above fifty Gentlemen Volunteers, ambitious o● seeing that King, whose victories were so publicly famous over the World. The marquis of Breze coming near unto Mayence, was met upon the way by two Cornets of Horse, and the King of Swedes own Coach to receive him the was conducted unto his Audience; where after he had made his respects unto that victorious Prince, he told him▪ the King his Master being so near had commanded him to wait upon him, and to assure him of his joy for his victories. The King of Sweden returned those Civilities and Honours due unto the Ambassadors of France; which passed over, they began to discourse of affairs: He represented unto him, how his Master being eldest Son and protector of the Church, looked on himself as obliged to make a request unto him in behalf of the Catholics of Germany, and to beseech him to permit them to become neuters, they being readily disposed to fall off from the interests of the House of Austria, and not to uphold his forces by any way or means whatever; how that his Master was the more willing to second their desires, in regard he thought it very advantageous for the design which invited him into Germany, for it was no small blow unto the Emperor to draw away from him, the Electors of Cologne and Treves, the Duke of Baviers and divers other Catholic Princes; that in some sense it we to cut off one of his Arms, and assuredly to destroy a third part of his strength; that in conclusion, he believed his Majesty of Swede was obliged in point of discretion to permit them to sit still, provided they did totally decline the Emperor's assistance with whom alone he was engaged; that hereby convincing the World he intended not the subversion of Religion, a thing much taking with the people, it would evidently follow, that his enemies would oppose him with the less resolution. The King of Sw●den received his Majesty's request made by the Marquis de Breze, with a great deal of honour; but being a Prince of great understanding, he forthwith ●ounded the depth of the Catholic Princes promises, and made apparent unto him, that their Proposals were not real; that they had possessed his Christian Majesty with false impressions; that they had drawn upon themselves the evils which they endured by their own unreasonable wilfulness contrary to the many fair invitations sent unto them, of forsaking his enemies, and enjoying their estates in quiet, under an indifferent contribution which he expected from them. He likewise declared unto him, the resolutions of the League, concluded in the Assemblies of Lantshud and Ingolstat, which were directly repugnant to these proposals, as also the Duke of Bavi●rs Letters, who in the midst of his protestations of forbearing hostility, did not however cease to raise forces, fortify Towns, and send Letters of Exchange for the advancing of new Levies; by all which it was evident enough, that his designs tended only to linger out the time, whereby he might take better aim in future. The marquis de Breze, replied unto him, that in truth, the evil designs of those Catholic Princes could not be executed in regard of he time passed, especially after sight of their Letters, yet it was to be hoped they would hereafter manage their affairs more advisedly, if there were a Treaty concluded with them: That the King his Master was far from countenancing their unjust pretences, but that in case they should be reduced to reason, as his Majesty well hoped, and themselves had fairly promised, he should then affectionately desire they might be permitted to sit still; in order whereunto, he requested there might be a cessation of Arms for fifteen days, in which time, some reasonable end might be concluded. The King of Sweden promised to be willing for the Treaty in the behalf of France, without which he should hardly have been persuaded to pass over the Duke of Baviers, and the other Catholic Princes, after those affronts received from them. In fine, it was no more than he might have desired, he being too prudent not to observe, how by granting them to become Neuters, he did much weaken his enemies, and how that satisfying the World, he intended not an invasion of the Church, the Emperor's Forces would not be so zealous in his service, by which means, he might the easilier perfect their destruction.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is great Prudence in a Prince who undertaketh a War, not to declare himself against Religion, a thing which mightily encourageth them who defend it, for that most think it glorious to spend their in the preservation thereof. They are still put in mind of those Eternal heavenly rewards of which they shall become partakers; so that if a Crown of Laurel, proposed as a reward in the Olimpique Games, could produce such great passion in those who entered the Lists; how much more them will the assurance of a rich Crown proposed in the Heavens, animate the courages of the Soldiers. They are informed how the death with which they meet, is not so much a death, as a happy passage from death, which leadeth them from the grave to immortality, from unavoidable miseries, to infinite goods, from tears, to unspeakable joy, and from a fight, to triumph: Thus it being natural unto mankind to be concerned at the apprehension of great rewards; it cannot be imagined how much they add unto the courage. The most fearful, are stout and bold in defence of their Religion, of which, the primitive times of the Church have afforded us frequent examples, seeing women and children have for the conservation of their Religion, triumphed over the greatest courages of Emperors. He who never thought to go out of his own house, willingly taketh up Arms, when the Church's Liberty is in question. The Jews (saith Tacitus) were not much concerned to die in their wars, because they believed another life: And Gaesar saith, The Druids of France were unconquerable in the Field, because they believed the Transmigration of Souls, and took it for a shame to be fearful of losing that life which should be restored unto them again. What resolution then would the Catholic have, amidst their belief of another everlasting and most glorious life? The Valour of man doth not so much consist in his bodily strength, as the resolution of his soul, and in that resolution which banisheth all sense of Fear from the heart, which infuseth an universal heat, and leadeth men on to surmount all kind of difficulties; Now who knoweth not that one Faiths chiefest effects is, to replenish the soul with an heavenly fire, and to infuse it with power, for the destruction of what ever resisteth the glory of God? No passion doth so encourage, as the zeal of Realigion, it rendereth men senseless in all sufferings, converteth stripes into pleasures, causeth labour to be delightful, and maketh the most cowardly and weak to become courageous.   

A Treaty of the Catholic Princes of Germany with the King of Swede.  
THe King of Swede having thought fit to suffer the Catholic Princes to become Neuters, and consented to a cessation for fifteen days; there were Articles drawn up, and those the most reasonable that could be wished, they employed  

1. That the League should forsake the Emperor's Alliance and Interests, and relinquish all Intelligence with him.  
2. That they should recall their Forces from the Imperial Army.  
3. That the Palatinate should be restored.  
4. That the Duke of Baviers, and the other Catholic Princes, should return unto the Protestant States whatever had been taken from them, since the year sixteen hundred and eighteen.  
5. That they should not permit the Emperor to make any Levies in their States.  
6. That they should deposit some places in the King of Swede's hands, for their performance of the Treaty.  
7. That in consideration of these agreements, the King of Sweden should engage not to use any acts of Hostility against them, or exact any contributions from them.   
There could not possibly be proposed any Articles more just than these, whereby to settle the Princes in neutrality; for in case they ceased to assist the Emperor, the King of Swede would likewise forbear drawing any advantages from them, and relinquish those which his Armies had lately acquired: There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them, yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them. About the same time, the Sieur de Varennes, then near Sarbruck, carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty, and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers. The King having received them, sent the Sieur de Charnce, unto the Duke of Baviers, the Electors of Col●gne and Treves, the heads of the League, to induce them to confirm the Treaty. He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates, and hopeless of repelling them; and yet notwithstanding so passionately bend towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easy to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg, tended to no other end but to protract the proceed of the Swid●, and in the interim to strengthen themselves, and then to make use of their advantages. This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing, and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs, had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them; yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him, that he was very pressing upon them, to embrace the means necessary for a good accommodation: Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof, seeing the League which united them, was called Catholic, and two of them were Feclesiastiques. But the first Article was the stumbling block of all, for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperor's Interests. The Sieur de Charnace, represented unto the Duke of Bavies, how that he professing to embrace the Church's interests, aught to prefer the preservation thereof, both in his own and his Neighbour States, before all other considerations whatever, and that being now the thing in question, he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then endanger the other. Notwithstanding these reasons, he could not find the least inclination in him, so to do; but rather on the contrary, the Duke publicly declared, he could not conclude upon it, in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him, unto which he replied, that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperor's being discontented therewith, seeing every Princes proper interest is to be preferred before all others whatever, and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede, was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruin, which else was unavoidable. However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety, could not prevail upon him. He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne, unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty; neither here could he effect any thing considerable, so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria, before those of the Church; as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses demolished, Altars profaned, Sacred things plundered, Priests and Religious men despoiled, provided they might not see the House of Austria abased, or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong unto them. It was a bewitching blindness, not to be enough admired, that these two Electors (by embracing the Neutrality) might preserve themselves, their Religion and States, and yet would by refusing it, expose all to assured ruin. But will not every one be more surprised with astonishment, when he shall understand, That they despising that accommodation which his Majesty had mediated, should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the Germane Church unto his Majesty's fault? As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it, could be blamed for their non-acceptance, and ruining it: For my part, I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befell both the Church and themselves, for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end, can complain against no one but himself, if he miss of his Design. In fin, they desired a prolongation of the Treaty; the fifteen days being expired, that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement. The King, that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors, as also that he might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Churches good; dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany, for that purpose. But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way than that of Neutrality, by them refused; and that delays, (which was but Truth) gave his Enemy's opportunity to fortify themselves against him, he desired to be excused: And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned, if they stand off, and submit not to that Conqueror who will undoubtedly be their ruin: They cannot allege any reasons to justify themselves, for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions, and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger. But much greater is their fault, who without any detriment to themselves or Interests, may by sitting still make their Peace. Caesar (one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients) advised to agree upon what condition soever, provided it were sure, rather than to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent than ones self. Thus of evils, the least is to be chosen; neither is the Pilot to be discommended, who that he may prevent an absolute shipwreck, parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea. Humane hopes are deceitful, so that it was the choice of a wise man, rather to secure himself from an evil, then to assure himself of an uncertain good; it often happeneth, That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him, liveth to repent his non-acceptance thereof. Thus the City of Tyre was sorry, but too late, that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions, by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege; which refusing, did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruined, part of their inhabitants killed, and the rest brought into captivity. But it is not to be doubled that Catholic Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King, if their continuation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion; nor can any Alliance dispense with this Law; The Pagan's themselves were so just in the observation thereof, that they never encroached upon it. And indeed, what reason can be alleged to prefer any man's State, before Gods? And what reason is there to endure the profanation of his House, who is Lord of Lords, for the advancing of an earthly Prince's Interests? Which being so, Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they own unto God, by preferring Religion the only mark of our service, before the Ambition of any Sovereign, unto whom they are only rued by the bonds of Friendship? Should they do otherwise, what could they reasonably expect from so profane a scorn, but the inflicting of that curse wherewith God threatened Solomon, for not preserving his contracts with him, nor observing his Commandments, viz. That he would pluck away his Crow, and give it to his servant.   

The King taketh the Archbishop of Treves into his Protection,  
AT the same time the Sieur de Charnace made several journeys unto the Elector to represent unto him the same considerations which he had offered unto the Duke of Baviers, and Elector of Cologne; his Success with him was better than with the other two, because he found him in a great Alarm, The Swediss were at his Gates, and the Spaniards had already seized upon his chief City of Coblen, with divers other places of his State, insomuch that he had only Hermestine left in his own disposal. He had then sent the Sieur de Sco●k, Gentleman of his Bed chamber, unto the King of Sweden, to secure himself from that storm which most threatened him; but his reception had been none of the best, in regard he had not only furnished his own State with Soldiers, and made great contributions towards the supporting of the League, but had lately taken the Castle of Stolberg, and slain a young Comte de Solms, with two of his Train; and his Letters too were none of the most respectful. All the answer this Gentleman received, was, That he should advise his Master to keep his Purse well provided, to satisfy all those guests who were coming into his Country; That for his part he was not unmindful of the Treaty of Alliance made with France, which engaged him to preseve all such Catholic Princes in the enjoyment of their Estates▪ who should accept of the Neutrality, which he should not fail to perform, when the Elector should adhere unto the conditions of the said Treaty, which obliged him to come off from the Emperor's party; the which if he refused, he knew how to compel him to render him an account thereof, as all the rest of his Associates. This answer seemed very high yet indeed it was but reasonable, seeing he promised all fair usage if he became Neuter, and observed the conditions contained in the Treaty France. Can more favour be expected from a Prince against whom one committeth acts of Hostility? Now the Elector being naturally fearful, was so surprised, that be expected the Swedes every hour at his Gates; and the same usage from them as the Bishop o● Wittsbourg had already received; so that he resolved to cast himself into his Majesty's Arms, who undertook to make his peace with the Swede, and to protect him from all violence. Not that he wanted (to say the Truth) any affection for the House of Austria, it being easy to read his inclinations in his very looks; but because he knew in cases of Necessity, no one is obliged to assist another to his own prejudice, especially if it cannot be attempted without exposing himself to the danger of a manifest ruin. These were the chief reasons which induced him to shelter himself under his Majesty wings; and although his Proposals proceeded not from any good will to France, yet they were such as were too important to be refused; viz. That he would surrender part of his Towns lying on the Borders of this Kingdom, unto his Majesty, That he would retire himself unto Trives, and there deliver his person as a gage of his Fidelity. These Proposals were the more considerable, in regard his Majesty having him in his power, and the Electors of Saxony and Brandebourg at his disposal, it would be impossible for the Emperor to get his Son crowned King of the Romans, and King of Hungary, and this made his Majesty the more willing to receive him into his Protection, and to persuade him to sit as Neuter, in relation to the King of Swede.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough Neutrality of itself carrieth little assurance with it, it being frequently observed, that he who becomes Neuter, seethe his Country exposed as a Prey unto the Conqueror; yet the case is much altered, when his Neutrality is countenanced by the protection of a great Monarch, who being his Neighbour, secureth him from all danger. I should hardly advise a Petty Prince to put himself under the defence if a King far distant from him, because in case of an Invasion, his succours cannot without difficulty arrive unto him; and if they come at all, it will be unseasonably, and too late for his defence. Every one knoweth, that an Army in a long march disbandeth of itself, and those few who hold out to the end, have more need to rest then fight; Hence it is those Protections our Kings have embraced in Italy, find such ill success. Lewis the XII. undertook the protection of John and Hannibal Bentivogli, who vere both thrust out of Boulogne, when it was least suspected, neither was there any means to prevent it.  
Octavian Fregose put himself under the same protection, but all would not keep him in the Duchy of Genoa. Pisa threw itself into the hands of the French, but was deserted, it being impossile to dispatch Forces timely enough to defend it. Otherwise it is in the protection of a Prince living under the eye of a great Monarch; nothing is so easy as his assistance, and such a King is in honour bound to defend such a Prince, with and against all men, that no inconveniency betid him. The Law of Protection obligeth him who craveth it, to pay all honour and respect unto his Defender, and that with such submission, that in case he recede from his devoir, it may become lawful for his Protector to seize upon his State; and on the contrary, his Protector ought to undertake his defence, and secure him from the oppression of any other whosoever. That which rendereth the Protection of a Neighbour Monarch to be valid, and full of safety, doth most especially consist in the prudent Government of him who is protected, as when he doth wisely observe and regard the Laws of Neutrality, which are neither to assist or provoke either party; in so managing his affairs, he giveth no occasion of offence; and if the prevalent power attempt against him, his Injustice will appear the greater, because a petty Prince is not obliged to declare himself, when his ruin is in danger. His Conduct indeed cannot please either party, neither can it reasonably offend either; which if so, neither can with reason attempt against him: whereas if he declare himself against a great Prince lying on the skirts of his State, his utter destruction will be unavoidable.   

The King sendeth the Mareschals de la Force, and d' Effiat into Germany.  
THe Catholic Princes had no sooner proposed to become Neuters, but the Cardinal whose eyes are always open to see and Judge of what is fit and proper for his master's glory, advised his Majesty to send a strong army into Germany, to show them that they might safely put themselves under his protection although he wanted not Forces who were already advanced unto the Borders of their Country, to secure them in a case of need, and to defend them from any violences which they might apprehend from the Emperonr, if the wheel of Fortune should turn about. This Army consisted of about twenty four thousand men, commanded jointly by the Mareschals de la Force, and d' Effiat. The Elector of Treves, adhering unto the Neutrality, under the King's protection, it was thought requisite for his greater security, that his Towns should be delivered into his Majesty's power, for that the Imperialists hold all for enemies who do not countenance their ambitious Designs; and consequently would force the rest (as they had already done part of his Towns) out of his hands; which if they should effect, what were it but to run upon one Rock, by endeavouring to avoid another He was soon persuaded of the necessity of this advice, which easily induced him to admit French Garrisons into his Cities. During these things, the Generals of the Army pressed him to conclude the Treaty, in order to his promises, which he seemed but coldly to receive, having already been assured from the Swedish King, that for his Majesty's sake nothing should be attempted against him, whilst he was under his protection. They pressed him to be as good as his word telling him, it was dishonourable for their Master to receive him into his protection, and that others should hold his Towns from him; whereupon he deposited the Castle of Hermesteine into their hands, a place considerable, both for its Form and Situation, which is such, that it may block up the River Rhine, at the foot whereof it is seated. Twelve Companies of French marched into it, under the command of Saludie, who had long treated with the said Elector, as well as the Sieur de Charnace: The like he would have done with his chief City, had it been within his power, but the Chapter being gained by the Imperialists, had forced him to quit it to the Comte d' Ysembourg, who kept it with a Garrison of Spaniards sufficient for its defence: The next thing he did, was to deliver Philipsbourg into their hands, but his Governor in stead of obeying his commands, in receiving the Garrison, protested he would not deliver the Places, unless unto those whom the Emperor did appoint. Hereupon the Spaniards apprehended (the Elector being in this humour) that Goblens might also be designed for his Majesty; to prevent which, they found means to clap a Garrison into it. This place was more important than strong, is situate upon the mouth of the Rhine and Mozelle, where they join their waters; so that the Rhine only parted the French and Spaniard; which had been enough to have kept them at peace, had not the Elector of Treves Interests given them occasions of falling out. The King was engaged to project him, neither could the waters of that large River quench the heat of their Fury, which egged them on to skirmish as often as occasion required, which was the cause that they continued not long so near together, without engagements on either party; and their emulation had increased, had they continued their Neighbourhood any longer together.   

The City of Treves besieged, and the Archbishop established by the King's Forces.  
THe Cardinal's advices and endeavours still tended to preserve a good correspondency between the two Crowns, neither was he to seek for an effectual means to continue it at this time, which he did, by the King of Swede's interposition, who persuaded them to march forth from thence, and divers other places. The Design was concluded, and the Marshal Horn advanced thither from Mayence, with eight thousand Horse, and six score Companies of Foot, all well appointed. The Rhinegrave had a particular Commission for the re-taking of Coblens, before which he came about mid- June, invested the place, and soon forced the Garrison to surrender upon composition, which once delivered, he restored unto the French, having first dealt with the inhabitants to discharge the expenses of the siege, and his march thither. The taking of this place struck such a fear and terror into the Spaniards, that they resolved to quit divers others, at least there needed but little persuasion to entreat their removal; only they made some difficulty in relinquishing the City of Treves, which they hoped to keep by the means of some new fortification they had there raised and a sufficient Garrison to defend it. The Marshal d' Effiat was commanded to besiege it, but whilst he was drawing his Army thither, Death, which excuseth neither Alexander's nor Caesars, deprived him of his life at Lutzelstein, but could not rob him of the glory of having served the King his Master with an extraordinary Prudence, both in his Counsels and Embassies, with an approved integrity in the management of his Treasuries, and with an illustrious courage in the command of his Armies. The King received the news hereof with grief, and there being no time to be lost, in preventing the Spaniards fortifying themselves, his Majesty soon dispatched the Marshal d'Estree into his place, whose Prudence and Courage had been experimented in several occasions, and had acquired him the quality of Marshal de France, ever since the year 1624. He departed from Paris by Post towards the Army, where he found the Vicomte de Arpajon, and the Comte de la Suze Marshals de Camp, who had undertaken the command, of the Army, since the Marshal d' Effiats' death, already advanced near Treves, which they had summoned to deliver; the garrison refused, being resolved to sustain the siege and defend the place. Hereupon the Vicomte de Aspajon, made his approaches with the Army, and gave orders to invest the place, which was performed with such expedition, that the inhabitants found themselves unexpectedly surrounded the very next day. The Comte de Yemsbourg had not confidence enough in the strength of the place to suffer himself to be penned up in it, but quartered at Grafeumacher, neither had he furnished it with above eight hundred men, which considering the French power, he thought to augment by clapping three hundred horse and twelve hundred foot into it, together with a good convoy of Ammunition. In order to which, he made his approaches, but the Marshal d' Estree coming to the Army just as intelligence was brought of this design, he took such course that they could not effect it; for he no sooner received the news, but he commanded the Comte de la Suze, and the Vicomte de Apajon to a place, by which they were of necessity to pass; thither they went, and perceiving the enemy sent to discover their Forces by Lieutenant Alexis, and twenty light horse, who advancing further than was requisite, were quickly engaged by five squadrons of horse, who forced them to give ground, but were not long unseconded by the Sieur de Moulinet with five and twenty Gallants, by the Companies of Luzern and Roche-Britant, and in fine by that of the Cardinal, led by the Marquis de Money and Coeslin, so that the skirmish became very hot, and many Charges passed on both sides, until at last they fell to it with their Swords only, so long, that in conclusion, the Comte the Ysembourg's horse having long sustained the French were repelled, and falling in upon their own foot disordered them, so that the French had the pursuit of t hem, until the night concluded the business, and favoured the enemy's retreat. The Imperialists left four score Nobles, forty prisoners, their Convoy, and two Cornets behind them, which were presented unto the King by the Sieur de Chezelles Bautru. After this dafeit the Marshal d' Estree, looking more strictly into the siege, found some things in disorder, which he quickly rectified, and brought all things into such method, that the garrison was soon forced to surrender. The Chapter were sensible of their Treason, and acknowledge their lawful Prince, and thus the Town was taken by composition, of which the Chevalier de Seneterre was made Governor. This piece of service thus happily effected, the conquest of those other places in the Spanish hands, was not long in agitation; the Archbishop being restored to the possession of his States and Revenues, by which he became sensible what a happiness it was to enjoy the protection of France, which secured him from all those dangers fallen upon the rest of his neighbours.   

Politic Observation.  
AMongst the most heroic actions of Kings, the defence of those who desire their protection, is one which addeth very much to their glory, and raiseth their power to an eminent greatness. Nothing doth more liken them unto the Divinity, than the defence of the weak and feeble; and if in petty Princes it be a mark of weakness to follow the fortune of the Conqueror; it cannot but be a sign of great power in a King, not to deny those who sue for his protection. The defending of them who request it, is an act well beseeroing the Majesty of a King, who as he ought not to admit any Rival in his Crown, so ought he not to deny the communicating of his power unto them who fly unto him for refuge. This is it which maketh a King Arbitrator of all his Neighbours affairs, who gladly submit their differences unto the judgement of a Monarch, who employeth his power for the maintaining of Justice. No one can be ignorant how this is it which rendereth them invincible, it being most certain, that who so dareth a hand to help his friends in their necessities, engageth so many serveral defendors, whenever his occsions shall require it. To be able to subsist alone, without the help of others is very honoursble for a King, yet his glory will be imperfect, if he do not employ his power to redress his oppressed Neighbours in their necessities. Tyranny doth build its greatness on the usurpations of others rights, whereas Justice foundeth her glory on the defending the oppressed. And if a King may at any time send his forces abroad out of his own State, it ought to be either in preservation of his Allies, under his protection, or in revenge of injuries offered unto him.   

The Emperor endeavoureth at Rome to break the King's Alliance with the Swede.  
THe League between the Swede and France together with the Elector of Treves inclination made such an Alarm in the house of Austria, now unable to divert the storm hanging over them, that they resolved to have recourse unto Rome, and there to represent the Church's grievances in such terms, that they might receive the same advantages which the Spaniards heretofore did, upon the like pretences. The Cardinal Pasman was dispatched thither, in order thereunto, where being come, he used is utmost endeavours to engage the Pope in their affaris; his Holiness was pressed to make a Crusade for preservation of the Germane Catholics, for the suppressing of Heresy, and establishing the Church in its former splendour. There were divers calumnies published abroad against the Swedes, the disasters of the Church, and miseries of the Catholics were aggravated unto excess, but not a word to be heard, how that the Interests of the Church had not been in question, but by their unjust supporting the ambitious designs of the Austrian family. He endeavoured to persuade the Pope, that the King of Sweden, like another Attila, had resolved to besiege Rome, and force his Holiness from his Seat, but especially was he charged to declaim against the Alliance between the Swede and France, and to solicit his Holiness to send a Legate or extraordinary Nuncio, to break the knot as prejudicial to the Catholic church. The Duke de Savelly, his Imperial Majesty's Ambassador, and the Spanish Ambassador had order to second him: Cardinal Borgia newly tied unto the Spanish party, by the gift of the Archbishopric of Sevill, did not only underhand endeavour to procure the suffrages of particular Cardinals, but in the open consistory did violently exclaim, in blaming the Pope for abandoning the House of Austria, and in it, the Church itself, highly exalting the King of Spain's zeal for Religion, and crying out against the cold rewarding his good intentions.  
Now divers of the Consistory, being unacquainted with the affairs of Germany, and how the misfortunes befallen on some Catholic Princes, was the only effect of their own faults, were at first divided, and the Spanish Partisans became so stout, that his Hosinesse had just cause to dislike their proceed. But his Holiness informing the Consistory with the true state of affairs, made it appear unto the Cardinals, that the War of Germany was a War of state, not Religion, and the matter was so managed that the house of Austria had no great cause to rejoice. The Pope's answer to their party was, that the Emperor had drawn upon himself those evils which he now endured; that the men and moneys wasted in the plundering of Italy, the Sacking of Mantua, and threatening of the Holy Sea, would better have served to hinder the Swedes, and put a stop to their conquests; that the Remoustrances of his Legates and Nuntios, had been deluded, Germany neglected, the Swedes slighted, Italy invaded, and the Holy Sea forced to lay out it's Treasure, in the preservation of itself, and St. Peter's Patrimony; that in fine, his Government might possible be traduced, not blamed, that his endeavours already used, and which he resolved to continue, were capable enough to justify his cares for the Churches good, that he would willingly contribute the remainder of his power which was but small, having consumed the Treasures of the Church in the War of Italy; And lastly, that he would gladly employ any remedy which he should find expedient to destroy Heresy and preserve the Church; and that he might unto this Temporal add a Spiritual remedy, he proclaimed an universal Jubilee, exhorting all men to assist the Church of Germany with their Prayers. The Deputies of Germany were but little comforted herewith, but departed from Rome, unsatisfied. They might easily have obtained, as heretofore, thundering Excommunications against France, and have exposed the Kingdom to ruin, had Gregory the Fourteenth been yet alive, but we do not now live in those times. The Masque of Religion wherewith the House of Austria use to cover their designs, is now taken off, and the Cardinal who knoweth of what concernment it is for States to hold Rome in friendship was not backward, both for the good of the Church and this Kingdom, to inform his Holiness of the design contrived by the House of Austria, for the overrunning of Italy, and bringing the Holy Sea into such subjection, that themselves might overaw the Censures, Decrees and Excommunications of the Church; so the Pope convinced of the truth hereof, was not possibly to be surprised, but blamed the Germane Princes for exposing their States to such miseries, in behalf of the ambitious design of the House of Austria; and on the contrary, commended his Majesty for his readiness and willingness, to protect the Church and those very Princes, in case they would recede from their wicked designs.   

That Catholic Princes ought to hold good correspondence with Rome.  
IT was not without great reason, what Antonio Peres once told the late Henry the Great, viz. that the French being unmatchable for courage, would undoubtedly conquer the whole earth, if to their natural valour, the favour of Rome, the mastery of the Sea, and a fixed Council of able Statesmen were adjoined: These three things make a Prince truly great: And the course of affairs now leadeth me to discourse of one of them, viz of the necessity of holding a fair correspondence with the Roman Sea, which I may well say is necessary, partly for the avoiding of those evils which may happen by want thereof and partly for the inducing the people by its approbation to admit of the many and several undertake in a State. The Empire of Souls, is both great and tickleth, if it were only in relation of those Anathemas which may be darted out against Princes. One of the most conspicuous church-lights, said, and that with great judgement, that the Thunders of the Church are to be feared, how unjust soever; and indeed so they are, because the execrations of Christ Jesus Vicar, are of great efficacy before God, who holdeth the Government of Kingdoms in his hands, and also because of the terrors they strike into the people, who concluding a Prince reproved by God, as soon as by the Holy Sea, do not only lose their respect, due to such rulers, but even run into disobedience and insurrection. Did not those Thunders in the times of the late League, kindle the flames, which did long consume this Kingdom, what was it which brought Navarre into the Spaniards hands, but the imbroils between Lewis the Twelfth and Julius the Second? Now if a good intelligence with the Sea of Rome, is security from such like misfortunes; it is no less an advantage to a State, in regard of its approbation of a Sovereign's erterprises, This is it which holdeth the people in quiet, which maketh them think the yoke of obedience to be easy, which preserveth the love of their Prince in their minds; and which rendereth contributions imposed by necessity, the more supportable; and in general it may be said, that there is not any thing how bad soever, which they will distaste, if approved by the Holy Sea, so great a respect doth Religion produce in the minds of men. King Numa had no better invention to make his actions received by the people of Rome, then by telling them, he did nothing but by the Counsel of the Nymph Egeria, who communicated the Will of the Gods unto him. No one is ignorant of the repute which the Soothsayers had with the people of Rome, in persuading them to approve of their Consuls and Emperor's designs and undertake. Can then any more likely way be invented, both to justify their undertake, and encourage their Soldiers, then by telling them the Gods approved of them? Neither can it be doubted, but the Pope's approbation is an effectual way to persuade people to like their Prince's designs to live in quiet, and to be well satisfied with the Government under which they live. But how much than are the Popes obliged to be favourable towards France, which hath ever been their Refuge, their Asylum, their Prop and Protection? Besides, their Interests are the same with ours▪ seeing the French use not such underhand shuffling as the Spaniards, and are far enough from such ambitious designs as the House of Austria, who are still contriving to oppress the Liberties of the Church, to subjugate the holy See, and to over-awe its Decrees; whereas the French endeavour only to preserve every one in his own Right, and to be contented with a good Pope, an honest and stout man, who will not suffer himself to be surprised by their Enemies, but show himself a common Father to all, without procuring any ditriment to one, by the suggestion of another.   

The Cardinal endeth a difference between the Bishops and Friars.  
NOt long after the King's return from Lorraine, the Cardinal undertook to compose a difference between the Bishops and Friars, which had made a great noise for sundry ages together; The Friars relying upon their privileges obtained from the holy See, pretended to have power both to Preach and Confess, without permission from the Bishops; and the Bishops unto whom all people within their Diocese are subject, by common right, did perpetually thwart that pretention: They could not down with the Friar's Privileges, alleging they ought to be declared void, as being oppugnant to the primitive constitutions of the Church, which ought to be preserved in the same model, for the continuation thereof in its pristine splendour. This quarrel had been especially fomented during the last year, by reason some Books had been published in the name of the English Catholics, which preferred the Monastical life before that of the Prelates, and seemed to imply that Friars were more necessary, at least more useful to the Church than the ordinary Pastors. To say the Truth▪ these Propositions were bold, and without offence to any one, may safely be termed rash and inconsiderate. But that likelihood was there of composing these differences? Was it probable that the whole Society of Friars would relinquish the privileges they had obtained from the holy See? On the other side, What reason was there that the Prelates should have so little authority over them in Administration of Sacraments, and the Word of God, seeing in the Primitive times Friars were only mixed amongst the Laity, and addressed themselves unto the Bishop's Congregations to receive the Sacraments from their hands▪ or those who executed their charge? No one but the Cardinal could give an end to these differences, there being not a man who durst so much as make a a Proposal whereby each party might receive satisfaction: neither did he wave the trouble, but willingly took it upon himself, though he was even at that time employed in the most important affairs of Christendom; yet such was his indefatigable zeal for God's glory, and the Churches good, that he undertook the business. He cause the Superiors of the Orders to come before him, one by one, well knowing, that to negotiate such a business in a Public Assembly, would be a labour in vain, and equally difficult as the breaking of a cable, whose particular threads are easily to be forced asunder. He was a person well versed in all Antiquities, and accordingly he represented to them, how that in the first Institution of Monks, they were consecrated unto God by the mediation of Bishops, who received their Vows, instructed them, and directed their Consciences: He laid before them the original of the whole Affair,, and shown them, how that the Sons of God had subjected all those who sold their goods, and followed him, unto the Apostles, whose Successors the Bishops are; whereupon they making a strict profession of leading an Evangelical life, were more particularly obliged to observe the order established in and by the Gospel; not that he would question the validity of those exemptions granted from the holy See, unto which he owed much more respect and obedience then to debate the Ordinances thereof, yet that he must needs inform them, that they could not be dispensed with from following the order established by Jesus Christ, or his Apostles, in administering the Sacraments and Word of God; That it was not always proper to use the utmost of a man's power and that the wisest persons are usually the most moderate; that in fine, themselves could not deny but they were obliged to relinquish some part of their pretensions, for the avoiding of trouble to the Church, which was likely to ensue upon this account, and whereof the Heretics discoursed with much freedom and joy; That this Peace would be more acceptable to God, than all the advantages it could otherwise procure unto particular persons; That it would tend unto their Honours, by testifying unto the world the moderations of their minds, and humility of their Spirits▪ the two worthy ornaments of a Religious person, and that consequently the world would esteem the better of them; That he hoped it would be the more acceptable before God, in regard they did exemplarily set forth the merit of obedience and submission to their Prelates in ordinary, unto whom God hath with his own mouth committed the leading of men unto charitable works; that he should not willingly propose, that the Bishops should have ordinary jurisdiction over their persons, or power to visit their Monasteries, but that leaving them full liberty to execute their Monastical functions, it seemed fit unto him▪ that they should not refuse to be dependent upon them in matter of administering the Sacraments, of , Penitence, Preaching the Word, and to admit them to have power to repeal this privilege which was derived from them, according as the Council of Trent hath prescribed, all whose Decrees are true, and aught to be observed. These Reasons were or themselves strong enough, but much more powerful, when animated by the charms of his discourse, which hath so great an influence, that it is impossible to deny him any thing, if all they who have had the honour to know him, may be credited. Accordingly each one addressed himself to observe his directions; and although some unreasonable persons began at first to create some difficulties yet his Prudence soon prevailed over them, insomuch that they could not be thought the same men, who had so lately and so stiffly maintained their absolute Independencies upon their Ordinaries. He caused a Declaration to be drawn, wherein they acknowledged themselves uncapable to preach without examination, licence, and approbation from their Bishop's first had and obtained, and that the said Bishops might at any time revoke the said Licenses; withal, that they neither ought nor could bear the Confessions of Secular men, without approbation, which the said Bishops might likewise repeal, in case of any incapacity, or public scandal. Every one subscribed thereunto. The Bishops dispatched Copies thereof into all parts; and thus his Eminency ended a difference which had made such a noise so many Ages together, and in which there was but little hopes.   

Politic Observation.  
THe credit and esteem which an eminent person obtaineth in a State, have ever been reputed sufficient to appease any embroils what ever. His Judgement will work the minds of men to what form he pleaseth, and every one regarde●h him as a person blessed from heaven, and endued with so extraordinary an understanding, that no one dares deny him any thing: They give so absolute a power over their very wills, that there is no appeal from his resolutions; they permit him to command any thing without contradiction, to rule them without resistance, and to determine all things without, exception. The esteem of a Physician doth oftentimes as many cures as his Physic; and this same persuasion is so powerful that sometimes the very sight hath been a Cure. And is it not likewise most certain, that the credit which a great person acquireth in the opinions of men is more powerful than any other means to reduce them unto reason? Nay, Doth not his very presence sometimes appease great seditions? The Authority of a Photion at Athem, and of a Cato at Rome, hath often wrought wonderful effects. Was not the only appearance of the Philosopher Apollonius Thyaneus sufficient to appease great discords between divers Cities of Asia? When Julius Caesar was in Africa, his very presence alone assuaged the Roman Legions, raging in a mutiny; nay he reduced them to such a pass, that having cashiered them, it was not without much entreaty that he restored them to the Army. The Consul Popilius Menas was able by his mere presence to appease an Insurrection of the common people of Rome against the Senators. It is (to speak the truth) very strange to behold 〈◊〉 people mutined, raging and foaming like the billows of an outrageous Sea (which overthroweth and destroyeth  opposeth it) slighting the force of Arms, entreaties, threaten, and all things else, yet on the sudden becalmed at the presence of some great person, who by his worth and services hath acquired an extraordinary reputation amongst them. But to him who knoweth how powerful Credit and Repute are, it will not seem incredible; for he cannot be ignorant that opinion will sooner procure a good proposition to be admitted, or an ill advice rejected, than any other means or devices . A good opinion will make any impression on men's minds, it will more their hearts, tongues, hands and lead their wills and affections as it were in a string. Credit and Esteem do inscribe I know not what attracts of Majesty on the faces of those who have once acquired them, so that a man is forced as it were to subscribe unto their inclinations, and most men think it a rashness to resist their Wills in any thing .   

Monsieur arriveth at Brussels.  
THe Duke of Lorraine was not a little happy in having obtained his Peace from the King's Bounty, neither was the Cardinal a little extolled for having settled Peace between the Churchmen of the Kingdom: But the sky cannot long continue without clouds, neither can a Peace be so established, as that no troubles should at any time arise, which now fell out accordingly: For Monsieur having resolved to go unto Brussels, began to prepare himself for his journey, that he might make sure of those Forces which the Spaniards had promised unto the Sieur de Puy-Lauzens towards the invading of France, and there to conclude with them that course it were best to steer. Monsieur at his departure from Nancy, made a small days journey unto Remiremont, where the Princess Marguerite then was, that he might satisfy the passion which is incident upon new Marriages; From thence he went unto Besançon, whence after a short repose he went towards Brussels by Luxembourg. Passing by Thionville, he left Coigneux and Monsigot behind him, having taken his Seals from the former, and delivered his Pen unto Guillemi● in place of the second. I may not omit to observe that the discredit of these two persons was but the effect of Puy-Laurens displeasure, conceived against them for their boldess in informing Monsieur with reasons to divert him from the marriage, whereunto he had always inclined him: for from that time he put an hundred several tricks upon them; and such was his Love and Ambition, that he could not endure the sight of any one in the House, who durst contradict his Will and Pleasure. The Infanta hearing that Monsieur was drawing near unto Bruxelles, gave order for his reception according to his Quality: At his coming he was entertained not only with great honour by her Highness, but from the Spaniards too, who finding him inclined to interest himself in their designs, endeavoured to give all imaginable content. Monsieur made his entrance on the 28. of January, attended with two hundred Horse. The Marabel received him in the King of Spain's name. The Marquis de saint Croix, with all the Officers and Nobility of Flanders, met him a league from Brussels, with a Troop of Gentlemen before them, armed from head to foot: All the Companies of the City came to salute him; Briefly they did him all the same Honours as had been showed to the Queen his Mother; He dismounted at the Infantas Palace before he visited the Queen; She received him with those Civilities and Favours which are inherent in her, and those so obligingly, that they were extraordinary great in persons of her age. She came to meet him at the first Hall, where she intended him his audience, and presently told him she was very sorry there should be any quarrel between them at their first interview, because he had come to visit her before the Queen his Mother: Whereunto Monsieur replied very handsomely, that he should more easily give her satisfaction as to that Quarrel, then for the great obligations which he owed unto her: After some other Civilities, she lead him into a Hall, where were the Grandees of Spain, together with the Knights of the Golden Fleece, who saluted him, being all bare, himself being likewise uncovered some little time: After which Monsieur and her Highness seated themselves in chairs provided for that purpose, th' Infanta in that on the left hand, and Monsieur on the right; where after half an hours entertainment, Monsieur desired leave to kiss the Ladies, who were all placed as if it had been at a Ball, This compliment passed over, he went to visit the Queen his Mother, who considering him as the person who should vindicate her quarrel, force his Majesty to banish the Cardinal from the Court, and establish her in her former power in France, received him with all the testimonies of joy and gladness, though she forbore to discover all her thoughts, the better to hid the intelligence and agreement between them. The Infanta defrayed all his expenses until the 17. of May, when he departed from Brussels, and took great care that he might pass away his time with all sorts of diversions, both within door, and abroad; which recreations were sometimes interrupted by the jealousies and quarrels happening between those of her Court, and the Queen-mothers'.   

The danger of Drawing Strangers into a Kingdom.  
IT is very dangerous to call strangers into a State, in hopes to support a revolt by their means. No doubt they will be ready to foment any discontent, and to encourage any attempt▪ but it is wisdom to mistrust them. Is it not a madness to hope for men and miracles from a Prince who hath enough to do to defend himself? If there be any Libertines uncapable of civil society, any disorderly irreligious persons, any Plunderers, such as take all they meet, these are the men with whom they shall be furnished; Now were it not (I pray) a folly to build hopes and designs upon men so qualified? To say the truth, such men as they cannot affectionately engage themselves, so will they not readily endanger themselves, but behave themselves most courageously in rifling and robbing naked and poor people, until they come to fight, and then nothing is so pitiful and backward. Now if it be weakness to trust in strange Soldiers, it is more folly to confide in their Commanders, who if person's of no courage, what reasonable expectations can be hoped from them? And if they be persons well qualified, and fit to command, there is then more cause to fear then trust them, for doubtless they will hardly forsake any Hold they once take in a Country, but will do their utmost to surprise some place of Importance; which if it be not suddenly to be effected, yet certainly they will design it, and bring it to pass, when opportunity inviteth them. The Carthaginians (according as Polybius relateth) saw their affairs run from bad to worse, when their Army became full of Strangers, Gauls, Spaniards, Greeks and Fugitives, and Tacitus tells us the true cause, why Armies composed of Strangers subsist no longer than Fortune smileth upon them, but disband upon the least blow or loss, because they want affection. Th' Emperor of Constantinople having called ten thousand Turks unto his assistance, soon perceived his own folly; because they finding themselves the strongest party, would not return back again, but laid the foundation of those miseries under which they now hold that Empire. But that we go no further than France itself, which hath more endangered it, than the calling in of the English and Spaniards; and doth not every one know, that when Civil Wars have opened the Gates of a Kingdom unto Strangers, they soon fortify themselves so strongly, that they are hardly to be removed, but after long and sad Wars? It is great prudence in a Prince, not to engage in any revolt, but if he be so ill advised, as to take up Arms against his Sovereign, let him beware of calling in strangers to his assistance.   

Monsieur resolveth to join himself with Goncales de Cordove.  
MOnsieur perceiving the Spring to come on, and the time for leading Armies into the Field draw near, resolved to leave Bruxelles, and join with Dom Gonçcales de Cordove, who expected him at Treves. Before his departure, he took leave of the Infanta at a public Audience, who, after he had been reconducted by all the great Lords of the Court unto his Lodgings, sent him a Present to three Coffers, which bespoke her no less magnificence than nobleness of mind. The first was of perfumed Leather embroidered, the Lock, Key, and Arms of Gold, enameled, within were two suits very rich; the second was of crimson Velvet embroidered, filled with very fine linen; and the third was full of all sorts of sweet meats: She likewise presented him with a Suit of Arms and two handsome Horses, fit for show then use; neither was she unmindful of gratifying the chief Gentlemen of his Retinue, some with Rings, some with Diamonds, and others with Chains of Gold, having Medals of the King of Spain hanging at the ends of them. Monsieur being once departed from Brussels, made his usual speed towards Treves, whither Dom Gonçales de Cordove was advanced, with design to fall upon the Palatinate (as he pretended) and there to establish his Master's affairs, which the Swedes had much disordered; but in truth, to invade France with Monsieur which was most probable. The King of Spain had dispatched him from Court, about the beginning of January, with Commission to command the Army in the Palatinate, and Order to go into France, as an extraordinary Ambassador to endeavour some way of accommodation for the affairs of Germany; and from thence to go unto the Arch Duchess, who should give him instructions for his further procedure. Accordingly, he came to Paris, and thence went to Saint  en Lare, about mid March▪ the King being then there. His Majesty treated him with a great deal of splendour, and caused his Musquetiers to exercise before him, that he might see, how dextrous he was to imbattle an Army, and to lead them on to fight with more judgement than the ablest Commander in his Kingdom. The next thing he did, was to visit the Cardinal, by whom he was very civilly received; but having never seen him before, he thought to surprise him, and in his discourses upon the affairs of Germany, to make him swallow shadows for real substances▪ But his Eminency let him perceive that the Emperors and his Master's designs were but too well known, and that it was but a trick ●o persuade the World that the War of Germany, was a War of Religion, and not of State; so that in conclusion, he saw his devices were eluded, and that there is not any Fetch able to circumvent the prudence o● that grand Minister. Hereupon, he made no long stay at Court, his design thither being for other ends then to receive bare compliments and civilities; yet in going off, he committed one Act absolutely contrary to the custom of all Ambassadors▪ viz. his refusing of a Sword beset with Diamonds, which with the Scabbard was worth ten thousand Crowns, sent unto him from the King for a Present, showing by this Action, that having left Spain, to trouble France, he would not receive any Present which might oblige him to lessen his ill will▪ Not but that he was soon paid in his own coin, and that by the Sieur de Guron, who was the presenter of the Sword, for Dom Gonçales his Secretary, coming to him, and offering him some Present from his Master, was told, that he would not receive any thing from a Minister of Spain, who had refused the Liberalities of his Master, and that it was hard to surprise him at Paris, as at Cazal.  
After he had continued some few days in this Court, he departed towards Brussels, and from thence having received Orders from the Infanta, went towards Treves in expectation of Monsieur, who came to him about the end of May. Dom Gonçales received him with all imaginable honour, went to meet him with the Spanish Nobility, entertained him and his retinue at Supper with a great deal of splendour; and in fine, left his own lodgings unto him. Treves was the Randezvouz for the forces of Dom Gonçales, of the Comte de M●rode, of the Comte de Embden, had he not been diverted. Monsieur was in consultation with them, hoping he might carry most of their Forces into France; but they let him see how the Spaniards have not yet lost their old custom of promising much, and performing little, to such as expect relief from them. The King indeed had, by the Cardinal's persuasion, taken a good course to divert their designs, viz. by giving them work enough in Germany and the Low-countries, so to keep them off from invading their neighbours: For just at that nick of time it was, that the Hollanders by his advice, went and besieged Maestry, with so potent an Army, that the whole force of Spain and the Empire, could not possibly relieve it. Dom Gonçales found himself necessitated to draw thither, that one affair being work enough to employ his utmost force; so that Monsieur was necessitated to be satisfied with such few men as could be spared, and to dispatch the Sieur de Fargis unto Spain, there to negotiate a greater assistance; in the interim, he advanced towards Nancy, hoping to supply this defect, by the forces which he expected from the Duke of Lorraine.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is great Prudence in a Minister of State, having once discovered that the designs of a Foreign Prince, are to foment and support Revolts in his State, to cause an enemy to encounter him, that being a most infallible way to break his resolutions; for most certain it is, every one will sooner bestir himself to quench the fire which burneth his own house, then to kindle a fire in his neighbours. Prevention, and Diversion, are too great advantages in War (saith Alphonsus de Arragon) thus did the Syracusians, procure the Lacedæmonians to invade the Athenlans, whereby they might prevent their sending of succours to Nice in Sicily: Thus Hannibal advised An●iochus to go and Forage the country of Philip; to the end, that finding new work for his Forces, he might be disabled from sending them to the Romans to fight against him; and thus Avitus a Roman Captain, invaded the Country of Tentari, to hinder them from assisting the Ansibarians with their Forces. To provide great Armies for the defence of a State, and for the suppressing of an insurrection, is not all, no, there ought to be prudence, and discretion in the management of affairs, and to make a strong diversion, is as necessary as to fight well: Besides, Prudence is of so much the more advantage, in regard by such diversions it weakeneth those who revolt, reduceth them to exigencies, and inability of doing any thing considerable; and in fine, maketh them easy to be overcome, whereas without it, it would be a hard matter to secure any thing from their violence.   

