A RELATION OF THE COASTS OF afric CALLED GUINEE; WITH A Description of the Countries, Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants; of the productions of the Earth, and the Merchandise and Commodities it affords; with some Historical Observations upon the Coasts.  
Being Collected in a VOYAGE By the Sieur Villault, Escuyer, Sieur de Bellefond, in the years 1666, and 1667.  
Written in French, and faithfully Englished.  
The Second Edition.  
LONDON, Printed for John Starkey at the Mitre in Fleetstreet near Temple-Barr, 1670.   

THE TABLE OF CHAPTERS.  

A Relation of their Voyage from Amsterdam. page 1  
The Description of Cap-Verd. p. 16  
The Coast of Malegeta, with the Kingdom of Sierra-Leone. p. 29  
The Description of Sierra-Leone, or the Mountain of Lions. p. 37  
Cap de Monte, and its Description. p. 54  
Cap Miserado. p. 66  
Rio de Junco. p. 73  
Petit Dieppe. p. 76  
Rio-Sextos. p. 77  
The Coast of Graives called Malaguette. p. 87  
The Coast of Elephants Teeth. p. 98  
Coste d' Or, or the Gold Coast, with a Relation of our Occurrences there. p. 114  
The Description of the Golden Coast. p. 131  
Of the Stature and Proportion of the People of this Country, of their Wit, Inclination, Industry, and Habits. p. 133  
Of their Women, their Genius, Humour, and Habits. p. 140  
Of their Marriages, and the Education of their Children. p. 145  
Of their Houses, Heusholdstuff, Drink, Meat, Palm wine, and how it is made. p. 154  
Of their Markets, their manner of Buying and Selling, with a Description of their Measures and Weights. p. 162  
Their Religion. Of their Sundays, Feasts, Devotions, Gods or Fetiches, of their Sacrifices, Priests, and Habits. p. 166  
Of their Superstition, their Swearing upon their Fetiches, their manner of pacifying them, when they think they are angry, and the Burial of the Dead. p. 182  
Of their Old Men, their Slaves, their Lame, their Servants, the Diseases they are usually subject to, with their Cures, and the way to prevent them. p. 195  
Of their Dances, and Feasts, both private and solemn. p. 207  
Of their Exercises, their workmen, their Trades, their Merchandises, their Fishing, and the Duty they pay to the King. p. 214  
Of the Kings of those countries', their Courts, Authority, and manner of living with their Courtiers, of their Wives and Children, of the Succession of their Kingdoms, their Revenues, Feasts, Deaths, Burials, and Elections of another King. p. 223  
Of their Nobles, the manner of their making War, the grounds upon which they do usually make it, their Arms, of their Cessations and Peace. p. 238  
Of their Civil and their Criminal Justice, and of the successions of particular men. p. 249  
Of their Beasts, their Birds, and their Fish. p. 255  
Their Fruits, Herbs, Bread, Millet▪ Mays, their manner of sowing and making of Salt. p. 260  
Of their Gold, where it is found, and how, with the variety of works they make of it. p. 264  
Of the Return of our Vessel for Europe. p. 272  
The Description of the Isle of Saint Thomas which lies under the Line. p. 274    

A VOYAGE TO The Coasts of afric called GUINEE.  