The Indictment of the Marshal de Marillac.  
IT was near about this time that the Marshal de Marillac was condemned, having been imprisoned at Saint Menehoust, in the year, 1630. as hath formerly been declared. The Cardinal knew, that the punishing of great persons ought not to be precipitated, left that which is indeed the effect of Justice, be thought the hand of Revenge, whereupon he was of opinion to delay the prosecution of his Indictment for some certain time, and only to follow the usual course though the further way about, for the more ample information and instruction of his Judges: Besides, he was not ignorant, that as the highest stars are slowest in their motions; so Kings whom God hath raised above the orninary pitch of men, aught to be less active in the works of Justice, than other men. I insert this criminal in the Catalogue of great men, not in regard of his birth or the services he hath done the State; but in consideration of the employment wherewith his Majesty was pleased to honour him, which was more to avoid the Queen-mothers' importunities, then for any reward of his deserts, which could hardly have invited his Majesty to raise him unto so eminent a degree. Indeed the whole Court was astouished to see the King advance him to that dignity, openly saying, that the extortions he had used in his employments were his most remarkable actions, they accused his courage, nor could they dissemble their opinions, that such honours were not used to be conlerred on persons of his temper. The late King, H●nry le Grand, did ever slight him, nor did he ever appear at Court, but under the Queen-mothers' Regency, who had given him a Wife of one of the Daughters of a branch of the House of Medicia, before the Crown of Florence had been setlet on that family; and who besides the honour of his name, had nothing which could entitle him to any great actions. Running at the Ring war then much in fashion, where his diligence got him more credit than any fight he had ever seen. The first command he had was under Monsieur de Angoulesm, were he was Commissary of the Victuals, which he discharged so untowardly, that the King had then punished him upon divers complaints made against him, but that the Cardinal interposed in his behalf. The building of the Citadel of Verdun was the next thing entrusted to his care, but he presently fell to make such exactions upon poor men's labours, that some particulars thereof already proved, besides what is yet in dispute are prodigious. The Garrison being once established, he robbed the Soldiers, as much as the Builders; and being Lieutenant of the Country, he went on to that height, that he exacted from the Villages, whatever was necessary to be spent in his house, divers Towns paid him yearly compositions, raised by compact, that they might prevent the quartering of his Soldiers; others agreed to provide necessaries for his house, which however, for the most part, were delivered but once in kind, and then altered into sums of ready money. If any Town made the least resistance or grumbling, the inhabitants were sure to be ruined and plundered by his Soldiers, who knew they should not be called to account for it, but rather that they should be countenanced for it, by him who set them on work. This trade did he drive, and that so publicly over all the extent of his power, as if the King himself had approved thereof; neither was there want of any proof to make evident at his Trial. In the year 1627. he was employed at Rochel, where the credit he got was so little to his advantage, that the Commander de Valance, who calleth every thing by its right name, talking one day unto the King of a man without courage, openly said, that he was no more a coward than Marillac. About that very time was it, that he endeavoured by his Letters, and the designs of those of his Cabal, to sow the Seeds of discontent between the Queen-Mother and the Cardinal, which have proved so unhappy to the whole Kingdom; and he continued to foment that fire with such care and address that the sparks of it are not yet quite extinguished. During the King's abode in Italy, the Cardinal to please the Queen-Mother, procured the command of the Army in Campagne, to be conferred upon him, where he robbed the Soldiers of their very bread with such boldness, that he sometimes exacted a third, frequently a quarter, but never missed a fifth; and when he was commanded with his Forces into Italy, he delayed the time with excuses, either that he might cross the King's designs (which they of his Cabal much desired) or because he would not divide that command with another, on t'other side the Mountains, which himself enjoyed alone in Campagne; insomuch, that his Majesty's affairs had fallen into extreme disorder, had it not been for the Prudent Conduct of the Cardinal and Generals who commanded the Army in Italy. Succeeding Ages will hardly believe, that such excesses were put up so long together, especially if they compare it with preceding times, where the Marshal de Gie, descended from one of the best houses of the Kingdom, and a person entrusted with great employments under three several Kings, where the Admiral Chabot, one of the most valiant of those times, and one who governed the State with Anne de Montmorency, where the Marshal de Biez, the Chancellor Poiet, Jean de Montaign, Grand Maistre de France, Peter des Essart● & Semblance, were severally punished for the same, and yet much less crime of purloining the Treasure. But these things were all connived, at inconsideration of the Queen-mothers', whom the Cardinal would not provoke, and therefore kept those Passages from the King's ears: But at last, his seditious intrigues, together with his Brothers, and their Faction at Court, for to destroy the Cardinal, and to exasperate the Queen-Mother to that height, which they did, as appeared in the Battle at Dupes, did so provoke the King, both in regard of his base ingratitude towards the Cardinal, by whose only means it was, that he enjoyed all his Honours and Benefits from his Majesty, and also because they endeavoured to compel his Majesty to destroy the Cardinal, by whose prudent conduct the State had received such signal advantages as are not to be equalised since the memory of man, that he was at last forced to leave him in the hands of Justice, to receive the punishment of the law, for the oppressions he had committed upon the people.   

Politic Observation.  
THe Oppression of the poor, is a crime which reacheth high as heaven, and crieth for revenge unto God. The Poor have this advantage over the Rich, in exchange of the goods of fortune that God owneth them for so many particular Members of his Body, and will not suffer them who injure them to be unpunished, in regard he taketh it as acted against himself. He giveth great men power enough to defend themselves, which having denied unto the poor, himself becometh their Protector; and he strictly requireth all Kings, the lively Images of his power to do justice unto them. Upon this just ground are the Ordinances of France founded, which severely punish (like the Roman Laws) all such Governors and Commanders, as oppress the poor to satisfy their own covetousness, and our Kings have made the greatest persons of the Kingdom, the Objects of their Justice, whever they have been convicted of Tyrannical violence. What reason is there, that poor men who have enough to do to satisfy the necessities of life, who undergo great inconveniences in quartering of Soldiers, and in effect, bear the greatest but then of War, should be forced to satiate the unbounded Avarice of a Governor or General? Were not that to bury them alive, or to force them to despairs: Despairs the more dangerous, because they are a soil in which great men usually sow the Seeds of their discontents, to raise divisons, and beget civil dissensions? Is not the King more injured therein then any other whatever? Is he not truly the head of his Subjects, the heart of their lives, and fountain of their souls? Which being so, is it possible to exhaust their blood and substance, without weakening and destroying him? Besides, in case any sudden necessity befall, where shall he look for assistance? And in case of an invasion, will they not be easily engaged to a Revolt, upon hopes of more gentle usage?   

The Marshal de Marillac's Death.  
THe Marshal de Marillac's Indictment was finished with all due formality: he was first conducted to St. Menehoust, thence to V●rdun, the Theatre of his Crimes, and where the proof of them would most easity appear; from thence he was carried to the Castle of Ruel, where the King commanded judgement to be given by the Lord Keeper and 22 Judges, elected by his Majesty for their integrities and known abilities. His kindred solicited for him, as often, as many, and with what liberty they pleased. They used their utmost endeavours to engage the Judges to save his life, nay they threatened them, partly by recommendations, partly by menaces, sent from persons abroad, the most potent that could be interessed in his protection. The discussing of the Informations, Interrogatories, and Pleas by him used to save his life, too up two month's times in the Court. All the Commissaries were perfectly instructed of every proceeding, it being permitted them, to deliver the full and ample extract of all his charge and defence, unto those who solicited in his behalf. He was so favourably dealt withal, that one of the Commissaries, who had drawn up the information, was not received as Judge, nor divers others against whom he excepted, at which the King was not a little offended. It was permitted that one of the Judges who pleaded unto his fellow Brethren, nothing but reasons of lenity, and all arguments which might induce them to acquit him, was admitted to sit as Judge, though by the strictness of law he might have been excluded. The King himself proceeded with so much Clemency, that there was not any one appeared on his behalf, to solicit his condemnation; but on the contrary, his Majesty called all the Judges before him, and that he might give them free liberty to act, told them, he expected no other Justice from them, but such as they would willingly show unto his meanest subject. To be short, before they proceeded to judgement, he was twice demanded after the longest Interrogatories that ever were heard (it having lasted three whole days) if he had any thing to say for himself, unto which he answered, no. Here was as much favour and lenity shown, as possibly could have been desired, towards a person designed to be saved. But what likelihood was there to defend him, from the penalty of the Ordinance in 46. ratified in Parliament, which declareth, that whoever purloineth the Treasure, shall be punished by confiscation of Body and Goods? Upon what account could he be exempted from the penalty of the Ordinance de Blois, which commandeth that all the Heads and Members of Companies, found to have exacted moneys to avoid quartering in Houses or Villages, shall be punished with death, without hopes of pardon, with this additional clause, that though his Majesty should by his favour, or the importunity of others, be induced to pardon it, yet the Lord Keeper is prohibited to Seal it, and the Judges required not to regard it? Can the Judges possibly have eluded that Law, which toeth up the King's very Mercy? Moreover, what could they find in the Prisons, or his Crimes, which could invite them to favour him, who had not made himself considerable in any his employment, wherewith the King had honoured him, but by the extortions he had imposed on the people? Are not all Magistrates bound to employ their utmost care, in defence of the poor, who have no relief but Justice? Whereas his Robberies, accompanied with such, endless impositions, made him worthy of death, and did they not likewise oblige his Judges to be the more severe towards him? The State could not receive any loss by his death, who had never done any remarkable service for his King or Country; but who on the contrary, was the chief instrument to persuade Monsieur to come into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand. Can it with reason have been expected that the Cardinal whose services are indeed considerable enough to obtain his Majesty's pardon for any offendor, should use his power with the King to beg his pardon, who had consented and peradventure proposed to destroy him, at least promised his assisting hand in so execrable an action? Can it be denied, but that after such strong and weighty reasons, it had been injustice to afford him any favour! Whereupon, twelve of his Judges, conforming their opinions to the rigours of the Law, adjudged him worthy of death, declaring him attained and convicted of purloining the Treasure, or public extortion, exactions, falsities, counterfeits, cheats, overcharging and oppressing the King's Subjects. Two days after, viz. upon the 8th. of May, he was beheaded at la Greve, whither he was carried from Ruel.   

Politic Observation.  
HAppy is that State where the Laws are strictly observed, was the saying of an Ancient: and it ●ay truly be called Happy indeed, because the Laws inhibit any thing repugnant to the Public good, cherish  is conducing to the advantage thereof; for that the true happiness of a State consisteth in the privation of those evils which may afflict it, and in the enjoyment of those things which contribute to its advantage. When the Laws are despised, then are the people oppressed, than the Usurpation of another's Right, Disobediences, Revolts, Violences, and all the crimes which are the plague and ruin of a State are in agitation; whereas as Justice on the other side, consisting only in the due observation of Law, cutteth off these enormities, and secureth every one in th'enjoyment of those goods which Fortune hath bestowed upon him Th' Emperor Justinian writ very fully and well unto the Praetor of Lacaoni●, as is to be seen in his Institutions: A sentence indeed it is deserving to be set up wherever Kings make their usual residence, whereby they may be out in mind of the advantages which happen to a State by the due observation of the Law: All things (saith he) which pertain to the well government of a State, we ordered by the Constitutions of Kings; whereupon who so would walk wisely, shall never fail, if he propose them for the Rule of his Actions. A King is called the living Law of his Country; implying the lise he infuseth into the Laws, and that his commands do chief rend to enforce the observation of them. Whatever severity he useth in this particular, is commendable, because it is a means to secure his State from those disorders which are repugnant to the public good; and though he should be severe, he cannot possibly be though violent, because it is only in conformity to the Laws, unto which violence is absolutely contrary. It were to be wished, that a Prince would be careful to reward the services done either to his Person or State; but on the other side, he never ought to let the Laws fall into , especially those which keep the people in obedience, and which serve to secure them from oppression. Indeed to what purpose do the Laws command and enjoin punishments to be inflicted on such who infringe them, unless Justice putteth them in execution? Were not this to put Arrows into a Quiver from whence they can never be drawn. It were to make the Magistrate an  Statue, a Chimaera, which only serveth to fright people in Ballads, or to still little children, but vanish at a time of need, without effecting that for which they were established in the world.   

The Duke of Lorraine recommenceth the War.  
THe Duke of Lorraine having only made his peace with the King at Vic, with a resolution to recommence the War upon the first fair opportunity, did verily believe he had now fallen upon a fit conjuncture of time, considering how affairs then stood, and how Monsieus was inclined; whereupon he began to raise men▪ and to fortify some of his Towns. The King was fully informed of his Designs, by divers intercepted letter, the undubitable witnesses of his ill-will, and which convinced his Majesty beyond all his fair words which be sent unto the King, to keep him off from securing the Frontiers of the Kingdom. Some there were written by his Father, others by the Princess of Falsbourg, which did not only assure Monsieur of Forces in Lorraine, but withal, did seriously invite him to stick close to his Interests, and to put himself into a posture to gather the Crown of France, which they positively said would shortly fall of itself into his hands. Othersome from the Sieur de Puy-Lourens unto the Princess of Falsbourg, in which he assured her, that certain designs of great importance then contrived, were infallible. Besides that the Cardinal's penetrating sight (which pierceth into the secrets of Prince's Cabinets) had discovered all those devices from the correspondence they held in the Kingdom; his Majesty had just reason to transport his Forces into Lorraine, to to●● out that Duke, and to overrun his Countries; But the Cardinal, who never adviseth the making of a War, unless when it is impossible longer to continue peace, was opinion, That his Majesty should do well first to send the Sieur de Guro● unto him, to complain of his unjust proceed, to endeavour to dissuade him, and to make a more full discovery of his intentions, and the order he designed to prosecute. This advice pleased his Majesty wondrous well, and the Sieur de Guro● was dispatched towards the Duke, who salute him from the King hi● Master, and the● represented to him, that he could not sufficiently admire, that having made a league with his Majesty but four or five months since, wherein he positively engaged to break off all correspondence and intelligence between himself and Monsieur the King's Brother, as also the enemies of France, he should so quickly (contrary to the Agreement) solicit Monsieur to come unto Nancy, and invade the Kingdom of France, and not only so, but likewise negociate both the Emperor and the King of Spain to assist him with Forces for that end and purpose, knowing that his own would only serve to augment the glory of France. This Discourse grounded upon undeniable Truths) touched the Duke so to the quick, that he was at a nonplus neither could he allege any thing in justification of himself, but by adding new impostures, which did the more evidently declare his wicked intentions, and peradventure more to the life, than a confession of his disloyalty. But that was not the only time they discoursed together, nor were those the only reasons wherewith the Sieur de Guron endeavoured to divert him; no, he laid before him his Majesty's clemency, particularly know unto him in the Treaty of Vic, where his Majesty found him at a loss, in great distress, without hopes of relief from the House of Austria, and in a condition unable to defend himself or his State; yet would not his Majesty prosecute the advantages he then had: Then that he might somewhat terrify him, he represented to him sundry reasons to persuade him to believe, that the King would easily destroy any Forces which should invade the Kingdom; which once effected, he for his part would be exposed to an ine●●●able mine; for that his Majesty was then bound by all reasons what ever, to revenge the injuries offered unto his Crown and State. That the might well believe his Majesty having done his business both with the Spaniards in Italy, and the English at R●…, his few Forces would easily be scattered upon the first view of his Majesty's ●●dry. These reasons were so just and weighty, that a wiser Prince, and less passion 〈◊〉 against France, would easily have been persuaded to relinquish the War; But such was his blindness, and so great his vain hopes, that he could not be drawn to any thing: Not that he did then openly declare himself, but putting off his answer from day to day, delayed the time so long, until Monsieur came to enter into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand, and not so only, but continued to make warlike preparations; from whence it was easy to be seen, that he was little inclined to peace and quietness. The next thing hereupon which his Majesty did, was to command the Marshal d' Effiat to advance with his Army into Lorraine, where be intended to be in his own person; well knowing, that the presence of a Prince doth not a little encourage the Soldiery of France. His Majesty likewise ordained, that the new raised Forces should march towards the Frontiers, and there expect, until he had dispatched an Affair of great concernment, which then called him away; The securing of Calais was a thing extremely necessary, the Governor of which place had been gained by Monsieurs Cabal, and engaged to serve him and his Interests in any thing: That Town is of no small consideration, it having formerly given the English, when, and as often as they desired, an uncontrolled entrance into the Kingdom; and with them Monsieur held but too strict an intelligence at this very time. This was a disease not to be suffered to grow any older, yet the cure of it had been almost desperate to any other but the King; for Calais as it is far removed from Paris, so is it likewise more distant from Lorraine. But his Majesty, whose vigilance doth oftentimes give him great Victories, did easily endure the troubles of the Journey. He knew from his cradle it was not without great reason that an Emperor designing to represent upon the Reverse of a Medail, the means which the Roman Republic had used in conquering the Universe, contrived a Rome with wings upon its feet and hands; intimating, that Vigilance had made her Mistress of the world: In order whereunto, he never apprehended any embroil elther within or without the Kingdom, which he did not readily encounter in his own person, upon the least assurance that he might take them unproprovided, who had contrived any thing against his State or person, and thereby overcome them with less trouble, and more ease.  
The King departed then from Saint  about the beginning of May, and not long after came to Calais, where being arrived, he placed six Companies of the Regiment of Navarre in the Citadel, commanded the Sieur de Va●ance to retire himself to one of his Houses, left the Sieur de R●mbures to command it, until his Majesty should otherwise dispose of it, and having stayed two days, he departed towards Lorraine; that he might let the Duke know, his proceed had made him guilty both of Injustice and Rashness, which two things he was come to chastise by the force of his Arms.   

Politic Observation.  
GOd having constituted Kings as the Images of his Power, doth no less require them to punish any injuries committed against their Majesty, than the crimes of their Subjects. To what other end is it that they have the sword of Justice entrusted with them, unless it be as an assured testimony of the power they have to Right themselves for any injuries? He who hath so little courage as to pass them by, will soon become the object of his Neighbours scorn, every one will trample on him, and God himself being offended at his little care in preserving those stamps of his Majesty which he hath imprinted on his Forehead, will justly permit him to be despoiled of that honour which he had bestowed upon him. God hath unto private men given not other means to repel the injuries offered unto them, than the Justice of their Sovereigns, whom he hath commanded to right them; but otherwise it is with Kings, unto them he hath given power to punish those who offend them, be they of what quality soever. There is not a man above them who can arbitrate their differences, themselves are the only Judges of their own Rights, and they may lawfully take up Arms both when and as often as their Prudence and Justice shall think fit. The Primum Mobile hath no dependence on any other Orb in point of his motion; and Kings (those primary causes of a State) have no superior authority over them, to direct them in point of War. It is sufficient that they against whom they take up Arms, have given them cause so to do. Hence it is that one of the eminent'st lights of the Church calleth that War just, which is undertaken to revenge injuries: And Archidamus in Thucydides saith, Every War is just, which is made to revenge any groundless injury. Now amongst all the things which may provoke a Prince to take up Arms, that of raising Forces to invade his Kingdom, of violating Treaties, and recommencing old Quarrels, are most justifiable. The Rules of Politic Justice do not only permit a War as lawful, against them who come and besiege Towns, and commit disorders in another State; no, they are not bound to sit still in expectation of that storm, but it sufficeth to have only known & discovered their designs and malicious intentions: for otherwise it were a very great imprudence, the ablest Commanders having ever concluded it better to carry a war into his Country who designeth to invade, then to expect him in our own; In fine, The Breach of Treaties and Promises hath always been accounted highly injurious unto Princes. Gentlemen have their throats cut for breach of word, and Princes may not put it up, if it be of never so little concernment, without making war upon it, With the Spaniards indeed it is proverbial, Wind carries Words and Feathers. The wisest Politicians do tell us, That to promise in a Treaty what is not intended to be performed, is to scorn a Prince, and Homer saith, He who promiseth one thing, and intendeth another, aught to be reputed for an Enemy.   

Mounsieur entereth Lorraine in Arms.  
THe King being at Laon, was informed by a Courier from the Marshal de la Force, that Monsieur had passed by Malatour, a little Village between Verdun and Mets, and that his Forces were joined with the Duke's; and by another near the same time, that Monsieur no sooner arrived, but he began the war, having cut off a Troop of Carabines, sent by the Marshal d' Effiat in peace, the Duke being obliged to give his Majesty's Majesty's Troops free passage; and in fine, that he was entered the Kingdom in Arms. Hereupon the King advanced in ●ast towards the Army▪ which was numerous and strong the Marshal d' Effiat being arrived from Germany, and commanded the Duke de Chaune, and Marshal d' Effiat to draw together the Nobility which came to attend him upon the Frontiers. To make short, he came to Saint Monehoust the 15. of June, ready to fall with his Army upon the Duke of Lorraine, in case he offered to stir a foot, or send and Forces with Monsieur into France, but he was better advised, as it fell out, then so to do. The Marshal d' Effiat without more loss of time, presented his Army before Ponta Mousson, which so terrified the Inhabitants, that they opened their Garet without resistance: The Duke of Lorraine was no less astonished, and now beginning to foresee his ruin, desired a meeting with the Marshal d' Effiat; where he accused Monsieurs arrival at Nancy, protesting it was not by his procurement, and telling him he would give his Majesty any satisfaction or assurance of his fidelity. The Marshal acquainted his Majesty therewith, who thought it not best to pardon him a second time, without some kind of revenge, especially seeing there was no trust to be given to his promises, after so manifest a discovery of his malice and designs against France; whereupon he drew up to Vaubecourt, to enter upon Lorraine. In the mean time having Intelligence brought, that a Regiment of the Duke's Horse, commanded by the Sieur de Lenoncourt, was not far from Rowray, that he might teach him to be another time more wary, he commanded the Comte d' Alets to draw out six hundred Horse, his own Musquettiers, thirty of the Cardinal's Guard, two hundred Musquettiers of the Regiment des Guards, all mounted upon small Naggs, and to go charge them; which was effected accordingly, with such courage and success, that two hundred and fifty were left dead on the place, many wounded and taken, besides five Cornets, and store of Horses which afforded the Foot opportunity to march more to their ease. The King's loss was not great, there being only seven killed, and some few hurt, amongst whom the Duke d' Halvin, Commander of the light Horse, and the Sieur de Bouchavennes received two Pistol shots in their Arms. The Sieur de Calabre was at that time about two leagues distant, raising a Troop of Dragoons for the Duke's service, but he was hindered by thirty of the King's light horse, and as many of the Marshal at Schomberg, who by his Majesty's order charged them so home, and so suddenly, that they had not leisure to make any defence, but were all brought away Prisoners. The King in the interim advanced into Lorraine, and took divers places one after another. Bar le Duc surrendered upon the first summons, Saint Mihel did the like, into which place his Majesty entered in Triumph, accompanied by the Prisoners of Rounray, and his whole Army, to the great astonishment of the Inhabitants, who were not used to behold so great a Power. He ordained the Sieur De Nesmond to take the place of Justice in the Seat of the Sovereign Counsel of Lorraine in this City; and finding the Officers refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance, he prohibited them to exercise their Offices, and appointed others in their stead; hereby showing unto the Duke of Lorraine, that his ruin was inevitable, as often as he durst attempt any thing against France, or recede from his devoir. In earnest, I know not unto what that little Prince may be compared more fitly, then unto the earth, which may well fill the Air with exhalations, and sometimes overcast the Sun with clouds, from which not long after proceed Thunders and Hail, to destroy  she hath of beauty, and to reduce her richest Harvests unto nothing. For just thus,  hath beheld the designs of his contrivance; the preparations he hath made, and his attempts ever since his first coming to the Dukedom, must conclude his whole work hath been to raise storms, which have in the end fallen upon his own head, to his great loss, and then vanished like a cloud of Thunder.   

Politic Observation.  
NO War is just but that which is necessary, according to the opinion of the wisest Politicians: So that a Prince never ought to undertake it, but upon just considerations. War is know to be the source of all misfortunes, it filleth a State with impieties, violences; extortions, and cruelties, it destroyeth the innocent, incommodateth the rich, and pulleth away the bread out of the hands of the poor, what reason therefore to commence it, unless upon good ground, and when necessity doth even enforce it? Now of all Princes which fail of their designs in point of War none are more justly punished for their temerity, than those who build designs disproportionable to their powers; such Princes are easily reduced either to a necessity of seeing their Army cut in pieces, or of making a Peace upon dishonourable conditions. Perhaps they fancy an augmentation of credit power, and glory; but in conclusion, they are driven to exigencies and confusions, which had never befallen them, bade they but prudently remembered that the Creator of the Universe hath set bounds to all Empires; that he had before our birth's preordained, what condition we should here enjoy; that our lives and our fortunes are both limited, and that notwithstanding all our care, all our endeavours, we cannot increase the one, or protract the t'other one tittle, unless Heaven concur to favour our attempts: They find by experience, that the most active and busy drive on their ends more slowly than other men; that those men whose minds are taken up with continual broils, do often fall into the snare they had contrived for others; and that those Princes who think to be most wise and subtle in deceiving others, are commonly themselves mistaken and deluded. To conclude, they who are truly wise, do foresee at a distance what the issue of their attempts may be, and do refer the management of affairs unto their Judgement, without following the impetuousness of their emotions; they know, that who so is master of his passions, is master of his Fortune; and they imitate Caesar's Prudence, who never took the Field, until he had taken care for four things which seem to be the true foundation of Victory.  
The first whereof is, To be fully informed of an Enemy's Force, of his Advantages, and of his Wants, before he encounter with him.  
The second is, To have an Army in readiness, if possible, before he hear of it.  
The third is, To have all Provisions both of Ammunition and Victuals in a readiness.  
And the fourth is, To have all sorts of Instruments and Warlike Engines at Command.  
These were the things which gave Caesar the opportunity to prosecute his Conquests with success, and to bring great exploits to perfection, in a very small time. He who would imitate his Victories, aught to imitate the example of his Prudence, otherwise his misfortune will be as great as were his Quondam hopes of glory.   

The Duke of Lorraine sendeth to assure the King of his Service.  
IN vain do the Stars endeavour to twinkle in the Sun's presence, who ushered in by the morning, darkens them at his only sight. In vain do the great Rivers (which astonish the world by the impetuousness of their waters) endeavour to contest with the Ocean, which forceth them to pour all their store into his Bosom, as a Tribute due to his greatness: And in vain doth a petty Prince make a muster of his Forces, in presence of those of a great King, before whom he is only esteemed as a small star, which hath neither light nor lustre, when the Sun comes in view. The Duke of Lorraine was forced to confess as much, though against his Will, both in consideration of the defeat of his Forces, and loss of his Towns: In fine, he was necessitated to send the Sieur de Courtrisson to offer all sort of satisfaction unto his Majesty. The King amidst the greatest Victories, was ever wont to prefer peace before war; yet because Infidelities are a just cause of distrust, he could not believe that the Duke had any cordial intention to conclude the war, his Word and Actions being disconsonant: Whereupon be Proceeded on Wednesday June 23. to invest Nancy, and accordingly he came with his Army two days after unto Liverdun, which is only two Leagues distant from it, and sent another part of his Army within half a league from it. The Duke well perceived that the King was resolved in good earnest to chastise him for all his ill designs against France, and finding himself pressed by the near approaches of the Army, sent the Sieur de Ville, chief Gentleman of his Bedchamber, and Janin; Secretary of State, once more to offer him all manner of content, giving them likewise full liberty to treat. They testified unto his Majesty, that their Master was very much afflicted for having inconsiderately suffered himself to be engaged with Monsieur, They protested that in future he would continue immovable in his Devoir; That he would pay him the Fealty and Homage due for the Duchy of Bar; That he would inviolably adhere to the Interests of France, particularly offering to join his Forces with his, to be employed in any expedition whatever; and withal, that he would deposit part of his Towns in his Majesty's hands, as a gage of his performance. The King received them very courteously, knowing it to be more glorious to receive the submissions of his Enemies, confessing themselves vanquished, then to destroy them, despoil them, and insult upon them; and then, as if he would set no bounds to his clemency, he promised to pardon him a second time, and that he would not be against any accommodation that reasonably could be desired, provided there might be any assurance of his promises. But it being requisite to find out some other kind of security for performance of his engagement, than what had formerly been, whereby he might be deprived of the means of running any more into his former designs, his Majesty remitted them to the Cardinal to conclude the Articles of the Treaty.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough all Princes have power and riches more then enough, wherewithal to be contented, yet some there are, who pursuing their ambitious Inclinations; sooner than the Laws of Prudence, do daily engage themselves in new Designs. They seem to divert their eyes from what they possess, covetously to behold what they have not; and to quit the true and solid goods of peace, that they may obtain an uncertain vainglory in War. Their Design of growing great, feedeth them with discontents; and that they may not bound their pretensions, their minds are perpetually floating in uncertainties: Oftentimes it falleth out, that they do but ill proportion their undertake to their abilities, by which means, when they imagine themselves to be highest, they fall lowest. God (that he may punish them) seldom permits them to gather any other fruit from their desires, but trouble and vexation; and that those who endeavour to rise highest, should have the greatest falls. To conclude, a little child forsaken by his Nurse before he be well able to go alone, will not so soon fall, as an ambitious Prince in the midst of his whole Power; for the child finding himself unsupported, gins to fear, to lay hold on any thing, and not to stir a foot: But a Prince once bewitched with this Passion, being too too confident, doth inconsiderately run into every danger, attempteth things above his reach, and in fine, sheweth by woeful experience in himself, that he who feareth no man, is soon to be destroyed. Better it were that they bounded their affections, and that considering 'tis not the large extent of a Prince's Dominion which giveth him contentment, but the moderation of his desires, they would arrest those emotions and ebullitions which set them in action, and make them stoop to the Empire of Reason.   

The second Treaty of Peace with the Duke of Lorraine.  
What good success might there not be expected from this Treaty, when the Cardinal had the management of it? His courage and conduct had already extended the bounds of France, raised several Trophies to the King's glory, and acquired new Laurels to his Majesty; wherefore it was not to be doubted, but that he would a second time let the Lorrainers know, that his Master doth as well inherit the courage as the Crowns of his Predecessors, who have ever forced their Ancestors to stoop under their Arms, in despite of the House of Austria, the Supporters of their hopes, not their State; and that there was no conclusion to be made with him, without extraordinary pledges for performance of their promises. To this end tended his very first discourse, that he might presently cut off their hopes of surprising him, and destroy their designs of getting clear for a few fair words, or protestations of fidelity. Two causes there were which inclined the Deputies to receive the Law from him; First, An unavoidable necessity either of accommodation, or of ruin to their Master's affairs: And secondly, That in regard it was to be doubted▪ that in case these effects did not oblige him, he would resolve, notwithstanding all the misfortunes arrived upon him, to re-commence the War upon the first fair opportunity of time or hopes, wherewith the House of Austria entertained him. This latter was so improbable, that it could hardly sink into the Cardinal's thoughts; yet because he somewhat suspected it, he made it his main design in this Treaty to obtain such advantages for the King, that it should be altogether impossible for the Duke of Lorraine to engage himself in a third War, without his utter ruin. The meeting was at Liverdun, where after divers contests, it was at length concluded, That the Duke should deliver the Town and Castle of Stenay within six days, and within three days after the Town and Castle of Jamets', with the Arms, Ammunitions, and Victuals therein unto his Majesty, for four years' times, as gauges of his fidelity, upon condition that the said time being expired, the said places should be restored, in the same condition they then were: That during the said term of time, it should be lawful for the King to put into them what number of men he pleased; That the Inhabitants take the Oath of Allegiance unto his Majesty, and swear, not to attempt any thing contrary to his service. That the Duke should within three days surrender into the King's hands, the City and Fortress of Clermont▪ which his Majesty pretended to belong unto him, by Process of the Parliament of Paris, who had adjudged his Majesty to have the possession thereof, paying to the said Duke such a sum of money as should be agreed on by Commissioners from both parties, in recompense of the Revenue he received from thence. That the Duke should be obliged to render homage and fealty for Barr. within one year, unto the King. And as touching all differences moved, or which hereafter should be moved between them, that there should be Commissioners of either side appointed to sit at Paris,  it should please his Majesty to think fit, to make a fair end between them. It was likewise concluded, that the Duke should religiously observe and keep the five first Articles of the Treaty of Vic, which should be confirmed without any exception what ever: That be should faithfully adhere unto his Majesty's Interests: That he should join his Forces with his Majesties, and assist him to his utmost in any War : That his Majesty's Forces should have free passage through his Country: In consideration whereof, the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf, to surrender the City and Castle of Bar unto the Duke, as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel, Pont-a-Mousson, and generally  his Majesty had taken from him, to withdraw his Forces from Lorraine, and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception. The Cardinal persuaded his Majesty to confirm these conditions, which could not be well misliked, they being advantageous for the glory of France, and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them, who abusing Monsieurs name, had set the Kingdom in an uproar. And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June.  
This Treaty being thus concluded, the King went to Pont-a-Mousson, where the Cardinal de Lorraine came to meet him, and to give caution for performance of his Brother's promises; in order whereunto, Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie, Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis, who entered with their several Regiments into them; and the King surrendered what places he had lately taken in Lorraine From thence the King went to Sech●pre, whither the Duke came to wait upon him; testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent, and beseeching him to forget what was passed. The King received his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness, assuring him he should no more remember what was passed, and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter. The Duke was not backward to make many protestations, though he little intended to perform any part of them. In conclusion, his Majesty returned into France, and so to Paris, choosing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness, then of distrust, which he had however cause to return.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jealousy, especially if it be not to his disadvantage: whereas on the other side, Distrust is praiseworthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited, and where an easy Belief may breed inconveniences. It is equally bad▪ to believe no man, and to believe every man; and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect▪ so it is a sign of courage, not to fear where there is no cause of distrust. It sometimes happeneth, that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy, reduceth him to his devoir, and forceth him to relinquish his Designs: For as distrust doth extremely much disoblige the truest friends, so confidence hath such charms, that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies. men's passions are not unconquerable; sometimes clemency and bounty may effect more than force and violence. A soil, though bad of itself, and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles. yet when cultivated and manured with industry, may bring forth good grain: and spirits (though naturally deceitful and false, yet) may be reform by reason, and generous dealing. The Venetians did heretofore show a notable example hereof, when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner, who extremely much slighted them, and had sworn their ruin, they not only restored him to Liberty, but withal, made him General of the●r Armies; and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence, laid out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them. And th'emperor Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna, accused for having designed to murder him, so absolutely wrought upon him, that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service.   

Monsieur goeth into Burgogne.  
WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lorraine, Monsieur passed by with his Forces; The sight of his Majesty's Forces hindered him from making any great stay, as also from carrying the Duke of Lorrain's Troops along with him, which he intended, and was a thing very necessary, in order to his designs, because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected. From Lorraine he went into Bassigny, and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June, where they who abused his favour, and made use of his Name, published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard; it was fraught with infinite protestations of doing his Majesty service, their usual pretexts who embroil the State: As if to trouble the whole Kingdom, to besiege Towns and Cities, to oppress his Subjects, to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer, to engage the Nobility in a Revolt, were to do his Majesty service, and all this expressly against his Majesty's command and inhibition. Were not these Protestations a specious veil, wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hid the impatiency of their spirits;, when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements? That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal, with such absurd exaggerations, that they made them incredible; so true it is, that slanders of excess, and contrary to any probable appearance, make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason. Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of the Public peace, an enemy to the King and Royal Family, as they published in their Manifest, who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct, so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorraine? What probability was there to persuade the world that he would make himself Master of the State, as they endeavoured to convince unto Monsieur, who had used such great industry to cause his return into France, when he first left the Kingdom, and who never stirred towards Piedmont, until his return was certainly concluded? And in the end, he forced them to dis-own that imputation, by his persuading the King to show him so much clemency, and such extraordinary magnificence, to oblige him to a second return. What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his account? They had not any the least just ground for it, which is evident to all the world; neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular : But rather on the contrary, as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghill and Ordure, by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter; so all their slanders proclaimed against him, served only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation, which his Services and Qualities (more than humane) had acquired unto him: That I may say something touching his own particular resentment, it is most certain, his soul was more affected with compassion for France▪ then concerned for his own Interests, amidst all those Thunders, which did not much trouble him. All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his courage; all those Thunders did break themselves against the Rocks of his constancy, which seemed to have grown harder from those many blows struck against him in the course of one year: In fine, all those waves and huge Billows which threatened to overwhelm him, served only to manifest, that his services had made his favour inexpugnable.   

Politic Observation.  
IT cannot but be an unjust reward, to repay the services of a grand Minister with calumnies. If good offices do by all kinds of Justice oblige a grateful return, what reason can there then be, injuriously to attaint his honour, who employeth his whole time in his Country's good? It is faith an Ancient, a great man's misery, when he seethe himself appayed with slanders; yet notwithstanding, the most famous men of Antiquity, and those very persons from whom our Kings have received most signal services, have found themselves ingratefully rewarded. Let us a little look back into the beginning of this Monarchy, and take a view of those who have served our Kings, hardly shall we find any one whose conduct hath not been blamed, accused condemned. We have hereof laid down the reasons in other places; at present I shall insert this only, That the Favour of their Master the Benefits they receive from Him, and the Glory which they obtain by their services, are a sufficient cause to procure them hatred; so great an Empire hath Envy in the Courts of Princes. Not that this misfortune is only appropriate to this Monarchy; No, it is of longer standing, and more universal: For did not the Athenians banish Themistocles, the greatest man of his time, and one who had done them unspeakable service? Was not Coriolanus hated, accused, banished by the Romans, whom nothing but mere necessity could reduce to a sense of their fault? And how often did the Israelites rebel against Moses, who had however done so many miracles before their eyes? A thousand other examples might be produced, were the universality hereof a thing questionable. Surely a deplorable thing it is, either in respect of its injustice, it being unreasonable, that a person who hath done the State good service, should be therefore ill requited: or else in respect of the ill consequences, it being frequently seen that it begets troubles, to which only end such defamations are spread abroad. Marlius Capitolinus had no other way to raise a Sedition in R●me against Camillus, after he had secured the City from the French, who had surprised it, then by raising of scandals upon him, and endeavouring to persuade the people that he had embezzled the Public Treasure. But what? may it not I pray, in general be said, That aspersions have been the seeds of all the Revolts which ever happened in France, and that the Authors of them have seldom gotten any thing thereby, except shame, hatred, and confusion.   

Monsieur the Duke of Orleance's Entry into Burgogne.  
IT is said that Dogs do never bark so much against the Moon, as when she is at her full, and shineth brightest; and true it is, that those factious spirits which abused Monsieurs name and favour, did never spread abroad more aspersions against the Cardinal, then just when he acquired most glory by his services against the Spaniard, the English, the Dukes of Savoy and Lorraine. Every one knoweth how that their Libels were published at that very time. But as the fair star which ruleth the night, ceaseth not to prosecute her course, notwithstanding all the snarlings and barkings here beneath; so likewise this grand Minister, whose merits had raised him to the Government of affairs, and whom God seemed to have bestowed upon France, as a bright star to dissipate all those clouds, wherewith the hatred and envy of the French, endeavoured to eclipse him, did no● discontinue his Career, nor suffer the effects of his courage to be diverted, out of a sense of fear, either of the one or the other. All their attempts served only to reinforce his diligence, that he might stifle the fire in its first eruption, which was designed to burn the whole Kingdom. Monsieur was marched into France, with about two thousand Horse, Liegeois, Walloons, and Germans, commanded by the Sieur Meternie Canon of Treves, and des Granges of Liege; at first he fell into Bourgogne, because Monsieur the Montmorency's Letters, acquainted him, how the affairs of Languedoc were not yet ripe for his service, which made him resolve to spend some time there. Being advanced within four or five Leagues of Dijon, he writ unto the Mayor and Sheriffs, as also unto the Parliament, to induce them to favour his stay, and to furnish him with means for his Army's subsistence, thinking with himself, that in case they should condescend thereunto, he might quickly find some way or other to get himself into the City, and become Master thereof. But as it fell out, they were not inclined to give him that content; rather, on the contrary, having received his Letters, with great respect, they sent them all unto the King, and beseeched his Highness that he would approve of their proceed herein, to the intent that receiving his Majesty's directions, they might follow his instructions in that particular. In the mean time, they raised the whole City, and mounted their Canon, in case need should require. Whereupon a Body of Monsieurs Horse, coming up to fire the Fauxbourg Saint Nicholas; the great shot gave them so hot a welcome, that they were forced to retire with the loss of about twenty men, whom they lest upon the place, amongst whom was a certain Captain, a Liegeois, much esteemed by Monsieur, who departed the next morning. Monsieurs Forces were so nettled at this disaster, that they resolved to be revenged. In conclusion, they committed such disorders, that most part of the adjacent Villages were burned, being first of all plundered. But it was not the backwardness of Dijon which forced him to leave that Country, the Marshal de la Force, who followed him at hand, was the chief cause of his removal from those parts: For as soon as ever the King understood of Mousieurs march into France, knowing no time ought to be lost, in preventing a Revolt, and that delays may afford such person's opportunity to raise Forces, and seize upon strong places; he commanded the Marshal de la Force, to take with him about ten thousand foot and two thousand horse of the Lorraine forces, and to attend upon his motions, to prevent any further inconveniency, so that the Treaty of Liverdun being once concluded, Monsieur had but little time of rest in that Country. His Majesty likewise thought fit to send the Marshal de Schomberg upon the same design, with fifteen hundred Maistros, Gensdarmes, and Light-horse, as also nine hundred Musquetiers mounted, which himself chose out of the Regiment of his Guard; so that hating these two in his Rear, he was forced to march with the more speed. His Troops being all composed of strangers, committed great insolences, wherever they went, which thing, besides the obedience they owed unto his Majesty, obliged every little Town to stand upon their guard. Some of his Forces, attempted to seize upon about thirty or forty Mules, near Corcone; but the Inhabitants falling upon them, beat them back, and saved their Mules, but with the loss of twelve men left dead in the place, which so incensed his Highness▪ that he resolved to besiege the Town, and make them pay dearly for it: But the Bishop de Manned, whose Loyalty and Courage was well known, hearing thereof, raised a hundred Gentlemen▪ and four hundred foot, and with them got into the Town, and resolved to defend it: Whereupon, Monsieur who had no leisure to stay in any place, marched off, traversing the whole Kingdom, without any considerable thing done, until he came to Languedoc, such good order had the Cardinal taken under his Majesty's Authority.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is great Prudence, not to neglect or slight the smallest Revolts, but to cut them off in the first growth. Some are so fatally blind, as to persuade themselves, that having great Forces a small Army can hardly get any advantage upon them. But the wisest men have learned from Reason and Experience, that mean beginnings, have sometimes had dangerous ends, and that insurrections, are like Rivers, which the further they run, the more they increase their Channels, and enlarge their Banks. They are not ignorant of the instability of humane affairs, and that of all others the chances of War are most incertain. They know, that to disregard an enemy, giveth him a great advantage, for that he is thereby permitted to raise Forces, and to fortify himself; so that in conclusion, it will be as hard a task to subdue him, as at first it would have been easy to have prevented him from making the least progress in his design. One of the Pharaohs of Egypt was so inconsiderate, as to slight the Chaldeans, being thereunto persuaded by some eminent men of Tunis, who told him, that for a Prince of his birth, descended from a stem of ancient Kings, Lord of a large Country, and esteemed by every one, as the Arbitrator of War and Peace; to fear so inconsiderable an enemy, would be injurious and dishonourable to him; but he was not long unpayed, for the Chaldeans invaded his Country, assaulted his Cities, and ruin'd his Kingdom, they meeting with no opposition at all. The small esteem which those of Ninive made of their Besiegers, and the great confidence they put in their own Walls and Power, were the causes of their being taken in the midst of their mirth. There need no more but one small sparkle to kindle a great Fire, and but a small Revolt to overrun a whole Kingdom, if there be not some preventive Force used. Do we not see how the greatest Storms, begin with a little Gale of Wind; and that the greatest darknesses are Ushered in by small Clouds; so do we likewise often see, the greatest Wars to grow from little beginnings. A State is seldom without, I think, I may safely say never, some discontented persons, who would be very glad to join their forces, with those of any Revolted Prince, if they could have but a small opportunity: And some, indeed, too too many Rans●ckers, who would be extraordinary glad, to be under any protection, where they might be permitted to forage, Pillage, and Plunder. The surest remedy in such cases, is, to prevent them betimes, and to wait upon the first appearers in the field, with such power and force, that they may not have time to know where they are, and that others may not dare to stir a foot to join with them.   

Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontents.  
THe Duke of Montmorency, was the man who had engaged Monsieur to come into Languedoc, giving him to hope for great assistance in those parts, and that himself had credit and power enough to arm all that Province in his behalf. He had been much discontented from the year, 1629. when the Esleus were established of such concern, was the Creation of those new Officers unto him; for they were then impowered to impose the Contributions upon the people which formerly belonged unto the States, and especially the Governor. Who sometimes would exact a hundred thousand Livres for his own share, which loss he could ill brook, by reason he was used to make great expenses: It is true indeed, the Sieur de Emery, Intendent of the Treasuries, being sent into Languedoc to execute the Edict, about the year 1631, found a means to content him, which was to levy the said Contributions, by certain Commissioners, from whom the King should receive as great advantage as from the Esleus, and yet who should act nothing but by direction from the States, and thus had the Governor of the Province still liberty to make his usual profits: But the Marshal d'Effiat Superintendent of the Treasuries, could not approve hereof, either by reason of the disgusts which happened between them whilst they commanded the Army together in Piedmont; or else because it was not just that the Governors of Provinces, should raise such sums upon the people, already too much oppressed, and that without any benefit to the King: So that Monsieur the Montmorency's Discontent, rendered Monsieur de Emery's Proposal of accommodation of no use. Besides, he was resolved to prosecute the Office of Marshal General of his Majesty's Camps and Armies, which would have conferred upon him, almost all the Functions of Constable, which he could not obtain, upon just considerations, he having ever showed more of Courage than Prudence in his Conduct. The Refusal hereof was the more sensibly resented by him, in regard his birth and the honour his Ancestors had in being Constables, persuaded him that he deserved it. These were the chief causes of his discontents, which engaged him to revolt; whereunto may be added, his Wife's persuasions, who being an Italian born, for which and her particular merits rice Queen-Mother much honoured her, she so dealt with him, that he embraced her interests; and consequently, Monsieur who was then strictly leagued with the Queen-Mother, for to ruin the Cardinal. For most certain it is, she did very much contribute to engage him in those designs, unto which, he was of himself sufficiently inclined, having naturally more fire than earth in his temper: Besides, he verily believed, that the great acquaintances which his forefather's Governors of that Province, for a long tract of tisue, had left unto him, together with what himself had acquired, would enable him to dispose the Cities, the Nobility, the States and people, as himself pleased, whereby he might rail the whole Province as one man, and being then countenanced by Monsieur, that he might force the Cardinal, and suppress the Edict of Esleus, and to obtain for him what honours he should desire. In order to this design, he used his utmost endeavours with the Bishops and Nobility of Languedoc, to oblige them to him, well knowing, that the people are like the small stars in the Firmament, which having no particular motions of themselves, are guided by the higher Orbs. This his design succeeded according to his own wish, yet not without much detriment to his glory; it being most certain, that the readiness he met in many to embrace his Proposals, was another tye to engage him in that Revolt. His Majesty and the Cardinal had particular notice of all these Passages, it being impossible that such contrivances should long be kept secret. The Laws of Justice obliged his Majesty not to delay the punishment due to the Authors of them; but the Cardinal, considering that Sovereigns ought not to be severe in such affairs, until a trial of fair means persuade his Majesty to endeavour by the mediation of some ingenious person, to set him right again in his former duty, and not only for that reason, but because he thought it an act becoming a generous Prince, to preserve a man of his quality from a shipwreck, which had not fallen upon him, but in regard of an inconsiderate heat and fury. He gave the Archbishop of Arles, and the Sieur d'Emery instructions and orders to go to him, to tell him from his Majesty what causes he had given of suspicion, that he should have a care of himself, that if he regarded his duty, he would find it not to be lawful for a private person to order and govern the State as he should think fit, such power being only Regal: That if the good of the Province were in question, War and Rebellion were but two ill remedies to redress the grievances and disorders thereof. That if he designed to raise his Fortunes, Revolt was but an ill Foundation, and would be his infallible ruin, seeing his Majesty had hitherto o'ertopped all his neighbours, and would doubtless do the like by him,  he should begin to stir. That in conclusion his Birth did lay an obligation upon him of being loyal, seeing his Ancestors had inviolably adhered unto their King's Interests; And that he could not but injure himself, if he should eclipse the glory they had left him, by actions contrary to theirs. These Reasons were too weighty and just not to remove him from his designs, had he never so little considered of them; but discontent and passion had taken such deep root in his soul, that he had not the power to reflect on them; rather he stoutly disowned that he had any project in hand against the service and obedience which he owed unto his Majesty; yet at the same time he persisted to make sure of all such as might be useful to him in his design. Oh what blindness and strange resistance was this! But who will not then bless himself at the Cardinal's goodness, which cannot without great reluctancy, persuade his Majesty to any rigorous proceed, how just soever; who would not accept of this resistance, but induced his Majesty to give new Orders and Instructions in that particular, unto the Sieur de Sondevil, thinking perchance that he would sooner hear him then any other, because he had ever admitted him into the first place of his confidence? The King caused him fortwith to set forwards, as soon as he had received the Cardinal's directions what to say unto Monsieur de Montmorency, to dissuade him from his designs, and to keep him off from that Revolt, in which if he engaged, be would even force his Majesty to destroy him. When he arrived to him, he used all his Rhetoric, his utmost care, affection, and address, though to no purpose; his Resolution being fixed, and himself then engaged to and with divers other persons.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is dangerous to be wilfully obstinate in any Design, and to be deaf to their counsels, who by their wisdom may force the ill consequences and successes thereof. Those great men, who suffer themselves so  abound in their own sense, are commonly the causers of great evils; they beget disorders, and having fallen into any adversity, do ruin not only themselves, but their friends and partakers. Though Alexander wanted neither courage nor success, yet was he blame-worthy, for so obstinately refusing the advices of the sage Egyptians, who counselled him not to go into Babylon, for that they found by their Art he would there die: For despising their opinions, he went thither, and was there poisoned by Thessalus his Physician. Sometimes it is prudence to change resolutions, especially such as are unjust or rebellious. It is only proper to Mountains not to run backward, but it is a wise man's duty to break the course of his conduct, if evil, and to steer a contrary way, which may be more propitious; to change from bad actions to good and better, though never so often, cannot be accounted Inconstancy, neither will any wise man be so wedded to an ill design, as to persist in it. A prudent man receiveth counsel with joy, and maketh use thereof as occasion requireth, knowing it is not lightness to forsake an error once found so to be: He had much rather confess his indiscretion, then persist in it; and he knoweth that sometimes to be vanquished, is to be victorious. In fine, Stubborness is then especially inexcusable, when it engageth a man to fall off from that obedience which is due to his Sovereign. No one  may take up Arms against Prince, upon what pretence soever. God hath placed the Sword in the hands of Kings, nor may any of their subjects draw it, unless by their Prince's authority. Grandees are so much the more to be blamed for raising of troubles, by how much it is honourable for them to be makers of peace. They who raise seditions, and think to hid themselves under a pretence of the public good, do but deceive themselves; for there is not any man so simple who will believe insurrections to have been really made upon that account; and every one knows, that the first contrivers were set on work either by ambition or interests. But admit the State were in disorder, it is then no more tolerable for the Grandees of the Kingdom to give the Law unto their Sovereign, then for the members of man's body to rule and direct the Head and Heart, those chiefer parts. Marcellus who heretofore lived in Heathenish darkness, said, Good Princes are to be begged from the Gods with vows and prayers; but be they what they will, they ought to be loved, honoured, feared. This was the opinion of an Heathen. But if any Nation have less excuses for rebellion than others, it is doubtless the Christian, whom God hath both in the Old and New Testament sundry times commanded to be obedient unto Kings, to be respectful unto Superior Powers, nay patiently to suffer their very disorders and Tyrannies.   

The Duke de Montmorency redoubleth his Intrigues upon Monsieurs arrival in Languedoc.  
MOnsieur being once entered into Languedoc, the Duke of Montmorency having pre-assured him that the Nobility would generally rise, and divers strong places open their gates unto him, upon his first appearance in the field, he began to reinforce his endeavours to effect both one and tother; until than he fed the King with fair words, having sent seven Couriers to the Court one after another, and all to assure his Majesty of his Fidelity: But it was no more time to dissemble; whereupon he summoned all his Friends engaged with him, to reduce their promises into action, which was followed by several open meetings, contrary to his Majesty's Laws and Service. Monsieur by several Placards published in his own Name, and declared himself to be his Majesty's Lieutenant General, against the present Government. The Cities of Alby, Bagnols, Beziers, and Lunel, the Castles of Beaucaire and Al●ts, with divers other places of less consequence, revolted. There were seen four or five thousand Neapolitans in the Road near Narbone, sent by the Spaniard: There were many false Publications made, inveighing against the disorders of the State, only pretended so to be, whereby to raise the people. There was a practice had with many of the Prelates, Barons, and Deputies of the States, who were engaged so far, that by a Result of the States, they concluded to offer unto Monsieur that Province, with all its Dependencies, to assist him to re-establish the State in better order, and to afford him means to destroy such as opposed, of whom they made the Cardinal to be Head; and promised the Duke of Montmorency to league themselves with him, and never to forsake or fall off from his Interests; and particularly commanded, that nothing should be registered of that which had been promised unto the Sieur d' Emery, concerning the Edict for Fsleus, but that all such Acts should be void and burned. Moreover the Duke of Montmorency sent several Commissions unto divers Gentlemen, and others, in his own name, to proceed to divide the King's money in the Dioceses: At the same time he writ letters unto the Commonalty, to invite them to approve of the said Commissions, and unanimously to embrace the State's resolutions. He endeavoured to withdraw the Marquis de Fossez Governor of Montpellier, from his Majesty's service, proffering to make him Marshal of France immediately, and divers other rewards in future as was evidenced unto his Majesty by his own letters. He caused the Archbishop of Narbone, Precedent of the States, and the Sieur d'Emery to be arrested, because they had ever opposed his Designs; He not only raised all the Soldiers he could both in that and the adjacent Provinces, but also he sent one of his Domestic servants into Spain, with the Sieur de Farg●, to negotiate there for a supply of men and moneys: To conclude, he left no stone unturned which he conceived might any way contribute to advance his Designs: and had Monsieur stayed but one three weeks longer before he came thither, questionless his attempts and successes would have been more prejudicial to the State, as was conceived by all men who had any judgement in affairs of that nature. The Parliament of Tholose (which hath ever been notoriously true and faithful unto the King upon all occasions) taking notice of these his undue proceed, issued out several Inhibitions, to hinder his further progressions; First they ordained that the Substitutes of the Attorney General in all Marshalsies and Courts of Judicature, should make diligent inquiries to discover his Designs and Actions: They condemned the Result of the States, as rebellious: They prohibited any moneys to be levied, paid, or collected in the Duke of Montmorency's name: They made a Decree against all the Officers of the States, who had any way procured the said Result, enjoying them to be taken and imprisoned, that they might be brought to trial and condign punishment; and particularly, the Bishop of Alby having delivered the said place unto Monsieur, they seized upon all his Goods and Revenues, inhibiting his Tenants or Debtors to disseise them, under penalty of being accountable for it in their own names and persons: By which their generous example, they left a pattern to all other Parliaments, that they ought not to regard any man , when his Majesty's service and the public Peace is in question.   

Politic Observation.  
seeing Parliaments have only received the power of Justice from Kings, that they might preserve the obedience due unto them, and the people in their Deuce and Rights, it cannot then be doubted but they are obliged to oppose all kinds of Revolts, those known destroyers of Royal Authority: If they be deficient on such occasions, they are defective in the chiefest of their Duties: The Prince's Power is with them entrusted for preservation of the Public Peace; To what purpose then should they let it lie dormant, when the People's quiet and repose is attempted to be disturbed? In such conjunctures it is not enough that they barely keep themselves within the limits of their duties; which example may peradventure be sufficient to contain the vulgar sort in good order, but they are withal obliged to lay out their utmost endeavours and Authority entrusted with them, for the preservation of their Sovereign's power, which by Civil dissensions cannot but be very much endangered, if not totally destroyed▪ Doth not every one know, that Parliaments are living Laws, and that they have rigours and punishments in their hands, wherewith to crush any Rebellions in their Cradles? If they should be backward in restraining such disorders, were they not equally culpable with Soldiers, who refuse to fight when occasion requireth? Neither can they be guilty of this defect without ingratitude, & that in the highest degree, for that all their Honour and Power is but derivative from that of their Sovereigns. The Sun is originally clothed with that splendour which makes him shine in the eyes of all mankind, whereas the Stars twinkle not but by a light borrowed from his; so have Kings an absolute primitive power inherent in themselves, for which they are only beholding unto God: But otherwise it is with Magistrates, who upon stricter enquiry into themselves, will find, that they have not any Authority or Honour but what is dependent upon their Sovereigns; which if so, do not the Laws of gratitude, as also those of submission, enjoin them to oppose any thing which may entrench upon their Majesties and Glories? And is it not likewise true, that by upholding their Prince's Power, they preserve their own, seeing in their first Institution they were subordinate to them, and depending on their good Will and Pleasure; and that themselves cannot be continued in that Respect due to their Qualities, but by the preservation and subsistence of the Original Fountain from whence theirs first flowed. Their Princes are like their souls, from whom they receive life and being If the obedience due to a King be violated, the Authority of a Magistrate cannot then long subsist. Rivers cease to run, when their Springs are stopped: The Body ceaseth to have life or motion, when deprived of the Soul;  therefore Parliaments endeavour to preserve their Prince's Authority, they labour to sustain themselves, and their own Powers; and they destroy themselves  they forsake them.   

The King granteth a Commission to Monsieur le Prince, to Command divers Provinces in his absence.  
AS in times of Revolts there ought always especial eye to be had upon the Insurrections which a Rebellious party may make, especially in the absence of heir Sovereign. His Majesty before his removal from Paris, thought good to commit the Government of that place, and the adjacent Provinces, unto the management of some Princes of the Blood. Accordingly he dispatched his letters unto Monsieur le Prince de Conde, to empower him to command in Nivernois, Berry, Bourbon, Tourain, Poictou, Aunis, Zainctonge, Haut, and Basse, Mark, Limosin, and Auvergne, to preserve them in peace and quiet, which he entrusted with him especially, in confidence that his loyalty and zeal for his service, as also his Prudence and good Conduct, would effectually cause him to be very solicitous and diligent in preventing any troubles what ever. The Letters were accompanied with an extraordinary and unlimited power, which did a little surprise some people of small understanding, who think a King never ought to intrust so great a power with any Prince of the Blood. But indeed it was an effect, and that a very remarkable one, of the Cardinal's Prudence, who knew there is not any cause to fear the power of a Grandee, where there is any assurance of his being discreet, The Laws of Gratitude and Submission do both oblige them to oppose any thing which incroacheth upon their King's glory; and it cannot be denied but that they preserve their own in particular, by preserving their King's Authority. Whilst the Duke of Montmorency was disposing all things in order for the war, Monsieur marched into Albigieis and the Bishop delivered Alby into his hands. He rested there some time to refresh his Army, and from thence he went, leaving five hundred horse behind him, unto Carcassenne, where he held some intelligence; but having been informed of the Sieur Mangot Villarceaux his great care to preserve the Inhabitants in their duties, he passed on Beziers, and gave order for a new Fortification. From thence he designed to march to Narbone, and make sure of that place, by the help of some Intelligence which he there had, which would have been a Port at command, to have received any assistance from Spain, as likewise to retire unto, in case of necessity. But he was presently discomfited to hear that those of his party had been over pow'red by the Arch Bishop, and some other of his Majesty's servants, who under pretence of assisting him, got into the place, and so mastered it. Now the King being informed of all these proceed, The Result of the States, she Revolt of Cities, and of the inclinations of some Lords, thought his presence would be necessary about those parts; The Cardinal was of the same opinion, and assured his Majesty, that if he would undertake the trouble of the journey, all those storms would pass away in fix week's time, as it fell out accordingly. Hereupon the King concluded upon the expedition, and before he left Paris, caused the Parliament to publish a Declaration in common form, against all those who followed Monsieur, or favoured his designs, proclaiming them to be Rebels, guilty of high Treason, and Disturbers of the Public Peace; commanding all Officers to proceed against them, according to the Rigour of the Law, yet with so particular a testimony of affection unto Monsieur, that his Majesty would not have him declared guilty; but it's the Declaration published, That he would totally forgive him, if he acknowledged his error within six weeks after publication thereof. His Majesty likewise made a Declaration sent unto the Parliament of Tholose, to proclaim the Duke of Montmorency guity of high Treason, degraded from all honours and dignities, the Duchy of Montmorency extinct, and reunited in the Crown, and all his goods confiscate, enjoining the Parliament of Tholose to make his Process, and requiring all Prelates, Barons, Consuls and Deputies of any Cities, who had assisted, subscribed, or assented unto the Result of the States, to appear before the Parliament at Tholose, or the next Presidial to their dwelling houses, within fifteen days after publication thereof, to dis-own their Actions and Consents; and in case of nonobedience, to be deemed as Rebels and Traitors, degraded from all honour and dignity, prohibiting the imposing of any Taxes, by virtue of any order from the said States. Moreover, his Majesty expressly commanded the Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg, to be careful that Monsieurs levies might not draw into a Body together, but that they should fall upon them upon their first appearance. These things thus settled, he departed from Paris the eleventh of August. The very news of his march out of Paris, so encouraged his Majesty's servants, and disheartened the Rebels, that all their contrivances did forthwith begin to fall. The first thing which befell them (but which was a great good Fortune for France) was a division between their Leaders, which gave the two Mareschals a great advantage upon them: The Sieur de Puy-Laurens had been accustomed to command all who came near Monsieur, and could not now well endure that the Duke of Montmorency should issue out Orders for the carrying on of the War; whereupon there grew a great jealousy between them. Moreover the Duke d' Elboeuf being of another quality than the Duke of Montmorency. pretended to be Monsieurs Lieutenant General, which however the Duke would not admit off, in regard he was Governor of the Province where all the Tragedy was to be acted. Hereupon it being hard to make any accommodation between them, it was thought requisite to part them, and to assign every one what he should command, who being thus divided by and amongst themselves, were easily overcome by his Majesty's Forces.   

Politic Observation.  
THere is not any thing which giveth more advantage against Revolts, and in general all enemies, than the division of their Commanders and Forces; if unexpectedly they fall into this disorder, fortune is to be thanked; and if it be possible to contribute in the least thereunto, it ought the more industriously to be attempted, in regard the effect cannot but be advantageous: All great Captains have been chief solicitous of this one thing. Coriolanus warring against the Romans, destroyed the possessions of all their principal men, but saved those of the people, that so he might provoke the one against the other: Hannibal on the contrary, he preserved those of Fabius, but burned all the rest. The Thebans advised Mardonius to send great Presents to the most eminent of the Grecians, that the rest might be jealous of it: And Cleomenius the Athenian, assaulting the Fraezenians, cast certain darts into the City, with Letters fastened to them, which served to raise a sedition amongst them, in the heat whereof he fell upon them, and became Master of the City. To prevent this disorder, the wisest Politicians have ever thought it proper▪ that there should not be several Heads of an Army of equal power, unless every one so commanded in particular, that there should be only one at one time to be obeyed. We see if it he otherwise, jealousy takes place among them, and every one in particular is careful that no one obtain any advantage which may procure him greater honour than himself; insomuch that they make a difficulty to support and assist one another; so many men, so many minds: This approveth one Counsel, he another; and in this diversity of opinions, the thing commonly is left undone: Was it not to prevent this inconvenience, that the Romans, having two Consuls, would not that both together should have the marks of Sovereign authority, but that each should take his turn? Did they not also Ordain, that they should not both together command the Armies, but each in his day? And yet notwithstanding that care, some divisions happened amongst them. A well governed Army ought to be like the Body of Man, whose Members are joined and united to the Head by invisible Nerves and Arteries, which enable him to move them according as he listeth. And thus to prevent divisions, it were expedient, there were but one Head to command the motion of all the Forces, according as he shall think fit. Agesilaus King of the Lacedæmonians (though one of the greatest men of Antiquity, yet) that he might countermine Lysander, and discredit his Authority, abrogated his sentences, and acted quite contrary to his advices: And usually it happens, where there are two Commanders of an Army the one thwarts the others designs, than hatred, envy, and obstinacy, ●ri●g all things into disorder, which obstruct the carrying on of every small inconsiderable enterprise. For this cause was it, that Lycurgus one of the wisest Legislators among the Ancients ordained in his Laws that the Kings of Sparta in times of Peace, should act jointly with their Magistrates, but in War should have Sovereign authority, and that all thing should depend upon their Wills.   

Another Commission to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons.  
AS in times of revolt, and the Sovereign's absence, the insurrections which Rebels may make aught to be mistrusted his Majesty before his departure from the adjacent Provinces of Paris, gave the like power, to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons in Paris, and the Isle of France, as also over the Army in Picardy, with instructions to repair thither as occasions should require. By this means, the Provinces thereabout remained in great quiet: But that I may say somewhat concerning that Army left by his Majesty in Picardy; and in that particular, evince the Cardinal's usual prudence, I shall observe the advantages which might there by have been made in the present conjucture of affairs. It cannot be doubted, but that it was the securing of those Provinces, and the awing of such factious spirits, at were inclinable to foment the troubles; for in case the least insurrection had been, that Army had soon fallen in upon them, and buried them in their own ruins. Moreover, it was near about that time, when the leading men of the Low-countries, weary of the Spanish Tyranny, insupportable to the common people, laid the design of shaking off that yoke, and setting their Country at liberty: The had recourse unto the King, to implore his protection, and made divers overtures unto him, to enter upon the Comtez d' Artois and Flanders, which belonged to him by a just Title. But his Majesty who never approveth of Revolts in other Prince's Subjects, more than in his own, made a scruple of absolute engaging with them, or of passing his word to assist them in that design; though the Spaniards, being less religious in the observation of Treaties, and who preserve the greatness of their State, only by fomenting divisions among their neighbours, were at that very time engaged to support Monsieur in his revolt, and to furnish him with Forces for the overrunning of Languedoc. His Majesty did not totally refuse them, but kept himself in a condition of sending them forces, in case the Spaniard invaded France, as they had promised: Thus did this Army serve to keep off the Spaniards in the Bay of Languedoc from landing▪ they mistrusting to be repaid in the Low-countries, and doubting if they entered France, the French would do the like to assist those Lords who were sufficiently disposed for revolt. It is likewise true, that it served to beget such jealousy in the Spaniards, that they were forced to retain many of their Troops in the Low countries, Hainaut and Artois, which would have done them more service at Mastrich against the Dutch, whom by this means his Majesty did equally secure, as if he had sent the Marshal d'Estree with the Army, in the Country of Treves according to their own desires and proposals.   

Politic Observation.  
THough Armies for the most part are raised to fight, yet sometimes they are designed for other ends, wise Princes having oftentimes obtained great advantages by them, without striking a blow. The mere jealousy which their motion may strike into an enemy, obligeth him to stand upon his guard, who otherwise had designed to assault some place; and in case he have assaulted it, to recall some part of his Forces to prevent any attempts. This effect is not of mean consequence, because it divideth an enemy's force, and consequently, rendereth him more easy to be conquered: Whilst the Waters of a great River are all shut up in their own Channel, their torrent is more impetuous, their force the greater; and who so then indeavoureth to waft over them, runneth no small hazard; whereas if dispersed into several Rivulets; their course is more slow, their depth less, so that they are both safely and easily to be Forded: Thus an enemy's Army may sometimes be so strong, that he is to be feared, and then nothing better than to divide him, and force him to separate himself by some motions which may fill him with suspicions. How oft have Princes been compelled to stay at home in their own defence by their apprehensions of an Army appearing on their own Frontiers, just when they have been upon the point of invading their Neighbours? Besides, what Armies soever a Prince placeth on his Frontiers in times of War, they always give him this advantage of keeping his own Country in security; either as to Foreigners, who commonly make use of any pretensions about the Borders of a Country to colour their attempts; or as to the discontented persons of a Kingdom, who possibly may stir in their Prince's absence. To preserve Peace without making war, is an effect advantageous enough, and indeed a cause sufficient always to keep an Army on Foot; A thing, in my sense, of the more use, in regard War ought not to be made, but in order to Peace; and withal, it being more useful for to preserve Peace by a show of War, then by War itself, that common Usher of Fire and Sword. For this reason it is that a Prince ought not then to raise his Army, when a Foreigner is upon the point of invading his Kingdom, or when factious spirits are just ready to revolt: No, He ought to prevent both the one and the other: and the bare sight of an Army is sufficient to deter them from the boldness of any enterprise.   

The Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg charge Monsieur 's Army.  
THe Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg being arrived with part of their Forces in Languedoc, were not men of that temper, as to stand with their hands in their pockets, and to let the Rebels play their game, without defending themselves, or indeed, without assaulting them; their courage redoubled when they saw the principal Cities stand firm in his Majesty's service, and that divers chief Lords of the Country, disabused of their first impressions, gave assurance of serving his Majesty against all men. The Marshal de la Force thought it time to show himself to the Enemy; and whilst he was yet at Pont-Saint-Esprit, expecting the coming in of sundry other Troops, be deemed it proper for his Majesty's service, to send part of those he had into Vivarest to defeat those Soldiers which the Vicomte de l' Estrange had there levied; He commanded part of the Regiments de Vaubecourt, and de Saut, with four Cornets of Horse, led by the Sieur de la R●cque Massebout, to march thither; and their courages having soon transported them, they found most of the Forces in a Body near the Vicomt's quarter, who commanded them in person, and very near Privas. The Officers having called a Council of War, and considered the State of the Enemy, resolved to fall on them in their Trenches, whereto they were retired; and having made their approaches, the Combat was very hot, and the defence courageous; but after three hours' dispute, the Vicomte de l' Estrange was forced to tender himself Prisoner, and being delivered over into the Sieur de Machaults hand, a Master of Requests, was convicted, and beheaded at l' Estrange, for in example to other Rebels, and ●o oblige them, if possible, by the just rigour to return to their Duties. Not long after this defeat, the said Marshal de la Force had Intelligence that the Baron 〈◊〉 Peraut Governor of the Castle de Beautaire, and the Sieur de Rostide, Captain of the Town, wrought upon by the Duke de Montmorency, employed all their endeavours to gain the thief Inhabitants, and persuade them to receive Monsieur with his Forces: But such was the course he took, that all their attempts were to no purpose. It was impossible on the sudden to prevent Monsieurs getting ●nto the Castle, there being a particular Gate to receive any in, without passing through the City: But having instructed du Pay the King's Attorney, and la Roche chief Consul, with what they should do in their own defence against the Castle, in case it should declare itself, and that Monsieur or his should get into it; they shown such courage and good conduct, that they preserved the Town in his Majesty's obedience; and instead of furnishing them with any considerable Force, which might have much weakened the Army under his command, which he kept in a posture to fight the Enemy assembled in those parts, he thought it most proper to desire four hundred men of the Army under the command of the Marshal de Vitry in Provence, might cast themselves into the City. Mean while Monsieur gets into the Castle with store of Horse, and the Marshal de Vitry having Intelligence thereof, dispatched thither his own Regiment, who himself followed in person; and there were such strong Fortifications raised against the Castle, that it was impossible for them within it to force the City▪ without great loss to themselves. Yet such was Monsieurs courage, that the Assault was resolved; whereupon all his Forces were commanded to prepare themselves to fall on, and accordingly were disposed in order: But the Dukes de Montmorency and d' Elboeuf both there, were so exasperated by jealousies between them, that they could not resolve upon precedence: so that their strife hindered the execution of the design, and changed their assault into store of Cannon shot discharged against the City, to batter and ruin it. The Inhabitants were no whit terrified hereat, rather on the contrary, as if their fidelity had received new vigour from those violences, they resolved to undertake a Siege against the Castle: In fine, some got upon the Towers, others into the Steeple of the great Church, from whence they found a means to shoot into the Castle, which did ●ot a little disturb the Garrison; They likewise invested it on the other quarters, by the help of those Troops which the Mareschals de la Force, and de Vitry had sent unto them; so that the Garrison was much incommodated, having not Ammunitions necessary long to subsist, or to sustain a Siege. The Duke d' Elboeuf having got out, provided to send a Convoy with provision of Victuals, and Ammunition of War into the place: But the Garrisons placed by the Marshal de Vitry, both in Vartabregues and the Castle de Saint Romain, prevented his Design, having twice or thrice intercepted the Mules; and besides, the Marrescal de la Force informed that the Duke d' Elboeuf did gather together store of Ammunition at Monfrein, to clap them into the Castle, marched on the second of September from Pont-Saint-Esprit, and presently forced the Duke d' Elboeuf to retire with his Forces from those Quarters; and having commanded the Sieur de N●ualles to seize on Monfrien, upon the Governors promise to receive him, he marched into the place, and carried off all the said Ammunitions, together with the Duke d' Elboeuf's baggage, which did not a little refre●● the King's Army. This once effected, they in the Castle despaired of relief, and surrendered upon composition on the sixth of September, The courage and fidelity of the Inhabitants giving the Lie to that Proverb, Who so is Master of the Castle, will soon be Master of the City; and the King to reward them, and encourage other Cities to do the like, bestowed on them divers Favours and Privileges.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is an error to believe it impossible to preserve Cities, their Castles once taken. Divers examples have evidenced, that, as there is hardly any force equal to their courages who are stoutly resolved to defend themselves; so there is not any thing which can compel a City to surrender, when it may be fortified against the Castle, and whose Inhabitants are men of courage. The order which the Commander of such a place ought to follow, is, first to inform himself whether the people be divided, whether some party among them be not wellwishers to the Castle; and in case there be, presently to send them packing; then ought he to animate the rest, both by discourses and example, to give proofs of their fidelity: It were good that the Inhabitants did forthwith raise Barricadoes from one street to another, and place Guards to defend them. He is likewise obliged to use extraordinary diligence in raising Fortifications to secure it against the Castle, to guard the Ports, and all Avennues, with Soldiers sufficient to make good any assault against those of the Castle, in case they should attempt it. To this end, if there be not sufficient Force among the Inhabitants, trained up in the Exercises of War, he ought not to be defective in procuring them from other places; He shall do prudently, if he visit the mainguard every hour, to see that all be in a readiness. If the City be weak on any quarter, whereby it may be liable to a surprise, he ought to be dexterous in Fortifying it? and in conclusion, having once brought the place into a posture of Defence, he then ought to resolve on laying siege to the Castle: for as an assault addeth more courage to the Assailors than the Defendants, so doubtless his will show more valour, then if they were reduced to the necessity of their own proper defence. But that which I esteem most considerable, is, that those of the Castle once surrounded and besieged, date not attempt any thing upon the City, having enough to do to defend themselves: He ought so to invest the Castle, that there may be no way left for the carrying of men or provisions into it: which once brought to perfection, unless they are excellently provided, the Garrison will soon be straitened: If there be any Hill which doth command it, it were proper to raise a Battery thereon, whereby to play upon the Castle: as also to fill the highest Steeples with Soldiers, who by often shooting at them wherever they appear, may in the end tire them out. Neither is it less necessary that he have Soldiers abroad upon all Avennues, to prevent any relief; and thus the prudence of a Governor animated by his Courage, may secure a City after the loss of its Castle.   

The taking of Monsieur de Montmorency.  
THe Marshal de Schomberg who commanded his Majesties other Army, being advanced near T●olouse, sought all occasions which might afford him any means of testifying his courage: He resolved to besiege Alby, but was first obliged to relieve the City of S. Felix de Carmain, whose Castle had been surprised by four Brothers, called the Judges, then in Monsieur his service: In order whereunto, he sent thither the Marquis d' Ambres with some Forces, and himself followed with the residue of his small Army; But before his coming thither, he was acquainted how the Marquis d' Ambres, who held a particular correspondence with those four Brothers, had offered them a considerable sum of money, which they thought themselves happy in accepting of, and so to deliver up the place unto him on the first of October. Now Monsieur then upon his march to clap some Forces into the Castle, hearing of the surrender, was so much the more desirous to encounter the Marshal de Schomberg, because he it was that had deprived him of that place; as also because his Highness' Army was of the two the more numerous. He was returned from Beaucaire, having left the Duke d' Elboeuf there to secure the Castle if possible. The Duke de Montmorency was come with him, who animated him to fight; The Baron de Linieres offered himself to go and discover the state of the Marshal's Army, which that he might the more easily and securely effect, he went in he habit of a Cordelier, which only served to render him suspected, so apparent was it that he had seldom used to wear it. The two Armies met near Castelnaudery and the Marshal de Schombergh having intelligence that the Duke de Montmorency, who led Monsieurs Army, had a design to fall upon him, he acquainted the Marquis de Breze therewith, who commanded the rest of his Majesty's Army, in the quality of Marshal de Camp; and after some discourse together▪ they concluded and prepared to fight. The Marquis was the first who discovered Monsieurs Army, within two Musket shot of the way, at what time he was passing the King's Army over a little River, in the Valley. Now conceiving by the Enemy's countenance, that they designed to let him pass over a small narrow Bridge with one half of his Army, which consisted only of a thousand Horse, four Companies of his Mjesty's Regiment des Guards, and six of that of Chamblay, that they might the better fall upon the Rearguard, and break it, being in a condition not to be relieved; he gave notice to the Marshal de Schomberg, how he thought fit to pass the Army by a good passage about two thousand paces higher, by which they might get over before the Enemy could discover their intent. The Marshal approved his advice, as very judicious; and having signified as much to him, he put it in execution, and whole Army passed the Brook, before any of the Enemy advanced towards them. They presently saw the Army in Battalia within a great Meadow, and withal, to give the King's Army leave to pass, they drew off a little nearer Castelnaudary: But had they taken their stations, when the enemy in haste passed the River, who were paid in their own coin; for the Marshal de Schomberg discovering their Forlorn Hope, sent to charge them before they were all passed over; the foot made their shot, as also the enemy's, and the Horse advancing, were at first impeded by certain ditches, though the Sieurs de Loriers, and de Beauregard Champreu, found a way to pass through with twelve or fifteen of their followers: And Monsieur de Montmorency, who was advanced only to discover them, came on presently, and charged them with an hundred Gentlemen, they met with all possible courage, but with great loss on Monsieurs part; for the D. de Montmorency was wounded, the Comtes de Rieux, and de la Fucillade slain, four or five hundred slain upon the place, and amongst them the Comte de Moret; for the King's Musquetiers having discharged upon their Horse, beat them out of the Field, insomuch as Monsieur de Montmorency, was on a sudden forsaken by all, saving four or five of his followers. His courage was nevertheless so impetuous, that he was not moved at it; but on the contrary, suffering himself to be transported by an inconsiderate rashness, as if his wounds had bereft him of sense, he advanced from the place where he was, with those four or five others in his company, into the Field, where meeting the Marshal de Schombergh's company of Gendarmes, he gave and received some wounds, both of Sword and Pistol, without any more consideration of the danger he ran, then if he had been immortal: He charged up to the very Guards, and Chamblay's Regiment, where they discharged so thick on him, that his Horse being wounded in divers places, fell down, and his Master under him, by which means he was taken Prisoner by the Officers and Soldiers of the Regiment des Guards; which yet was so far from encouraging Monsieurs Army to endeavour the fetching of him off, rather on the contrary, they were so astonished at it, that they kept their stand, as if fear and grief had equally surprised them. Hereupon the Marshal de Schomberg, and the Marquis de Breze found that they were out of danger, and having discoursed some few minutes concerning the present State of affairs, they judged, that having fought so luckily, slain so many persons of quality, and taken him prisoner who was the soul of the Rebellion, it would be improper to run a second hazard; because having the person of Monsieur de Montmorency, the residue of the revolt would dissipate of itself, without necessitating the King's Forces to go fight Monsieurs Army afresh, by a straight Bridge, where but few could march together, and that within Canonshot. However they made a stand about and hour in the field, to see if the enemy would demand any thing, but perceiving them not to advance, they drew off the King's Army to the City and Suburbs of Castelnaudary, where Monsieur de Montmorency was kept for some time, until his wounds would permit him to be conducted to some place of greater security, and that his Majesty's pleasure concerning him were known.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is usual with Soldiers upon obtaining any great advantage in fight, to prosecute their Victory to the full; but a prudent General is obliged to curb in their impetuousness, and to enjoy the favours of Fortune with great moderation; The satisfaction of seeing his enemies overcome with fear, ought not to blind him, but he ought to make use of Prudence, and not to run the hazard of losing a certain Victory already obtained, in hopes of a greater, but uncertain; He who cannot be contented with an indifferent Victory, endangereth the losing of that which he hath gotten. Briefly, It is great rashness to drive an enemy to extremities; for, to reduce them to a necessity of fight, doth often expel all fear from them, filleth them with courage, raiseth up one to be as good as four, and redeems the Victory they had lost. What, but necessity made the Locrois behave themselves so courageously, that fifteen thousand of them defeated an hundred and thirty thousand of their enemies? Was it not the same necessity, as History observes, which made the Romans, when so hotly pursued by the Lacedæmonians, that they had not time to retire to their Vessels, to turn again, make a stand, fight like Lions, kill two hundred of them, and take as many Prisoners? The Consul Manlius, that not a man of his enemies might escape him, set strong Guards upon all places by which they were to retreat, but the enemy perceiving it, and knowing the impossibility of saving themselves, fell upon him, slew him, and became so furious, that they had likewise cut the rest in pieces, had they not had free liberty to retreat granted them. For this very reason it was, that the French retreating from Naples, the ablest Italians were of opinion, to let them have free liberty of departure; and which is more, if occasion were, to favour their retreat. It is always glory enough to vanquish, in what measure soever; but who so contenteth not himself, renders himself unworthy to keep the Victory he has gotten.   

The Sequel of what happened at Castelnaudary.  
THe taking of Monsieur de Montmorency, was received by Monsieurs Army as the greatest misfortune that could befall them, though it was in fine the greatest happiness that his Majesty's servants could wish for, either in regard of Monsieurs person, who (had the Engagement longer continued) could not have been kept from it; or else in regard of the Interest of France, by this means secured from the erterprises of a Faction, exposing her Natives to sundry miseries and violences. Every one attributed this accident to the Leaders of Monsieurs Army, who had too much courage, and too little conduct; and to his Soldiers, who shown no courage at all. But to omit the causes of this happy defeat, I shall say. The King received notice hereof at Lions, from whence his Majesty resolved to departed, upon the Cardinal's assuring him, that his only presence, after such an advantage, would soon reduce the whole Province of Languedoc, as accordingly it happened. Notwithstanding the satisfaction which his Majesty received from this Victory, be could not set forward, so apprehensive was he of Monsieurs state, without dispatching unto him the Sieur d' Aiguebonne to assure him of his affection; who departed upon the ninth of September, with order to tell him, that his Majesty touched with the same affection he always had for him, was ready to receive him, to entertain him favourably at Court, and to perform the contents of his last Declaration; that he should be restored to his Goods, Pensions, Annuities, and Governments, in case he would acknowledge his fault, and relinquish all his correspondencies, both at home and abroad, who had engaged him in that Revolt: that if he had rather live in any other place, his Majesty would assent thereunto, Provided it were a place free from suspicion; That he would restore the Duke d' Elboeuf, and would pardon all his Domestiques their Lives and Estates. Can more tenderness and affection towards Monsieur be wished for in the King's heart, than what was here showed, which cannot be denied to have proceeded from a bounty truly extraordinary?   

The sequel of the Negotiation with Monsieur.  
BUt that I may say something of the event of this Treaty, I shall tell you how the Sieur d' Aiguebonne coming to Monsieur, found him much discontented, not only for Monsieur de Montmorency being taken, but to see most of the Nobility of Languedoc falling off from him; which did not a little affright the Sieur de Puy-Leurens, and those of his Faction, no less solicitous of their own, than their Master's interst; who then began to misdoubt their being taken, and made objects of his Majesty's Justice; for that he was obliged to punish the whole Rebellion upon their persons, they having been the chief contrivers thereof. Neither were they less afflicted for having missed of those advantages which they fancied to obtain by the War. But on the other side, considering the preservation of life is to be preferred before all other Interests, they had already concluded, that Monsieur wanting Forces to carry on the War, should seem to desire Peace from the King, the only way to secure them from otherwise unavoidable misfortunes, and to betake them to their Arms again upon the first occasion of advantage, which might give them hopes of better success. Monsieur was the more readily inclined to follow their advice, in regard he found himself unable to prosecute the War, and reduced to a necessity of submitting to that Law which his Majesty would impose on him; so that he had already sent the Sieur de Chaudebonne towards his Majesty, to testify unto him his sorrow for having given him occasion of discontent; and to make him all sorts of Protestations of Obedience and Loyalty for the future; beseeching him to forget what was past, and by the affection wherewith he had ever honoured him, to moderate that anger he might have conceived against him for his late proceed: Withal Chaudebonne had order to beg Monsieur de Montmorency's Freedom, his re establishment in his Goods and Offices, and the like for the Duke de Bellegarde, with all other his Adherents, or the Queen-mothers'. To demand a place of Security for Monsieur, That the Queer-Mother should be recalled; That the places deposited by Monsieur de Lorraine should be restored; That a million of Livres should be granted to Monsieur, to pay off what he had borrowed from the Spaniards and the Duke of Lorraine; and that the Arrest issued out against the Lady du Fargis, should be repealed. All this had been acted before the Sieur d' Aiguibonne's Arrival; so that his coming to Monsieur was not a little welcome, all his Retinue beholding him as their Deliverer; and the Wisest among them were unable to admire the Excess of his Majesty's Bounty.   

Politic Observation  
AMongst the divers marks of , Compassion (the Mother thereof) is the most assured; it being certain, that none is solicitous to set a person indifferent to him, or against whom he hath some cause of anger, reduced to extremity. Indifferency is too stupid to excite any sentiments of grief at others sufferings; and the heat of blood and choler cause joy rather than sadness. A man from the top of some Hill beholdeth with delight his enemy's Vessel beaten by a Tempest, with his Masts already broken, and Sails torn, ready to be swallowed up by the fury of the Winds and Waves; but otherwise is he affected if the Ship contain any person who is dear unto him; at such a sight he would be wholly transported with grief, his eyes would be lifted up to Heaven, and he would presently address himself to send him assistance: In the same manner is a great Prince touched with compassion for those who relate to him, or are esteemed by him, when he sees them reduced to any deplorable condition. The Arms which they have carried against him cannot prevent such sentiments, it being most certain that true generousness never delights to behold a very enemy reduced to the utmost extremity of misfortune. A well-grounded courage will rejoice to obtain a victory against his enemy, but then he useth all means he can to comfort him in his affliction, and beareth some part of his sadness with him. Thus a noble Roman Captain, having defeated the Macedonians, began to shed tears when he saw their King brought Prisoner before him, and rising from his seat, went to receive him with all honour, as a grand person fallen by accident into such misfortune; and when he cast himself at his feet, would not suffer it, but raised him with a sense of compassion for that estate, wherein he then beheld him. In the same manner the Samnite having overthrown two Roman Consular Armies at the Furcae Caudinae, and brought them into slavery, would not enter into the City of Capua but by night, as if they would compassionately hid the confusions which they saw them suffer under the obscurity of darkness: In conclusion, pitying their distress, they restored to the Consuls their dgnities, their fasces, their Ushers, with the rest of their Train, and thus entering into Capua, both Magistrates and people came to comfort them. In the same manner, the ruin which befalleth persons of eminent quality, deserves the more pity from the greatness of their fall, and in regard their confusion is exposed not only to a family or City, but many times to all Europe.   

A Treaty of Peace with Monsieur.  
MOnsieur received these testimonies of the King's Clemency, whilst he was yet at Castelnaudary, and though his present extremity caused him to receive them with a great deal of satisfaction, yet his affection for the D. of Montmorency kept him off from concluding any thing, until he had endeavoured to obtain some assurances of his life and liberty: He seemed unto the Sieur de Aiguebonne, to be exceeding sensible of his Majesty's goodness, beseeching him to assure his Majesty that he was very sorry for having offended him; that he was firmly resolved to render him all manner of obedience for the future, and never to thwart his pleasure: In brief, he desired him to beseech his Majesty in his behalf, as himself most humbly did, to grant, according to his usual clemency, those graces he had already requested by Chaudebonne, particulary in the behalf of the D. of Montmorency. That he respectfully accepted his Majesty's offers, but that, adding that one favour to the person who he loved, and one who had not engaged but for his sake, he should be infinitely much more obliged, and that he would then go any whither where his Majesty should think fit. The Sieur de Aiguebonne, returned with this answer of Monsieurs to the King, being yet at Pont-Saint Esprit, but there had been a return made thereunto by Chaudebonne, who had set forward the day before; by whom his Majesty writ to Monsieur that he could not grant him any other thing that what had already been proposed to the Sieur de Aiguebonne, and conjured him to accept of them without making other pretensions, his demands being neither agreeable to his Majesty's dignity, the good of the State, nor his own proper interest. Now Chaudebonne returning with this Letter to Monsieur, his Highness was not a little troubled to see the difficulty of delivering the D. de Montmorency from the danger wherein he was; but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, not forgetful of those jealousies which had been between them, was solicitous to extinguish those thoughts, and pressed Monsieur to withdraw himself from the Precipice, by laying before him the obsolute necessities, as his affairs then stood, either of ruin or accommodation; neither did he much care, as every one observed, to let the D●de Montmorency to be cast away, provided himself might be safe from shipwreck. Monsieur however could not be so soon induced to that resolution, though he was somewhat staggered, but sent Chaudebonne a second time, to make new instances upon his first Propositions and then retired into Beziers with part of his Forces, which, however quartered thereabouts, but neither the Governor nor Inhabitants would permit them to enter. This was the cause that he made no long stay there, but departed on the twentieth of September before four in the morning by torchlight, having received an Alarm that the King's Army commanded by the Marshals de Vitry, and de la Force were making their approaches to besiege him. Mean while the King removed from Pont-Saint Esprit, and came to Nismes, where Chaudebonne, who but three days before, had returned towards Monsieur, came again to meet his Majesty, and reinforce the former Propositions, and more especially to procure that the favour which his Majesty granted unto Monsieur might be extended unto all of his party. But his Majesty persisted in admitting of no other conditions, whereupon Chaudebonne gave some hopes that Monsieur might be persuaded to submit, in case any one went to treat with him from his Majesty, for that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was labouring to persuade him thereunto. By this his Highness was reduced to such extremity, that he knew not well where to make any sure retreat, his forces being many of them disbanded, and those of Beziers itself, now in his Majesty's obedience, and who, after his departure from them, had made fresh protestations of fidelity to him, refused to receive him; and in conclusion, had not admitted him at all but by order from his Majesty, who commanded them to receive him, but with his Train only, and to render him all the honour due to his quality. The King approved of the overture, and seeing Monsieur was at Beziers, sent unto him the Sieur de Bullion Superintendent of the Treasury, and the marquis de Fossez, Governor of Montpellier, but without any other conditions than those, proposed by the Sieur de Aiguebonne: At their first arrival Monsieur declared, that he could not resolve to abandon the D of Montmorency, who had not engaged himself in that War but for his sake, no more than the rest of his adherents; that for any thing else he was unalterably fixed to render all obedience and service to his Majesty. They replied, that indeed such sentiments could not but be commendable, neither could they proceed from any thing beside the goodness of his nature; and beseeched his Highness to consider, that if he had any interest in their concerns, the King had incomparably much more reason not to capitulate at all with him, or to grant, by way of compulsion, any grace to such Rebellious Subjects, who had deferved the most rigorous chastizements of his Justice. They represented to him, that capitulations ought not to be made but between Sovereigns, and that Princes though of his quality, had no other way to obtain grace, but by submission and acknowledgement of their faults; that he might reasonably expect any favour from his Majesty's goodness, seeing, his Majesty had of his own mere motion, and that before any overtures made by him unto him to obtain his favour, sent to invite him; that after all this, to mistrust his Clemency would be injurious; that for their parts they could not ensure him of any favour for the D. de Montmorency. or any other his Domestics, having no order but the former; but that they might safely tell him, that in case it should stand with his Majesty's service, to extend his favour towards all those whom his Highness desired, his own innate Clemency would invite him thereunto; that in fine, his Majesty was doubtless obliged to inflict some exemplary punishment upon the chief Authors of that Revolt, as a thing necessary to secure the tranquillity of the State, to maintain his Majesty's authority, to deter others, and to chastise this Rebellion, which of itself compelled his Majesty to execute some justice, unless he would render himself culpable against his own estate. These reasons were urged with such address, moderation, and prudence, that Monsieur was from that time, almost absolutely resolved to submit himself unto his Majesty's Will, yet some time he desired to consider of it; which was in effect, that he might the better confer with the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, who finding no other way left then that of accommodation whereby to secure himself from the danger he was in, induced Monsieur to resolve to treat; he alleged to him that he ought to make the less difficulty of it, in regard he might afterwards take his own advantage, and put himself in a condition to obtain more advantageous terms; and in fine, he acquainted the Sieur de Bullion, and the marquis de Fossez with Monsieurs resolution; they took his word, and the Articles of accommodation were concluded, by which Monsieur acknowledging his fault beseeched his Majesty:  
First, That he would forget and forgive him: He promised his Majesty to relapse no more; that he would relinquish all intelligences with Foreigners, and with the Queen-Mother, during her abode out of the Kingdom, contrary to his Majesties Will.  
That he would dwell in such place as his Majesty would prescribe, and live like a true Brother and Subject.  
Moreover, Monsieur obliged himself not to take any part in their Interest who were engaged with him; nor complain, if at any time the King should bring them to condign punishment.  
To receive such persons as his Majesty should nominate into the Offices which should at any time become vacant in his family; and to remove such as should be disagreeable to his Majesty.  
Briefly, It was agreed that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, having been the chief Agent of those evil Counsels, which had engaged Monsieur in the War, should be obliged sincerely to inform his Majesty of what ever had been negotiated for the time past, by which the State might receive any prejudice, and that under penalty of being reputed Criminal, and to have incurred his Majesty's displeasure.  
These were the chief Articles whereunto Monsieur consented, an assured testimony they were of his natural inclination to live quietly and submissly: They were signed by him for his Majesty's greater assurance; and thereupon the Sieurs de Bullion and Fossex, promised him in his Majesty behalf, that his Majesty should receive him into his favour, establish him in all his goods and pensions; give him liberty to live peaceably in such of his houses, as should be thought fit, and that a pardon should be granted to Monsieur de Elboeuf, and all others then residing near his person, without engaging any thing for the rest.  
His Majesty received these Articles by the marquis de Fossez, and accordingly ratified them; and thus was this desired agreement concluded, which every one considered as one of the most certain foundations of France its happiness. Nothing was discoursed of but Peace: the King permitted the strangers six days time to march out of France by Roussillon, who scattering themselves abroad from one Coast to another, received the same entertainment from the Country people as they had before offered unto them. Monsieur retired to his house of Champigzy near Tours, seemed to be satisfied in his very soul, and withal writ several Letters to the Cardinal full of affectionate expressions, disowning those aspersions published against him under his name, assuring him, that he had never consented to them in a though, and that in his greatest Passion he had ever much esteem for him, not only in regard of his loyalty towards the King, but also for his eminent virtues, and the great services he had done the State. And thus every one saw an agreeable calm succeed that storm wherewith France had been so much agitated.   

Politic Observation.  
AS Kings are obliged to chastise some of the chief Authors of a revolt, as shall hereafter be declared, so ought they readily to pardon the rest, Caesar was more esteemed for his easy condiscension to be reconciled to his enemies, that Hannibal for his harsh courage. It was his usual saying, that nothing was less proper for those who aspired unto great things, than wilfully to persist in enmities, which oftentimes cause those forces, which were designed for great achievements, to be made use of in a man's own defence, and to secure him for the ambushments of his enemies. Clemency ought to shut a Sovereign's eyes, that he may no more behold their faults, who beg his favour in matters of revolt, having first laid by some of the chief, for example's sake. And is it not then a generous revenge to pardon a man already overcome, especially if he be of the same blood? Pardon is sometimes as difficult to be supported by Grandees, as the confusion of a defeat; some have chosen rather to perish then to beg it. Withal, a King is so far from receiving any detriment in his government by granting it, the rather on the contrary, Clemency is a spell which charmeth every one to love him; it is one of the strongest Pillars of his State, besides the glory which it carries with it, whose splendour is not small, generosity having no stamp more venerable than Clemency. And Experience evidenceth, that all good courages have a natural sweetness to cure wounds, without leaving any scars behind them. The Herb, called by Homer, Nepenthe, presented to Helen by the Queen of Egypt, was much esteemed of for the allaying of all griefs, for causing an oblivion of offences, and for restoring the same sentiments of affection, which had been before the breach of friendship. The Grecians were esteemed very wise, who, when they could find no other expedient to redress the many crimes, during the time of the thirty Tyrants, published a Decree by them called the Amnesty, commanding they should all be buried in Oblivion; and the valiant Scipio took the same course with his revolted Soldiers, telling them, he desired Oblivion might efface their fault, and in case that could not do it, it might at least be smothered in silence, to the intent it might not be cast in their teeth. All that Princes have to consider in communicating the effects of their Clemency, is, so to pardon, that they leave neither the courage nor the liberty of relapsing into a second fault, by making sure of those who may occasion it. Those who humble themselves, they ought to set free from the rigours of their justice; yet the favours they grant aught to be managed with such prudence, that whilst they forget those crimes which they pardon, the other may forget their ways of offending them.   

The Cities of Languedoc, return to their Obedience.  
AS a Tempest usually giveth place to the Sun so divers the revolted Cities of Languedoc, upon his Majesty's approach to their Province, returned to their obedience; and among others, Bagnols, Alby, Lunel, Villenene, Maguelonne, Frontignac and Beziers. But the Calm did entirely manifest itself, after Monsieurs accommodation had been signed and confirmed, every one then returning to his duty; yet because the Peace of that Province, and the people's safety were necessarily to be secured, his Majesty commanded, that Brescon, the Castle of Pezenas, the Citadel of Beziers, and divers other places should be erazed; which not being any Frontiers, could only serve for a retreat to Rebels: Withal, he gave Commission to the Sieur de Muchaut, Master of the Requests, assisted by the Marquis de Tavannes, Marshal of his Camps and Armies, to chastise divers partakers of that Rebellion, both in their persons, and the razure of their Castles. And in conclusion, that he might draw a general acknowledgement of the Rebellions committed by those of that Province, and leave some better settlement behind him, he assembled the Estates at Beziers, upon the first of October, the next day the Session began, himself being personally present. He appeareth with that splendour wherewith he is usually environed when he sitteth in his Throne of Justice, being accompanied by the Cardinals, Princes, Dukes, and Peers, Marshals of France, and other Lords attending him The first sitting of the Court was in his Majesty's presence, and the Keeper of the Seals, having represented to the Bishops, Gentlemen, and other Deputies there present, how heinous the crime of Rebellion, which they had committed in the late Commotions, was, he was most humbly beseeched by the Archbishop of Narbone their Speaker, that he would pardon the whole Province; in whose name he promised him a most inviolable fidelity. Whereupon, the King that he might fully make to appear the effects of his Clemency, not only pardoned them, but suppressed the Esleus, and confirmed their privileges; yet, he made a new order for the imposition of moneys, which were at any time to be levied in their Province.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is not enough to beat Rebels out of the field, and to force them to their houses; a Sovereign is moreover obliged to establish such an Order in the Province where the Rebellion hath been, that it remain not exposed to the danger of a second storm, after he shall withdraw himself. He ought judiciously to imitate the Prudent Physician, who having raised his Patient out his bed, indeavoureth to re-establish his temper, and to restore him to such a condition of health that he may not fear a relapse. It would be a great rashness to punish all that are guilty; so to do, would assuredly raise a greater revolt, and which instead of troubling one single Province, might endanger the whole Kingdom. It is indeed proper to assemble some of them, that he may receive and acknowledgement of their crimes, their submissions, and their repentance; that once past, his Clemency ought to pardon the multitude, his Justice having reserved some of the Ringleaders for exemplary punishment. Thus Aristides having received intelligence in the War, how some the noblest of the Athenians, finding themselves oppressed by poverty, and discontented to see themselves deprived of that Authority they had formerly enjoyed in them management of affairs, had conspired against the people, and resolved to deliver the Commonwealth into the hands of the Barbarians, rather than live in the estate whereunto they were then reduced, satisfied himself with causing eight of the principle to be taken to punishment, and exhorted the rest to behave themselves with such courage, that their generousness might efface the memory of so ignominious and enterprise; which one thing wrought more effectually with them, then if he had severely punished them. It is only fit for inferior Judges to raise informations against all the particular accessaries to a crime: Kings, who Clemency maketh far more glorious than Severity, aught to wink at the disorders of the multitude, seeing they had not engaged in a Rebellion, but by the Artifice of the chief men of the Province, who are more in fault on, but by the Artifice of the chief men of the Province, who are more in fault then all the rest. I will moreover add, that it were proper they did a little sweeten those Orders which clash with the people's sense, and which have served for a pretence to their Rebellion; for it is exceeding dangerous to be obstinately resolute in any thing that goes against the hair of the multitude; not that I should think it Prudence to admit of what ever they desire, that were too base a condescension, and would embolden them too too much; a mean aught to be used, and a more pleasing way to obtain the same ends. The highest point of discretion consisteth in acquiring the end we propose, by such wind as may best convey us to it, though it be the further way about; and the greatest Triumph of reason seemeth sometimes to yield to Time and Necessity, and to sit still with effecting, though not all we would, yet what we may without exasperating the people. A King may lawfully, without all peradventure, establish that which is right, and which carrieth with it any advantage to the public, but Prudence ought to precede all his Decrees, and he ought to be careful that there happen not at any time more evil than good by his commands.   

The Requests of divers Lords for Monsieur de Montmorency, his life and liberty.  
ALthough his Majesty had pardoned the common fry, yet the Duke of Montmorency being their chief Ringleader, there was small likelihood of passing by his Delinquency, without due punishment, unless it were purposely to give all other Governors free liberty to rebel as often as they pleased, considering how it was by the chance of War, and his own only rashness, that he fell into the hands of his Majesty's Officers. For this reason it was, that the King commanded him to be carried to Tholose (whither his Majesty came not long after) imprisoned in the Town-House, and sent a particular Commission to the Parliament to prosecute his Indictment against him. He was examined, witnesses produced face to face, according to course, neither was there any great difficulty in proving such things as made him guilty of death; he having been taken with his Sword in his hand, against the King, as himself confessed (adding with tears in his eyes, as is usual with all persons of quality, when they find themselves convicted; That if it would please his Majesty to pardon him his life, he would not desire to obtain it unless to lay it out in his service, and that he might expiate part of his Crimes, with his Blood. Sundry persons of quality, and amongst others, the Princess of Conde his sister; the Cardinal de la Valette, and the Dukes d' Espernon, and de Cheureuse, were very earnest with the King to obtain his pardon, and Monsieur himself sent the Sieur de Lavaupot, to cast himself at his Majesty's feet, and to Petition in his behalf. But what likelihood was there, of passing by so heinous an offence without chastizing it? What reason was there to give life unto him, who had endeavoured to raise all the Grandees in the Kingdom, with whom he had the least acquaintance, who had used his utmost to engage one of the chief Provinces of the Kingdom in a Rebellion, who had induced Monsieur to march in Arms through all France, that he might the better countenance his designs, who had introduced the Spaniard, who had had the boldness to procure the States of the Province to authorise his Rebellion, who had raised all the Soldiers he possibly could against the King: briefly, who had left no stone unturned which might any ways contribute to the advancement of his pernicious designs? What reason can there be alleged sufficient to excuse such a crime? It was not a fault committed by mistake, or rashly, but a designed contrivance deliberated and discussed; for the effecting whereof, he had bend all his wits, and set all his Engines on work, for above seven or eight months together. His name was indeed honourable, in regard of his Ancestors, but he deserved no honour for having been deficient in following the Copies of their Loyalty, was his family illustrious, his Crime was of the greater consequence and the more dangerous for persons of his quality, especially such as had raised great advantages by the favours conferred upon them, and the punishment of his offence ought to be exemplary, to warn the Nobility to contain themselves within the bounds of their duties, and within the limits of fear of his Majesty's Justice. He had indeed done his Majesty service in two or three occasions, but not such as were any way considerable, with that of this his attempt, which struck at the root of the Kingdom, which forced the people from their obedience, which tended to the destruction of his Majesty's authority, and the ruin of his Subjects. What would strangers have said at the report of such excessive Clemency, far different from those prudent severities which themselves frequently exemplify unto us, upon the least commotions in their own Countries? Had it not been a wilful blindness in matters of State, and the establishment of the public quiet to have suffered such a Rebellion to pass unpunished? To say truth, he must have no longer been a King, had he tied up the hands of Justice, and hindered her from prosecuting those Orders prescribed by the Laws on such occasions. Thus the Marshal de Chastillon, going to wait upon the King, with intent to join his request with others in his behalf told him, that the countenance and eyes of those who supplicated him, did sufficiently declare, that his Majesty would oblige very many persons, if it would please him to pardon Monsieur de Montmorency's life, but was answered with a Prudence well-becoming his Majesty that he should not be King, if his sentiments were such as those of private men.   

Politic Observation.  
A King would render himself much blame-worthy towards his State, if in all his actions he did not regard the public good, before the satisfaction of divers persons. Good Emperors even according to the opinion of the most eminent Lights of the Church, have preferred the State before their Fathers or children; and indeed of such consideration ought it to be unto them, seeing they are obliged not to give way to their own wills, when they desire any thing in prejudice thereof. Were it not a madness to expose all the Souls in a Vessel to th' hazard of Shipwreck, by endeavouring to save one particular man? Seeing the very life of a King ought not by himself to be considered, when as the public good is in agitation, of what weight then ought another's life be to him? The object of Princes is the civil good, and is folded up in that of the people in general. No one can doubt▪ but that it is for the interest and advantage of the people, to prefer the common good, before that of any particular man, who hath run into any heinous offences. So the Laws have more regard to the safety of all, then of any one criminal, and that Prince who being obliged to propose to himself the Laws for a guide of his Actions, will commit a manifest oversight, if he dotq●not follow the like example. He deserveth not to wear the Crown, if he permit the oppression of his Subjects, and the Revolt of others to go unpunished; God Almighty having entrusted the Sword of Justice in his hands, that he might preserve them in obedience and defend them from oppressions. Kingdoms (saith Plato) are then well governed, when the guilty are punished. The Lawyer saith, that the chiefest care which a Governor of a Province ought to have, is to dreseree Peace; to which end, he must purge the Country of those who are likely to create troubles, by punishing them according to their demerits; in a word, private men propose the well-ordering of their families, for the end of heir business, and so ought Kings to prefer nothing before the good of their Kingdoms. It is the property of private men, to be solicitous of private concernments, and it is the duty of a King to regard nothing in regard of the public good.   

Mosieur de Montmorency's Death.  
THese were the just considerations which moved the Parliament of Tholose, after process made against him withal legal proceed, to condemn him to be beheaded by their sentence of the 30. October. But before I proceed to the execution, I cannot but observe the Fortitude and Piety wherewith he received his death. The Cardinal de la Valette, foreseeing no probability of saving him, beseeched the King would be pleased to allow him a Confessor, the better to dispose him to receive with submission the sentence of the Parliament. His Majesty was easily entreated to admit thereof, being glad to contribute any thing towards the saving of his Soul, by making his body an example of Rebellion, which favour although it be not usually granted to persons indicted, before their sentence be passed, yet his Majesty gave oder to the Marshal de Breze, to conduct Father Arnoux, Superior of the Jesuits, particularly desired by the Duke of Montmorency, and to charge him to assist him, day and night, for so long time, as he should thing fit and requite for his consoation. The Father went to him, and found that God bestowed may Graces upon him, in order to his well-dying; to which end, he desired to make a general Confession. One thing did somewhat trouble him, which was this, he believed that to acquit himself of this pious duty; there would be longer time required, then was probably left for him; he supposing, as accordingly it was that they had resolved to sentence him the next morning whereupon he earnestly conjured the Father Arnoux, and the Sieur de Launay to go and acquaint his Majesty that he beseeched him to bestow the next whole morning upon him, that he might the more deliberately and without molestation, look back into his Conscience, that he might make such a Confession, as might cause him to die without inquietude of mind, and that he should take this for one of the greatest favours he had ever received from him. The King condescended thereunto, and his Piety being no less resplendent than his Justice, he readily granted him that liberty, commanding, that the sentencing of him should be deferred for one day; and also permitting him to communicate, although contrary to the use for persons in his condition. He ended those holy duties, which once passed over, he employed the afternoon in making his Will, according as his Majesty had permitted him, wherein he bequeathed unto Monsieur the Cardinal, one esteemed for the rarest piece of France, being a Picture, representing Saint Sebastian dying, and beseeched him to believe that he died his servant. The morning following, he was called unto the Palace to be examined at the Bar where be answered unto all Interrogations, such submission and generousness, that he discovered no other fear of death, but with what is natural to the greatest courages; and at the same time that he went out of the grand Chamber, the whole Court (the Lord Keeper being Precedent) condemned him to be beheaded in the place du Salin, as guilty of High Treason, in the highest degree. The Sentence was pronounced to him with the usual forms of Justice, which when he heard he told the Commissaries, how he thanked them, and the whole Company, beseeching them to tell them in his behalf, that he received the Judgement from the King's Justice, as a sentence of Mercy from God. After this, his thoughts were altogether taken up, in disposing of himself to die like a Christian. And having showed all imaginable proofs of so dying, he was executed in the Court of the Townhouse where his Majesty commanded it to be performed, though he was not entreated to bestow that last favour upon him.   

Politic Observation.  
TO pardon every one, is a cruelty more dangerous then to pardon no one; this only injureth the nocent, but that the innocent, seeing it exposeth all men to great misfortunes. This only destroyeth particular families, whereas that is commonly the occasion of the breaking out again of civil Wars, which were thought to have been quite extinguished by Clemency, but do then endanger the absolute ruin of a whole Kingdom, by their second eruptions. Now amongst those many which deserve to be chastised, the chief heads of a Revolt, aught to be punished much rather than the hands and feet, which were but accessaries thereunto: It is the order prescribed by Justice, and in effect, it is more equitable to punish those who are the original and true causes of evil, than those who could hardly defend themselves from following their violent motions. The greatness of their qualities may not privilege them from the punishment due to the heinousness of their Crimes, although the faults of common mean persons are usually pardoned by the too too great indulgence of Magistrates. On the contrary, if at any time Ambition transporteth them into seditions, it likewise rendereth, them much more culpable, and consequently more deserving of punishment, than the least and most obscure persons of the Kingdom. Their lapses are not only equal and liable to the inflictions provided for other Subjects; but they are the more notorious, by how much their quality is more conspicuous, because their exorbitances are of a more dangerous consequence. Every one is more concerned at the Eclipses of the Sun, than those of other Stars, because such are commonly attended by sad events; so the crimes of the chief leading men in a Nation, are more to be regarded, because their effects are more to be feared then those of private men. The revolt of a mean Gentleman, is seldom capable to raise any great troubles in a Kingdom, but that of a Governor of a Province, or some chief person in the State cannot happen, without carrying great misfortunes along with it.  
It is great Prudence in such occasions, to follow the council, give by Thrasibulus to Periander, who sent his Ambassadors to him, desiring to be informed how he might happily govern his State: He carried them out into a large field, and discoursing to them of things indifferent, he cut of the highest ears of Corn, and then told them they should acquaint their Master, with what they had seen him do, and how that was the best advice he could give him: Periander understood the meaning, and well concluded, that the only means to rule in quiet, was to cut off their heads, who might any ways trouble the State, and that Prince who followeth not this Rule, when Justice requireth it, shall quickly find himself necessitated to sustain the inconveniences of a Civil War. He who cherisheth that Serpent which hath formerly stung him, exposeth himself to the danger of a second wound; and that Prince who once pardoneth the Ringleader of a Rebellion, giveth life to a man, who may in time find an opportunity to raise a second and more dangerous revolt, because he may then better provide in prevension of those evils which caused his first ruin, whereas him death were a Quietus est. In a word, a Prince cannot but be commended for sacrificing the life of a Rebel, to the quiet of his State.   

A Design to surprise the Duchess d' Esguillon.  
THe news of Monsieur the Montmorency's taking, being brought to Brussels, the Queen-Mother and Spaniards, received it with no less sorrow than astonishment; concluding, that seeing the strongest Pillar of the Rebellion by them raised in France, was surprised and carried to a place, where he was only in a condition of suffering, the whole contrivance which they had so finely spun to force the King to stoop unto their Wills, would now vanish into nothing. The Queen-Mother in particular, who had ever a great kindness for the Duke of Montmorency, was in great fear for him, lest the King should make him the object of his Justice, for an example to others, as he had well deserved. But Father Chanteloupe, who never wanteth remedies, at least imaginary ones, for all accidents, which do never so little provoke the Queen-mothers' passion, knowing that in women's affairs, a Man is ever acceptable to them, in case he do but soothe them in their affections, advised to surprise Madam de Combalet, and to bring her away to Brussels; assuring themselves, that having that Lady in their hands, who being the Cardinal's Niece, and endued with such qualities, as rendered her not only the most amiable, but the most deserving person of the Court, was the object of his affections, that grand Minister would be compelled to obtain his pardon, for very fear lest she might find some harsh usage, in case they should put him to death. I may safely say, that the important services of this favourable Genius, aught to have hindered the Queen-Mother, who knew him better than any other person whatever, from consenting to so unjust a design when it was first proposed, for that consideration alone, aught to have been an inviolable security to all his relations. But I will only say, the merit of that Lady was sufficient of itself, to oblige her to punish the Authors of such rash Counsels, seeing she is the Ornament and Glory of the Court, the honour of her Sex, a miracle of Virtues, and replenished with exemplary Piety, not precise or disagreeable, but attractive and taking; that she doth (as it were) force a respective love in the Souls of all who behold the many Graces wherewith Heaven hath enriched her. But what reason was there, or indeed what reason could there be alleged to expiate the Duke the Montmorency's Crimes of Rebellion, upon a person whose acquired Virtues and innate Graces did oblige all Mankind to pay her all imaginable honour and respect? Yet Passion having no eyes to behold any truth which thwarts it; the Queen-Mother approved of Chanteloup's design, thought good to command the execution thereof at Beçançon, writ unto sundry Gentlemen whom she entrusted, to assist the attempt, and took care that for the safer bringing her away, horses should be laid ready upon the Road between Brussels and Paris. But God who is pleased to defend Justice, and willingly protecteth such as are by him endued with any extraordinary qualities, discovered the Plot by one Rowre, one of the chief Conspirators, who acquainted Madam de Combalet with the whole contrivance; and moreover, furnished her with the means of taking nine principal Agents therein, by the Chevalier du G●●t, who were all carried to the Bastille. It was not long before there were Commissioners appointed for their Examination, and their design being proved, by many undeniable testimonies, they could not have escaped the reward due to such crimes, had not Madam de Combalet, of her own good nature, whose charity shineth among her other virtues, hindered the execution, by her humble Petition unto the King. It was satisfaction enough for her, that she was safe from the danger, and she was more solicitous of rewarding Rowre, who had been instrumental in her escape, then of causiing them to be punished who would have acted so outrageous a violence.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough besides the injustice, it be an impudent boldness, to injure Ladies of Quality and Honour, their Sex and Merit having ever secured them from all outrages, even in the hottest times of War, yet they receive no little glory by pardoning such rudeness, if any be offered unto them. It is not the same thing in matter of forgiving wrongs, between private persons and Princes, the latter being often obliged to follow the rigour of the Laws for the good of his State; whereas it is always honourable for the former to forgive, especially for Ladies, sweetness being a becoming Virtue of their Sex, although cruelty be a usual ingredient in their constitutions. It is a most assured mark of Generosity, then to pardon injuries when one is able to revenge them. None but great Courages are touched with pity; for those who have showed themselves most inhuman, they only convert their Anger into Compassion, whereas they might justly enough take exceptions against them. Julius Caesar, whose Virtue is not only notorious, but admired by all the World, was hardly to be moved to anger by the common fry of men, thinking them (belike) beneath his Passion, and too inconsiderable to disquiet him. In a word, it is one of the highest points of Moral virtue, but Christianity inhanceth in somewhat further, obliging us to forgive those who have offended us, for God's sake, who invites us unto it; an advantage it is, and that much more advantageous against offenders, then punishing of them, seeing there is not any thing wherein we can more lively resemble the Divine Bounty, then in pardoning of injuries. Kings themselves are not more considerable for their Justice then their Clemency. Many there have been ingenious enough in punishing the guilty, but few are the examples of Clemency, it being rarely seen, that a grand patience cohabits with a Sovereign power; though the Sun be the most worthy Ornament of the Heavens, yet he is only respected by men, in regard of his benign influences, which he sendeth amongst them; and true it is, that let a Lady be never so great, yet nothing can so much recommend her, as Clemency, especially such as carrieth her on, to do good unto them who have made themselves unworthy thereof, by their endeavours to do her a mischief.   

Monsieur leaveth France, and goeth into Lorraine.  
MOnsieur's accommodation being concluded, and his Majesty's prudence having disposed of every thing, which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France, every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Monsieurs Revolt, had been so clipped, that it would be a long time ere they could fly into such disorders. All good Frenchmen, were touched with such joy, as they who having been long weatherbeaten, by a Tempest at Sea, do at length safely arrive unto their wished Haven. But those joys were short lived, the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down, which threatened France with a furious storm: The Sieur de Puy-Laurens, and some others, who carried any sway in Monsieurs Counsels, had only persuaded him to reconcile himself unto the King, with design to engage him in some new Revolt, as occasion should present; and in hopes to make a more advantageous use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions, than they had done in Languedoc; they were not long without a pretence to palliate their intentions, Monsieur de Montmorency's death, should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom. They suggested to him that his entreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life, who was a person of such near concernment to him, he could not think himself over secure of his own freedom, in case there should be any suspicion upon him, that however it was a strange affront put upon him, in the sight of all Europe, seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman, who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests. At the same time they gave out, that his life had been promised unto Monsieur upon his accommodation; whereas on the contrary, the Sieur de Bullion, and the marquis de Fossez, did never give him any such assurance, that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour, his Highness could not make any longer abode in France. Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdom, yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him. The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princess de Phalsbourg, proposed Lorraine, the place where his heart was, and advised him to retire thither, it being a thing due to the Princess Marguerite, and there being no such powerful invitations to carry him into any other place: The rest found but little safety in Lorraine, by reason of the Duke's weakness, unable to secure their retreat, or stay there; but were of opinion, that Monsieur should retire into Cazal, where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras, would receive his Highness, and where he might live secure from all fear. The little assurance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorraine, did somewhat touch him, but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles, in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorraine; in consideration of him, and how that he would always be received there, his birth rendering him considerable, swayed his former resolutions, and made him incline to that side, so powerful was his credit with him; although the rest represented to him, that he would find less security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards, then in any other place whatever; that they might perchance entertain him with honour; but that it was to be feared, he would not long continue Master of his own liberty, or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it. The resolution of departing being concluded, Monsieur went into Lorraine in November, and for the more specious pretext of their relapse, they presumed to write unto the King, persisting to abuse his name and pen; how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life, and the procuring of his liberty, having induced him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleased to impose, the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him, was so public an affront, and slight, that he could no longer endure it; and withal, that it was impossible he should longer continue in France, without giving cause to suspect, he had made his own accommodation with other intentions, then of obtaining that favour, of which he was still fed with great hopes: Besides that, he could expect little satisfaction for his own person, seeing his requests and entreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him, whose life was equally dear to him, with his own, and whose death he could not digest without great dishonour. This was the substance of the Letter, whereunto there need no other answer, but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom, for a Crime which could not be let pass without punishment, unless to the very great detriment of the State, especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity, after he had conspired with Foreigners to destroy the Kingdom, after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces, after he had been taken in the head of an Army, with his sword died with blood in his hand, actually fight against his Majesty's service, after he had fomented divisions in his Majesty's family, and committed several other enormities as hath been declared; there was little reason to expect his pardon, and as to the other part, that it was improbable his Highness should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers, only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's pardon, when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto, having not forces enough to defend himself. Such was the reply which the King sent unto him, wherein he testified to the whole World, how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood, to separate themselves from him, or to be deficient in paying those respects, unto which nature and his Majesty's affection did not a little oblige them.   

Politic Observation.  
Whatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King, yet he rendereth himself inexcusable, if his Passion transport him beyond his duty: He ought to recollect unto his memory, how that no one, in a well-governed State can impose the Law on his Sovereign, but that every one ought to submit his own private, to his Princes Will. There are in a State, as in the Soul, superior and inferior powers; and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way unto the stronger and more able; so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supreme Prince, and to comply with his Will, without any the least contradiction. What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are enjoined them by the Head? And what can be looked for from a State, where the Nobles fly out, and deny obedience to the Sovereign's Decrees? This were repugnant to the Order of Justice, nothing but misfortunes could attend it. It matters not whether they always meet with their particular satisfaction, seeing a King is obliged to intent the public good, not the requests of his Grandees. The Sun which presideth in the Heavens doth not always shine and smile on the earth, as we would have him, but as he is obliged in order to the universal good, so he withdraweth himself at certain hours, and who so should be discontented herewith, would it not appear unreasonable? Are not Kings sometimes necessitated in consideration of their State, to withhold their favours, and to deny their pardon for certain crimes, which otherwise they would not scruple to grant? And were it not too too little submission, upon such occasions for a Subject to fall off, and to fly out into extremities? Reasons of State are often so visibly apparent, that there need nothing but a privation of passion to behold and force a confession, that it were imprudence not to prosecute them; but admit there were no such evincing arguments, yet no man can justly complain against his Sovereign, in regard reasons of State are for the most part kept secret. Antiquity did observe a custom very mysterious, which was this, they placed a Sphynx over the Portals of their Temples, to teach the people they ought not to enter they but with submissions, such as should as it were lock up their bold curiosities, from enquiring into the mysteries which they adored, it being more proper humbly to reverence divine things, then to pry into them with a needless Inquisition. I could wish the like Statues were placed at the Gates of our King's Palaces, to teach men of all conditions, to receive their Commands and Laws with obedience, cheerfulness and submission, without examining the reasons of them, which ought by them, though unknown, to be esteemed for good and just, especially seeing at last, their Will ought to be a Law to all their Subjects, and that it is a kind of Rebellion, as it were, to contradict it. For my part, I think it likewise a great prudence not to inquire into the motives, reasons or inducements of their Wills, because Ministers might thereby be obliged to discover Truths, not proper to be known, as happened at Florence, in the time of Cosime de Medicis, who being extremely pressed by a Florentine to tell him the reason, why he had refused him an Office whose Predecessor had been hanged for ill discharging it; at last told him, after many importunities, that he did it, because he feared he would likewise be hanged as the former, letting him see by this answer, how he knew him to be like enough for his wickedness to dance in the same rope. So a Prince expressing any discontent for punishing of any Grandee, who had engaged him in a Rebellion, and earnestly pressing to know the reason of such rigour, might be answered, that it was done for fear he might draw him a second time into the same snares. It is always safer for Princes to dissemble their discontents, and cheerfully to submit unto their Sovereign's Will, then to express any dislikes which only serve to bring them into distrust, to raise suspicions and spies upon their actions, and to hinder their receiving of any more favours; whereas by their seeming to be well satisfied, they preserve themselves in their Sovereign's good opinion, and in a condition to reap abundance of advantages: And Guichardine in his advices saith, that he had oftentimes obtained his ends, by dissembling his discontents with those, who else would never have served his turn, and that he had received such friendships and favours from them, as he could not have expected had he discovered any dislike.   

Certain Bishops of Languedoc, deposed from their Charges.  
THe Duke of Montmorency, had acquired so great credit in Languedoc, that he not only drew off divers men of quality from his Majesty's service, but several Bishops also, and persuaded seven or eight to subscribe unto the Declaration of the States; some recanted what they had done, and became conformable to what his Majesty had ordained in his Declaration; but othersome stood out in their Rebellion, amongst whom were those of Alby and Vsses, who had delivered their Cities into Monsieurs hands, of Nismes who would have done the like, of Alets and Saint-Pont, well-willers to the Rebellion, either by raising of forces or provisions to be sent to places already revolted. The Archbishop of Narbone Precedent of the States, had not been defective in endeavouring to divert them from their designs representing to them how contrary it was to their profession, which tended to procure Peace, and to show examples of obedience unto others. And why Gentlemen (quoth he, one day, in a full Assembly, speaking unto them) and why would you add fuel to the fire already kindled in this Province, or assist those who endeavour to subvert the State, or why will you dispense with the service you owe both the King and people, to assist those who contrive wickedness? Will you be the men who shall make this place a Theatre of bloody Tragedies? Why do you not consider that the designs in which you have been engaged, tend only to serve some discontented persons of the Court, to come and extinguish the firebrands of their Ambition, in the blood of our Diocesans, and to fight out their quarrels upon our very Altars? Have ye not heard how that Foreigners are at the Gates of the Kingdom, and ready to invade us? Think you they will not fall to divide the spoil, in case they obtain any little success? And shall this Province become a Conquest, where Rebels and strangers shall have so much as their Swords will entitle them unto? Have ye forgot the disasters which the Church suffered in these parts during the Civil Wars? Would ye be willing to see your Altars profaned, your Goods destroyed, your Church Ornaments plundered, the Portions of the poor rifled, and the Priests of the whole Country, flying from their Cures into places of Safety? And admit these Heavenly considerations should not affect you, how can you countenance the revolt of this Province, where his Majesty hath destroyed Heresy, restored Peace, Liberty, and Glory to the Church, of which she had so many years been deprived? Can you forget how his Majesty came personally into those very places, wherein you now countenance Rebellion with his Sword in his hand for our defence, what dangers he attempted, how often he grappled with our enemies, and to what hazards he exposed himself, that be might re-establish us in our Functions, and the free enjoyment of our Goods? Can you think on these things and not remain firm in the obedience you owe unto him? Behold an opportunity of obtaining great glory is now presented by God in us. It is in this occasion God hath enjoined us to show forth that loyalty and submission, by him so often recommended unto his Apostles, whose successors we have the honour to be. This is it, unto which I cannot sufficiently invite you, yet you may herein gain honour and happiness, and more than that too, if you will do me the honour to believe me. This Rhetoric had been powerful enough to have retained them in their devoirs, had not their souls been prepossessed by Passion, that alone prevented it, insomuch that most of them persevered to run on in their Rebellion. Hereupon, the King finding them who should have preserved the people in obedience, both by exhortation and example, to excite them to Rebellion, could not put up such disorders, but appointed Collectors in their several Bishoprics, to receive their Revenues, and to employ them in reparation of Religious Houses, and Episcopal Seas, and thinking it improper to intrust the care of Souls with such disloyal person's, he procured a breviate from the Pope addressed to the Archbishop of Arles, the Bishops of St. Fl●ur, and St. Malo, to draw up their process against them. His Majesty might have made use of his own power, and have punished them, by his ordinary Justice, inasmuch as it was Treason, from which there is no exemption, neither could it have been thought strange by themselves, seeing Jesus Christ himself, and the two Apostles whom we acknowledge for the chief of Ministers of the Gospel, refused not to be judged by the Laiety: Yet his Majesty ever a great respecter of Ecclesiastical men, would not commit their judgement but unto persons of their own Coat, who deposed the Bishops of Alby and Nismes only, death preventing the Bishop of Vssez from receiving the like punishment; the rest they restored to their Bishoprics, having not evidences enough to condemn them, although they might peradventure be sufficiently guilty.   

Politic Observation.  
ALthough Bishops by their places are raised to an high degree of honour, yet they wrong themselves if they think they are exempted from their King's Authority, seeing the Popes have in their writings as Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius, Pelagius to Childebert, one of our first Kings, and St Gregory to the Emperor Manritius, acknowledged themselves depending upon their authority. It is moreover true, that Bishops are more especially obliged, beyond any other Subjects, to live in an exemplary Loyalty, and by their endeavours to preserve the people in peace. Upon their promotion to that spiritual dignity, the take a new Oath of Allegiance, which as it were a second Chain, toeth them to the yoke of obedience, but admitting that were not so, yet the Ministers of the Church conforming themselves to the temper of their Mother, which is a spirit of peace, are bound to appease and pacify the people when they are tumultuously given, and much more not to blow the Coals of their dissension. Savanarola was exceedingly condemned for exasperating an insurrection in Florence, against the Medicis when he publicly preached, that it was Gods Will and Pleasure to have a popular Government established, to the intent the chief of the City might have no longer power to dispose of the safety of some, and the Liberty of others. They who are so inconsiderate as to follow such seditious tracts, do render themselves the more unworthy of their callings, by how much the Church doth abhor War and Blood. We should think it very strange, if Heaven which was created by the eternal Providence of God, to enlighten the World with its stars, to produce nourishments, by its influences for the preservation of all creatures, to enamel the earth with all sorts of Flowers, and to overspread it with a thousand kinds of Fruits, should in a sudden alter its nature, and only fill us with darkness, terrify us with Thunders, and load the Earth with Briars and Thorns: And would it not be more wonderful to behold (the Son of God having not more strictly charged his Disciples with any one thing, then to be obedient, and to preserve that Peace which he had brought unto Mankind) Bishops, their Successors, endeavouring to their utmost to destroy and die the land with blood, to divert people from their duties, to arm them against their lawful Prince, and by their power of Souls to ruin that Authority, which Christ their Master hath given to their Sovereigns? This were absolutely repugnant to the Orders by him established, and directly opposite to the Laws to them prescribed. If any of them should be so forgetful of their duties, the Ministers of State are the more obliged to punish them, in regard the reverence wherewith they are esteemed, and the opinion which men have of their sanctity and Doctrine, rendereth their example of a more dangerous consequence, and their discourses more powerful to persuade, whatever they are disposed to inculcate. For this very reason was it, that Giles Archbishop of Rheimes, was deposed by Childebert, that Pretextatus was deprived of the Archbishopric of Roven. In the time of Childery, that Theodor lost that of Arles by the command of Clovis; upon this score it was, that Lewis the Debonair, forced the Archbishop of Milan to give an account of his disloyalties, Abon Archbishop of Rheims, Volsphod Bishop of Cremone, and Theodolph Bishop of Orleans, accomplices in the Conspiracy of Bernard King of Italy. Did not Hugh Capet cause Arnoul convicted of Falsehood and Treason to be drawn from the Sea of Rheims. It is the ancient politic custom of France, a Right belonging to our Kings, and which Pope Zachary himself advised Pepin to put in execution, without any scruple, when and so often as occasion should require. And what probability, I pray is there, that the Bishops and Churchmen of a Kingdom, should have a privilege to engage men in Rebellion, and not be punished for so doing, to instill seditious Tenants in the minds of men, and that Magistrates should not call them to account for it, or depose them from their functions, after they had rendered themselves unworthy of them, by their evil deportment.   

Divers Cabals made by the Duke de Guise.  
THe King having secured the Peace in Languedoc, Monsieur le Cardinal invited him to have an eye after the establishment of it in Provence, where the Duke of Guise held divers practices tending to Rebellion, and which were depending upon the same design with Monsieur de Montmorency. The King having been informed of his evil deportment, for at least a year before, had often moved him to surrender the Government of that Province, in consideration of other recompenses offered unto him; and upon his refusal had commanded him to come to Court, that he might fairly and handsomely disengage him, without taking notice of those contrivances in which he was then embarking: It having ever been the Cardinal's advice unto his Majesty, not to proceed unto the extremities of rigour, but when he should be, as it were, enforced it, by the extremities of disobedience. But the Duke of Guise kept himself in Provence, being fearful lest his actions might be a means of stopping him at Court, and laying him up in a place where he could not be capable of imbroiling, whereupon instead of waiting upon his Majesty, he caused his Mother the Duchess of Guise, to beg leave of his Majesty, that he might pass away two or three months' time at Rome and Loretta. The King was very glad of it, and readily granted his desire, as knowing that travel doth often correct passion in matters of revolt and love; yet was it nevertheless upon condition, that after his return, he should come to Court, and clear some suspicions which had been taken at the manner of his late Conduct. But instead of returning back from Italy, he dispatched the Sieur de Grand Pre, one of his Domestiques, to beseech his Majesty then at Vic, to bestow some employment upon him, amongst those forces which were then marching towards Italy, for the safety of his Allies: His Majesty denied to grant his request, conceiving that he rather aimed to palliate his disobedience, then to do any real service, and thereupon renewed his former command, that he should come to him, and justify himself as to divers particulars whereof he was suspected. But he being never inclined to obey this command; and on the contrary, living out of the Kingdom, without his Majesty's permission, against the inhibition contained in the Law, which declares such Princes as violate it, guilty of High-Treason; withal, residing there to entertain intelligences to the King's disservice, of which he had particular advice, there was no other way to look on him, but in the quality of a Rebel, and to deprive him of the Government of Provence, which lay convenient for him to let in a Foreign enemy; he being further to be suspected, in regard the House of Lorraine layeth some ancient claim, although upon weak pretences to this Province; whereupon the King (provoked by these important reasons resolved to discharge him of that Government, and to bestow it on the Marshal de Vitry, whose valour prudence, and affection his Majesty might rely on, with confidence that the D.o Guise could attempt nothing in prejudice of the State, which would not as quickly be repelled; and withal, caused him to take the Oath of Governor the same day, that the Peace was concluded with Monsieur, though his Letters Patents had been dispatched in April.   

Politic Observation.  
IT is very dangerous to commit the Government of a Province to a Grandee who hath once had his hand in a Revolt, who hath declared his discontent, or hath any pretence to the place in his charge. The disloyalty which engaged him in any faction, rendereth him more deserving of punishment than preferment, and the least chastisement which can be inflicted on him, is to deprive him of all employments, it being a thing of great concern, exemplarily to chastise those Governors which are guilty of such offences. The punishment inflicted on them, serveth for an example to others, and keepeth them in their duties, whereas impunity encourageth others to run into the same faults. Besides, he who hath once had the impudence to embark himself in a rebellious design, will be ever ready to put it in execution, when a fair opportunity invites him. Great sicknesses administer suspicion of relapses; and the wisest Kings, having once seen a Grandee fall off from his Allegiance, have ever disinherited him, and never afforded him the opportunity of doing the least evil. Small things may be hazarded, but amongst such, the Government of a Province, one of the most important charges of a State may not be reckoned. It is likewise equally dangerous, to trust a Grandee who hath once showed himself to be discontented; it were to be ignorant of the usual consequences which attend great men's discontents to intrust the Government of a Province with them. There is not any thing more natural to a man who is either provoked or believeth himself injured, then to study revenge, and to use his utmost endeavour to retort it. To give such a man authority, were to empower him to satisfy his Passion, which attended with weakness would be ineffectual. The great employments of the Marshal de Marillac, did only serve to render him the more culpable, neither indeed may any thing else be reasonably suspected from those men that give themselves over to a male-contented humour.  
But above all, it is a most signal imprudence to commit the government of great Provinces, to such as have any pretensions unto them, how old or ancient soever. This latter age hath afforded us a memorable example hereof, in the person of the Duke de Mercoeur, who had not raised a faction in Bretaign but upon some pretences as ancient as frivolous. Doth not every one know, how much the late King was troubled to get him out? And was not the deceased King blamed, for having bestowed the Government of it upon the Sieur do Vendosm, his son-in-law, who in process of time, was suspected to have designed to make himself Duke thereof. Ambition doth easily ground new designs upon ancient pretences, it teacheth Grandees disloyalty, and maketh them like Moles, always undermining; it maketh them slight their quiet Life, Health, Laws, and Religion itself and all, that they may gain the ends unto which they aspire; nay, it sometimes so puffeth them up, that some of them have carried in their hearts, the Crowns which their Kings have wore on their heads. Mark Anthony made a discreet Order, when Cassius had made himself Master of Syria, his native Country, whose inhabitants had assisted him in that design, whereby he inhibited the conferring any command upon a man in his own Country. How dangerous is it then to bestow it upon such who persuade themselves it is their brithright? If Ambition be to be feared, though without a pretext, how much more is it then to be suspected, when there is some apparent justice for the ground of it? If the Province be divided into parties, he need then only adhere to the strongest, and then much may be done; but if it be united, he may possibly engage the whole in revolt, if he once get the affections of the people, which is easily brought to pass if a man designs it, and makes it his business.   

The King returneth from Languedoc to Paris.  
THe King having settled all things in Languedoc, in such a posture, as there remained nothing to be feared; his Majesty parted from Tholose upon the 29. of October, to return towards Paris● Now having formerly understood, that Monsieur had only made his Peace with a resolution to fly out again upon the first fair invitation, he intended to march thither with all speed; to which end, he would only be attended with some Light-horse, certain Companies of Musquetiers and Pikemen on horseback. The Cardianl whose body is not so vigorous as his Soul, could not resolve to make such speed, especially considering the labours he had undergone in the voyages, and much more the pains he had taken in smothering the Wars of Lorraine and Languedoc in their birth, had much decayed his strength: Whereupon he thought better to wait upon the Queen, but scarce was he gone two day's journey from Tholose, when he found himself seized with violent sickness, which forced him to retire to Bourdeaux, where is pains so increased, that France was like to lose him, who in the conduct of his Majesty's Arms and affairs, had established her in the highest point of glory she had ever yet been. His Majesty was not only tenderly affected thereat but exceedingly afflicted; far otherwise it was with strangers the most ambitious of who were persuaded to believe he was dead. If they apprehended any joy thereat, much more did the factious spirits of the Court begin to lift up their heads, persuading themselves this Sun once set, they might rise with more lustre; and among the rest, le Garde des Sceaux de Chasteauneuf, instead of bewailing with tears of blood, the loss of him who had obtained all that honour for him which he possessed, and who had preserved him maugre the malice of his many enemies, suffered himself to be so vainly puffed up with the hopes of succeeding in his place, that he began to act the chief Minister, to issue out Orders which concerned him not, and to engage himself in Cabals with such persons, who not only hated Monsieur the Cardinal, and passionately wished his death, but had evil designs against the State. The Cardinal had ever prevented him from engaging very much among them by the strict hand which he kept over him, and by curbing in his vanities, but being once got out of his sight he lost himself, by setting too forward in affairs, and inconsiderately precipitated himself into disgrace by aspiring unto too much honour.   

Politic Observation.  
NOthing is more ordinary with men then to be bewitched to great employments. This was one of the chief reasons, that the Ancients painted Fortune blind, for few persons there are who can keep a medium in great Offices. There are none but eminent genius who can secure themselves from certain ebullitions, which do (as it were) naturally arise from extraordinary prosperity, and do cause most men to fall from favour to ruin. Ambition and Vanity do every day engage those whom Fortune smiles upon in new designs to rise higher. and in case they want lawful ways, they refuse none which flatter their Passion, when they find themselves most fixed in their power, then do they most despise that of the law, and assume the licentiousness to advance themselves by any means whatever; the higher they are mounted, the sooner they forget those who have exalted them, and they are industrious to destroy their Benefactors, that they may enjoy their honours. That which is most deplorable, is, neither age nor time can cure this Court-sickness; but on the contrary, it doth daily acquire more force and deeper root in ordinary spirits who are the more apt to esteem their own deserts from the time of their experience. Hence it is that they can nerver be sufficiently rewarded. This is that which hath ever been a maxim with me, a great rise is commonly the first step to misfortune, especially to a man who is not endued with an extraordinary conduct to curb his Passions, and preserve his soul in modesty neither did I ever think any man the happier for being in great Offices, he hath more trouble for the time to come, than satisfaction for the present; the superabundant cares, the troubles and discontents which accompany him day and night, and his insatiable passions which do incessantly solicit him to aspire unto more, force him to deny himself, the enjoyment of what he hath▪ that he may arrive unto what he hath not. Happy is the man who is content with his own condition, he is Master of more enjoyments and tranquillity than those who afflict themselves in their greater pretensions; and on the contrary, there is no person more unfortunate than him, which knoweth not how to bond his desires, nor to acknowledge his good fortune.    

ANNO 1633.  

The Arrival of the Cardinal at Paris, after his sickness at Languedoc.  
IT is reported that the people of Thule grieved with the Sun's long absence, who for the space of 40 days leaveth them in an absolute darkness, did heretofore go up to the tops of the Mountains, when first they saw the morning Usher him in, to welcome his approach with a thousand shouts of joy, and offered sacrifices to him. It should likewise seem that most men of quality, at Court, or in Paris the beginning of this year, impatient of once more seeing the Cardinal, who every one considered as a most propitious star, on whose Prudence the King hath often said the happiness of his State depended, would imitate the like actions at his arrival. Heaven which is frequently pleased to mingle some evils with the prosperities of this life, had sent this grand Minister, together with the joys of those happy successes which his Counsels had obtained for his Majesty in Languedoc and Lorraine, a very dangerous sickness, to the great grief of all such who were any whit desirous of the good of France; but Passions changing with Objects, joy succeeded their grief, when it was once known that he was returning indifferent well, and the desire which all considerable persons had to see him invited them out to meet him, so that they road from Paris to Roche-Fort, a small Village belonging to the Duke de Montbazon, where he was to rest before he came to Paris, which was covered with Horses and Coaches f●ll of Nobility. Divers went to meet him as far a Estamps, and others to Orleans; but who will not be surprised to hear that the King himself was pleased to honour him so far, as to visit him at Rochefort, and to show him the testimonies of so particular an affection, that nothing could be more visible or obliging: Hardly had the Cardinal alighted, when the King arrived. His Majesty impatient to see him, went up into his Chamber by a back-stair, which was the nearer way, whilst this grand Minister hearing of his coming, went down the great stairs with more diligence than his strength would well bear; so that instead of meeting, that agility which is natural unto the King, caused him to go down again, and after some hindrance by the press of the Nobility, they at last met in the Castle Court. The Cardinal approaching his Majesty cast himself at his feet, but the King presently raising him with one hand, embraced him with the other so tenderly, that most of the beholders could not forbear tears of joy, each one professing that it was impossible to see testimonies of a more cordial favour from a Master or more respectful affection from a servant. Such were the sentiments both of one and the other, that at first they were speechless; but having recovered the liberty of their tongues, the King told him, that he received as much joy to see him in so good plight, as the enemies of France had at the false report of his death, that this testimony of their hatred was a new instigation to augment that esteem he ever had on his services, and that he should not recommend any thing with more earnestness unto him, than the being careful of his own health. The Cardinal answered, he desired not to live but to serve his Majesty, that he daily begged of God that his services might be the boundaries of his life, and that his health would soon be recruited, since he found his Majesty in so good condition. After this they retired two hours in private together, to consider of divers affairs which his Majesty would not conclude without him, after which his Majesty returned to Paris.   

Politic Observation.  
EXtraordinary honours are justly due to great Ministers of State, as the only lustre of their fair attempts. The joy of their return from a long voyage, hath often invited the people to go forth and meet them, and to render them all imaginable respects. Thus Pompey returning, after he had been some time detained at Naples by a dangerous sickness, the greatest part of the Romans marched out of the City, the ways, the Port and the streets were so full, that there was hardly any Passage. Some were offering sacrifice for his health, others feasting and making merry in sign of joy; some marched before him with Torches, and others strewed the way with flowers. Thus likewise Scipio returning from Germany where he achieved glorious exploits, every one longed to see him return triumphing to Rome, that they might render him the glory which he deserved, yet because the Triumph was not a custom to be granted to such who were neither Proconsuls nor Magistrates, the Senate could not resolve to grant him that honour neither did he desire it; but on the other side, it is observed in History, that there never was so great a concourse of people in Rome, as at his return either to see him, or to testify their acknowledgements they had of his services by their going out to receive him. I will pass a little further, and add that justice and prudence, do oblige Kings to join with their people on such occasions, and so render extraordinary honours unto their Ministers, either for the more ample acknowledgement of the services they have received from them or for the more countenancing of them in the execution of their commands, or to encourage others to be affectionate to their service. Acknowledgement is a Virtue requisite both in Prince and people, and seeing the service done to a State is of no less advantage to a Prince, then to his Subjects, he is no less obliged to testify his gratitude, if these proofs of his good will confer a great honour on those who have served him, himself receives no mean advantage thereby; because the Nobility who are extreme sensible of honour, will not then stick at any thing which may tend to his service, and the Agents of his Will have more credit and authority to execute his Commands. It there any thing more glorious (said the great Chancellor of Thiery, King of the Goths) then to deserve praise and approbation, who by reason of their Sovereignty are not to be suspected of Flattery? Surely no, the honour which they confer upon any one proceeding from the favourable Judgements which they give of his actions, and their authority permitting not them to be guilty of adulation. Which if true (as doubtless it is) there is not any thing then which doth more encourage Nobility, than the glory wherewith Princes honour their servants, nor is there any thing which doth more empower a Minister then the carresses which his Prince bestoweth upon him; they confer no less credit upon their Ministers, than their stamps do on their moneys.  
Tiberius' one of the wisest Roman Emperors did well understand the importance of this maxim in the honours which he bestowed on the Consuls those chief Ministers of his Will, when he went to receive them at the Gate of his Palace, at such time as they came to sup with him, and waited on them back again when they took their leaves.  
Ferdinand King of Spain, the man who laid the foundation of that great power which this Monarchy hath since obtained, was not to seek in it, when as Gonzalve one of his greatest Captains, returning to Burgos after having rendered him such important services as are well known to every one, he went out to receive him with such honour as cannot be expressed. Neither was the manner of his entertaining Cardinal Xinimes less remarkable, for he seldom spoke to him but bore headed, and sometimes received him upon his knee. He well knew, that the honour wherewith he acknowledged his services, did animate others to follow his example, and gave that grand Minister so powerful an authority to execute his commands, that there was not a person of what condition soever durst oppose him.   

A dispatch sent to the Hollanders to hinder the Treaty.  
IT being of great concernment to prevent the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and Hollander, his Majesty bend his chief care to take order accordingly: Indeed it was at that time a matter of so great concernment, that the Fortunes of most Princes of Europe seemed to depend thereupon; and so much the more circumspection ought his Majesty to use, in regard of the Procedures of the Spaniard, who had contrary to form permitted the States of the Provinces obeying the Low Countries, to negotiate the particulars of the Treaty with the Hollanders, and the advantageous proffers by him made to obtain it, gave great cause to look about, lest they might be induced to assent thereunto: Neither was it unknown, how that he designed (the League once concluded) to assist the Duke of Orleans with an Army, as also the Duke of Lorraine to invade France, and to send the residue of his Forces unto the Emperor, the better to curb the Swede, and to prosecute those advantages he had lately obtained against them. The Cardinal who pierceth into the depth of their pretensions, was industrious to fortify his Majesty in the resolution of preventing the conclusion of that Treaty; in order to which, he likewise made him certain Proposals well-becoming the acuteness of his more than humane spirit: He committed the management of that negotiation unto the Sieur of Charnace, who was newly returned from Germany, where he had given such sundry proofs of his prudence amongst divers Princes, that his well-acquitting himself of that employment, could not be any ways suspected. I shall not say any thing concerning his instructions, only this, the Orders contained in them were so many incomparable effects of the Cardinal, to whom nothing was impossible, but I shall pass on to the address which he used in the execution of it, so happy I say it was that he obtained all that could be desired. After having passed the usual Compliments in his Majesty's behalf to the Prince of Orange, the Governors and Deputies of the States of Holland; he told them that his Majesty was very solicitous of such a League, which may conclude their differences in an happy peace, but not finding any likelihood thereof in that now proposed unto them he was pleased out of his affection and good will to their interests to send him unto them to communicate such thoughts unto them as he conceived most advantageous to their Commonwealth. He beseeched them to consider that the eagerness alone wherewith the Spaniards prosecuted it, was enough to render it suspected, that Counsels entertained with heat by an enemy, cannot be but with design to advantage himself, that it was visible the disorder of his affairs was the only cause he so passionately prosecuted it, that the extremity to which he was reduced being assaulted over all the Indies, in Germany, in Italy, in the Low-countries unable to furnish out new Levies or moneys necessary for his security, did not a little incline him thereunto: He further represented to them, how it had always been esteemed for a matter of great concernment, not to give an enemy breath when he is upon the point of falling, and made it easy to be concluded, that for them to make a Peace with the Spaniard in this his low condition, would be the more prejudicial to them, he having hardly any other shift to make himself considerable, than the reporting of this Treaty to be concluded; neither was he backward to represent unto them, that admitting these his reasons should be invalid, yet they did abuse themselves, if they believed that the Treaty could include their Peace in it, in regard of the Spaniards obstinate resolution of never relinquishing his pretended Sovereignty over their Countries, a resolution which he hath ever protested against the Decree of the 16. of July,▪ 1588. which declared Philip the second to have lost all his right over them, and how that after he had treated with them as between Sovereign and Sovereign by concluding that Treaty, 1609, yet he could not forbear his ill intention during the 12 years that it lasted, and which is more set Berkins Chancellor of Brabant in the year 1621. to sosicite them to return unto the obedience, as he was pleased to say of their natural Prince that in vain they did persuade themselves the Council of Spain would relinquish his pretensions; seeing on the contrary, upon every occasion he hath been ready to drive on his pretences both upon them and others, and that admitting the Treaty should be once concluded, yet they must ever be renewing of it; and in effect that nothing would be obtained thereby, but the loss of a fair opportunity, whiles the Spaniards were reduced to so low an ebb. He moreover, forced them to confess, that the Treaty being uncapable of producing their Peace, the State of their affairs, and good of their Country did not oblige them in any respect to desire it, that their Provinces were never more flourishing, that Learning, Husbandry, Trade and whatever Peace maketh elsewhere to flourish, were with them freely exercised in times of War, that their Disciplines were so carefully improved, that the Athenians could never with so much reason represent an armed Pallas as they might, that their Pastures and Plains, were not in the least troubled with the Soldiers; that their Ploughshares were as bright as their Pikes and Swords; and that the noise of the Cannons did not at all hinder their Traffic, as the Province of Zealand, and those others which are most addicted unto Merchandise have declared by their aversions to this Treaty. Some private ones of Spain might paradventure object that admitting the State of their Provinces might not compel them to a cessation of Arms for some years! yet it could not however but be advantageous to them, because the Flemings and Walloons, would in that interim forget their warlike exercises, and that the Swedes and Protestants would so weaken the House of Austria, that there would be no more cause of fear; but he easily convinced them of the vanity of their hopes, and represented to them, how little reason there was to believe that the want of account during the Treaty, would effeminate the Flemings and Walloons, because the Spaniard would not leave them idle, but find employments enough for them in other parts: and that on the contrary, undoubtedly the Spaniard would transport all his force into Germany, which he had formerly entertained in the Low-Countries; by which means he would force those Princes who counterpoised his Power, to receive the Law from him, and to lay down their Arms, and which once effected, that he would bring back his Forces from Germany recruited with a far greater strength, which had for many years supported the House of Austria; and that it would not then be very difficult to reduce Holland unto slavery. This Answer was the more to be considered, in regard it was so convincing, contrary to the preservation of their State and Liberty; nor did he forget to add that on the contrary, it was not a little important to foresee how much this Treaty would undoubtedly weaken the united Provinces, both in regard of the Division it would raise among them, or the dis-use of Arms, and their Traffic in the Indies, so far was it from any likelihood of increasing their power; that it was but vain to hope for it without reliquishing the Trade of both the Indies; the Spaniard being not so indiscreet as to condescend thereunto after the receiving so great detriment as he had from them; but that in case they concluded it, they would thereby blast their fairest hopes, diminish the stock of their riches, and cut off their right hand, their power by Sea, without which they were not considerable among their neighbours: As to what concerned the discontinuation of the War, he freely told them that States preserve not themselves but by such means as have served to establish them, as natural bodies subsist not but by the same things as are in their first compositions; and that they did in vain strive to cause their State to flourish in peace, which had received its birth and being from War, and which could not but by War be preserved in its present splendour. He laid before them that peace would be absolutely prejudicial to them, as experience had evinced in the late 12 years' Treaty, during which the Spanish Plots, Gold, and devises had wrought them a 1000 times more damage than all their open force could ever do; besides, the Soldiers laying by their usual exercises, would lose much of their valour, by which till then they had obtained such signal advantages, and being not ignorant how powerful impressions truth maketh, when it is seconded by glory; that he might excite them, he proclaimed aloud, that there never yet was Commonwealth, so like the Roman, as that of the Hollander; adding withal, that if that had received such continual growth from War, as it had not in seven hundred years from its first foundation until Augustus' time, but only twice shut up the Temple of Janus, so it had lost itself by an unactive Peace▪ and that nothing but the like misfortune could befall them, when once they should relinquish their exercise of Arms. Nor did he conceal from them that in case they should then conclude the Treaty, their Republic would totally discredit itself with its Allies, not only because they would no more esteem their conduct after they should fee them run on to so disadvantageous a resolution; but the more, in regard they did in such a conjuncture of time as would be very prejudicial to their neighbours, especially those of Germany, who finding themselves thereby dis-obliged, could not for the future be so assisting to them, as formerly they had been. He beseeched them to remember that a State which injureth its Allies, injureth itself; and that in fine, if after so many victories they should humonr the Spaniard in his passionate desire of the Treaty, there could no other esteem be had of them but such as Caesar had of Pompey when he was well handled by him at Duras but not prosecuted, who openly said, Pompey knows not how to overcome. This was the substance of most of the reasons no less judicious than powerful, which the Sieur de Charnace employed at divers meetings had with the Ministers of Holland to prevent the Treaty, so dextrously did he manage them, so vigorously and with such address that he easily convinced the Prince of Orange, who for some particular interest was indifferent well inclined thereunto, and persuaded the Governors and Deputies of the States to confess, that there was no more to be thought but how to force the Spaniard by Arms to an absolute relinquishing his pretensions over their country, in a Treaty of Peace, wherein all the Princes their Allies should be included to oblige him the more firmly to observe the conditions thereof, neither satisfied with this resolution, he assured them according as he was commanded, that they might the more readily take the field; how the King would cause a succour of then or twelve thousand men, to be sent unto them from the Swede, who accordingly were conducted unto them about August by the Colonel Melander; so that about the beginning of Spring, the Prince of Orange besieged Rimberg and carried it, and sent Count William of Nassau to the confines of Flanders to divert the Spaniard.   

Politic Observation.  
Whatever terror the horror of Arms do naturally carry with them, yet do I think that Peace ought not to be concluded but on four occasions. The first is, when there is a just ground to believe that it will carry things to an advantageous Peace, for seeing War ought not to be undertaken but in order to the obtaining of a good Peace, and that the end is ever to be preferred before the means, it cannot be doubted but that Arms are to be laid by when there are any more likely means to obtain it: The Olive Trees, true Symbols of Peace, bearing fruit useful for man's life are doubtless more to be esteemed then Laurels which only put forth unprofitable berries; and the great advantages which are obtained by Peace, are more to be esteemed then the greatest glory acquired to Wars. I have formerly sufficiently proved this truth, nor will I longer dwell upon it. The second is, when the eexpences and incommodities of War do in force a Treaty. There is not any courage which is not obliged to submit to the law of necessity, and the impossibility of prosecuting an enterprise, how just and glorious soever, hath exempted the greatest Princes from any blame. War ought not to be continued but to obtain Victory, which when there is no likelihood of amidst the ruins of a Country, it is then much more expedient to make a League then totally to fall. The Gods themselves, saith an Ancient, do submit to necessity; there is nothing stronger than it, and the greatest virtue must stoop to it, neither is any valour or prudence obliged to oppose it. The third is, when it may reasonably be hoped that the League will weaken the enemy, whom at that time we despair to overcome, and that either by sowing some division among them, or by effeminating them by the discontinuation of their warlike exercise. The wise Pilot doth not obstinately withstand the Tempest, when he seethe his Vessel extremely bruised, but letting fall the Sails, runneth into some shelter where he may ride at Anchor, until such time as the fury of the Winds be abated that he may put to Sea again: Thus is it an effect of discretion to lay by the Sword for some time when an enemy is so potent that there is no likelihood of any thing but loss by the prosecution of the War. The fourth is that a League ought to be concluded, when it will afford the means of taking more advantage. War is a kind of sickness in the State, and as sick people are permitted to rest, the better to recover their lost strength; so I think it cannot but be commendable in a Prince to surcease the War for some time, the better to refresh his forces, to recruit them, and to raise moneys necessary to maintain them. If on such occasions it be reasonable to conclude a Treaty, it will then be very improper to conclude it, when a Country is flourishing, and raiseth more advantages by War then Peace. Most certain it is, that sometimes so it happens, and Hannibal well knew it, when seeing the Carthaginians weep upon the first demand of the Tribute granted to the Romans, at the end of the second Punic War, he reproached them, as Livy observeth it. Ye had much more reason, quoth he, to have weeped when you were prohibited to War against strangers, that was the would which killed you. The Lacedæmonians and the Romans were not ignorant of it, it being upon this ground that they would never discontinue the use of Arms, unless when Fortune designing the ruin of their Empires, persuaded them to taste the sweets of Idleness, which opening the door to delight and luxury, might in a little time dull their courages, and make them easily conquered by their enemies. This if true, among most States it is certainly much more apparent in relation to those who have received their Being's from War, nor can be preserved but by War. It were likewise great imprudence to make a League which might afford an enemy time to recruit. Had King Perseus known the condition of the Romans, he would have been more wary in concluding that Peace with them which he did, as Livy recordeth, which gave their Ambassador's occasion at their return to laugh at him, for having suffered himself to be surprised by them; for he had then ready all provisions necessary for the War, of which the Romans were altogether unprovided; so that concluding a League he gave them time to settle their affairs and take an advantage upon him; besides all these considerations, if a League doth not at least serve to obtain an happy peace, it cannot but be esteemed for disadvantageous. For what reason can there be to deprive one's self of power, and to give a weakened enemy leave and leisure to reinforce himself; when there is not an assurance that it will end in a peace of use and profit? So to proceed were some kind of blindness, neither can any one so act, unless an enemy to his own interest.   

The Marquis de St. Chaumont, sent by the King into the Country of the Elector of Treves, to force his Enemies from the rest of his Towns, and to establish him.  
IF his Majesty shown any thing of Prudence in preventing the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and the Hollanders, he discovered no less courage in his endeavour to re-establish the Elector of Treves, in the rest of those places which his enemies had usurped from him, Fumay and Reveign, situated on two Pennisula's upon the River , had ever acknowledged him for their Sovereign Lord; but the Spaniard whom conveniency seemeth to entitle unto any places which they may master, had clapped a garrison into them, designing to fortify them, to secure the Commerce of that River, and withal to make some enterprise upon the Frontier of Champagne. The King could not put up such an injury offered unto the Elector, since he had taken him into his protection, but ordered the Marquis de St. Chaumont to march toward Meziers, with those forces which he commanded in Champagne to dislodge them. The Sieur de Chastelliers Barlort, and the Comte de la Suze, were made Marshals the Camp, who coming to the Army marched directly away toward those two places. His courage made him wish that he might find some opposition, whereby he might obtain the more glory to his Master's Arms; but making his approaches he understood that the Spanish Garrison, notwithstanding all their Rodomontades had marched out the night before without sound of Trumpet, so that instead of fight, all he had to do, was to receive testimonies of the inhabitants joy, who acknowledging his Majesty for their Protector, did willingly receive the Regiment of Champagne into Fumay, and that of Normandy into Reveign. The Marquis de St. Chaumont, finding himself obliged to remunerate their good will, by all the favours which he could do them in quartering of the Army, settled so good an Order amongst the Soldiers, that they never took any thing without paying for it, but behaved themselves with great moderation and courtesy. The Enemy did not then oblige him to be more active at that time, and indeed the season of the year was such, in regard of the Snows and Frost, that he could not march without difficulty, so that his Majesty sent him Order to return, and to leave his Forces in Garrison upon the Frontier. He returned to spend some time at the Fort, whereupon the 10th. of February, he and the Comte Brissac were created Ministers of State to serve his Majesty in his Counsel, the Spaniards who never sleep but when they have nothing to do, took the occasion of his absence to return into the Country of the Elector of Treves, and to do what they pleased; but the King, and the invitation of the Spring, permitting his return, he carried the Army back again, and without much ado forced them to quit the Field. The next thing he resolved, was to assault Freidembourg, upon which they had seized, whose Garrison offered a thousand violences to Travellers, and the adjacent places. The Comte de la Suze commanded it to be invested, and coming in person before it in the month of June, he summoned Machinister who commanded it for the Comte d'Embden, and upon refusal of a surrender they provided to assault it. The Town was won with little resistance, and the Castle forced within two days after, there being not above three or four men slain on both parts. Thus the Country of Treves was totally reduced unto his Majesty's Possession; nevertheless his Majesty having only secured it for the Archbishop the true Lord thereof, caused him to be restored in his Metropolitan City, about the beginning of October, by the Sieur de Bussilamet. The Archbishop indeed finding himself unable to make it good against the Spaniards, he desired him to stay with him and command his forces, and the Sieur de Bussy having presented the Keys unto him, he presently returned them, saying, I beseech you keep them for his Majesty; his Eminence likewise published a Declaration about the end of this year, commanding his Subjects to acknowledge the King for their Lord, to assist him in his interest, to receive his Soldiers into their Cities, jointly to defend them, and to give unto them the best entertainment the places could afford.   

The principal Obligations of him who taketh a Prince into Protection.  
Doubtless it is honourable for a great Prince to undertake the Protection of another, unable to subsist by his own force, but though it is honourable, yet it is not without care, if this protection be to his advantage, yet is he obliged to recover whatever is taken from him; and in fine, fairly to restore it. To leave him a prey to his enemies were a sign of weakness, or want of courage, or an absolute breach of promise in the first assumption. He that for fear of the charge, the success of the War, or any other consideration shall neglect it doth not only deprive himself of that honour which the quality of a Protector ascribes unto him, but doth likewise  himself with shame. Moreover, what expenses soever he is at on such occasions, yet he is obliged by Justice to restore all places into the hands of their natural Prince, he being only, as it were, a Depositary; and as the Laws of Deposition do not permit the appropriating of any thing to one's self, the restoring of them, will be as honourable, as the detaining of them will be unjust. Ptolemy King of Egypt dying, committed his son heir to his Crowns, than a child, unto the protection of the Commonwealth of Rome, who professing a particular observation of their promises, were not deficient in resigning the Kingdom into his power upon his first being capable of Government. Thus Archadius, seeing his son Theodosius very young and unable to secure himself from the power of the Persians, so played his Game with Indigertes their King, that he undertook his protection; and by this means he tied up his Arms by delivering his son into his hands. Indigertes received the Tutelage as an honour, and discharged it with such fidelity that he preserved Theodosius life and Empire. That I may let you see these latter ages want not the like examples, Philip of Austria, King of Castille, leaving his son Charles but of twelve years' age, requested Lewis the Twelfth by his Will to be his Guardian, and to take the Kingdom into his protection. The King accepted thereof, and in prosecution of his charge, was so punctually correspondent to the Trust Philip had reposed in it, that he preserved his States against France itself, nor would usurp the least whatever provocations Maximilian gave him. In fine, notwithstanding all restitutions or expenses, which a King is obliged unto, yet ought he never to refuse the protection of a Prince bordering upon his Countries; because besides the glory whereof he deprives himself, he enforceth the other to throw himself into the protection of some one as powerful as himself, who may raise advantages by it, and peradventure to his prejudice.   

The Embassy and Negotiation of the Sieur de Feuquieres, to the Queen of Swede, and the renewing the treaty of Alliance between the two Crowns.  
THe Cardinal representing unto the King how the affairs of Germany were no less considerable the those of Holland, his Majesty resolved to provide accordingly, and made choice of the Sieur de Feuquieres, to negotiate those concerns with the Allies of this Crown. The experience this Gentleman had acquired in other considerable employments, rendered him no less deserving of this, than the address and dispatch which he shown in proving those Orders which were delivered unto him; and it was the more needful to make use of such a man as he was in this Germane affair, in regard it concerned the curbing in of the House of Austria's Ambition, who were become very powerful by usurping the Protestant Princes States, who were feared by their neighbours, and would have been a terror to France itself, could the have prosecuted their advantages. His Orders were chief three; the first was, to testify to Christina Queen of Swede, daughter and heir to the late King in the person of the Chancellor Oxenstern, and all the Princes of the League of Leipsic; what care his Majesty took in their interest, the Passion he had to see them restored who had been despoiled of their Estates; and how ready he was by assisting them to afford them the means of securing their late victories. The second was, to reunite them and confirm them in the resolution of prosecuting the designs of the League by a new Treaty of Alliance. And the third was to take such course for the management of the Wars, that their Armies might want nothing but might be always ready for action. The Princes had resolved about the end of the last year to hold a Diet a Hailbron upon Nekar, to conclude upon the affairs of the War by a common consent, and there it was where the foundation of all was to be laid. The Sieur de Feuquieres took Post the fifth of February, that he might the sooner get thither; but the Cardinal knowing such like Assemblies are commonly full of confusion, unless each of them in particular be predisposed to reason, persuaded his Majesty to send him to the Courts of divers the chief among them, the better to insinuate unto them how much it concerned them to continue in Union. He received Orders accordingly, nor was it of small consideration, because he could easilier dispose them one by one, then in a multitude, nor was he defective of coming with the first unto Hailbron, to prevent those whom he had not yet seen, and to confirm the others in their resolutions; and being arrived, the first care he took was to testify the singular and constant affection which his Majesty had for the common good, and to assure them that they should receive indubitable proofs of it upon any fair occasion. The next thing he did was to illustrate what great assistances his Majesty had contributed to their part; what moneys he had sent to the Crown of Swede and the Hollanders; the strong diversions he had made in Italy, in Lorraine, and other places, the great Armies he maintained in his Frontiers to assist them if occasion should require, the great expenses he had been at in sundry Embassies, tending only to their advantage. Having thus recollected things passed to their memories, he clearly represented unto them the present State of affairs, how needful it was that they should preserve their union, and take good Order for the subsistence of their Armies. This he did with such vigour and Prudence both to them in general and particular, that he confirmed divers among them in the first designs of the League who were then wavering upon the King of Swede's death, and inclining to make a Peace with the Emperor. He was not ignorant that private interest is the most sensible part to touch a Prince on, and therefore clearly evinced unto them, that Peace being the only remedy which could cure the distempers of Germany, and that his Peace being neither advantageous nor honourable, if it did not restore liberty unto the Empire, and the ejected Princes to their Estates, there would be no means to obtain it but by their strict union, which the Emperor not finding any means to break would in time despair of being able to support him against their power, the far greater of the two, whilst their confederacy lasted. He had not much ado to confirm them in believing the House of Austria had long designed to render itself Mistress of all Germany, they having too many pregnant proofs to be ignorant of that truth, neither found he much difficulty to insinuate unto them that their union failing would weaken their party, and give the Emperor a fair opportunity to seize upon the Estates at his pleasure. In fine, the found themselves forced to confess they had no other way left but to be firm, and to strengthen their confederacy by a new Treaty. This advice conduced much to the end of his design, which having happily obtained, he lost no more time, but entered upon the new Alliance, between the King and Kingdom of France on the one part, and Christian Queen of Sweden and the Kingdom of Sweden, on the other part, which was concluded and signed by the Chancellor Oxenstern. The first Article contained the grounds of their Alliance, which was for the defence of their common friends, for the securing of the Ocean and Baltic Sea; for the obtaining a lasting Peace in the Empire, by which every one might be restored to his rights. The rest imported that the Queen of Swede and her confederates should entertain 30000 foot, and 6000 horse, that the King should contribute every year a million of Livers towards the charge of the War, that the confederates might raise Soldiers in one another's Countries, that Delinquents and Fugitives should be delivered to their Sovereign Lords to be by them punished; that the Queen of Swede should permit the free exercise of the Catholic Religion in all places which she should take, in the same manner as she found it; that the Duxe of Baviers and the Princes of the Catholic League might be admitted into the Treaty of Neutrality, if they pleased that all other States and Princes should be invited to be of their confederacy; that there should not be any Treaties but by and with the consent of all the confederates, that their confederacy should hold until there were a Peace concluded, which if broken by the enemies, the confederates should again take up Arms to assist one another. The first Treaty was the foundation of the Union of the Germane Princes, who otherwise had soon accommodated themselves with the Emperor, yet this was not all, it was necessary to conclude another with all the Princes and Protestant States of high Germany; to obtain which, the Sieur de Feuquieres used his utmost diligence. The Articles agreed upon were, that there should be a firm and strict union between the Kingdom of Swede, and the Electors Princes and Protestant States of high Germany; by virtue of which, they were to unite their Forces and to assist one another, until Germany were settled in its first liberty; that the Laws of the Empire should be in force, that the Princes should be established in their States and Possessions; that the Crown of Swede should be satisfied for the expenses of the War, and that a good and lasting Peace should be settled. Moreover, that the Chancellor Oxenstern should have the management of affairs, who to this end should have a Counsel consigned unto him, composed of qualified persons; some Officers of the Crown of Swede, and a Deputy of each Circuit of the Empire; that none of the Confederates in particular, should treat of Peace without the joint consent of the rest; in which, if any one failed he should be declared an enemy; that the Confederates of the four Circuits should furnish the Armies with Victuals, Ammunition, and Artillery; that the Armies should take the Oath of Fidelity to the King of Swedes, and the Confederates; that the Precedent with the Counsel, should take great care to retain the Soldier in good Order, and to secure Trade: In a word, that all the States and confederate Princes, should oblige themselves to maintain the Crown of Swede in the possession of what they should get in Germany, until the War were ended, and that they were duly satisfied, as well as the confederates, for the loss which they had sustained. This was the substance of the chief Articles of those Treaties, which were looked upon to be so advantageous, that they were the substance of those great Armies, which during this year checked the House of Austria's proceed. Neither did the Cardinal receive any little glory by it, who by his continual Instructions and Orders, gave life the Sieur de Feuquieres motions; glorious for him it was indeed, and the more, seeing he had for witnesses of it the, four Protestant _____ of Francony, Swave, the upper and the lower Rhine, Amstrudel the English Ambassador, the Chancellor Oxenstern, the Chevalier Raches, Ambassador of Swede; Le Sieur de Pau Ambassador of Holland, and divers free Lords of Germany, who entered the Treaty of Alliance, and who had granted unto them a Deputy to be of Chancellor Oxenstern's Council.   

That great Erterprises ought to be prosecuted to the height.  
THe glory of great erterprises dependeth upon the end, not the beginning which a wise Prince is bound to drive to the height, without suffering himself to be stopped with any obstacles whatever. I do not mean such encounters where the misfortunes of War may oblige a Prince to make a Peace upon what condition soever, to secure himself from an absolute ruin. It is then indeed Prudence to comply, and to take in the Sails, until a more favourable opportunity permit him to put to Sea; but abating this one exception, a Prince is absolutely obliged to stand , as a Centre, whiles Fortune the Mistress of War, raiseth divers motions in the circumference thereof. The timorous must inevitably meet with impediments in the execution of their designs; but they who are courageous, raise Trophies of glory to themselves, so far are they from being diverted from their resolutions by every wind. Fire doth not only naturally move from the Earth, but consumes all obstacles which hinder its ascent; and a Prince truly generous, is not only excited by his valour to great designs, but likewise to vanquish all difficulties which oppose his glory. I may add, that this Element would be inconsiderable, without this second quality, nor would a Prince be regarded by his neighbours, unless he testify a strong resolution of surmounting all difficulties. The wise Pilot forsaketh not the Helm at the sight of every storm, but keepeth on his course toward his Port, nor will a valorous Prince relinquish a great design upon every obstruction which thwarts him; but whetting his courage, and stirring up his valour he will bend all his endeavours to carry it to the end he first proposed, well knowing, that all things do in the end give way to him who is constant and resolute in affairs. Though Julius Caesar were oftentimes inferior to Pompey, as to number of Soldiers, yet was he never backward, during the whole War between them, to challenge him to the fight in confidence of the valour and experience of his Soldiers, long trained up in those exercises. Fabius Maximus was no less confident in the War which he managed against Hannibal; for seeing him appear like an impetuous torrent swollen up by fresh waters, whose course is hardly to be stopped at first by any obstacle whatever; he quitted not the resolution of overcoming him, but prudently judging that at the long run he might defeat him, without any hazard; he resolved to accost him in all straits and places of difficulty, where himself could not be assaulted but to the others great disadvantage, and by this means he dulled the edge of his Army's valour, newly puffed up with their late victory, and was so happy that whiles he continued in that resolution, Hannibal's Forces decayed. To such generous examples ought a Prince to conform himself. Prudence may peradventure prompt a man to alter his course, intended for the obtaining of his design, but the Laws of valour do not permit him to relinquish his first design, though he encounter some obstacles in the execution; rather on the contrary, they oblige him to prosecute the end, otherwise he discrediteth himself, and letting his enemies take advantage of his weakness, offereth himself in the end a fit object for their victory.   

The King sendeth the Duke de Crequy to Pope Urbane the Eighth, to congratulate him according to custom, and to compose the differences with the Venetians.  
IT was not enough to provide for the affairs of Germany and Holland, unless those of Italy were likewise considered, unto which the Cardinal had disposed his Majesty since the beginning of the year. Some person of quality was necessary to be sent Extraordinary Ambassador to the Pope to render him obedience, nor indeed could his Majesty longer defer that Compliment. That this Embassy might serve for more than a bare ceremony, the Cardinal persuaded his Majesty to employ some person capable to serve the Pope in the difference between him and the Venetians, and to work his Holiness to favour the interests of France, as occasion should happen. To this end, he proposed the Duke de Creaquy, as a person whose great riches were not only able to bear the expense suitable to his honour; but withal, who had been a long time experienced in the affairs of Italy, and who had address enough to dispose the Pope to any thing, which would be reasonably desired. His Majesty approved of this grand Ministers choice, and concluded the Duke de Crecquy, to be a person very proper for that employment, nor was he ignorant that one of the greatest points of policy, is to proportionate meant to business. His Majesty according to the usual Piety of the Kings, his Predecessors, gave him order to perform that obedience to the Pope, and making use of his usual Prudence, commanded him to endeavour an accommodation between his Holiness and the Venetians; and withal, to take occasion from the troubles of Italy, to unite his Holiness to the interest of France. The Duke de Crecquy accepted this Embassy with joy, having ever been of the humour to spend his money upon his honour and pleasure. The Magnificence wherewith it was proper he should appear at Rome, obliged him to stay at Court till the beginning of May, the better to set forth his equipage; which ended, he went by water that he might regain his lost time by the help of the Winds. Being come to Rome, he was received with all honours due to the Extraordinary Ambassador of the Christian King, and eldest son of the Church; but the garb in which he appeared was such, that since the stately Triumphs of the Emperors, nothing hath been seen like unto it. I will not trouble myself to make a particular description thereof, seeing other Histories relate it, intending only to observe that which passed of most consideration in the management of affairs. All I shall say, is, he had above five hundred persons to attend him, Gold and Silver did so abound upon his Liveries, his Officers, and among his whole equipage, as if he had been Master of the Indies. His first reception and audience was very stately; but that I may come to the effect of his Embassy, he first kissed his Holiness' feet in his Majesty's name, and passed some Compliments of Civility, next them the Sieur de B●issieu, Lieutenant General of Grenoble, who accompanied him in quality of his Majesty's Orator, made the accustomed Oration of obedience, in which the most critical could discern no less discretion than eloquence. He represented unto the Pope, that his Majesty had not so long deferred to testify his joy, for his promotion to the Papacy, but that he might likewise send with it, the Spoils his Arms had obtained upon the enemies of the Church, together with the proofs of his obedience. Next of all he observed to him the great benefits, protection, and assistance, which the Holy See had from time to received from the Kings of France; in consideration whereof, the had obtained the honour of Most Christian and eldest Son of the Church. Thence he descended to a more particular description of the signal advantages his Holiness had received from his Majesty's Victories, and assured his Holiness that the defence of his interest, would ever be the most acceptable employment for his Forces; and in conclusion, that he might satisfy the chief end of his Embassy, he told him, that his Majesty had no less joy at his holiness's promotion, than his Holiness had heretofore had at his birth; that imitating the Piety of the Kings his Predecessors, he prostrated himself at his feet, and most humbly kissed them with Protestations of honour and obedience due unto him, and that he acknowledged him for Christ's only Vicar, the Successor of St. Peter, and the Arbitrator of the Kingdom of Heaven in all things which concern Salvation, with caution however, that this submission was done out of Christian civility, not duty, to prevent any mistakes which might induced a belief that this Crown had some temporal dependence upon the Holy See. One of his holiness's Secretaries, answered him with Compliments and terms of honour, that his Holiness did receive with great joy, those testimonies of respect and obedience which his Majesty rendered unto him; nor did the Pope himself omit any thing which might express his content; but the Duke, who chief designed to induce the Pope to befriend his Master's interests, as occasion should require, did no longer dwell upon Compliments in his succeeding Audiences. He offered unto his Holiness the Arms of France to serve him on any occasions, particularly his own endeavours to compose the difference he had with the Venetians; well knowing, that nothing doth more effectually oblige a Prince to the interest of another, then to let him see that he will meet with advantages by uniting himself with him. The difference between them, was concerning the Confines of Gorre, and certain Islands of the Country besides; some rancontre there had been between the Romans and Venetians in Ferara, which was suspected would be get an absolute breach. The Pope whose power is never more conspicuous then in Peace, was fearful of it, so that he willingly accepted of his interposition, and that with much acknowledgement of his Majesty's affection for his interest; in prosecution whereof, the Duke parting from Rome, went to Venice to treat with such as the Senate should appoint concerning this affair. The Sieur de la Thuylerie, his Majesty's Ambassador Resident with that Commonwealth, so ordered affairs, that both parties did forbear their Arms, by which there was hopes of an accommodation. But before he departed from Rome, and after he had obliged his Holiness by assuring him of his Majesty's readiness to assist him, by mediating in this affair; he was not defective in obtaining all possible advantages for the interest of France. He gave his Holiness a great insight into the affairs of Germany, and discovered to him that their War was not for Religion, but mere State, the only dispute being for the preserving of the Germane Princes, in the enjoyment of their estates, and those indubitable rights which belong unto them, that his Majesty was extremely displeased to hear of some violences which were offered to certain Ecclesiastical persons, though they were not so bad as were represented to him; which however was absolutely contrary to the express words of the Treaty which is Majesty had made, and by the fault of the Catholic Princes themselves who would not become Neuters; and that in fine, those damages which the Church had received would easily be repaired by such means as he represented unto his Holiness, with which he remained very well satisfied. He further confirmed him in the knowledge which he had a long time had of the House of Austria's designs upon Italy, which tend to the direct ruin of the Holy See; and assured his Holiness that his Majesty's Arms would protect him, and never forsake him. In fine, designing to engage him in a defensive League with France for protection of the Ecclesiastical estate against the Venetians, or for security of the Princes of Italy. His Holiness who hath ever more feared than loved the Spaniards, could not be induced thereunto; alleging for his excuse, that he resolved to continue a common Father between the two Crowns. He was not backward to represent unto him, that a father doth not at all act against his relation, if he support himself by one of his children, against the violence of another; but the Pope's humour, which is naturally fearful would afford nothing but assurances that his holiness's forces should not lie idle if any enterprise were made against the Church's greatness, or the liberties of Italy.   

The Embassies of Obedience from our Kings unto his Holiness.  
THe Piety of our Kings and their zeal to the Pope, have made it a custom to send Extraordinary Ambassadors to congratulate them shortly after their promotions, to acknowledge them for Fathers truly spiritual, to assure them of their obedience in that quality, and to recommend unto them the French Church, their persons and Kingdoms which God hath given them. There are ancient examples thereof, and withal, instructions yet extant given to Ambassadors sent by our Kings, which declare this obedience to tend only to congratulation and Compliment. The truth of this is evident, in the Letters which Philip le Bel, sent to Pope Benedict the Eleventh, by the Sieur de Mercueil, Messieur Guillaume du Plessis Chevalier & Maistre Pierre de Belle Perche, Canon of the Church of Chartres his Ambassadors, to offer this obedience to his Holiness. Lewis the Eleventh indeed, for some particular consideration, would needs render a little more unto Pope Pius the Second, by the Cardinal d' Alby, but he was discommended for it by the whole Kingdom. The Court of Parliament made great Remonstrances against it, both by word of mouth and writing; besides the three States of the Kingdom assembled at Tours, complained to him of it, as may be seen in the papers presented to him by Ma●stre Jean Durety, Doctor of Divinity, and Canon of the Church of Paris their Deputy. Some Italians I know there are who will needs have this Protestation of obedience to be an homage and a mark of temporal dependence; but the truth is, they only flatter the Pope upon no grounds: For to what end should our Kings have, in temporal things, any dependence upon the Pope; seeing divers of them have acknowledged themselves their Subjects, and confessed it in their writings? As Pope Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius, Pelagius the First, in his profession of Faith, sent unto Childebert one of our first Kings, and St. Gregory the Great, to the Emperor Mauritius. The like is to be seen, in that of Pope Innocent the Third, in one of his Decrees, where he saith, the Kings of France in temporal things depend upon no one whatever. But how could the Popes themselves pretend that any such remporal dependence should be without contradicting the belief of the first Fathers of the Church; the Luminaries of our Faith, especially of ●er●ullian, who in his Apology subjecteth Kings unto God alone; and of St. Hierom who expounding that of the Royal Prophet, Against thee only have I sinned, saith this great King, useth these terms, purposely to show that there is none but God above Kings? I could easily add the testimonies of many others; but I think I shall say enough, if I conclude, that this Protestation of obedience is offered more out of Christian humility, that for any civil obligation or duty, as divers Popes have upon their promotions, sent unto our Kings the Professions of our Faith in authentic form, together with testimonies of their affections. Boniface the Eighth, sent his sealed up in Lead, like unto that of Pelagius, Adonis observeth in his Chronicle, that Pope Adrian dying in the year 786. Pope Leo who succeeded him, sent two Legates to Charlemagne, to present him with the Keys of St. Peter's confession, and the Standard of the City of Rome. Stephen the Fifth, upon his promotion, sent Legates to Lewis the Debonnair, with great Presents, as Pledges of his friendship. There are to be seen in his Majesty's Treasury of Records, several Bulls which divers Princes have sent unto our King, to acquaint them with their Consecration, and to assure them of their good Will, whereupon Charles de Lorraine, Cardinal de Guise, performing the obedience to the Pope, in the behalf of Henry the Second, Anno ●547 amongst other things said unto them, that the Popes were ordained by the Laws of the Church, presently after their assumption, to dispatch Legates unto the Kingdom of France for confirmation of the ancient friendship between them.   

Monsieur Seguyer made Chancellor of France.  
AFter the disgrace which befell the Marquis de Chasteauneuf, of which we spoke about the end of the last year; experience having taught his Majesty, to know of what great concern it was not to bestow the Office of Lord Keeper, but upon persons very eminently able both for integrity and all other virtues; he cast his eyes upon Messieur Pierre Seguyer, one of the Precedents of the Parliament of Paris, to bestow it upon him, as a person fitted by Heaven for great employments. His Majesty was not only pleased to send him a bare Commission of Garde Seaux, as is commonly done, but expedited Letters Patents, to assure him of the Office of Chancellor of France, after Monsieur de Halygres death, well knowing, that men of his merit ought to be treated beside the common Road, though such was the modesty of that great Minister, that he never ascribed that favour to any thing but his Majesties own goodness. This choice added much to his Majesty's glory; it was a sufficient testimony of his judgement, intrusting the Sword of Justice in his hand, who had ever maintained it by his integrity, nor wanted any of those qualities requisite in an able man. His Prudence had taught his Majesty that chief places ought not to be filled but with persons of an illustrious birth; because men of mean descent are more envied the respected; neither was he ignorant that this man was born amidst the characters of honour, from a Family whose dignities have gone had in hand with their virtues for many ages; that he was the Fourth of his name who had the honour to sit upon the Flowers de luce in the quality of Precedent of Mortier in the Parliament of Paris; and that there had not been any man in his family for a long time known, who had not either obtained or deserved the greatest employment of the long Robe. It was said of the Emperor Co●stantine, that the moderation of Augustus Caesar, the virtue of Tra●ane, the Piety of Antonius, were all united in his person, to render him worthy of the Empire; and true it is, the integrity, sufficiency, knowledge, elocution, zeal, and fidelity for his Majesty's service, which were eminently conspicuous in Monsieur le Lieutenant Civil his father, and in the Messieurs the three Precedents of his name, were all united in his Soul to make him appear worthy of the chief place of Justice. Besides, if he were honourably descended, his Majesty was well informed that he was not satisfied with those bare Titles wherewith his Fathers had adorned him; but that like the Cedars, who though they grow on the tops of Mountains, cease not however to raise up their heads; his merit and industry had advanced him to the highest degree of virtuous men. He was in the common opinion of men, reputed for one of the truest maintainers of Justice; and indeed, he had discharged himself with such courage and integrity, that neither the noise of greatness, nor the sight of riches, could ever so blind or affright him, as to surprise him. His Majesty most certainly could not intrust his Seals in any honester hand than his. The great Revenues he possessed, rendered him incapable of that corruption, which is annexed unto a necessitous fortune; yet this happy incapacity, conjoined with such virtue made him so much the more proper for that office, in regard no one would dare to tempt him with money, who abounded both in riches and virtue. If his integrity made him  in point of Justice, the solidity and penetrating vivacity, of his spirit secured him from all possibility of a surprise, these two qualities permitting him to incline to no part but that of truth. Disguisements and Artifices could never form any Clouds, thick enough, to hid any thing from his judgement. Oftentimes hath he been seen to disguise darknesses and obscurities in the discoveries of great offences. Withal the Sciences which he hath acquired in an high degree, had added no small perfection to the natural endowments of his mind, for that his family were both learned and honest. When age had first given him the use of Reason, his kindred had taught him that Sciences give much lustre to a man of Eminence; that they not only draw him from a stupid and savage life, but refine him, furbish him, and make him capable of all things, more sweet, more civil, more courteous, more venerable, and more worthy of honour; and in fine, when he came to a riper age, whereas common spirits satisfy themselves with learning some one Science conformable to their inclinations, he dived into the secrets of all, and became very accomplished in them, there being nothing so high which passed his capacity. He had penetrated into the difficultest questions of Philosophy and Divinity, the Law was his usual employment, the Mathematics his diversions, with History he was familiar, eloquence was natural to him; for before he had learned the rules of it, his discourses were so replenished with the strength of reason, with the purity of words, the sweetness and elegance of expression, that his language was bewitching. These things were not a little considerable in the election of a Guard de Seaux, who being his Majesty's mouth to express his intentions in all great Assemblies, is bound to speak royally, that is, in terms becoming the Majesty of his Master. I will not say any thing of his Piety, though that be so much the more considerable in a Statesman, as it is the foundation of a Kingdom's happiness; because it is a subject too large for me to engage in; my discourse of his merit being by accident, nor will I trouble myself to give you a description of the experience he had gotten in the Offices of a Counsellor, a Master of Requests, Judge in divers Provinces, and Precedent au Mortier; his conduct and reputation have sufficiently made it known: only this, these things concentring in him, seemed, as it were, to conspire to force his Majesty to choose him Minister of his Justice; I shall add, that if his Soul was replenished with all these qualities necessary in a great man; the King well saw the graces had endued his body, with all that could render him lovely, or acquire him respect and authority. He was always gravely modest, his discourse serious, his conversation agreeable and profitable, his patience in all affairs and all plead invincible, the complaisance wherewith he answered, was truly admirable, yet such, that he could never be won to abate from Justice or his Majesty's service. There need no more to love him, but only to see him, the charms of his words rendered that severity which Justice obliged him sometimes to use, so taking, that none could be offended at it. I would add more, if the Laws of his Majesty's History would permit me, though in some sort it were not to desist from his Majesty's commendation, seeing there is not any thing which doth more apparently denote his Majesty's wisdom, than the virtues and eminent qualities of his Ministers, his noblest creatures.   

Qualities necessary for a Chancellor, and Lord Keeper.  
SEeing the Chancellor, and the Lord Keeper who holdeth the place of Chancellor, executeth that change, and aught to succeed him, as the chief Officer of the Crown, the eyes of his Majesty's Justice, the Depositories of his Seals, the Ministers of his Counsels; the Organs by which his Majesty useth to declare his intentions and pronounce his judgements; doubtless he ought to be eminently qualified with all those parts which may render a man signally remarkable. It matters not much whether the Potters who work altogether in clay, be dextrous; because whatever he spoils is of small value; but otherwise it is, with men who are in the chief Offices of a State, none of their faults are little, and their actions are of consequence; and for this reason ought they to be replenished with all sort of perfections. France hath ever had, as other States, certain families supporters of its glory, who have served like Pillars to uphold its greatness, and seem to have been destined by Heaven to preserve the beauty of its Flower de luces, the puissance of its Kings, and the glory of its Crown, against the injuries of time. A chief Minister of the Kingdom, when descended from such an house; hath a notable advantage by it, seeing his very name carries and Hereditary credit with it, which Plaineth out the way to all great actions; at least I think it fit that his virtue should be authorised by the Nobility of his blood, seeing his illustrious birth will acquire him such an opinion as an upstart, how prudent or virtuous soever, will hardly acquire, but after the showing of many proofs of his deserts. If Nobility without Virtue be but a subject of reproach, in regard a man deviateth from the example of his Ancestors, it cannot be gainsaid but that Virtue without Nobility carrieth little credit with it; but where Nobility and Virtue meet in one subject, they advance that man to an high degree, and render him worthy of all eminent dignities. Among the rest of those virtuous qualities, or indeed in the Front of them, which ought to set off a person of quality, this I account the chiefest, that he be endued with an high natural ability, and that clearness of judgement which dissipateth the Clouds of falsities, discovereth truth, and going before Justice, ushereth it in as some Stars do the Sun. Learning aught to go hand in hand with this ability, seeing natural parts without improvement are so much the more dangerous, in regard they are subject to failings, and like the fruitfulness of a field, which if not cultivated, serves only to produce the more Thorns. Amongst the Sciences, those of Justice and Policy are most needful, for that they are the true Objects of Chancellors and Lord Keepers; those are the Fountains, from whence they man derive the maxims of Government, the Fundamental Laws of Monarchy, the Statutes and Customs, and generally whatever concerns the duty of Magistrates, the Office of Judges, and art of Lawyers. To this Doctrine, I may add Experience, a thing so necessary in a Lord-Keeper and Chancellor, that without it, the very greatest lights wherewith their natural parts or study can furnish them, are as little useful, as the instrument in the hand of a workman, skilled in the Theory, but not the Practic. Integrity ought to accompany him, being the Mother of Loyalty, and the Father of that zeal which all public persons are obliged to evidence in the Administration of their Charges. The Integrity of a person of small ability, will indeed so far carry him, that the public good will be the end at which he aims, but he cannot contribute so much unto it, as willingly he would, whereas he who is destitute thereof, doth most frequently look after his own interest. It was not the want of capacity but fidelity, which so often exposed the Athenians and those other Commonwealths of Greece, to the fury of Foreign and Civil Wars. Never was that illustrious corner of the World so replenished with Philosophers, Orators and great Statesmen, as when it first began to decay; but that unbridled Passion which leadeth great men to prefer their own interests before that of the States which they govern, hurrieth them into that misfortune which betides the body of man; where the Stomach which ought to concoct nutriment for the individual parts, digesteth it only for itself. Eloquence will be of no small use to them in many occasions, where they are obliged to pronounce judgements, and declare their Master's Wills; it elevateth a man so much above others, saith the Roman Orator, as speech raiseth him above his fellow creatures. If it be befitting and useful to any, it is particularly to Statesmen; for there is not any thing which acquires more authority to a man appearing in public, then good elocution. For my part, I think Eloquence so much the more proper for them, in regard it persuades the people to approve what Wisdom directeth, what Prudence resolveth, and what Justice requireth; without it, the wisest Counsels have oftentimes been ineffectual. I will not disapprove the advancing of rich persons to such dignities; because riches if lawfully acquired, do give much credit to virtue, serve to excite it, and execute their just and generous designs. I think them very necessary for a man who is to serve the public, experience teaching us, that without them, virtue is often weak and languishing. Though virtue alone merit before God, it is unactive, unfruitful, and inglorious among men. To be short, where the Goods of the body, cohabit with those of the mind and fortune, in eminent persons; it adds no small authority unto them, seeing the beauty and Majesty of the body hath certain attractions to captivate the courage, to enforce respect and reverence, and to persuade men to what ever they please; infomuch that the ancients have thought them worthy of Crowns and Empires.   

His Majesty's choice of Learned and Religious Prelates at the Cardinal's request.  
THe Church ought necessarily to be governed by Bishops, whose Doctrine and Piety may serve for a guide to the people to instruct them in the ways of Heaven. The State receiveth no small advantage by them. Hereupon, the Cardinal did very well resolve to persuade his Majesty not to bestow any Bishopric, but upon persons well-deserving, who might be capable of serving God and the State, especially not to grant them unto children or persons of a licentious life, or such as lay under any ignominy as had formerly been practised; so that in a few yea the face of the Clergy of France was much altered, being replenished with persons of ability and virtue. This was put in execution in all vacant places, after the Cardinal's promotion to the Ministry. I shall forbear to speak of it, till the History of this year, because it furnisheth us with many examples. The Cardinal proposed unto his Majesty, to be admitted into the Bishoprics of Languedoc, whose Pastors had been deposed, Le Sieur Cohon, for Nismes; the Sieur Grillet for Vssez; the Sieur Vilazel for St. Brieu. His Majesty whose Piety is no less illustrious than his Jujustice, which rendereth him venerable to all his people, being well satisfied of their merit, concluded them fit for that honour. The were persons who for above ten years past, had appeared in the most eminent Pulpits of Paris, to the great admiration of their auditory; and whereas the Doctrine of Preachers ought to be animated by a good life; their conduct had testified for them, that they had no less virtue and eloquence than zeal for his Majesty's service, to preserve the people in the obedience they owe him, as God's Lieutenant on earth.   

That the right of presenting to Bishoprics, is one of the most ancient Privileges of the Crown, and what Bishops ought to be chosen for the good of the State.  
AMong the Rights of this Crown, that of the presenting to Bishoprics, is one of the most signal, as most ancient. The Primitive Bishops of the French Church, who have been the most shining lights of our Faith, have acknowledged it from the beginning of this Monarchy, in the fifth Council of Orleans, where they ordained that none should consecrate any Bishop, without his Majesty's consent, the practice whereof is so frequent in History, that nothing but ignorance can question it. Gregory of Tours reporteth, that Bishop Quintianus being dead, Gallus was substituted in his place, and created Bishop of Overgne, by his Majesty's means; and that after Gallus his decease, there was some design to elect one Cato, but that the Archdeacon Cantinus having prevented the King, and first acquainted him with the news of Gallus his death, was constituted Bishop in his place. He likewise reporteth that Nonnichius was established in the Bishopric of Nantes, in the room of Felix, by the King's Order; as also Vitus in that of Vie●na, that Childebert made St. German Bishop of Paris, Clodomir, Omatius, Bishop of Tours, Clotair St. Medard, Bishop of Vermandoi●, and Euphronius, Bishop of Tours. History is pregnant with the like examples, so that to cite them were but vain, those already alleged being sufficient to confirm it, which who can question, seeing our Kings have with their Crown received power to dispose of all things, which concern the good of their Kingdom, and tranquillity of their people; and that the election of Bishops is not an act merely Ecclesiastical, but as much reflecting on the good of the State, as the Salvation of Souls? Bishops have a great influence over the people's spirits, to draw them by the links of Piety and Religion, unto what they please, as experience hath evidenced, in the time of Lewis the Debonnair, who was almost Deposed by a Faction they raise against him, and as was afterward seen in Languedoc, where five or six of them fomented a Civil War. The Empire of Souls i● wonderfully potent, and its Arms though spiritual, are more to be feared them Pikes or Muskets. The Soul once mastered, the body will soon yield, the one is the inevitable consequence of the other; and for this reason is it that the promotion of Bishops hath ever depended on our Kings, and that it hath been judged very necessary to elect persons for those employments, who may, indeed, be able to edify the people by their Doctrine and example, and altogether incapable of endangering the public. The happiness of States dependeth much upon Religion, and the splendour of Religion, doth more depend upon the vigilance and care of Bishops, next to the blessing of Heaven, the any other thing whatever. May they not indeed be called the foundation of it? Who doth more effectually fix the people in the fidelity which they owe their Sovereigns, in obedience to Magistrates, in reverence to Parents, in respect to Justice, the rule of their conduct? Doubtless it is then very considerable in Government, not to choose such persons as are incapable of bringing these advantages to a State. I shall not in this place say any thing of the obedience they ought to show to Magistrates; but only it is necessary that they be honest men; because if licentious they will be apt to do more hurt then good, and to neglect the restraining of the people, not that I shall approve of choosing such persons who are of an indiscreet zeal; for such persons designing to do too much good, do oftentimes raise great disorders, which themselves are unable to redress. Preachers are so much the more deserving of this promotion, because the function of preaching, was primitively reserved to the Bishops, who communicated it unto Priests, only by way of privilege, and that at sundry times in sundry places. The Bishops of the East, did first grant this power to Priests, as may be proved by the examples of Pierius and chrysostom, who while they were yet Priests, Preached one in Alexandria, the other in Antioch, a thing not used in Africa before St. Austin, who during his Priesthood, had the liberty of Preaching conferred upon him, by Bishop Valerius, a thing without Precedent; and in Gaul this custom was introduced, about an hundred year after the Council of Vaison.   

The King maketh a Declaration to Depose three Officers, two of the Parliament of Paris, and one of the Chamber of Accounts, from their Charges.  
SHortly after, Monsieur le Precedent Seguiers, promotion to the Seals, the ill conduct of Precedent Cogneux, the Sieur Deslandes, Councillor of the Parliament, and the Sieur de Monsigot, Master of the Chamber of Accounts of Paris, forced his Majesty to deprive them of their Offices. I have inserted in the History of the foregoing years, the Rebellious acts in which they engaged themselves; and in this I shall add, that it being a shame for his Majesty, and unbefitting the reputation of the affairs of France, to suffer the chief Officers of the Parliament of Paris, and a Master of the chief Chamber of Accounts in the Kingdom, to live abroad in Foreign parts, avoiding the punishment due to their Rebellion, and with the marks of their authority still about them, as if they had been innocent; his Majesty resolved to depose them; for the more orderly doing whereof, he went to the Parliament of sit in the Seat of Justice, and publish a Declaration, with expounding the Ordinance of Blois where it is said, that all guilty of High-Treason, particularly, his Majesty's Officers, should never be restored to their Offices; Declared, that it ought to be understood of Officers condemned of Rebellion or Treason, as well by default and contumacy of those who were present at their Trials; there being no reason to suffer those who had had their hands in conspracies and intelligences prejudicial to his Majesty's service, to enjoy their dignities, those rays of his Majesty's power; and moreover, that the twenty eighth Article of the Ordinance of Molins, more ancient than that of Blois, where it is specified, that those who are condemned by default and contumacy, may have five years' time to acquit themselves, should not be interpreted in favour of them; his Majesty requiring, that judgement once pronounced against Traitors, though condemned by default or contumacy, should after publication be put it execution, as to the confiscation of their offices only, without being restored either by Letters or otherwise. This very Declaration suppressed the offices of Precedent le Cogneux, and the Sieur Deslandes as guilty of High-Treason, whereof they were condemned by contumacy; they were unworthy of any favour, in regard his Majesty had given them a month's time to recollect themselves, and to return into the Kingdom, which they had neglected to do. Besides, the King published his Letters Patents to create the like offices, and conferred that of the Precedent a● Mortier, upon the Sieur de Lamoignon. formerly Precedent of the third Chamber of Inquests; and placed the Sieur de la Hage de Vantelay, Councillor of the grand Counsel, in that of Counsellor of the Parliament. His Majesty caused them to take their Oath in his Presence, and then to take their places. Monsieur le Comte de Soissons, went in his Majesty's behalf to the Chamber of Accounts, to cause the like Declaration to be published against the Sieur de Monsigot, and his Letters Patents by which Le Sieur des Rues, was established in the office of Master of Accounts. Thus his Majesty outed three Rebellious Officers, and taught the rest that they having no Authority but what depended upon his pleasure, they should be sure to be deprived of it, if once they should be sound unworthy by Revolts.   

Politic Observation.  
When Kings create Magistrates, and communicate part of their power to them; it is not to exempt them from obedience, but to fix their Crowns by new supports, and to keep the people by their examples and decrees within the bounds of their subjection. To this end only it is, that Kings confer their power upon them, who as they command their people to make their addresses to them, to decide their differences; so do they no less oblige their Magistrates to preserve them within their bounds, by the example of their submissions, and the integrity of their judgements. If Magistrates owe the second to the people by their places, they are no less indebted to their Kings, in the first, with this distinction of obligation, that the good of the State invites them to it, the Order of Monarchy requireth it, and Justice itself commandeth it. What presumpion were it, for the Stars to endeavour to eclipse the Sun 's light, when their own, is but the effect of his? What a disorder were it, if the inferior Spheres, should oppose the motions of the Primum mobile? And what likelihood is there, that those Magistrates who receive their Authority from their Princes to support their Crowns, and confirm their Subjects in their obedience, should fly into Rebellion, and endeavour to draw them to follow their examples? They ought to beware that their disobedience do not cause the Flower de luces to fade, and that they do not instead of cultivating them with care, to render them more beautiful to the French, and more respected by strangers, endanger them by their ill examples, and render themselves unworthy to sit upon them. Know they not that their obedience and the integrity of their judgements, is the foundation of the people's submissions? The Rebellion of such men ought not to be connived at; in regard it may not be tolerated without putting all things into disorder. The People are like clay, without form in themselves, but easily wrought by the Potters. In fine, they behold most affairs with the eyes of their Magistrates, and suffer themselves easily to be directed by their motions; they dislike what the other reject, and if they should rise against their Sovereign, they would make no difficulty to follow them. In affairs of this nature, Kings are obliged to conform themselves to the example of the Sun, who finding the Moon to oppose her light to his, and endeavouring to eclipse his light presently depriveth her of all her light, and turneth her Crystalline into a dark body King ought to reassume to themselves their Justice, which formerly they had entrusted with them, and to punish their Rebellions with severity. They who are the most mild, are forced by such crimes to draw their Swords of Justice, to prevent the eclipsing of their power, to take the Thunderbolts of severity into their hands, and dart them against them to reduce them to nothing.   

Divers Changes of Governors in sundry Provinces made this year.  
THose were not the only Changes which happened this year, there were divers others in the governments of Provinces, some that they might be entrusted with persons incapable of engaging in any divisions which were suspected by reason of Monsieurs absence, and others for a recompense of several persons of quality which have deserved them, and which I cannot pass by unobserved. The Marshal de Thoyras, Governor of Cazal, had given some cause of jealousy, though indeed his fidelity was invincible, as hath since been seen; however, that place is of such importance, that nothing ought to be hazarded for the preservation of it. The King sent the marquis de Tavannes in his place, and gave the Marshal permission to slay in Italy, upon some difficulties which he made upon coming to Court. Le Sieur de Malissi, Captain of the Regiment des Guards, was at the same time, made Governor of Pignerol, the Duke de Vantadour, was gratified with the Government of Limosin, and having surrendered into the King's hands, the Lieutenancy of Languedoc; his Majesty divided it amongst four, and bestowed it upon the Comte de Tournon, the Vice Comte d' Arpajon, the marquis d' Ambres, and the Vice Comte de Polignac. Le Comte de Joncac was made Governor and Lieutenant General of Xaintong, Angoulmois, Aunis, and the City of Rochel, the Baron de Pont Chasteau, Lieutenant General of Low Britain, Le Comte de Palisse, Sieur do St. Geran, was made Governor of Bourbonnois, le Comte de Cheravet of Stenay, le Sieur de la Serre, first Captain of the Regiment of Picardy of Jamets', le Duc de la Valette of the Bishopric of Mets, the Duc de Chaune of Picardy, le Duc d'Alvin of Languedoc, and the Citadel of Montpellier, le Marquesse de Seneçay of Bourgogne au Bailliage de Masconnois; insomuch that there are few years which produce so great changes of government.   

That it is necessary to commit the Government of Provinces and Places, into the hands of trusty Persons, in times of danger.  
IT is very important, when there is any suspicion of civil dissensions, to intrust the Government of Provinces and places with persons of fidelity. I do much approve of the King of Spain's rule, who often changeth his Governors. A man must be altogether ignorant of History, if he knoweth not the great services which Gonzalvus did the King of Arragon his Master, in the Kingdom of Naples: However, that wise prudent King, would not always intrust the Government of that place with him; for fear, lest in process of time, he might keep it to himself. The continuation of the Government of France granted unto Julius Caesar, encouraged him to attempt upon the Roman liberty; whereupon, remembering that nothing had made him so ambitious of commanding, as that continuation upon his return to Rome, after the Africa War, he ordained that to Praetor should enjoy his Office, above one year, nor no Consul above two. The Governor who hath long resided in a Province, may make creatures, contract frienships'; an so play his game, that he may act the little King, and will be apt to engage himself to some Revolt, if Ambition, which great men seldom want, should once inflame him. This made the Dictator Mamercus, say, the short continuation of Governors is the surest preservative of the public; besides, the liberty of changing of Govenours, after some few years, and substituting others in their places, is of great advantage, for that a Sovereign may thereby render more persons capable of great affairs, then if he should always continue them in the same places. The memory of new benefits disposeth men to be grateful, and doubtless maketh Kings to be served with more affection: Great men long accustomed do so habituate themselves, that they look upon their Governments as their Demesne, without any sense of obligation to him who permitteth him; whereas he who is but lately possessed of them, having the favour fresh in his memory, indeavoureth to deserve it with more industry and affection. This maxim, I know will not very much agree with the sense of most great men; but surely their dislike relisheth more of Ambition than reason; I may likewise add, that it is little considerable to their Fortunes, seeing if they acquit themselves, as they ought, of a place, their merit will be a sufficient recommendation to attain them others. It were to be wished, that such men in their own concerns, were of Quintus Fabius Maximus his humour, who having been five times Consul; and considering with himself that his grandfather and great grandfather had often been charged with the same Office; and how it was very dangerous to continue great Offices in a family, was very earnest with the people of Rome, to divert them from conferring that honour on his son.   

The Creation of Knights of the Holy Ghost.  
THe King had for many years, received so many proofs of the valour of his Nobility, that he could not refuse them the honour of being Knights of his Orders; and his Majesty who hath a particular inclination to recompense valour, resolved to grant them this honourable reward. He was confirmed in this resolution by Monsieur the Cardinal, who represented to him that the French Nobility could not be tied to his service, by any stricter Banes than those of honour, and that this would not a little augment that courage and fidelity, which they had as often as occasion required, discovered unto him; so that finding himself at leisure about the beginning of the Spring, and without a necessity of being over early in the field, he resolved to perform the Ceremony of the Knights of the Holy Ghost, and to fill up all the vacant places. It is impossible in such affairs to content all men, because there are never so many places vacant, as men who think their services worthy of that honour. All that can be done, is to prefer those who are most considerable, either for their birth, their services, or the particular inclination of the Prince, who in such things ought to have his own liberty. His Majesty took this course, but that he might totally follow the Orders of the Primitive constitution▪ he gave a Commission to the Cardinal de Lion, great Almoner of France, and Commander of the Order, to inform him of their Religion, Life, and Works, who were proposed, and to send him his informations sealed up. The next thing his Majesty did, was to assemble the Chapter of the Order at Fountainbleau, where the Ceremony was performed, and where all the Knights met, and told them by the mouth of the Sieur de Bullion, Lord Keeper of that Order, that he should be very glad before the Creation of the Knights, to have their opinions about the Rebellion and Felony of the Duke d' Elboeuf, and the Marquis de la Vieville, who being fled out of the Kingdom, and having born Arms contrary to his Majesty's service; and consequently broken the Statutes of the Order, had rendered themselves unworthy of Knighthood, and deserved to be degraded; the Sieur de Bullion, adding that his advice was, to follow the example of Charles Duke de Bourgogne, towards Charles Duke de Brabant his cousin, viz. to erase their Arms, and that in their Escutcheon should be inserted their judgement and degradation. All the Knights were of the same opinion with the Lord Keeper, excepting only the marquis de Trajanel: So that the judgement of their degradation was pronounced and executed before the new Creation. In prosecution of this judgement, his Majesty caused the Role of those whom he would have of this Order to be read aloud, and nominated eight Knights to assist at the trial of the proofs of their Nobility, Life, and Manners; and the proposing the difference which was between those who were Dukes and Peers, and those who were only Dukes, concerning their order and place in the Ceremony; it was ordered that all the Dukes in general should march according to the Order of their Creation, because the Peers hold no place in Assemblies. It was likewise decreed, that if any of those who were name to be Knights, did not appear at the time of the promotion to receive their Order, it should not be sent unto them. The 14 of May was the day assigned for the Ceremony, and his Majesty being there punctually followed the Statutes of that Order, and conferred it upon 

Monsieur the Cardinal of Richelieu,  
The Cardinal de la Valette.  
The Archbishop of Paris.  
The Archbishop of Bourdeaux,  
The Archbishop of Narbone.  
The Duc de Longueville.  
The Comte d' Harcourt.  
The Comte d' Alets.  
The Duc de la Trimoville.  
The Duc de Vantadour.  
The Duc d' Alvin.  
The Duc de Brissac.  
The Duc de Candale.  
The Duc de la Valette.  
The Comte de Tonnerre.  
The Marshal d' Estree.  
The Sieurs de Vaubecourt, & de Seneterre.  
The Vicomte de Pompadour.  
The Marquis de Nesse.  
The Marquis de Gordes.  
The Comte de Lannoy.  
The Marquis de Varennes.  
The Marshal de Breze.  
The Comte de Brassac.  
The Comte de Noailles.  
The Sieur de Popanne.  
The Marquis de Fossez.  
The Marquis de Bourbonne.  
The Vicomte de Pollignac.  
The Vicomte d' Arpajon.  
The Marquis d' Aluye.  
The Comte de Saulx.  
The Comte d' Orval.  
The Sieur de St. Simon premiers Escuyer.  
The Baron de Pont-Chasteau.  
The Sieur de Pont-Courlay.  
The Sieur de la Messeray.  
The Marquis de Mortemart.  
The Sieur de Villequier.  
The Comte de Teurnon.  
The Sieur de la Mailleraye.  
The Comte de Tianges.  
The Marquis d' Ambres.  
The Comte de Parabere.  
The Sieurs de Montcaurel, &  
De Liancourt.  
De St. Simon l'aisne.    
I will not trouble myself to describe the particulars of the Ceremony; it is beyond my design; only for conclusion, I will say his Majesty by this conferring of Honour, shown that he did as well acknowledge, as know the services of his Nobility.   

Politic Observation.  
THe reward of Services, and the punishment of Crimes, are equally great supporters to a State; whereupon Socrates being demanded, what Estate could be esteemed the best governed, answered, that where honest men are rewarded, and knaves punished. Xenophon likewise thought, that a man being naturally more courageous the fearful, should be excited sooner to great actions by praise riches or honours after a Victory? For this reason it was, that Plato in the Fifth of his Republics, would that all men who behaved themselves courageously in the War, should be gratified in all reasonable things, nay they were permitted to marry divers women, the better to replenish the Commonwealth with valiant men.  
This licentiousness, I must confess, is contrary to the Laws of Christianity, and Experience hath told us, that it is seldom seen, brave men beget children like themselves; but in the main, the gratifying of valiant men in all reasonable things, is conformable to the rules of all politic States. Thus Homer to give a testimony of Agamemnon's conduct, doth usually bring him in at all feasts in the Greek Army, honoured with an whole Chine of Beef, being the greatest rarity among them. Upon the same example, Plato grounded his Decrees for the honouring of those at public Feasts, who had given proofs of their valour by serving them with the greatest dainties, and the best Wines; and by singing of songs in their praise, to invite others to imitate them. To speak the truth, if the flame dies for want of Wood, generosity languisheth if unrewarded. All goeth to rack in that State where men of courage are no better treated then useless cowards. It should seem the greatest courages are, as it were, benumbed, where the splendour of honour, the reward of handsome actions, doth not encourage them. All that can be further observed is, that recompenses be proportioned to the qualities of the persons. Soldiers are more usually pleased with riches then honour, and are more proper to be acknowledged with reward accordingly. The Nobility on the other side, are better satisfied with honour, Let them have it. This course did the Commonwealth of Venice take, after that memorable battle of Tar; they exalted the Marquis of Mantua, from that government, to be general of the Army; and as to those Soldiers who had behaved themselves courageously, they increased their pay. They gave divers recompenses to the Sons of such as were slain, Dowries to their daughters, and good Pensions to such as were maimed. The Romans did much more esteem the rewards of honour, than any other; and indeed they are more to be esteemed, because Honour is more excellent than Wealth. There was no Crown more esteemed among them, than the obsidional, which however was made of Turf, that of Gold inlaid with Stones, was beneath it, because less honourable; there was not any greater honour in their Commonwealth then that of Triumph, which however brought no Wealth to the Triumpher; for after he had appeared in a Chariot clothed and attended magnificently, he was obliged to live in the City, in the quality of a private person, without other reward then the glory of their actions. Cneus Ovillius, thought himself more highly rewarded, after he had concluded the first Carthaginian War, by the Commonwealths permitting him to have a Trumpet always march before him; and Pompey by the power granted him wear his Triumphant Robe at all public Feasts and Caesar by the privilege of continually wearing the Laurel Crown, then if they had had all the riches of the Empire divided amongst them.   

The Institution of the Parliament of Mets, after the King had reduced to his Obedience, divers Cities and Places of Lorraine.  
AFter the King had reduced to his Obedience divers Cities and places of the Bishoprics of Mets, Toul, and Verdun. and recovered to his Crown divers Lands and Lordships, heretofore pulled from it; he thought it necessary for the preservation of the people in Obedience and Peace, and for conservation of the Rights of his Crown to establish a Sovereign court of Justice, which should have full power to Judge, without further Appeal, all matters both civil and criminal. His Majesty was the rather invited unto it, by the earnest entreaties of all the Orders of the Cities and Provinces, in prosecution of the promise made unto them, by the late King Henry le grand; especially to redress those great abuses committed in the Administration of Justice, in regard of the inexperience of the Magistrates, as to prevent the Dukes of Lorrain's usurpation, who had oftentimes presumed to give judgement in places; and upon persons depending on the Crown of France. It was resolved about the beginning of the year. The King ordained a Sovereign court, with the Title of Parliament, in his Bishoprics of Toul, Mets, and Verdun; the seat whereof he founded at Mets; both in regard of the commodiousness of the situation; as also the populousness of the place, and confluence of the people, which came from all parts; and besides, that place having been formerly the Metropolis of Austrachia, one of the best Flowers of this Crown. His Majesty ordained there should be one chief Precedent, six other Precedents, forty six Counsellors, of which six should be of the Clergy, the rest of the Laity, one Attorney General, two Advocates General; and to brief, all Officers usual in other Parliaments, to execute Justice, without Appeal, every six months, upon the Cities and persons of those Bishoprics; as also upon Mouzon, Chasteau-Regnaud, and its Appurtenances; notwithstanding any Sovereignty they might heretofore claim: Lastly, desiring to choose such persons as might be capable of doing actual service in this Parliament, he committed the charge of chief Precedent to the Sieur de Bretaign, and of the other Precedents to the Sieurs of Charpentier, Blundeau, Pinon, Treslon, Vignier and Chanteclair, all men of worth; that of Attorney General to the Sieur de Paris, Master of Requests; those of the two Advocate's General, to the Sieurs de la Gresliere, Remifort, and Fardoil; they had all Commission to go with four Masters of Request, and five or six who were created Counselors, to establish the Parliament, which they did about the end of August, to the great happiness and satisfaction of the inhabitants of Mets, glad to see their City reassume its ancient splendour; and true it is, the industry they used to preserve his Majesty's right, and the people in their obedience, did not a little conduce to the establishment of the Royal Authority in its lustre.   

That new Magistrates of Justice ought to be established in Countries newly conquered.  
AS Subjects owe love and obedience to their Kings; so Kings owe them Justice and affection. The debts are mutual, and two incumbent duties, which compose the most agreeable harmony in States, upon the accomplishment of which dependeth the good fortune of both Prince and People; which being so, a Prince can no sooner conquer a country, but be is obliged to do them Justice; nor is it of small importance to him to execute it by new Judges, and to change the old Magistrates. Caesar and Nero knew it well enough, by their endeavours to suppress the Senate, at least to diminish their power when they despaired of being able absolutely to depose them. In a word, the Sovereign power being composed of the Authority of a Prince, and that of Magistrates, to force a country out of the hands of another Prince, and not to change the Magistrates, were to be but half Master of it; for their Prince having bestowed those employments on them, they cannot but preserve some affection for him, nor will they ever fail to serve him, so that great inconveniences may thereby arise; for as they in some sort serve as a Chain to tie the people in obedience to their Sovereign, they will do their utmost endeavour to preserve them in their dependence upon him, from whom they have received their employments, and with time they are able to cause a general insurrection. A Seat of Justice though without a Sword, with the Purple only, and those other marks of its dignity, doth oftentimes cause that which they favour, to be more respected and obeyed, than the force of an whole Army, so much are the people used to submit to its judgements, and to follow its motions; therefore there is nothing of a conquest secured, until the Conqueror hath settled such Magistrates as are affectionate and loyal to his service. That once done, let the people mutiny, make unlawful Assemblies, and be factious, it signifies little; especially, if there are any strong Garrisons or Soldiers in pay to quell them. The people do commonly return to their duties, at the only sight of their Magistrates, and they quickly calm themselves, as tossed vessels do at the appearance of Castor and Pollux; but if they find any to second their insurrection, they rage's more and more, and fly out into all kind of extremities.   

Alpheston and Chavagnac, executed at Mets by Decree of Parliament.  
THe exemplary punishment which the Parliament of Mets, executed this year upon Alpheston and Chavagnac, was one of the greatest services which could be rendered to the State. Alpheston a notorious Assassinate, came to Mets about the end of September, with Sausier and Bellanger, who had both been of the Marshal de Marillac's guard. These two Soldiers touched with repentance and horror for the crime, wherein they had been engaged, made their addresses to the Sieur de Mommas, Governor of the City, for the Duke de la Valette, and discovered to him, upon what design they were come from the Low Countries. The Sieur de Mommas secured them all three, which being signified to the chief Precedent, they were examined, and Process made against Alpheston in the usual form; it was proved, that Alpheston having murdered a certain Courier, called Clairbourg, for fear lest he should discover a design upon St. Disier, which he had entrusted with him, fled into Flanders, where having made some stay at Brussels, he got acquainted with Father Chanteloup, and one la Roche, intendent of his affairs, who had engaged him, together with Sausier and Bellanger, to kill the Cardinal Duc de Richelieu, passing through Chaallons, where they were to lodge over against him; that they had been assured by Father Chanteloup, how that affair had been consulted by persons of Piety and Learning, and adjudged it might be executed with a safe Conscience; that la Roche had given an hundred Livres to Sausier, as many to Bellanger, and a hundred crowns to Alpheston, with promise to reward their services better; that Alpheston had oftentimes conversed with Father Chanteloup concerning that affair; that la Roche had caused a Gelding of the Queen's Stable to be given him, which was afterwards known to be the same, by the Sieur de Villiers, one of her Querris. All this was Deposed by Sausier and Bellanger, and confessed by Alpheston himself; so that he was condemned upon the 23 of September, to be broke on the wheel for his offence. The Sentence was executed, and as it is very important for the security of Kings and their States, to pardon those who discover things of this nature; Sausier and Bellanger were acquitted in conformity to the Law prescribed in such cases. Nor was this Assassina● the only Monster which Chanteloup, sent abroad to execute that horrible attempt; not long after Blaise Ruflet, was discovered under the name of Chavagnac, and convicted in the same Parliament to have designed the death of that grand Minister, by causing him to read a poisoned Letter; an action so black, and full of horror, that it is hardly credible in a person of his condition, bade it not been formally proved, and withal confessed by himself, who for his punishment was adjudged to be hanged. The Parliament of Mets could not see Chanteloup guilty of such abominations, without declaring what he was; whereupon they drew up his indictment, and condemned him by default to be broken alive. Thus did God, by his Providence, defend this incomparable Minister from the fury of his enemies, who before they could effect their design, had the impudence to publish in divers places, that it were a piece of conscience to murder him; that the merit were greater than the crime; that it were an act of Justice, and that divers having already contrived, the design was only deterred by fear. Thus did they endeavour to infuse the poison of this abominable Doctrine, into the minds of some melancholy men, and to persuade them to Die their hands in the blood of a Cardinal, a Bishop, a chief and incomparable Minister of State. This in a word, is the strangest fury that Hell can lead a man into; but that which was more wonderful, was to see the Queen-Mother, whose Piety and Clemency had in all her Government been so conspicuous, suffer such persons as were about her, not only to publish, but approve such bloody Doctrines and Sacralegious maxims, and to be obstinate in the keeping him for her only Minister, who made it his business to cut the thread of his life; whose whose services the King her son did every day publish with so many honourable Eulogiums, that he ascribed the happy success of all his erterprises to his only counsels. This her procedure was totally repugnant to that pretended desire of hers, to return into France, and to make her Peace with his Majesty; however they who had the honour to know her, did not at all detract from their opinions of her goodness, knowing her to be by nature as far from this barbarous doctrine, as heaven is from earth, they only wish she had not so easily suffered herself to be surprised by those whom she honoured with her confidence.   

How abominable assassination hath ever been, and that great men never ought to be drawn into it.  
TO murder a Cardinal is a detestable sacrilege, not only because it injureth a particular person, but the sacred College of Cardinals, the Pope, and the whole Church. He who murdereth a Minister of State, is guilty of high Treason, as I have heretofore made appear, and generally of all others, it is the most horrible Crime. Murderers among the Israelites were so much detested, that private men were allowed to destroy them, if the Magistrate did not; nay, he who had killed another by accident was in such abomination with them, that he was banished his Country as unworthy of their conversation and forced to retire to their Cities of refuge, under penalty of being slain, without punishment by him who had undertaken to revenge the death. All nations have chastised it with grievous punishments; those of Brasil in particular do so detest it, that if the murderer save himself by flight, yet his children, sisters and cousins are all made slaves to the kindred of the party murdered. Hath not God declared himself an enemy unto it, when he saith, He who killeth his Brother shall die by the sword. History is full of examples verifying his Divine justice to correspond with his threats. Plutarch though having the light of nature only, writeth that a certain murderer of one Mitias a Grecian escaping scot free, the divine providence so ordered it, that his statue fell upon him in the public place, and crushed him to death; but if murder destroy those that are guilty thereof with shame, surely all Princes peccant in this particular are much more blame-worthy; because they do an act contrary to that mercy, justice, generosity, and greatness of power which they are obliged to have. Never would the Romans in the flourishing time of their Commonwealth, permit their enemies to be thus killed; and Tacitus reporteth, that when the Senate read Algau destrius Prince of the Cattis his Letters, in which he undertook to poison Arminius the Germane Captain, provided they would send him poison, returned him this answer, that the people of Rome used to have satisfaction from their enemies, openly and not by treachery. That I may show this true valour hath not been unimitated in these latter ages, Dom Rogero Comte de Pallant, offered Alphonsus' King of Naples, to kill the King of Castille his enemy with his own hands; whereunto Alphonsus answered, think not, I pray, upon such an action; because were it to put me in quiet possession not only of Castille, but of the whole world, yet would I never give my consent unto it.   

The Acts of Hostility committed by the Duke of Lorraine against France.  
Whilst his Majesty's prudence and courage were taking care for his sundry affairs, the Duke of Lorraine, setting by the Laws of honour which obliged him to keep his promises, suffering himself to be transported by an unjust hatred against France, took all opportunities to discover his ill will; he was obliged by the last Treaty to send his Forces to his Majesty; but hardly was the Treaty signed, and the Marshal d' Effiat, one of the Generals of his Majesty's Army in Germany, received the command of them, ere he sent Order to their Commanders to disband them, that he might give Mont-Baillon Lorraine opportunity to gather them together, and lead them into Alsace for the Emperor's service. Hereupon it was not long before they vanished, excepting the Regiments de Guerquoy, to the Commander of which he had forgot to make known his intention. Nor did he forbear to testify that this very Regiment, abiding some while in his Majesty's service was displeasing to him; for upon the return into his Territories, after the Marshal de Effiats' decease, he disbanded them, that he might bestow them upon Vervane a Subject of his, and Soldier of Fortune, who led them into Alsace, where he got into Massenal, and was defeated by the Swede. He was obliged to hinder any Levies in his country, made without his Majesty's consent; but he gave way thereunto, at the same time that Ajax the Italian endeavoured to get into Brisac. The Treaty engaged him not do any thing against the Allies of France; and he passed his word to General Horn, not to countenance any design against Haguenaw, which place he underhand assisted with fifteen hundred men; and without regard had to his word, gave forces to the Cemte de Salme, under pretence of discharging them, which afforded him the means and opportunity of taking in that place; nor did he afterward contribute to preserve the place, by sending Victuals and Soldiers to fortify that Garrison. Every one knows he gave leave to Montecuculi Benti voglio & Nassau, to raise Forces in Lorraine, for three or four month's time; the two former pretending all that while they would desert the service; but did indeed send them to fight against the Swede; and the last of them, did openly lead his forces into Alsace. Moreover, as weak courages do easily pass from anger to cruelty, the passion he had against France, and its Allies, transported him to many unworthy actions: For more cruel deeds, than those of Nassau, could not be conceived by the wit of Man, who sometimes was with his Forces at Sarguemine, robbing and killing all such French Merchants as he could meet with; he caused a murder to be executed upon Colonel du Bois, who had very worthily served the Swedes in Germany; he committed violences in the Territory of Strasbourg, in the Duchy of Deux Ponts, and the Comte de Hanau; he highly injured the Comte d' Halberstein, taking him in his shirt out of his bed, and plundering his house without any other difference, but only because he had always been affectionate to France; he kept barbarous cut throats, at Saint Hippolytus, to rob and kill all such Swedes and French, as passed by, but weakly attended. That he might the more absolutely declare himself for the House of Austria, against the Allies of France; did he not proclaim, in his Army, by sound of Trumpet, that no one should presume to call it any other than the Emperor's Army? And did he not cause it to march under that notion, unto the Fort of Gerbaden, to beat off the Swedes who had besieged it? Did he not frequently entertain discourses and correspondencies with the chief of his Officers, with the Comte de Salm, Montecuculi, Merode, and the Marquis de Celade? Did he not receive the moneys brought by the last of them, to pay his forces, with the same satisfaction and facility, as the Soldiers sent by the Valsfeign, and the confiscation sent him by the Emperor, of all his Neighbour Princes, and Allies of France's lands, who were in the Assembly of Hailbron? Did he not likewise make a League with the Emperor; whereby Haguenau, and the other ten Cities of the Imperial Provost, together with Sclestat and Colmah, were delivered to him for their most strict intelligence, though at that very time he was obliged by Treaty with the King, not to engage himself with any Prince, without his Majesty's knowledge or consent? Nor satisfied with that alone, he caused the Marquis de Ville, to tell the Swedes contrary to all likelihood and truth, that he might make them jealous of the King, how he acted nothing against them, but by his Order, and sent ten thousand men to force them from the siege of Haguenau. Indeed he was the Author of his own punishment; for they finding themselves forced to leave their Trenches, marched out, cut off a party of them, and took his Canon and Baggage. This Procedure did sufficiently discover his Passion, but he stayed not there, rather as if he had delighted to break all Articles of former Treaties, he would not be persuaded to do his homage for Bar and though after infinite delays, he did at last send Commissaries to estimate the Demesnes of Clermont; the Propositions they made in valuing the buildings and fortifications contrary to the Treaty, which imported that he should pay after the rate of fifty years purchase in hand; for the Revenue only, did sufficiently testify that they came not to perform the Treaty, but under that pretext to break it. Nor was he more exact in observing that Article, wherein he was obliged not to give any harbour or passage to his Majesty's Subject, who should be out of France, contrary to his Majesty's pleasure, nor to entertain any correspondence with them, seeing he continually treated with those who abused Monsieur the Duke of Orleans his credulity and favour. In general it may be said, that hatred and choler had gotten so transcendent a possession over his Soul, that they forced him to recede from all kind of honour, nay, and to neglect his own interest, and all to revenge himself against France, which he hoped to effect by the Spaniards means, who when he had concluded the Treaty with the Hollander, then in agitation and probability, had engaged to assist Monsieur with all his Forces, to invade the Kingdom, to force his Majesty to such conditions of Peace, as himself pleased, to compel him to ratify Monsieurs marriage with the Princess Marguerite; and finally to surrender to him such places as he had made himself Master of.   

That Sovereigns are obliged to moderate their Passion, principally in point of War.  
IF Choler be blamable in private persons, it is no less dangerous for Sovereigns, then pernicious for their Estates; Prudence ought to be the guide of all their actions, without which they will be inevitably reduced to troublesome inconveniences. Who knoweth not that Choler is incompatible with this virtue, and an enemy to all good counsels? A Prince may sometimes make Choler as useful to him as Soldiers, and may be thereby drawn to a generous impetuosity to surmount almost incredible difficulties; but there is a difference betwixt that gentle heat which increases courage, and that fire which inflames and subdues our reason; and therefore a Prince must be careful that he let not his passion pervert his judgement, to precipitate his reason into base resolutions. He who among Kings hath deserved the name of wise, saith, It is better to moderate choler, then to take a City. Now although this Passion seemeth to carry the stamp of courage, because it pretendeth to vanquish all, and to subscribe to no man, yet really it is a weakness, which whoever surmounteth, is incomparably a person of more spirit and courage, than he who suffereth himself to be transported by it. It hath ever been the opinion of the wisest Politicians, that choleric men are no ways fit for government. Curopalates Commenus, Emperor of Constantinople, did sufficiently declare how incapable he thought them of it, when being on his deathbed, he sent for the chief men o● his Court, and told them, he thought his eldest son Isaac, less fit for the Empire, than his younger son Manuel, in regard of his inclination to anger, which oftentimes hindered him from being Master of his own reason. A Philosopher was demanded why he would not meddle with public affairs. Not, quoth he, that I fear them, but suspect myself; intimating, that his naturally choleric humour was totally repugnant to the management of State-affairs. Amongst those misfortunes wherein choler may engage a Prince, the provoking a Potent King to declare War against him, is one of the most dangerous; War is never to be undertaken in Passion, but to be entered into by the Gate of Prudence, else it turneth to the Adventurers ruin. Anger transporteth a Prince without giving him leave to compare his Forces with his enemies, without preparing means necessary for his defence, or obtaining an happy end, and without any thoughts of desisting, or of making any advantageous Peace; but having hastily taken up his Sword, he is oftentimes seen to let it fall with repentance, though too late, because such heady resolutions can hardly restore him to his first state. He that hath once set a fire on a Forest, is no more able to extinguish it, but it runs from Tree to Tree until it hath consumed all, nay hardly will it be quenched upon the borders, and that Prince who hath once kindled a War cannot extinguish it at his pleasure, nor can he prevent the ruins, which by little and little attend it, or keep it back from doing all manner of outrages in his own country. Well may Passion engage the weakest, but being once heated, it belongeth to the Victorious to renounce it. There are many Princes, saith Polybius, who egged on by an impetuous violence, either to revenge themselves, or grow great, do attempt many things; but few there are who know rightly how to conduct their erterprises to obtain an happy end, or have understanding or industry sufficient to vanquish the resistances of fortune.   

The King sendeth the Sieur de Guron, to treat with the Duke of Lorraine.  
THough Monsieur de Lorrain's behaviour, provoked the King to fall upon him, both with his own and his Allies forces, yet such was his Clemency which diverteth him from all proceed of rigour, unless at the last extremity, that he sent to the Swedes after the battle of Haguenau, to entreat them not to prosecute any further their conquests in Lorraine, and gave them to understand that it was in his Majesty's protection, assuring them the said Duke should no more thwart them in their undertake. The truth is, it was not the Duke of Lorrain's interest alone which induced his Majesty so to do, for he was not ignorant that the neighbourhood of great Conquerors, is always to be feared; yet his Majesty had this design in preserving him, he well hoped this present assistance would work upon him so much the more, because his danger was so eminent. The Swedes were commanded by persons, who amidst the prosperity of their Victories, thought no action glorious, unless just and conformable to the Treaty made with the King, whereupon they made no difficulty to consent unto it, but passed their words not to attempt any thing for the future upon Lorraine. The Duke in reason ought to have been very sensible of this Protection, seeing in the opinion of all people, though of never so little judgement, it prevented his ruin; yet such was his Passion, that he took no notice of it. The King sorry for him, as for a man who would destroy himself, presently sent the Sieur de Guron, if possible, to open his eyes, and to show him how irrational proceed were; but the Duke instead of reverencing his Majesty's goodness, who could not resolve to ruin him, according as he deserved, hide himself, and for some time would not suffer the Sieur de Guron to see him. At Nancy where the Sieur de Guron went to see him, he was not to be found nor could he hear any news of him, whereupon he was forced to return upon his way toward Mets until the Duke fearful, it seems, lest his Majesty should resent his disrespect of a person of quality coming in his behalf, sent to tell him that he was at Luneville; he had not Artifice enough to satisfy the Sieur de Guron in appearance, but on the contrary, suffered himself so to be hurried away by Passion, which had gotten the mastery of him, that he gave him cause to suspect, he only waited a fair occasion to declare himself against his Majesty. The Sieur de Guron used his utmost endeavour to bring him to reason; in order to which he laid before him the little Justice of his Procedures, and the danger whereunto he exposed himself, if he should still drive on those discontents, which he had for some years last passed given unto his Majesty. However, when he found his endeavours ineffectual, according as he had received instructions, he applied himself to make a discovery of his designs, which in the Duke's anger he often did. The Duke passed many Compliments unto him, and made general protestations how ready he was to render his Majesty all respect; but when they came to the ground of affairs, his Passion would insensibly transport him to speak such things as did sufficiently evidence his ill intentions, especially after that light which those of his Court gave, who were gained to give intelligence, and the Sieur de Guron himself learned from the particular conversation of divers persons, during his stay in those parts, he having dexterity enough to inform himself of any thing he desired to know, or had charge to inquire. He was certainly informed that the new fortifications made by the Duke at Nancy, were to no other end but to secure himself with his own force, and to defend the injustice of his proceed, under the shelter of those bulwarks, instead of obtaining pardon from his Majesty's clemency, by a true change of his behaviour; that he had delivered his Commissions to raise store of horse and foot, whose Randezvouz was to be near St. Michael, the first of July next following, and that those Forces were appointed to invade France, together with those which the Emperor and King of Spain had promised him. These designs were of great importance, of all which he gave his Majesty advice, as they came to his knowledge. The King unable to put up so insolent behaviour, presently resolved by the wise Counsel of the Cardinal, to reduce this small Prince by force of Arms to such a pass, that he should not be in a condition to attempt any thing, but what would make him be pitied.   

That it is important to send Ambassadors to such Princes against whom War is designed, to discover their intentions: and how it may be done.  
IF it be necessary to be well informed of an enemy's designs, of his humour, of his Forces, of the succours he expecteth, and generally of all things which may strengthen or weaken him, as all Politicians are of opinion; it is no less useful to send persons to him, who under pretence of some familiarity, may give advice thereof. Tiberius, one of the Roman Emperors, was so solicitous in this kind, as Tacitus observeth, that he was not ignorant of one of his enemy's resolutions; so that he oft times raised great advantages from their stratagems. Amongst all persons fit for this employment, none are so proper as Ambassadors; because having the liberty of speaking to an enemy, to his Ministers and Statesmen, the may well discover more than men of inferior condition, who converse with none but those of their own quality. Xenophon reporteth that Cyrus sent Ambassadors of a certain King of the Indies, toward the King of the Assyrians, under pretence of making a Treaty of League with him, but in effect to discover his designs. Not but that I think it necessary to send with them persons of inferior qualities, who may be crafty and capable to find admission every where to get acquaintance, to inform themselves of all passages, and make their discoveries thereof, for such men give no small light to affairs. Thus did Scipio, as Plutarch observeth in his life, that he might discover the State of the Carthaginians and Syphax.  
Merchants used to Traffic in an Enemy's Country, are not improper for this purpose, in regard of their general acquaintance, as Xenophon, one of the ablest Statesmen of his time, hath declared; but one thing especially aught to be observed in employing such persons, that is, that they be men of understanding and fidelity; for if they be defective in the former, their advices will not only be frivolous, but hurtful; because they may engage resolutions contrary to what is fit: and if they be deficient in the latter, it is easy to conclude how dangerously inconvenient it may be. As to the means which all in general are to use for their information, none are better, than those which engage men to talk much, and discover themselves: Anger hath been ever esteemed a fit subject to work upon, because it depriveth the use of reason, and giveth only the tongue liberty; and therefore it would not be amiss that an Ambassador should dextrously provoke an Enemy-Prince, or his Ministers, to drive them into this Passion; however this aught to be managed both with ingenuity and respect, lest he so far exasperate them, as to refuse him any more audience. It will not a little conduce to this end, to visit such Grandees of State, who they find talkative; it being usual with great talkers, to let fall whatever is in their thoughts, just as Torrents hurry away all that oppose them. Ladies are very proper to discover secrets, especially where a man may partake of their favours. For this reason did Augustus usually make love to his Enemy's Wives; and indeed, it is impossible the should keep any thing secret from their Gallants: Nor ought they to be defective in feasting those who know the Country, because Wine is as much an enemy to a secret, as love; but especially money makes the Mare go. That is it which discovereth all, and was one of the means used by that great Captain Gonzalvus, to inform himself of all his Master's enemies affairs, during his abode in Naples, as was to be seen in his account after the War, where to this end he had spent 600494 crowns.   

The King sendeth the Sieur de la Nauve, to seize upon Bar, for defect of Homage, and to reunite to the Crown all his lost Royalties.  
THe King intending to be revenged on Monsieur de Lorraine, thought good to begin it by seizing upon Bar, as the best remedy, in hopes that by letting him see his Majesty's resolution, no longer to endure the effects of his hatred; he would, in fine, return to his duty without engaging himself in greater extremities. Upon this design he caused him to be summoned to the Parliament of Paris, to try whether the said Duchy were not lapsed to the Crown for default of Homage, upon whose non-appearance the Parliament decreed by the Judgement of the 30. of July. that a Commission should be issued out to the Attorney General to seize upon it, and deliver it into his Majesty's hands, together with its dependences, until the said Duke should do his Homage. In prosecution of this Decree, the Parliament gave a Commission to the Sieur de la Nauve, one of their most ancient Counsellors, whose ability in learning, experience in affairs, and integrity in the Administration of Justice, together with his birth and manners, were thought capable enough to cause his Majesty's name to be honoured in Bar, and to re-establish his Authority in that lustre, of which Monsieur the Lorrain's Ambition had deprived him. His Majesty approved of their choice; and the Sieur de la Nauve, going to take his leave of his Majesty, and receive the honour of his commands; he gave them another Commission, under the Great Seal, not only to execute the Parliaments Decree, but also to reunite unto the Crown, the Royal Prerogatives of Bar, the grant of which had heretofore been made by Charles the Ninth, and Henry the Third, to the then Duke Lorraine, without mature consideration of the consequence of such alienation. These things thus ended, the Sieur de la Nauve, bend all his thought towards Bar, together with such Officers, as the Parliament doth usually appoint to attend upon their Commissaries on such occasions. The Officers of the City received him with all honour, but not long after his arrival, the Baron de Cowonges, Bailiff and Governor of Bar, came to meet him on the behalf of the Duke of Lorraine, to entreat him to deliver him a Copy of his Commission, assuring him in the interim, that the Duke had given leave to all the inhabitants and Officers of the City, to obey such commands as he had brought from his Majesty, it being the order of Sovereignty, that the weaker should obey the stronger. This discourse did not at all surprise him, he knowing, that such an affair could not be ended without some contest; and accordingly, be answered the Baron de Cowanges without any alteration, that his Commission being to be executed in public, and himself being to be there in the head of his Officers, as Bailiff of Bar, to understand the King and Parliaments pleasure, it would be unnecessary to give him a copy thereof, and that it appertained not to the Duke of Lorraine, to give leave to the Officers and Inhabitants of Bar to obey his Majesty's commands, seeing they having no other Sovereign but his Majesty, no one could have the power to exempt them from that duty which they owed him. The Sieur de Cowonges, upon this answer, withdrew; and the next morning, the Sieur de la Nauve going to the Palace where the Officers of Justice were assembled, took his place, and caused his Commission to be read unto them, which impowered him to seize the Duchy of Bar for his Majesty, for default of Homage, and to reunite unto the Crown, the rights of Royalty and Sovereignty, which had heretofore been alienated, and which a subject guilty of Felony could not justly enjoy; that to this end, he was enabled to alter the Titles of Justice, to ordain that all succeeding Acts should pass in his Majesty's name, that they should be sealed with his Arms; that all the inhabitants of Bar should have recourse to his Majesty, for Letters of Justice and Favour of Pardon and Grace; that the money should be hereafter stamped with the Arms of France; and that in general, the same Orders should be established among them, as were observed in the other Provinces of France. Then he told them, he thought it unnecessary to exhort them to be obedient unto his Majesty, seeing they were his Subjects born, and that it could not but be glorious for them, to be under a Prince who had taken Justice for the rule of his actions; who for his Clemency, is beloved by his people; and who for his Valour, is honoured of all the World; that the seizure of Bar ought to seem the less strange unto them, in regard the Duke of Lorraine his Majesty's Subject and Vassal, in relation to this Duchy, which belonged in Fee to the Crown, had failed to do his Fealty and Homage, though by the customs of France, none but his Majesty could reinstall him in it; that his Majesty had for ten years past, expected his submission, though he might lawfully have seized it upon the death of the late Duke; and that this Law of Fealty, should be the more vigorously executed, as to the Dukes of Lorraine, in regard they had often failed to do their duties unto his Majesty. As to that which concerned the reuniting of the Regal Rights to the Crown of France; he added, that those Rights being, as it were, a Flower, extracted from that Crown, by the importunities of the Dukes of Lorraine, it was the more equitable to reunite them, and deprive the Duke of them, because he hath so far abused them, that he wanted little of a total usurpation, without considering how our Kings have reserved the last appeal, and Homage, as so many marks of Sovereign Authority, not to be alienated, that there was little reason to suffer them longer in his hands, who had for so many years together delayed and refused to do homage for them; and endeavoured to persuade the World, that those performed by his Predecessors, were but so many visits and compliments; especially considering, that bounty hath its limits, as well as Justice; and that it is taken for a dishonourable weakness in Kings, when it is excessive, or when it persuadeth them to put up abuses offered unto them. In fine, he ordered that the Duchy of Bar should be seized and delivered into his Majesty's hands, and that the Royal Prerogatives should be reunited to the Crown of France, by the Messengers of the Parliament, who accompanied him to be enjoyed by his Majesty, until he had received satisfaction in the causes of the seizure. This was the substance of his discourse at the Palace. In the following days, he cause his commission to be read in the Bailiffs court, in the chamber of Accounts, and the Town-House. The Messengers of the Parliament executed the Decree, all the Officers took the Oath of Allegiance unto his Majesty, He did several acts of Justice, required the Clergy to make public Prayers for his Majesty and the Royal Family, inhibited all Gentlemen and inhabitants of Bar, to bear Arms for the Duke of Lorraine, regulated some disorders committed by the Provosts of Mareschals, in the exercise of their Office; and in general, settled every thing which he thought conducing to his Majesty's service.   

That Kings never ought to alienate their Demesnes, especially their rights of Sovereignty.  
THough Liberality be so becoming Kings, that it is no less beseeming them to give, then to command, yet ought they never to extend their bounties so far, as to alienate their Demesnes. The Revenues of the crown, do chief contain two things, the rights of Sovereignty, and the lands which they have reserved to themselves, or acquired by any other way whatever. The rights of Sovereignty, consist in the power of executing Justice, coining of money, granting of Pardons, making Peace and War, establishing Laws, imposing Taxes, creating Magistrates, and sending Ambassadors. As for Demesne Lands, as it is impossible to support the charges of State, without a certain income, Kings have always reserved some of this sort, beside their Sovereignty, to serve their occasions. This Demesne, though of less honour, hath ever been esteemed so sacred, that Kings at their Coronations have sworn to preserve and defend them to the utmost of their powers. Indeed it is impossible, as Tacitus observeth, to keep a people in quiet without Arms, Arms without Money, and Money without Revenue or Tribute. Hence it was, that Nero having deliberated how to abolish all the Tolls of the Kingdom, the Senate though they approved of his Magnificence, yet could not give their assents unto that; because the ruin of the Empire would be inevitable, when the Nerves of it should be so destroyed. If the alienation of ordinary Lands and Tributes, be so prejudicial to States, those of Sovereign rights are incomparably more considerable and dangerous. These latter Rights are like the Rays of the Sun, inseparable from the Royal Family, and like the most noble parts of the Kingdom, without which it cannot be preserved in that strength which becomes it. That of the Law, which inhibiteth the alienation of royal Prerogatives, aught to be understood more in relation of those, then of Lands; and thereupon hath ordained, that if any thing be alienated or dismembered, it shall notwithstanding be reunited to the Crown, as so many distracted members to their body, to restore it to its former strength. This hath been always so exactly observed in this Kingdom, that in the very Pensions of the Sons of France, the Demesnes of the Crown are never alienated, but with express reservation of reverting to the Crowns, when the Males fail, and that without any right of Sovereignty; so that to grant such royal Prerogatives to a Foreigner, were to treat them more favourably, than the Princes of the royal family; and withal, to endanger a loss of their Sovereignty. Ambition hath no bounds, and a Prince who hath obtained the privilege of some Sovereignty's, may be easily wrought upon, at least his Successors, to pretend to them, without and depending upon others; so that who so is peccant in this excess of Liberality, what doth he but raise a power against his own, and sow the seeds of division in his Kingdom. Besides, States be not so much for Kings, as Kings for their States, they are no less obliged to preserve them in all their dependences, than the State is obliged to preserve itself in the obedience they owe them; from whence it is, that to alienate such rights, or any notable part of their Demesne, is one of the causes of their deposing, in those Kingdoms where it is permitted by the Fundamental Laws, as is observed by all those who have written on that Subject; and indeed, he seemeth to be unworthy of a Crown, who neglecteth to preserve it in its entire lustre.   

How the Cardinal de Lorraine came to meet the King at Chasteauthierry, where his Majesty stayed to demand Nancy in Deposite.  
IT had been not only commendable but advantageous to Monsieur de Lorraine, to have been more concerned at the seizure at Bar, and to have waited upon his Majesty to do him homage, and satisfy the just discontents conceived against him by his submissions; but fortune contriving to destroy him, had cast her Mantle before his eyes, so that the continued  in his first designs. Whereupon his Majesty, about August, found himself obliged to go to Chasteauthierry, from thence to meet the Army, which he had recalled from the Country of Treves, and to carry them before Nancy, the better to hinder the Duke of Lorrain's Levies; and in case he persisted in his late Procedures, to reduce him to such a pass, that he might be no more in a condition of giving any jealousy to France, or interrupting the forces of its Allies. Whiles his Majesty was at Chasteauthierry, the Cardinal of Lorraine came to meet him, and after some compliments and excuses, beseeched his leave to make some Propositions unto him. He told him, that he did much condemn his brother's actions, and that he had never had any hand in them; both in regard of the respect he owed his Majesty; as also because be foresaw the issue could not but be disadvantageous; that if his Majesty should continue in the resolution to drive this affair to the utmost, he concluded his Brother's ruin inevitable, and that for his own particular fortune, he should seek no other refuge but that of his royal bounty, beseeched him to receive him into his protection, and to permit him to retire into France. His Majesty received him very favourably, and told him, that he should always know how to distinguish betwixt his and his Brother's actions; that he was sufficiently informed, that he had no hand in his Brother's deport; and that he should willingly afford him all the proofs of as hearty a good will, as the interest of his affairs would permit; that he assured him of his protection; and that amidst his Brother's disgrace, he should be sure to find all the advantage which could be justly desired from his protection. The Cardinal de Lorraine, would have made hereupon certain Proposals to his Majesty for the accommodation of affairs, which his Majesty remitted to Monsieur the Cardinal. The same day the Cardinal de Lorraine, went to visit Monsieur le Cardinal, assured him of Monsieurs marriage, proposed to him to break it, to put his sister, the Princess Marguerite into his Majesty's hands, and to cause the homage of the Duchy of Bar, to be paid unto his Majesty in the Duchess of Lorrain's name. The Cardinal answered him, that the King could not give ear to any proposition, seeing the breach of that match was not in the power of Monsieur de Lorraine; that besides his so little fidelity in observing the three Treaties lately made with him; his Majesty had particular information of his evil conduct, and could no longer trust him without some more potent means to oblige him to keep his word; that his faltrings, had three several times constrained his Majesty to raise great Armies, to the great and trouble expense of his Subjects, which made his Majesty resolve to put a final end to the War, that there might be no more trouble in it; that the Duke his Brother might not have the boldness to intermeddle in any factions of his State, as he had formerly done, even to the engaging of Monsieur in a match, which did equally offend the dignity of the Crown and Person of his Majesty, being managed without his consent, against the Laws of the Kingdom, and to the countenancing of his invading France; and that the only means which could induce his Majesty to trust the Duke his Brother, was to Deposit Nancy in his hands, that this was the best course he could take, seeing it would preserve his Country; and that Nancy itself, should be assuredly restored unto him, if he carried himself for the future, as did become him; that in case he intended fairly, he need not fear any thing; but if on the contrary, he was resolved to persist in attempts against his Majesty, it would be to no purpose to treat; that his Majesty was positively resolved, to admit of no other conditions; and that Monsieur de Lorraine ought to make the less difficulty to consent thereunto, in regard he was despoiled of all his Estates, excepting Nancy itself, the loss of which would be unavoidable, unless he gave his Majesty satisfaction; that this place indeed was strong, but that the Duke being unable to keep the field, and without Revenue, his Majesty would the more easily force him to surrender it, in regard he might manage the War against him at his own charges; that to ground his hopes upon the alteration of times, was a counsel very pernicious, seeing his Majesty was young, absolute in his Kingdom; and that his cause being just there was reason to hope that God would continue to prosper his Armies with the like happy success, as he had hitherto done. Hereupon the Cardinal of Lorraine, represented to him that this condition was so hard, that he could not advise his brother to accept of it; but at the last extremity, seeing the chance of War could not reduce him to a worse pass then to see his Captal City taken from him, and forced to depend upon another's Will; That he doubted not of his Majesty's intention to perform the trust of a Deposit; but that the state of affairs being subject to change, his enemies might by their ill Offices make his Majesty believe that he had broken the Treaty; and consequently, give him occasion to detain Nancy; that he beseeched the Cardinal to consider what a shame it would be for his brother to deliver up one of the best places in the World, in the sight of all Europe, without resistance, and not being forced thereunto; that he confessed his Majesty's Power was great, and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it; and that finding himself between two great Princes, he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment, in regard if he should satisfy the King by delivering Nancy, he should contract the Emperor's displeasure, from whom he holdeth his Duchy, which doubtless he would declare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire, with a resolution to seize upon it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him; That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesty's protection, but that than it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far engaged in other Wars, as not to be in a condition of assisting him, by which means his ruin would then be inevitable; and moreover, that he thought it impossible to persuade his brother to Deposit Nancy, unless at the last extremity of his affairs. Whereunto the Cardinal answered, that he found it not strange that he should allege his holding of the Empire, and the power of the House of Austria; but besides that, the King did not consider such pretensions, he thought that if the Duke of Lorraine did well weigh it, he would find no great reason to build upon it, because he well knew that those whose interests he alleged, being the chief Authors of his evil conduct, had not been very solicitous to assist him: That he confessed indeed Monsieur de Lorraine was under the Protection of two Crowns; but that the Laws of the very protection, obliged him to deserve it from the King, by his respects and good deportment; and to conclude, by the desires which his Predecessors had testified, that his preservation entirely depended thereupon: That instead thereof he had provoked his Majesty, broken his faith by infringing of Treaties, taken part with Spain, run into all acts of Hostility, and to complete all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty, had ravished a son of France, and engaged Monsieur to marry his sister, whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries; and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperor, then that of France, then at his Gates, he might choose what party he pleased to defend himself by force; but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruin, which was inevitable, he could not take a better course, then by depositing of Nancy, which would secure his States without any loss to him.  
As for matter of his holding of the Empire, the King was far enough from admitting it, seeing he himself claimeth the Sovereignty of Lorraine, and that the Homage was due unto him; that the Empire had heretofore usurped it from this Crown, but that length of possession could not prejudice a Sovereign's right, because great Princes, who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth, where they may claim their own, are always permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers, and to enter them by force; so that no time can cause a prescription against them; that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences; but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy, in its primitive greatness, Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence, if he should not employ his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown: that Monsieur de Lorraine ought to have had those fears alleged by him in his mind, at such time as he was running on to provoke his Majesty against him, but that now having done the injury, his Majesty could not dissemble his resentment: wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be revenged unless he received such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable: that his Predecessors had ever well-esteemed the friendship of France, and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection, because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man: But in fine, that the King could not admit of any other condition than the Deposite of Nancy, seeing though he already had the best places of Lorraine in his hands, they could not oblige the Duke to keep his promise, and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more solicitous for keeping it in future, after so many changes of his resolution: that his Majesty chief desired this assurance, that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury, or be necessitated (to his great expense) to raise a new Army: a thing, peradventure, which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it, whereas the present conjuncture was such, that his Majesty could not wish it more favourable, there being no likelihood of any thing to divert him; that the Duke of Lorraine might be thereby the more readily induced to this resolution; his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his affairs; that that of France was such, that it was not only at Peace, but without fear of civil War, all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient, the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge; and on the other side, the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken, without the least hopes of being brought on again, and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies; that the Duke of Lorraine could not pretend to expect any from them. As to Germany, that the Emperor's forces had enough to do, to defend themselves from the prosperous success of the Swede, who was not likely to be stopped. As to matter of Italy, that the Cardinal Infanta's forces; were not yet ready to march, and that admitting they were, yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline, the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march; and that thus Nancy might be besieged, and taken without hopes of any assistance to relieve it, unless Monsieur de Lorraine, had rather Deposite it in his Majesty's hands. The Cardinal de Lorraine found it an hard task to answer these reasons, and being retired, all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty, to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother; and in the mean time, not to make any further progress. The King not only refused it, but assured that he would march before Nancy, with the greatest speed that might be, resolved never to departed, until he had reduced it to its obedience.   

That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an incensed Prince, who hath oftentimes broke his word.  
IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words, from a Prince who hath often failed of his word, & especially, who is known to be incensed, & passionately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath received. His apparent submissions in matters of accommodation, are effects rather of his weakness then good will; and as Passion rather treadeth under foot the Laws of honour and justice, it will afterwards make no difficulty to break its promises, if it find any overture to evade them, and reassume its lost advantage. Asdrubal may serve for an example, who finding himself so blocked up in Spain, by Claudius Nero, that he must unavoidably die with famine in his Trenches, or fall under his Arms in a disadvantageous battle, sent him very fair Proposals of Peace, and in the interim, found away to escape his hand. Nero indeed angry for being thus surprised, for which he had been blamed at Rome, made him afterwards suffer in the Marquisate of Ancona for his Treachery; but besides, that this was not without endangering his whole Army, yet had it been a shame to suffer himself to be deluded by his enemy, under show of accommodation. Pope Julius the Second, that he might amuse Lewis the Twelfth, sent his Nuncio's to Treat a Peace, and conclude it, that he might gain time to make a League offensive with the Venetians and King of Arragon against him; but let us look back again into the examples of Antiquity. Mark Anthony, held Fraates besieged in Priaspe with full assurance of taking it in few days. Fraates sent his Ambassadors to him, that it was thought a Peace might easily have been concluded between them. Mark Anthony gave them present Audience, and withal, sent other Ambassador to Fraates to conclude it; but Fraates continuing his Treachery, made great complaints unto them of Mark Anthony; and in conclusions, added, that as often as he should withdraw his Army, from the place wherein he was encamped, he would be content to make a Peace with him. Mark Anthony hereupon presently withdrew his Forces, without breaking down his Treches, or carrying away his Engines of War, he had not marched far from his Camp, before the Medes sallied out of Priaspe, mastered it, and destroyed all his Engines, which he had inconsiderately left there, though peradventure not without hopes that he might be there soon enough to defend them, in case the Medes used any Treachery. Besides, part of Mark Anthony's Forces were cut off when he led them back again to the Camp, so that he was forced to relinquish that design with shame and loss, and by his example, taught all Princes not to be over-credulous of an Enemy's promises.   

How the Cardinal of Lorraine came to meet his Majesty at St. Desire, and made divers Propositions which Monsieur the Cardinal refused.  
THe Cardinal de Lorraine, took his leave of the King upon the 20. of August, to meet his brother, and the same day, his Majesty, who seldom loseth any time in such erterprises, advanced towards Nancy; but being near St. Desire, the Cardinal returned to him, and offered in the Duke of Lorrain's name, to deliver the Princess Marguerite his Sister into his hands, in order to the dissolution of that marriage, and to surrender La moth unto him, one of the strongest places of his State. The King carried him to St. Desire, and had two hours conference with him, at which Monsieur le Cardinal Duc, the Sieur de Brassac Bullion, and Bouthilier were present to examine the Propositions; but they were thought improper, because they did not deprive the Duke of Lorraine of the power to reassume his former designs; so that his Majesty returned him no other answer, but this, that he was resolved to have Nancy, as a place without which he had no assurance for the performance of any Treaty; however, his Majesty knowing that the Cardinal's negotiations were very frank and affectionate to procure an accommodation; he testified unto him, that his inter position was not only acceptable, but that he had ever a regard to his particular interest, notwithstanding the injuries he had received from his Brother; and withal, offered him all sorts of honour and employments suitable to his quality, if he thought good to reside in France. After this he returned to the Duke his brother, to acquaint him with the King's resolution; and having told him what extraordinary testimonies of favour and good will he had received from his Majesty; the Duke at last resolved to surrender his Estates into the King's hands, hoping by this means to evade the effects of his Majesty's just displeasure, yet took assurance from the Cardinal his brother, to restore them unto him. He discoursed of it with the Cardinal, who having assured him, that he would therein do whatever could be desired; he beseeched him to return to the King, to tell him, that seeing he was so unfortunate, that his Majesty could not believe his promises, he had resolved to put his estates, into his Brother the Cardinal's hands; and that he hoped his Majesty considering his deportment, whould the more readily consent thereunto, because then there was no cause of fear, and that he could not receive a greater satisfaction from him, then to see him reduced to the quality of a private person, by divesting himself from that of a Sovereign. The Cardinal de Lorraine, returned to his Majesty at Pont au Mousson, upon the 28. of the same month, and proposed this to him, renewing his promised of delivering the Princess Marguerite into his hands, and so to endeavour the dissolution of that marriage. The King desired him to treat with Monsieur the Cardinal, relying upon this grand Minister, whom he knew to employ most of his time in examination of what might be granted, and in prevention of such inconveniences as might probably arise from their Propositions. The Cardinal de Lorraine went to meet him, and made the same Proposition unto him, and withal told him, that to give him the greater assurance of his fidelity, and of his positive intention to keep his word; he beseeched him to give him Made de Combalet his Niece in marriage, and to procure the King's consent unto it, professing that he desired it with a great deal of affection, as a most certain gage of his good will, and a powerful means to preserve him in his Majesty's favour, and protested totally to embrace his counsels, and to have no other will then his, whereby he might absolutely root out all subject of division between France and Lorraine. Monsieur the Cardinal replied unto him, that as for matter of the surrender of the States of Lorraine, he believed the King would not divert his brother from it, seeing his particular actions gave sufficient ground to believe his behaviour toward France, would be such as would give his Majesty all kind of satisfaction; but that this was not to cure the disease, because M. de Lorraine, might repent of his surrender, and return into his states, either by open force, or underhand dealing, and that then the whole business were to be begun again; wherefore it were necessary to find out another expedient, and that the Deposite of Nancy, was the only secure way which could be taken. This was sufficient to let him know, that it was mistrusted, lest there were some collusion between them; but that he might not exasperate him, and preserve him affectionate to the accommodation, whereby some advantage might be made upon the conclusion, he would not harp any more upon that string. As to his demand of Madam de Combalet, he told him, that he took it for a very great honour, and did not reject it, but that he thought it improper to treat of it at that time, to avoid the report of having engaged his Majesty to come into Lorraine with a great Army for his private ends, and entreated him not to insert this affair with the public, though for his part he was not ways averse from it. These words of agreement, were only an effect of his Purdence, which advised him not to estrange this Cardinal's good will, but to preserve it to be made use of as occasion should require, for discoursing to the chief Ministers concerning this Proposition; he told them, that neither the present, nor the future age, should have cause to believe, that he had mingle his own interests in this affair, where his only end was the King's service, and the good of the State; that heretofore the Cardinal de Amboise, had made Lewis the Twelfth undertake a War in Italy, only upon an ambitious design of being Pope; but that for his part, he should always shun the blame of managing the affairs of State by his own particular Interest, and as to that which concerned the Princess Marguerite, he assured him that the King would willingly accept thereof; any that the executing of it would give a great stroke to a conclusion, seeing she might much dispose his Majesty to relinquish somewhat of his resolution, because he could not but receive her as a pledge of Monsieur de Lorrain's good inclination to be at peace with his Majesty; but he told him, that his Majesty believed it was not in their power, for that he was informed of what had past. The Cardinal de Lorraine made himself ingnorant, and assured the Cardinal she was in a place where they could dispose of her; but that only served to make the Cardinal distrust his intentions, who knoweth, that in matters of Treaty, an enemy's actions are more to be regarded them his words. After this, they broke up their conference, departed each from other, and the next morning the Cardinal de Lorraine took his leave of the King.   

That a wise Minister ought to foresee the inconveniences of all Propositions made to him in Treaties.  
It is the property of a wise Minister, to foresee the inconveniences of such Propositions as are made in Treaties to surprise him, and to be careful that an enemy who hath not been able to get any advantage by War, should not gain it by an accommodation. It is to this end that many have thought Prudence to be more necessary for him then valour, because the occasions of fight are but seldom in War, whereas Propositions of Peace are daily made, which if he should admit of to his Master's detriment, would be no less prejudicial to him then a defeat. To speak truth, this virtue is as needful for him, as Art for a Workman, and as the ignorant Workman doth only spoil that substance, which he pretendeth to form; so the imprudent Minister ruineth the affairs of a State, if he accept of injurious conditions for want of foreseeing the consequences. Prudence it is which causeth him to know the means by which he may attain his proposed end, preventeth his being deceived, serveth to regulate his counsels, guideth his actions, maketh him speak in agreeable terms, conducteth all his motions, teacheth him what to do in all Occurrences, maketh him clear sighted amidst the Artifices of his enemies, and giveth him address to obtain whatever he desires. The Philosopher saith, it is a virtue proper to him that governeth, not that it is unnecessary for private persons; but because it is so highly necessary for Kings and Ministers, that without it they are no more able to govern a State, than a Pilot to guide his Vessel without Steer and Rudder. He who is Master of it, doth easily master all others in matters of negotiation; and if his birth hath not made him a Sovereign, yet doth it afford him the means to work Sovereigns to what he pleaseth; so saith the wise man in his Proverbs, The pleasure of a King dependeth upon the Prudence of his servant. To make a right use of this virtue, he ought advisedly to consider the parts which are proposed to him, and to bring them to the Touchstone of those maxims which he hath laid down for the ground of the Treaty. To this end, the wise Minister often retires in private, as knowing, that then he hath full liberty to discuss the Propositions made unto him, and is at leisure to consider them; a thing, saith Periander, able to overcome all things. He is not ignorant, that who so taketh resolutions without due consideration, is like those liquorish men, who charging their stomaches over hastily, do repent it as soon as they rise from the Table; wherefore he taketh great care to weigh the Propositions made to him, he applieth the Hypothesis to the Thesis, particular affairs, to general maxims; he recollecteth the Experience of things past, proportioneth the means to the end, observeth if by granting any thing, it may not serve the enemy to obtain his pretences, examineth what assurance he shall find of performance, and generally all other circumstances: And lastly, being thus secure from all surprises, he is not only in a condition of being not cheated, but in a way of obtaining whatever he desireth.   

The King besiegeth Nancy, and presseth hard upon the Duke of Lorraine.  
DUring the Cardinal de Lorrains journeying too and fro, and the divers Propositions of Peace by him made his Majesty's Army was not idle. The King gave Order to his Commanders, that they should seize upon all principal places, he summoned in person the Towns of St. Michael, and Ponto au Mousson, which presently surrendered: Espinal surrendered to the Marshal de la Force; Charms to the Comte de la Suze, and Luneville to the marquis de Sourdis; besides these, Halon du Chastel, and the Castles de Conde, lafoy Chausset, Trognon, Malatour, Pargny and Boucouville, received the Garrisons sent to them; so that his Majesty had no sooner entered into the Country, but he became Master of the Field; but that which was most of all, was, his Majesty having cause his Army to come to him from the Country of Treves, under the command of the marquis de St. Chaumond, and ordered divers other Troops to draw thither, which so invested the City of Nancy, that nothing could get in or out without a good passport. The Regiment de Florinville, designing to get in by night, was led by M. de Lorrains Huntsmen though Woods, and by unknown ways; yet they could not carry it so secretly, but some French discovered them, which struck them into such fear, that flying back again through the same Woods, they totally routed themselves. On the other side, the Comte de la Souse, kept the Field with seven Cornets of horse, and some foot, so that nothing durst appear against him: and to reinforce the Duke's fear, at the advantages which the King's army took, his Majesty commanded the Marshal de la Force to pursue him, with 6000 foot, 1500 horse, and six pieces of Canon, and to invest him in any place where he should retreat; and withal, to treat those as enemies who should receive him, if they refused to deliver him, as an enemy of France; so that he was constrained to retire about Espinal, where he quartered with such Forces as he could get together, and to draw a little nearer to the Franche-Comte, where they who had persuaded him to take the Field, gave him encouragement to hope for certain Forces, which never came to him. To be short, that nothing might be omitted which might shake him, whom necessity alone was able to reduce to reason; his Majesty coming before Nancy, and quartering at Neufville, went in person to view the most advantageous Posts for his Army. The Cardinal likewise rid the round without Musket shot of the City, the better of judge of the order of the Siege, and then his Majesty personally drew out the circumvalation, which was four Leagues about the Forts and Redoubts, and set the Pioners to work. He digged first himself, and caused the work to be followed with such care and diligence, that in five days time the Camp was finished, and his under shelter. At the same time, they began a Bank thwart the River Meurthe, which stopping the Current, would not only have drowned the neighbouring country, but in a little time have forced in into the City, and compelled the inhabitants to quit it; insomuch, that the Duke seeing the unhappy condition of his affairs, knew not where to hid his head. Every one, in the interim, admired the happy successes of those counsels which the Cardinal gave his Majesty, with so much the more astonishment, in regard they admired upon what ground his Majesty should resolve to besiege one of the strongest places of Europe, in a season somewhat forward, without any likelihood of taking it before Winter.   

That an Enemy in disorder, aught to be pursued, especially after he hath received a Foil.  
ONe of the best effects of military Prudence, is to know how to take advantage of time, how to prosecute an enemy in disorder, when he hath received some foil; and hath so much to do in several places, that he is, as it were, necessitated to submit and consent to whatever is desired. A Prince thus disordered, will easily grant whatever is demanded of him; and assent unto conditions, which at another time he would not. Wherefore it is very expedient in such a conjuncture, to fall upon him resolutely, and to pursue him so hard, that he may not know which way to turn himself. Had Hannibal known how to have played his Game after the Battle of Cannes, he had forced the Romans to receive such conditions as he would have imposed, it being the greatest blow their Empire ever felt; but he trifling away his time to refresh his Soldiers, and enjoy the commodiousness of his Quarters, drowned his Fortune in delights, and made no advantage of his good success. A Prince never ought to let good Fortune so blind him amidst his happy successes, as to despise his enemies, or to forbear from prosecuting them to the utmost; not that I would advise to drive an enemy to extremity, who flies with a great Army, because it might make him courageous, force him to turn about, and as oftentimes it hath happened, to recover the advantage he had lost, rather he ought to set open the Gates, and make a Bridge for him to run away; but otherwise it is, if most part of his Towns he taken, if he cannot relieve those that are besieged, if his Forces be not in pieces, and routed in several places; and if he be so ill attended as not to be in a condition of defending himself if assaulted, than not to prosecute him, were a great oversight to be satisfied with half a victory, and to give him time to rally his forces again, were to break all the rules of War. Caesar by his example, showed all Captains how they ought to behave themselves on such affairs; never did any thing hinder him in the prosecution of his Victory; but as if Fortune had lent him wings, he flew after his enemies till he had quite defeated them, or obtained such conditions as he demanded. He cannot be sufficiently commended for his good conduct in Africa, after the defeat of King Juba, Scipio and Afranius, where such was his good fortune, that he routed them all three in one day, and pursued them so smartly, that he left neither of them nor their Officers, who was not either killed or taken prisoner, nor any of his Towns, which he did not reduce to his power.   

The Princess Marguerite leaveth Nancy, and goeth to Brussels.  
THough the Cardinal de Lorraine had assured his Majesty that the Princess Marguerite was in his disposal; yet it was well known that the Princess de Falsbourg her sister, unable to endure the Propositions of delivering her into his Majesty's hands, in order to the nulling of her marriage by Law, had found an invention to save her, which she had made use of with the better effect, in regard Ambition and Love make all things feasible to women. It was known that she had habited herself like a Cavalier with Boots and Spurs, well horsed; and in this equipage she left Nancy, about four of the clock in the morning, attended by a Gentleman, named Davise, who had heretofore belonged to Madam de Remiremont, together with two others, that she passed through divers Sentinels, and that at last being stopped by one, Davise made him believe that they related to the marquis de St Chaumont, and that by this means she had got thirteen Leagues on horseback; that meeting with certain Swedish Troops, she had been compelled to hid herself in a very thick Copse Wood, where she much scratched her hands, and that the next morning she got to Thiomville, where at first they would not open the Gates, and indeed had absolutely refused her, But for the charms of her beauty, which moved great compassion in those who beheld her lying on the ground wrapped up in Cloaks, whiles Davise treated for her admission; and that at last being got in, the Governors' Wife of the Town had changed her habit. From thence she writ to the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, to entreat him, to acquaint Monsieur with the manner of her escape, and that she should stay in those places to expect his commands; but afterward thinking it more proper to go to Namour, for fear lest the way might not be open after her escape, she resolved to advance thither. His Majesty receive this news with some regret, foreseeing that her flight might be succeeded with troublesome consequences, and make the dissolution of the marriage more difficult: He much blamed the marquis de St. Chaumont, for suffering himself to be surprised, especially after he had been advised by the Cardinal, to have a great care of all those who should travel upon the Road, because she might probably pass by him in some disguise; to which he returned this answer, that they should rely upon his diligence. Monsieur Duc d'Orleans, received no great satisfaction from it, foreseeing that this Princess would be a new Obligation to tie him to the Low-Countries; but the Laws of Civility, and the consideration of the Spaniards, who he was forced to content, persuaded him to seem very glad of it. He presently dispatched the Sieurs de Fontain Chalendre, de Rames, and the Lavaupot to Thionville, who were followed by the Duke d'Elboeuf, and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens; they met her upon the way, and Monsieur, in person, went with much affection to receive her, as far as Marsh, and accompanied her from Namour to Bruxelles, with all the honour and endearments she could desire. That day that she was to go into Bruxelles, the Infanta, with the whole Court went to receive her, half a League from the Town, and meeting, they both alighted from their Coaches to salute her; the Infanta kissed her, and then taking her by the hand, led her into her own Coach, where she always gave her the right hand. Coming to the Gate of Bruxelles, the Companies of the City gave her a Volley of small shot, and the Magistrates went to welcome her; she alighted in company of the Infanta at the Queen-mothers', who testified much joy for her arrival, and kissed her, and after half an hours entertainment, the Infanta carried her to her own lodgings, which she had prepared two days before, with very rich Furniture, her soul being no less replenished with Magnificence than Piety. The Princess Marguerite could not forbear the expressing her content, so sweet it is to attain any eminent point of honour, after the running of great hazards; but often repeated, that she could never have believed what History relateth, concerning fugitive Princesses, had she not herself experimented it. The Infanta did daily endeavour to augment her joy, by her great care, and the Presents she sent her, in which the quaintness of her fancy, was no less admirable than her liberality.   

Nothing is more ingenious than Women to attain their Designs.  
Women of all creatures are the most dexterous in contriving their designs, their natural sprightliness of imagination, furnisheth them with a thousand expedients, and proposeth all kinds of overtures, with such probabilities of happy success, that they are easily inflamed with a desire of trying them. This desire maketh so great an impression upon their Passions, that in case any obstacle present itself to divert them, they never want anger; which so disturbeth them, that they admit of no rest, until they have surmounted it, and obtain the ends which they propose to themselves. This their violent apprehension, augmenteth the fruitfulness of their conceptions; and as the heat of the air doth every day disclose new productions in the bosom of the earth; so their ardent desires beget new expedients in their minds, carrieth all their thoughts, conducteth all their motions, guideth all their affections, and so disposeth of all their power, that they neither think, desire, discourse, or do any thing, but what tendeth to their ends; they sleep with the consideration of those means which may conduce to their own ends, the desire of executing them, awakeneth them in the morning; and as they have little diversions in the day time, they have no greater delight than to discourse with them, in whom they put their confidence. Men who are employed in great affairs, have their imginary faculties more barren, and granting them to be as fertile as those of Ladies, yet the diversity of their employments doth so divert them, that it is impossible for them ever to be ruminating upon the same Subject; but otherwise it is with Ladies, especially those of quality, who have nothing to do but to please their own fancies. I might likewise add, that the defect of Prudence, which is evident in most of them, is in some sort to their advantage, because it gives them more courage to execute, than the wisest of men, whose judgement makes them foresee many inconveniences, which women do not at all apprehend. Besides, the respect which every one beareth to their Sex, seemeth to take away alswear from them, by persuading them that the worst that can befall them, is but to discover their Sex and quality; and that once known, not any person of quality will use them uncivilly. Amongst the many inventions which they have used to save themselves by flight, or to obtain their desires, that of changing their habits is one of the most frequent. So Laodice, the wife of Mithridates, unwilling to forsake her husband, when vanquished by Pompey, clothed herself like a man, and followed him a long time, as if she had had an indefatigable body and courage. Semiramis knowing most people impatient of the Government of women, left off her usual habit after her husband's death, and assumed that of the Kings, the better to preserve the government in her hands, during the nonage of her son Ninus. Doth not History record the same of divers Persian women, who in the habit of Soldiers followed their Husbands to the Wars, between the King of Persia, and Selim the Turkish Emperor? We read that divers Germans went to the Holy War with the Emperor Conradus, clothed and accoutred like Cavaliers, with as much valour as Amazons.   

The Treaty made with Monsieur de Lorraine, and how after all his difficulties, he was forced to put it in execution.  
THe advantages which the King's Army had obtained upon the Duke of Lorraine produced those effects, of which the Cardinal had given his Majesty great hopes. He disposed himself to grant all that could be desired, according as the Army made its progress. He was forced to send to Cardinal of Lorraine to his Majesty at Neufville, to offer him the new Town of Nancy; but his Majesty being not ignorant that leaving the City in his hands, would give him the occasion and means to re-commence his imbroyls, when ever those who had engaged him, should send him a powerful assistance, would not be persuaded to assent thereunto. He then sent again the same Cardinal, with full power to deliver him both the Towns of Nancy in Deposite, upon such conditions as should be resolved between him and Monsieur the Cardinal. This was as much in appearance as could be desired; but Monsieur the Cardinal, too too well informed of the Duke's wavering homour, to trust him, was not backward to tell the King that he thought it not fit to rely upon it, or to be certain of any thing, until the Gates of Nancy were opened, that his forces might take possession of it; so that the works of the Siege were prosecuted with all diligence; yet at last, the Cardinal having full power from the King to treat, entered into conference with the Cardinal of Lorraine, and concluded a Treaty upon these following conditions.  

1. That the Duke of Lorraine, should renounce all new Alliances, it prejudice to that of France.  
2. That he should oblige himself to serve the King, with, and against all.  
3. That he should not make any Levies of War, during the present troubles of Germany, without his Majesty's consent.  
4. The he should disband, as soon as his Majesty should receive notice from the Chancellor Oxenstern, that he would not attempt any thing, but withdraw the Swedish forces from his Countries.  
5. That he should deliver the City of Nancy, both old and new, in Deposit to his Majesty's hands, within three days, until such time as his good behaviour, or the pacification of the trubles of Germany, should take away all cause of suspicion of the like erterprises as he had heretofore made against his Majesty, and his Allies, and also until such time as the pretended marriage between Monsieur and the Princess Marguerite, were declared null by Law; and that the differences between the King, and the said Duke were decided, each of them in the mean while, enjoying their rights, without prejudice of this Treaty; yet however, that in case the War of Germany should last four years, the conditions of this Treaty being first accomplished, his Majesty should restore Nancy into the hands of the said Duke or his Successors.  
6. That the Princess Marguerite should be delivered into the King's hands within fifteen days; or at least, that the said Cardinal and Duke of Lorraine, should use their utmost endeavour to recover her from whence she was, and to deliver her into his Majesty's hands; and should so order the business, that her retreat should not hinder the dissolution of the marriage.  
7. That the Duchy of Bar should continue sequestered until such time as his Majesty should be satisfied for the homage thereof.  
8. That the Revenue of Lorraine, and the States thereupon depending, should be received by the said Duke, with all sort of liberty.  
9 That he whom his Majesty should place in Nancy, during the Deposit should have the absolute command of the Arms, without other obligation then that of receiving the word from the Cardinal of Lorraine, in case he would make his abode there.  
10. That Order should be taken that the Garrison might not offer any distaste to the Inhabitants.   
This was the conclusion, made in the Camp before Nancy, the 6. of September: Whereupon the Cardinal went to the Duke, to procure his ratification. He brought in, and the Cardinal accompanied by Janin his Secretary of State, coming to give his Majesty assurance thereof; there were three days time allotted for execution of the Treaty, and for his Majesty's entering into Nancy: But the day being come, the Cardinal de Lorraine fell off to delays and excuses, pretending that his brother had sent order to the contrary, by a certain Gentleman, named Giton; so that the whole business was to be begun again. However, the Cardinal sensible of his own power, and not ignorant of the advantages he had upon the Duke of Lorraine, would not totally break off the Treaty, but sent the marquis de Chanvalon to Nancy, to the Cardinal of Lorraine, with charge to tell him, as from himself, that the King found himself by divers reasons, forced to carry his affairs to the height, yet had however some unwillingness to put that resolution in execution; because of the frankness and affection he had testified to contribute his endeavours for a reasonable accommodation. The Cardinal testified, that his good will was no whit diminished, & that he would once again see what he could work upon his Brother, to induce him to adhere to the Treaty; in order whereunto, he sent a Gentleman to him, with such effectual expressions, persuading him to settle his affairs, then in a declining condition, that he at last harkened to his advice, and sent the Sieur de Contrisson to his Majesty, to desire a safe conduct to confer with Monsieur the Cardinal at St. Nicholas. His Majesty granted it; but the morning following, thinking it more fit that the Cardinal should go as far as Charms to treat with him, for fear lest he might have proposed this conference at St. Nicholas, that he might the better get away into Flanders, where once being, there was no likelihood of his depositing Nancy; it was signified unto him, that Charms would be a place much more proper for the Treaty, which he accepting of, the Cardinal, and he came thither upon the 18. Monsieur le Cardinal, came first thither, about five in the evening, accompanied by the Cardinal de la Valette, the Pope's Nuntio, a great many Lords and Gentlemen, and a good party of Horse and Foot. The Duke came not until about eleven at night; so that finding the Cardinal in bed; and not willing to permit his people to wake him, according as he had commanded, they met not until the morning following. That day they had two long debates without any conclusion; so that every one thought there would be no agreement; but in fine, the Duke persuaded by the Cardinal's eloquence and address, submitted just as his eminence was bidding him adieu at his Lodging, and passed his word to conclude the Treaty which his brother had made, by his Order, without including any other condition, but this, that he might make his abode at Nancy, with all honours due to his quality; as also, the Cardinal his Brother; and that the Treaty being within three months particularly, that which engaged him to deliver the Princess Marguerite into the King's hands; his Majesty should restore him the City of Nancy, without more ado then demolishing the Fortifications, if his Majesty should so think fit. Monsieur le Cardinal, did the more willingly consent unto these two Articles, in regard he pretended only to put things into a way of reason, not to extend the bounds of France, which was of itself large enough to obtain as much glory, as his Majesty could desire; so that both of them having signed it, there wanted nothing but the execution of them. Monsieur le Cardinal was not ignorant how important it was, not to abandon Monsieur de Lorraine, or to leave him to his own honesty, which possibly might have been shaken by the natural inconstancy of his humour. So that he earnestly laboured to persuade him to meet his Majesty in person, in order to the performance of his promises. He represented to him, that it would be the more glorious for him, in regard it would testify unto all Princes, that he had not Deposited Nancy upon compulsion; as also of great advantage, in regard it would be an ample demonstration of his real intentions of submitting his, unto his Majesty's Will: Who would thereupon be the more indulgent of him, and surrender Nancy unto him, as soon as ever he should be assured he might be confident of his good deportment. Such were the charms of his words, that they persuaded him to resolve thereupon, that upon the 21 they departed together to wait upon the King. Approaching near Nancy, the Cardinal hasted to acquaint the King, before the Cardinal de Lorrains coming, with the secret of the affair, and to advise him of such things as were most conducing to his service. All that appeared, was that Monsieur de Lorraine, saluting the King, bowed himself very low made his excused with a great deal of submission, assured him of the inclination he had to obey him; beseeched him to forget what was past, to pardon him, and to believe that he would punctually perform the Treary. The King embraced him with a cheerful countenance, and told him, that he willingly accepted those proffers of his service and friendship, that he should forget what was passed, and that he forgave him. Afterwards, he led him into his Cabinet, where the Cardinal was with the chief of the Council. Their entertainment was for some time upon ordinary discourse, and many things were said concerning the Duke's courage and inclination to Arms, which he did not unwillingly hear. The King told him, I must confess, I have had an ill opinion of you, and when I found you performed not the Treaties, made by the Cardinal your Brother, which yourself had ratified, I shaid you had neither faith nor honesty; but now in confidence of the promises you have made me to perform all, I begin to be of another opinion, and shall be ready to testify the desire I have to love you. Monsieur the Cardinal took up the discourse, and said, Sirs, I shall willingly pass my word for the affection which Monsieur de Lorraine hath for you service; and for the desire he hath to live otherwise than heretofore. You ought to forget the occasions of discontent which your Majesty hath received, and to believe, that his deportment for the future will be satisfactory; he must fight under your Colours, and in the head of your Troops. Hereupon Monsieur de Lorraine made great compliments, beseeching the King to receive him into his favour. The King re-interated the assurances of his good will; and it being Supper time, his Majesty caused him to be conducted to Monsieur le Duc de la Valette's lodging, who his Majesty had commanded to entertain him. Notwithstanding all this, and these several protestations made by the Duke of Lorraine, to live otherwise then he had for the future, yet the knowledge of his humour, obliged the King to cause him to be watched by divers trusty persons; nor was it without reason, seeing the very next morning there were many probable conjectures that he intended to save himself without making good any thing that he had promised. The reverend Father Joseph, and the Sieur Bouthillier, went to wait upon him, to conclude upon the Orders for his Majesty's entrance into Nancy; but he entertained the motions with so much coldness, that there could be no more doubt of it; however, because it was not absolutely certain, his Majesty did forbear to seize upon his person. The course he took by an admirable piece of Prundence, not to break the Laws of Hospitality, yet to prevent his getting off which would be much to his Majesty's damage, was the commanding of divers trusty persons to be near his Lodging, who without show of mistrust, might watch that he escaped them not. Indeed it had been a shame for the King to have suffered the Duke to have mocked his Majesty by an escape of that nature; and it had been as much weakness as inconsiderateness not to have stopped him in his flight. It was absolutely necessary indeed to observe the promise of security given him, for his coming to execute the Treaty; which in case he refused to do, the King was not obliged to his word; and the Duke relying only upon the faith of his Treaty, might and ought to be stopped; seeing the non-performance of it made him an enemy as before, and he could not be arrested until he had openly declare himself; but his evasion discovering him sufficiently, it had been imprudence to have suffered him to pass into Flanders, without securing his person.   

That Prince who after a Treaty attempteth to break his promise, may be secured as an Enemy.  
THat Prince who after a Treaty made, either resolveth or indeavoureth to be worse than his word, declareth himself an enemy to him with whom he treatted, and as such he may lawfully be accounted; for the breach of promise is one of the greatest indignities which one Prince can offer another. Amongst Gentlemen, it is a just ground for the cutting of Throats in Duels, and Sovereigns look upon it, as one of the most lawful occasions of War. By Treaties of Peace they are made friends, the breach of which makes them enemies; and consequently, they may freely be taken by the same Law, whereby it is permitted to secure an enemy where ever he be found. It is without reason that the infringers of them should allege their security, seeing themselves have broke it. The Duke de Bourgogne who seized upon Lewis the Eleventh, in the Castle of Peronne, is commended for it in Hisstory, as an act of Prudence, because the King had provoked him to it. They had appointed that City to treat a Peace, which was concluded between them; but Lewis the Eleventh, too little sincere in his proceed, having sent Ambassadors to the Liegeois, to persuade them to take up Arms against the Duke, upon a great many fair promises which he made them; and the Liegeois revolting upon his Majesty's first motion, the Duke fully informed, that this rebellion proceeded from his endeavours, set guards upon him to hinder his escape. The truth is, if any misfortune befall those that break Treaties, they may thank themselves, and it had not been amiss for their own securities to have remembered the counsel of Ecclesiasticus, who faith, The sin of him which deceiveth his Brother, shall fall upon himself. He who disse●●leth, sinneth doubly, and who so sweareth in vain, shall not be justified, but his house shall be filled with dishonour.   

His Majesty's entrance into Nancy, and the Orders therein established.  
THe Duke of Lorraine seeing his Artifices availed little, and that he must think of nothing but performing his promise, did at last, upon the 24 of Sept. command the Gates of Nancy to be opened for his Majesty's forces. The Marshals of his lodgings went to prepare his Quarters, and the Garrison of Lorraine being marched out, in number 2300 foot, and 230 horse only, which was not enough, by a third part, to make good the fortifications: His Majesty's Army entered the place, and divided themselves into the several quarters of the City, according as they were commanded. The 25 the King accompanied by the Cardinal of Lorraine, and all the persons of quality, who had followed him in that expedition, made his entrance. The people indeed at first, seemed but ill satisfied; but when they saw the admirable Order which his Majesty had prescribed, to prevent their receiving any injury, they made Bonfires before their doors; the morning following, the Queen came thither to partake of the King's joy, for having mastered one of the strongest places of Europe in so little time, and without loss of blood. The King went to receive her, at the Port of St. John, where the Regiment of Picardy was imbattelled; and shortly after her arrival, the Duke de Lorraine, accompanied by the Cardinal his brother, and the Princess de Falsbourg, went to do their devoirs to her, with more civility than joy: And thus was Nancy the Metropolitan City of Lorraine, whom the force of her Bastions, and the largeness of three great Motes seemed to render impregnable, taken as soon as besieged. It might have held out at least two years; but his Majesty assisted by the sage advices of the Cardinal, as he himself hath testified, took it in fourteen days. The address of this grand Minister, forced the Duke to keep his word, and to Deposit Nancy for some time, fearing lest he might have lost it for ever. Hardly had fame published this siege, but she was obliged to make known the taking of it, confirming the custom of Poets and Painters, who represent victory with wings, to signify that the actions of fortunate Princes, are as swift as the wings of birds. Conquests have been achieved beyond hope, and the dispatch wherewith the King hath obtained, some rendereth those example of History now credible, which before were thought miraculous. Nor was the Order which his Majesty took to keep this place, the least considerable thing in this expedition: He committed the Government of it to the Sieur de Brassac, a Gentleman of quality, newly returned from an Embassy from Rome, whose sweetness and modesty was as capable of persuading the Inhabitants not to mislike the change of their Master, as his fidelity and vigilance of assuring his Majesty of his well keeping it. He assigned him between seven and eight thousand men to guard it, chosen out of the best Regiments of his Army, with express command to keep them in such order, that the inhabitants might receive no discontent from them. He commanded the Magazines to be stored with Ammunitions of all sorts, he converted the fortifications which served for a Communication between the new and the old Town into a Citadel, where the Garrison might be secure, in case the inhabitants should mutiny, for the preventing of which he disarmed them. His Majesty's presence being of no longer use in that place, he returned towards Paris, not with that State and Pride, wherewith the ancient Emperors caused themselves to be adored by the people, at least honoured with costly triumphs, after the obtaining of their victories, but with much modesty, though it was his glory never to have undertaken any expedition, so without acquiring new Palms.   

What Orders ought to be taken in a place newly conquered.  
THe affection of the people being the strongest chain wherewith a Sovereign can bind his Subjects to his Empire, it cannot be doubted but that the testimonies of his bounty and clemency, aught to be the chiefest Orders established in a City newly conquered, seeing they do most of all serve to excite that Passion. If they be not affectionate to him, his Victory will be like a Plant without a root, and as a small wind doth easily blow down a Tree not well fastened, so the least occasions of revolt transport them to shake off the yoke of their obedience. Interest is the most potent charm to captivate their spirits; and if a Prince can but once win them into his government, by making them taste any sweetness or advantage more than in that of their former Prince, there is then nothing to be feared. The French in the time of one Vespers lost Sicily; and in a small time the Kingdom of Naples, and the Duchy of Milan, and all because their government was so rigorous, that the Princes had no encouragement to be loyal to them, or to defend them. The conduct of the Romans being full of sweetness and moderation, begot them the affections of the Sagentines and Italians, after they had conquered them, who had preserved them in their Sovereignty, whereas the harsh usage of Hannibal caused him to lose them, almost as soon as he had vanquished them. I will add some few particular Orders fit to be established in a City, or among a people newly conquered to hold them in allegiance. It will not a little conduce thereunto, to render them exact justice in their affairs, and to procure them plenty of all kinds of provision, to countenance Piety, to caresse the Nobility, and to gain the learned. Religious men ought not to be neglected, they ought rather to be courted and honoured by bestowing Alms on them, and preserving them in the just enjoyment of their privileges; for they have the conscience of the people in their hands, and the credit which they have acquired by their good life, procureth them so much authority, that whatever they do or say, is thought well done, well said, and fit to be followed. But especially it being not in the power of the best and wisest Princes, to work by all the testimonies of their goodness, upon the afflictions of a people naturally brutish, unreasonable, and insensible of benefits, there ought to be no small care taken in leaving a strong garrison among them that may awe them, and curb them in case of insurrections; not but that their Commanders ought to be charged to keep them in such order and moderation that the Inhabitants be not oppressed by them. Besides they ought to be disarmed of all those things which may tend to insurrections by Arms, I mean soldiers, warlike Engines, such men as are capable of making parties, and the command of all Towers and strong places. Thus did Caesar upon the surrender of any City, he commanded their Horses and Arms to be delivered; and that all men of any valour or credit among the Inhabitants, should be given him in hostage, knowing that this was the true way to secure them from any insurrection, it being not enough to disarm them, unless they be deprived of men of credit and counsel, such as are able under hand to procure others, and all such Soldiers as are likely to be active. The Carthaginians made it appear by experience, when the Romans had totally disarmed them, they finding a way to forge every day in their City an hundred Targets, and three hundred Swords, besides Darts and Engines for throwing of Stones, and to make ropes of their Wife's hair for want of Hemp. To conclude, men of spirit and War, are more to be feared then Weapons, and there ought to be more care taken to secure such men in a City, than all the Muskets, Pikes, and Pistols.   

The endeavours of Feria and Aldringuer, to secure Nancy, rendered vain by Monsieur the Cardinal's Prudence.  
AT the same time that the King disposed his Armies, to hinder the unjust erterprises of Monsieur de Lorraine; the house of Austria provided Aldringuer in Germany, and the Duke de Feria in Italy to meet near Constance, and from thence to march into Alsace, and Lorraine, to secure him from ruin. The Duke had intelligence thereof; and for this reason it was, that he used many delays and endeavours to get into the Low Countries ', hoping that if Nancy could hold out six weeks or two months, these two Armies might come in good time to defend his interest. Upon this score it was, that the Cardinal who knoweth how to remedy inconveniences before they happen, pressed so hard upon him, that he forced him to conclude the Treaty, persuaded his Majesty to send the Swedes to come to meet Feria and Aldringuer to hinder their march into Alsace, and to leave the Marshal de la Force in Lorraine, with an army of twenty thousand men. He had order to hinder any insurrections or enterprises which might be made by the Duke's endeavours; as also to send such assistance to the Swedes as they should desire, the better to give a check to the proceed of these two Generals. The strict intelligence between the King and Swedes, obliged Marshal Horn to march towards Feria's Quarters; and as there is nothing seems impossible to Conquerors, he used his utmost to get into Constance, a place by which the Duke of Feria must of necessity pass into Germany; but the approach of his Army, and the irruption which he might have made into Wirtenberg; together with the strong assistance which the besieged had received; as also the improbability of cutting off their Commerce by the Lake, forced him upon the Duke de Rohan's, pressing him on the King's behalf to draw off; so that Feria and Aldringuer joined their Armies together. In the interim, Bernard Duc de Wimar, to divert them from entering into Alsace, besieged Ratisbone and took it, as also Stroubinguin, with some other places upon the Danube: However Feria and Aldringuer prosecuting their design, passed the Rhine, and marched into Alsace, by the Territory of Basle. The Marshal Horn, and the Palatine de Birkenfield, receiving intelligence thereof, followed them so close, that having passed the Rhine at Strasbourg, they soon got before them near Colemaer, with a resolution to fight them; but their Generals who had no other design then to assist the Duke of Lorraine, would not engage, but drew off the further, when they heard the Marshal de la Force, had sent to offer the Swedes some Forces. Aldringuer seeing there was no good to be done, repassed the Rhine at Brisac; and the Marshal Horn without losing any time, repassed it likewise, and pursued him so briskly, that he defeated part of his Army; so that finding himself too weak, he got into Brisac; where the Duke de Feria, who remained in Alsace, infested by the Palatine de Birkenfield, and the Rhingrave Otho, came to rejoin with him, and both together passed over the Svave to seek a better Fortune, but found it not; for the Duke de Feria died some months after, without effecting his design, and the most of his forces disbanded for hunger, cold, and diseases: This was not the only advantage the King made of the Swedes, the interest of his Allies, being no less dear to him than his own; for he employed them to secure the Duke de Wirtenberg, and the Comte de Hanau, who had put themselves under his protection, into whose countries those two Generals of the House of Austria, who take all for enemies that favour not their designs, had a great desire to enter to refresh their Soldiers, by giving them leave to plunder it, but they assisted them with such good success, that they received no damage that year. They were not indeed alone employed in the defence of those two Princes, for the Marshal de la Force sent by his Majesty's order, part of his Army into some of their Towns; the marquis de Bourbonne, one of the Marshals de Camp, marched with six hundred men into Morbelliard, belonging to the Duke de Wirtenberg, and secured it from all violence, by his valour, prudence, vigilance, and zeal for his Majesty's glory, four fortifications able to secure any place. The Marshal likewise sent other Forces into Buswiller, Suswiller, and Neuwiller, belonging to the Comte de Hanau, who knew how to defend them. Thus were the Allies of France protected, the Duke of Lorraine unrelieved, and Monsieur le Cardinal, acquired the glory of having by his counsels and management of the Allies of France, stopped the course of those two Armies, which were marching into Lorraine, to trouble his Majesty in the possession of his conquests.   

That it is wisdom to assault an Enemy with the forces of allied Princes in his march.  
A Prince who seethe his enemy's Army resolute to assault him amidst his new conquests, doth a great deal better to prevent him by meeting him, than to expect him. I have in other place given the reasons. This course did the Romans take in all their great expeditions, excepting in the War with the Gauls and second Punic, which they could never terminate until they had passed the Sea and Alps with their Armies. He who would spare his Troops, or employ them in other designs, shall do it best if he send to stop his march, and so to divert him either in his own Country, or in the passages by the interposition of his Alleys, that he may not be able to advance. Thus Hannibal despairing to overcome the Romans in Asrick with Antiochus to go fight them in Italy, which succeeded very fortunately. Thus likewise Gensericus King of the Vandals being routed by Basilius Patricius in a great Sea-fight, persuaded the Ostrogoths and Visigoths, to invade the Roman empire, by which means he secured himself from the imminent danger of being taken. To add some reasons to examples, is it not true which Croesus said to Cyrus, when he exhorted him to assault Thomyris in her own Country, if you expect your enemy to come to you, he'll commit a thousand devastations, and in case you should lose a Battle, he will not be content with the Victory, but will prosecute it to the overrunning of your whole Country? Besides there is little hazarded by causing him, to be assaulted in his march by Allies or in his own Country, for it preserveth an Army entire against a time of need. Besides if he be assaulted by his neighbour Allies, they will be always better acquainted with the ways and passages, and may easily be assisted with provisions and recruits. An Enemy's Army likewise marching through another's Country where he findeth opposition, must necessarily diminish his forces by sickness, fight and the like, whereas his will remain in its full vigour, and consequently the better able to resist him. Thus will he be able to obtain his design, which is to prevent his coming into his Country, a thing of the more advantage, in regard he may effect it without danger, and preserve his Army fresh to assist his Alleys, in case they are unable of themselves to make good the passages.   

Divers journeys made for the accommodation of the Queen Mother and Monsieur.  
THough the Queen-Mother and Monsieur le Duc d'Orleans, had for the two last years run into great extremities, by the persuasions of some people, whose advices they too much credited; yet such was the King's tenderness for them, that he took great care to bring them to themselves, and to persuade them to return into France. The Queen-Mother had been for some time sick, and the King to testify how much he was concerned in her health, upon his first hearing of it, presently dispatched the Sieurs Rioland and Pietre, very famous Physicians to use their utmost care and industry for her recovery; and also often sent several Gentlemen to visit her. The Cardinal did not a little contribute to those his cares, nor did he omit any opportunity to testify unto the Queen-Mother the earnest desire he had to serve her, so that at last she was forced to yield herself, in so much that it was verily thought she would quickly have reassumed her former sentiments of love for the King, and confidence in the Cardinal; but for those damnable counsels which those whom she honoured with her ear, infused into her, especially Father Chanteloupe who unable to make himself considerable, unless in broils did always prefer a storm before a calm. He could divert her from oftentimes sending unto the King to assure him of the inclinations she had to be near him, and of the passion she had for his, though he wanted no artifice to prevent the effects of it, glory and welfare. There need no other proof beside the instruction under his own hand, which she gave unto the Sieur de Laleu when she was sent to the King: nor was he deficient to second the affection which this great Princess had for the King by his fair words, as also to suffer her to write unto the Cardinal to assure him that she would honour him with her good opinion, it being only the better to cover his designs; but he well knew the King unless he had lost his judgement, which rendered him so admirable in all affairs could not suffer him to return with her, to be of her counsel after the discovery made by Alpheston and Chavag●ac, of his design to murder this grand Minister. He not only confirmed the Queen Mother's inclination by those of his cabal, in the resolution of keeping him near her as a faitful very fit servant, and one whom she could not forsake without prejudice to her reputation and affairs; but the instruction which he gave the Sieur de Laleu obliged her to give security in that behalf. It is true indeed that thinking to cover his malice with a specious veil, he beseeched the Cardinal to exclude him as unwilling, that his person should hinder a good accommodation, but that only served the better to set him forth, seeing it was most certain that his exclusion would hinder the Queen-mothers' return, and that on the contrary it was only to make the Cardinal more odious unto her, whom he knew not to be so imprudent, or disaffectio nate to his Majesty's service, as to suffer his return. He knew distrust to be the greatest obstacle in the Accommodations of Great men, who were never to be reconciled, but by a mutual confidence, whereupon he laboured nothing more, then to infuse it, into the mind of this Great Princess, as the very same instruction of the Sieur de Laleu testifieth, which required him to say, that her Majesty's returning into France, would hazard all, that the Cardinal would destroy her when he pleased, without her being able to prevent it, or to hurt him, in case she had a mind to it, and that she doubted whether the Cardinal had not some-distrust of her, though he had above twenty times declared unto her, how passionately desirous be was of her return, so that it was easy to be known by this Procedure of Father Chanteloupe, that with one hand he did prosecute the accommodation, and with the other obstructed it, and that he could not better be compared then to him, who calling all people to quench a fire doth underhand endeavour to make it burn the more. This was not the only testimony that the Courts of Brussels made evident of the misfortunes, whereunto Grandees are exposed, when they suffer themselves to be transported by ambitious Ministers, who prefer their own before their Master's interest. There were no less eminent proofs hereof in the treaty, which was negotiated by the Sieur D'Elbene, whom the King permitted to come often from Brussels to the Court, to consider of the means to draw him out of the Spaniards hands. Had Monsieur known he might have been secure in France, that the King desired nothing with more passion, than to see him partake of his glory and recreation, and that his Majesty loved him like a Son; he would not have slaied 24. Hours in the Low-Countries, but would have forced through all obstacles to have got away, however the Sieur Puy-Laurens who had a greater interest upon him than any other, fearing belike to receive the punishments due, for his rashness in carrying Monsieur 3. several times out of the Kingdom, and unwilling to lose the advantages which he expected from his affection, had artifice enough to persuade him the contrary, and to transport him into extream-distrusts. He made him believe that there was no assurance for him in France, that he should no sooner he there, but he would be clapped up in the Bois de Vincennes, or his house filled with spies, which would make it worse than a prison to him, that the King did not much care to withdraw him from the Spaniards, but only for fear lest he might enter with an Army into France, that his Majesty had no other passion for him; but that of jealousy, Sovereign's being not well pleased with the sight of their Successors, and that he never ought to permit the King to place any persons about him in his counsel, who might give an account of his affairs, making him to look upon all of that quality, as so many spies who would keep him in perpetual vexation, and to make themselves considerable, with his Majesty, would raise continual distrusts upon him, and would in fine so work, that he must be laid up in some Castle, ●ill such time as he was to receive the Crown. He was not ignorant how importantly necessary it was for Kings, to be absosure Masters of the wills of the Princes of the blood, and to be informed of all their designs of concernment; he well knew that if a person of understanding should have been placed near his Master, he would in a little while insinuate himself into his confidence and favour, and with all that such a man might discover to his highness, how he had only brought him, and kept him so long in the Low-Countries for his own private interest, which would quickly expose him to an absolute mine. What likelihood was there that he would give Monsieur any counsel, ●ending to peace or sweetness, knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egged him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal, even to threaten him, as is well known to those who treated with him. To say the truth, if there was no great trust to be reposed in Chanteloup, considering the extremities into which he had run, and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him; surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens, upon the score of his inclination, and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person, to raise another civil War in France, or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France, upon the least cause of mistrust. There was the less reason to trust him, because his Soul was possessed by Ambition, a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing; and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour, as impower'd him to carry him where he pleased; so that thus to recall Monsieur, with one from whose presence he would never be persuaded to departed, were to raise a fire in the bosom of France, which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union; in regard Foreigners had raised great advantages, from the divisions by them fomented, in the royal family. In short, what likelihood was there to permit him to continue near Monsieur, unless he changed his procedure and humour, so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did, rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should return, and proposing others, as if he had treated between Sovereign and Sovereign, presuming to drive on his own interests, instead of casting himself at his Majesty's feet, whom he had so highly offended? Surely this could not have been done, without a great blemish to the King's honour, by discovering so much weakness in the sight of all Europe, as to be compelled to receive the Law from a Subject, who deserved rather to be punished by the rigours of his justice. The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences, seemed to wonder that Monsieur, and the Queen-mothers' accommodation, could not be ended after so many journeys to and fro; but all wise men well satisfied with the reasons of it, could not sufficiently admire the King's Prudence, in making use of that authority, which the Laws give all Sovereigns over their Parents, when the interest of their State is in question, and in not precipitating their return; which, considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence, could only serve to trouble the Kingdom, and hinder the prosecution of the Lorraine expedition.   

That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations, where there is any danger in the State.  
IT is great wisdom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State, It is most certain in general, that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels, that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them, and that it hath always been received for an ill servant, because being blind and without foresight, it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantageous; but most particularly true it is, in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well disposed to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight, yet are they seldom of long continuance, by reason of the sharpness remaining in their minds when they are concluded, which coming to increase by some new discontents, division presently reassumeth her first place, and thus instead of any satisfaction from it, there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance. In effect they ought to be the further from ending affairs, because the easiness of concluding them, hath often begotten more distrusts among great men, than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace. Hatred doth easily revive among Princes, and they sooner forget any thing than injuries they pretend to have received, which though for some time they dissemble, yet are they never deficient to testify their resentments, when they find opportunity proper for it. There were heretofore divers accommodations made between Lewis the Eleventh, and Charles Duc de Borgogne, which seemed to settle their States in peace, but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Duke's part, which rather forced him then inclined him to live in friendship with the King; the main business was still to be begun anew; nor was any thing but death able to give a period to their divisions. How often hath the house of Orleans and Bourgogne been reconciled, yet always to little purpose, because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them, did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion. Henry the Third, wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him, for he forbore not to prosecute the erterprises which his Ambition suggested. They who are little acquainted in State-affairs, are not very solicitous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes, but think that it is enough so they are made friends; yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care, when civil Wars break out again, which they re-ingaging in may endanger the whole State, at least afford Foreigners great advantages. It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in discord and impotency, that in the Court or in some Province, where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compared to any thing then to too quick a digestion, which as Physicians say, replenisheth the body with many crudities, the cause of divers diseases; and it often happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences, serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars; so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time, than to precipitate them into a short continuance, and a production of new broils.   

Differences between the Archbishop of Bourdeaux, and the Duc de Espernon.  
ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between: Messieur Henry de Sourdis Archbishop of Bourdeaux, and the Duc de Espernon, Governor of Guyenne. The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of employments had charge during the siege of Rochel, of some men of War in this Province, by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependences; and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be plucked out of his wings, did not a little resent it, though for the present he dissembled it, expecting an opportunity to show it with the more advantage, which did not so soon offer itself, the Arch Bishop being employed at Court, and at Poiton in his Majesty's service; but as he had no less memory than courage, he preserved the memory of it until the latter end of this year, at which time the Archbishop returned to Bourdeaux. The custom of this City, is that the Jurats go to wait on the Archbishop at the Bridge as often as he cometh from the Country. The Duke to prevent him of this honour, sent for them that afternoon, that he should come to Town, and entertained them either upon some affairs which he was willing to conclude or by some other devices, until the Archbishop was arrived at his Palace. The Jurats endeavoured to make their excuses to the Archbishop for their not receiving him, but he was not very well satisfied with it, no more then with a trick the Duke put upon him, some days after, 
Which is an Office that ●ath Precedency to buy before and in the Market.  in the quality * Capital de Buch, who by virtue thereof may take the first Panier of fish, which he pleaseth, paying for it in the Market called la Clie, where all the fresh fish is sold, and is opened and shut by particular Officers who have the charge of it. Now the Master of the Arch-Bishops Palace coming to the Clie to buy fish, was refused to be admitted, upon pretext that the privilege of the Capital de Buch, had not as yet been served. This affront was more prejudicial to the Arch-Bishops table, than person; however he complained of it with formalities of justice, which served to exasperate the matter. For the Duke moved at it, put the same affront on him some few days after, upon a time when he had designed to entertain the Jurats and other Officers of the Town, by sending his Guards to hinder the opening of the Clie, and the Arch-Bishops servants coming to force it were beaten. It was further reported, how that the Duke to prevent the Arch-Bishops receiving fish from any other place, had set guards upon the Passages which led to the Archbishopric, with order to search those who should go in, and to take away their fish if they had any about them. The Archbishop provoked at this procedure reiterated his complaints to the Attorney General, and the Jurats, and made them sign divers instruments protesting to complain unto the King accusing certain men clothed in Coats of sad green, with white crosses, but without declaring them to be the Duke's guards. These second complaints were no more to his advantage then the former; on the other side, the Duke commanded Naugas Lieutenant of his guards, to take an occasion to meet the Archbishop in the streets of Bourdeaux, and to present his guards unto him, beseeching him to take notice of those who had displeased him, and assuring him that he had never given any command with design to offend him, or to stop the Passages to his Palace. Naugas wanted not a fair opportunity to execute what he was commanded, and going with twenty of his Master's guard, met the Archbishop in St. Andrews Cloister, as he was returning from the City in his Coach. He stopped the Coachman, and took the Horses by the bridles; and told him confusedly in the uproar that was then made, that he came in behalf of the Governor Duke, to present to him those men clothed with a sad green, and white crosses, and to tell him they belonged to him, to the end he might know those whom he pretended had offended them; assuring him in the interim, that he had not commanded any one to displease him. This passage made a great noise, being of great scandal to some, though others laughed at it. The Archbishop seemed highly ●o resent it, and having assembled his Clergy to propose the injury offered his person, and to take their advice upon it; it was concluded that Naugas should be Excommunicated; but before the Publication of it, to send two Canons, two Curates, and two men in Orders to the Duke, to complain unto him of his guards; and to understand if it had been done by his command. The Duke received his Deputies with civility, but that he might not transgress in his answer, he desired that they would give him their desire in writing. The Archbishop was acquainted therewith, who thereupon assembled his Clergy the second time; and the result was to to publish the next morning, being All-Saints day, the censure of Excommunication against Naugas and his adherents. Naugas advised of this censure, appealed against it as an abuse, gave notice of his appeal to the Archbishop, and the Duke having assembled in his house all the Professors of the Canon Law, together with a great many religious, to have their advice upon this censure, where he proposed to them the matter in his own form; whereupon the most part of them were of opinion, that there was some exception to be taken against the censure; and said that all the forms being not observed, they thought that those against whom it was pronounced were not obliged by it. The Duke presently published their opinion by sound of Trumpet; at which the Archbishop was so angry that without considering the impossibility for those religious persons, not to wait upon the Duke being sent for, that they had not given their judgement; but upon the fact as he had proposed it unto them, and that this their advice was not definitive, only a bare testimony of their opinions, like those of Lawyers, which are usual in all affairs, and upon judgements wherein his Majesty himself is concerned, he resolved to chastise them withrigor. This advice was conformable to that which the Bishop of Nantes, a Prelate whose reputation is clear, his life without blemish, and whose conscience is without compare, gave the Duke upon the same fact proposed unto him by his Letters, sent to him for fear lest those Doctors and religious men, might be led by complaisance to incline too much to his interest; however such was the Arch-Bishops discontent, that he issued out a sentence whereby all those who had been of that opinion which the Duke had published, were condemned as guilty of his person and dignity, were interdicted their charges and Ecclesiastical functions, prohibited to Preach the Word of God, to hear confessions, administer Sacraments in the Diocese of Bourdeaux, commanding the superior Provincials, to chastise them, and expel them out of the Covents of Bourdeaux. The heat of his discontent was such, that it transported him so far as not to have any respect to the privileges granted to Religious Orders, by the Holy See, by which all Prelates are inhibited to make any censures against them, upon penalty of drawing that Excommunication their own head, which they intent to inflict upon others. The Religious hereupon appealed from this sentence to the Pope, alleging that it had been decreed against them without authority; but the Archbishop unwilling to put up the lie, assembled the superiors of the Religious houses in his Palace, to condemn that opinion which they had given in favour of Naugas. The Duke having notice hereof, designed to prevent this assembly; to which end, he commanded the Chevalier du Guet of the City of Bourdeaux to beset the Arch-Bishops Palace with his Archers, and to hinder any Religious person from entering in, pretending it might disturb the public Peace, for which by his charge he was obliged to provide. The Archbishop was very sensibly displeased to see his designs so forcibly countermined and not resolved so to relinquish them, he went in person to the Religious, to carry them to his Palace, a resolution which was the cause of all the misfortune that happened, what had passed till then being looked upon by most people, only as a gallantry of spirit. The Duke having never learned patience enough to suffer the Archbishop to encroach upon his power, by any Ecclesiastical privilege, went to meet him in person with his guards, and some other Gentlemen, at the entrance of the Cathedral Cloister, and the Archbishop coming thither, he went up to him, spoke some angry words, struck off his Hat and Cap, and as some witnesses deposed in the information taken, by authority of Parliament, put the end of the stick which he had in his hand, to his breast. This Procedure made a great noise in the City, and the Archbishop losing no time, the very next morning, being the eleventh of November, assembled those of his Clergy, and by common consent Excommunicated the Duke and his Assistants, interdicted the Cities and Suburbs of Bourdeaux and Cadillac. The Parliament seeing this great trouble, did what they could to make an accommodation; but it was to little purpose, all they could obtain was that the Parliament might hear mass in the Palace Chappel. He likewise sent to the King informations of what had passed, whereupon his Majesty sent order to the Archbishop to take away the interdiction, and to the Duke to go to his house of Plassac, which is out of the Diocese of Bourdeaux, to expect the Pope's resolution, to whom the decision of that controversy properly belonged, seeing they had appealed to his Holiness, which hung in suspense about five or six months, nor was it ended until the year following, till when I forbear to say any more of it.   

That much respect hath been always given to Prelates and Bishops.  
THe Function of Prelates and Priests is so eminent and holy that all people, nay Emperors themselves, have been obliged to respect them. Plutarch alleging the cause, saith, it is because they pray to the Gods not only for themselves and friends, but for all mankind. The Romans in the times of Paganism, did so much honour them, that the Priests of Jupiter going in the City, had a Lictor, and a cella curulis, and condemned Cneux Cornelius Praetor of Rome, for having injuriously disputed with Aemilius Lepidus the High Priest. Alexander Severus had so great a respect to them in such causes where religion was interessed, that he was not offended when their judgements were contrary to his; and how respectfully did Alexander treat the High Priest of the Jews, when in his fury going to Jerusalem with a design to ruin it, he met him coming in his Pontisicalibus, he was not only appeased; but as the History saith, worshipped God in his person with a great deal of reverence. All Pagans in general have next to their Kings ascribed the chief place to their Priests, and held it a great crime to offend them. If the light of nature hath induced them so to respect them, Christianity obligeth us to honour them much more, seeing Bishops are received for Fathers and Pastors of the Church, for the Successors of Religion, and the Pastors of Jesus Christ; they ought to be respected as the Law of well-living, as certain rules of good works, as Angels who have intelligence of the mysteries of our faith, and who are more purified by the flames of the Holy Ghost; they ought to be respected as persons of an eminent dignity, who ought to have their minds raised in the contemplation of heavenly things, to live in a noble scorn of all earthly things, as so many bright stars, whose lustre is never sullied by the Clouds of Vice, as heavenly men who have familiar converse with God, as living books of the true Doctrine, as the true Organs of Christianity, and the Idea by which the people ought to frame their lives. Constantine the great, said, he did not consider them as common men, but as so many Thrones where the Divinity inhabited; for which reason, he could not endure that any should speak of them slightly, and threatened those with death who offended him, as is to be seen in History, and chief commanded all governor's of Provinces especially to honour them. I shall likewise add, a particular care in punishing those who injure them. History is full of examples which the brevity of these maxims give me not leave to insert. I shall only add, that Prelates to render themselves worthy of this extraordinary honour, are obliged to contain themselves within the limits of their condition; because as the shadow cannot be without the body, so it is unreasonable to pretend to glory, without meriting it by virtue.   

An Edict to abate superfluous expenses.  
THough the Foreign Wars undertaken by his Majesty of late years consumed great sums of money, and forced the King to levy great Taxes, which did not a little diminish private men's Revenues; yet such was the fruitfulness of France, that they found means to satisfy their natural inclination of going richly clothed. His Majesty disliked the ill deportment of many, who notwithstanding the great necessities of the State, did not cease to make superfluous expenses in Stuffs, Embroideries, gold and silver, Laces Bonelaces, and other like vanities, not to be permitted but in a full and long Peace. It was the more needful to redress these disorders, because for the satisfying of such excessive curiosities, there was a great deal of silver transported out of France, which thereby was much impoverished, whereby his Majesty was disabled at a time of need to raise moneys for the supplying of his occasions, or to exact those contributions which the glory and interest of his state did really require. These reasons obliged him to make an Edict in the month of December, by which the wearing of any Stuffs, Embroideries, gold and silver lace, or any bonelace of above nine Livres the Ell, was prohibited upon pain of confiscation, and six hundred Livres to be levied on them, on them who should wear it, and a thousand Crowns upon the Merchants who should sell it. His Majesty knowing how powerful the example of a Sovereign is amongst his people, taught the French by his habit how to follow this rule, and was so careful in it, that this Edict was better observed then any of the like quality had a long time been.   

That Edicts inhibiting superfluous Expenses, are profitable both to Sovereign and People.  
EDicts which forbidden vain Expenses, are no less profitable to Sovereigns than the people, especially in times of War. Private men's plenty is the Prince's treasure, which he may make use of in time of necessity; and as it cannot be preserved without frugality, which prohibiteth the use of unnecessary things; so there is no way better to lay the foundations of it, then to establish it by law. It is impossible he should make War without laying extraordinary contributions on the people, at least for the maintenance of an Army in that honour so long as is needful. How should the people assist him at a time of need, if superfluous expenses should exhaust their Wealth. They may indeed be so pressed that any thing may be extracted from them, but that must be by force, whereby not only their ill will, but a thousand imprecations follow their moneys. It may be objected that great men who are the most subject to these expenses, do not pay any tax or aid to their Sovereign: But I reply that being employed in the War where a great mass of money is consumed, they contribute more than the people to the public charge, and by consequence ought to live in the more order and frugality. Nobility impoverished cannot serve when occasion requires, but is forced to keep at home, whereas they who perserve their wealth, by the means of a well regulated expense, may put himself in a equipage to appear in an Army in a quality becoming their honour. Excessive expenses are usually made in such commodities as come from foreign Countries, nor can a Sovereign permit the use of them without enriching him, from whom they are brought to the impoverishment of his own; which State, if it be an enemy, or powerful enough to render itself suspected, it were not only to deprive his own of the means to resist him, but to give new force to that Foreigner to attempt upon him. In fine, the necessities of man are satisfied with so little, that it were very unreasonable to make vast expenses upon commodities of no use, and from which there is not that satisfaction to be received as in convenience. Content yourselves with that which is enough, saith St. Austin, the rest serveth only to make the life more burdensome, instead of refreshing it from care, and superfluous expenses, which are made for the obtaining of an apparent honour, have very troublesome consequences.   

A Difference between the Bishops and Religious, decided by a Judgement from the Council.  
ALthough the Cardinal had made up by his admirabl dexterity in the foregoing year, some differences which were moved between the Bishops and Religious by persuading the latter to condescend to some Articles, to which no man else could have brought them; yet so it was, that some troublesome spirits published books, some for one part, and some for another. The main ground of the quarrel, was concerning a word which was found in some manuscripts of a Canon of the second Counsel of Orange, and not in others. They who were for the Religious, raised this consequence from it, That Confirmation was not absolutely necessary after Baptism: Those on the other side, unable to salve the matter, maintained the contrary. All that the Laws of History permit me to say, is, that the consequence raised by those for the Religious, was very dangerous; because it might be inferred that the Bishops in England, might be easily passed by, seeing all the exercises of Christianity, might be practised there by the Catholics, excepting confirmation only. The heat of this dispute did sometimes transport them beyond the bounds of Doctrine, and to fall foul upon some Subjects, which could not but give some advantage to Heretics, and trouble the Consciences of many tenderly affected, and disturb the public quiet. The course at first taken was, to prohibit the Printing of Books of this nature, without leave obtained from the grand Chancellery; but the Doctors of Divinity of Paris not satisfied therewith, ordered in one of their Assemblies that the books of Pere Sirmond, made to maintain that word, should be reexamined; so that this was the occasion of publishing without privilege certain books repugnant to that Christian peace and charity, which ought especially to be between ecclesiastics. The King took notice thereof, and not to leave it unremedied, commanded Monsieur le Garde des Seaux to take care in it; who ordered that the books printed and published under the name of Pere Sirmond, and Petrus Aurelius; the two chief of the parties, should be examined by nine Doctors of Divinity, prohibited them upon penalty of corporal punishment, to determine any thing in their Assemblies concerning these books, and all Booksellers to sell them without permission under the Great Seal. Some Prelates more zealous than wise in matter of the King's privilege, complained of this Arrest, pretending it was not the custom for Kings to intermeddle with the Doctrine of the Church; but they were not long unanswered; for Monsieur le Garde des Seaux, was too well acquainted with the King his Master's power, and too well versed in the reading of good books, to be ignorant how Kings and Emperors have always taken cognisance of affairs of this nature, and determined them in order to the good of their State, and the continuation of the public quiet.   

The Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical Affairs.  
THe Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical affairs. Though God hath chief put the Sceptre into the hands of Kings and Emperors to exercise a temporal power over their people; yet custom obligeth them to know that they have no small authority in Ecclesiastical affairs. There need no more ancient example then that of Constantine the first Christian Emperor. Doth not every one know that he called himself Bishop of such things as passed out of the Church, that writing to the Bishops, he told them he took part of their ministry to be the more careful of the Church? And in fine, he undertook the management thereof, with so much zeal and Prudence that his actions acquired him the Title of Founder of Law and Religion, as is to be seen in an ancient inscription. It was with no little trouble and care that he quieted the Church in the time of Arius, that he assembled divers Counsels upon his Doctrine, and that he prohibited the reading of his books. To show that his procedure was without usurpation; every one may see in History that the Popes themselves, and particular Clergies likewise, have from time to time, made their addresses to Emperors to be by them countenanced in affairs which happened unto them. The Clergy and Monks of Constantinople, beseeched Theodosius and Valentinian to be solicitous of the Church, and to suppress Heresies. Whereupon those two Emperors commanded St. Cyril, to examine the Doctrine of Nestorius. The Bishops of the Counsel of Constantinople, beseeched Theodosius to confirm their Decree; and Pope Bonisace acknowledged so great a power to the Emperor Honorius, in Ecclesiastical affairs, that he entreated him to make a Decree to prohibit all kind of underhand dealing in the Election of the Popes. I could easily prove this custom by the examples of succeeding Emperors; but I had rather show that our Kings have usually done the like: For Clovis the first of those that embraced Christianity, made divers Ordinances for the ministry of the Church, as he himself hath written in a Letter to the Bishops of France, to be seen at this present entire and undefaced for above eleven ages. He assembled the Bishops of Orleans in a Cousel, where it was prohibited to admit any of his Subjects to be Clerks, without his Majesty's permission, and at their entreaty, he confirmed their Canons. I will go a little further, and say, that Ecclesiastical persons being born Subjects of a Sovereign Prince; their Kings have received power from God with their Crowns to determine their personal causes, where the good of the State may be interessed, a thing not to be doubted of; that the power of judging, is inseparably annexed unto that of the Sovereignty; and that he who is a Princes Subject, is of necessity to submit to his Justice; and that ecclesiastics cannot deny themselves to be Subjects, seeing as hath been already said, the greatest Poper themselves have not made any difficulty to put themselves in this rank; as Gelasius in a Letter which he writ to the Emperor Anastasius Pelagius the first, in profession of his Faith, which he sent to Childebert one of our first Kings; and St Gregory to the Emperor Maurice. What reason can they pretend to resist it, seeing Jesus Christ himself and St. Paul have acknowledged themselves to be subject to their power. Did not Jesus Christ tell Pilate by way of acknowledging his Authority, that he could have no power over him but what he received from heaven? whereupon St. Austin, and St. Bernard, expounding those words say, that pilate's sentence, though very unjust was not usurped, because he had a lawful authority. So likewise St. Paul thinking himself happy to walk in the steps of his Master's humility, did not appeal from Festus his Tribunal, to that of St. Peter; but to that of Caesar acknowledging his power and authority of judging in that affair then in question. Nor are the Disciples greater than their Masters.    
The End of the Second Part.