With a Description of the several Countries, Fashions, and Manners of the People, the Fruit and Commodities of those parts, with the Trade and Commerce they afford.  
THe Coasts of afric, commonly called Guinee, comprehening a Tract of ground of seven hundred Leagues, from Cap-verd in the fourteenth degree of Northern latitude, and nintieth degree of longitude East: to Cape Gonsalvo in the first degree of Southern latitude and 29 and a half of Eastern longitude, are at present so little frequented by the French (and all from an opinion they have taken up of the Malignity of the air) that it cannot (without great sense and reluctancy) be considered how long, and how unhappily they have been deserted by them, and left as a prey to all other Nations, without reserving so much as the least share in the most advantageous Commerce they afford.  
I must confess (having the heart and passions of a Frenchman) I could not observe without great regret, the cunning, and artifice, wherewith the English, the Hollander, and the Dane had possessed us of the pernitiousness of the air, and the unwholsomness of the place, and that with so much subtlety, they had almost persuaded us out of the whole country, and to have given up those few places which are still in our power: a practice of that Moment, and importance to them all, that from their traffic upon these coasts alone (would they be ingenious and confess) they must acknowledge they derive their most considerable profit and advantage.  
And indeed what Frenchman is their in the world so stupid and impenetrable, that can behold several Bays along these coasts, (by the inhabitants called Bays de France) and several Towns (as Petit Diep and others) declaring at this day the Genealogy of their founders, so entirely abandoned by his countrymen, that there is nothing remaining there now but their name, and an indeliable desire in the natives, that they would conquer them again; what Frenchman I say can consider this without remorse, or remember it without being affected.  
True it is, in the time of the civil wars wherewith it pleased God to afflict the Kingdom of France in the reign of Henry le grand, our expulsion in those parts was completed, for having no leisure to reinforce such garrisons as we had there from the time of Lewis the Eleventh, we were forced out of them all and constrained to yield possession to the Portugais, who at that time like an inundation overwhelmed all we had formerly gained upon the Golden Coast, and for better security of their conquests, built a Castle called St. George de la Mine, of which I shall give a more ample description hereafter.  
Yet, as an argument that our interest was considerable there once, and that our magnificence was suitable to our interest: it is worthy observation, that at this very day the Dutch make use of a fair Church built formerly by the French, still adorned with our Monuments and Arms, and the principal Battery they have towards the sea, is still by the Natives themselves called lafoy battery de France.  
Upon these Coasts we had once the possession of Akara, Carmentin, Cape-corse and Takorai, at which last the Sweeds raised a new Fort since that, and upon the ruins of ours, but their late wars in Germany, (like our wars in France) having caused it to be neglected, and been an occasion of interrupting its supplies, it is demollished as well as ours, and hath nothing left now but rubbish, to show that ever it was there.  
Besides this, we have suffered the Hollander to encroach upon us in our days, and to possess themselves of our Plantation at Commendo, a Town some two leagues distance from the Chasteau de la Mine, but they were glad to attend the death of two Frenchmen who had lived there along time, built a fair house (of which there is nothing now standing but the walls) and comported themselves with that candour and integrity to the Natives, that they gained the affections of them all, and have left such a perfume and reputation of the French behind them, the Moors do glory in being called by that name, and will still beat their drums after the mode of France.  
Three Months in the year, the air of this Country is dangerous, and no more, yet so little then, that with the least providence and moderation one may preserve himself as well as in France, and perhaps better, because we have several diseases which are familiar in Europe, that are utterly unknown in this Country.  
But the truth is, this is but pretence, and the collusion of the Dutch to put that into our heads, that seeing our commerce declining in those parts, they might not only eradicate all our thoughts of recovering it again, but all our regret and concernment for the loss of it, and they themselves go quietly away with the commerce of so many Kingdoms, which is so prodigiously rich, I shall only touch upon it in transitu, and not tell what I saw myself lest it should seem to be incredible.  
Only this I shall be bold to offer to the consideration of the world, whether it is probable the Hollanders (who are a people so ardently devoted to their interest and advantage, that there is scarce any body but knows it) would upon occasion of surprising the Fort at Cormentin upon the Golden Coast which was formerly theirs, have ventured upon the last war with England, had not their profits upon those coasts been more then ordinarily considerable.  
And indeed so sweet was their trade there, and of that consequence and importance they would never have endured either English or Dane amongst them, had not the Natives compelled them.  
The instance I shall give in the ill usage we received from the Heer Walkenbourg their General at the Mine, at a time too when we were in so strict alliance with them, that we had espoused their quarrel, and made their Enemies our own, will I doubt not be sufficient to demonstrate, that there is nothing so Barbarous, or inhospitable, they will not act for their profit, and to exclude the world from the notion of a Trade that would alone maintain the Grandeur of their State, were they absolute Masters of these coasts without any competitors.  
That the Genius and Humour of the Moors is more susceptible of the French, than any other Nation, is manifest by the designs all Foreigners have laid to keep us from thence: they know very well should our commerce be readmitted, theirs would be lost irrecoverably, and we should engross the vast quantities of Ivory and Gold-sand, which comes yearly from thence: besides the benefit of the Nigroes which are transported for Slaves into America; and contribute exceedingly to the profit of those plantations.  
Nor ought any difficulty in the Voyage, be able to discourage us, seeing when once arrived at the Canaries, the wind serves always very well, no tempests, no storms, and ankorage is every where so good, that an anchor of nine or ten inches, will hold a Vessel of 400 Tun.  
Monsieur Daliez Seigneur Martel being employed into these parts by the West-Indy Company at Paris, and setting out from Amsterdam in a new Ship of four hundred Tun, (called the Europe) took me along with him in the quality of his controller for that Voyage.  
On St. Mathews Eve, in the year one thousand six hundred sixty six, I departed from Paris in order to my employment, and arrived at Brussels the Saturday after, the next night passing to Antwerp, and from thence to Rotterdam, I came safely to Amsterdam on the 13th of September where having spent some weeks with the rest of our Officers in fraiting our Ship, I departed with the Heer Vantesck, the Heer Willembourg (our Captain,) the Heer Vanderberg, and Mounsieur Mathews (our Secretary) for the Texel.  
The next morning we went aboard, and on the 13 of November with a fair wind we set sail, steering our course south south west; we gave the Fort of the Texel three guns, and then put out the colours of Ostend to prevent being stopped, there having been an express prohibition for any Hollander to serve any foreigner in those parts upon pain of death, let the pretence be what it would.  
Having dismissed our Pilot which conducted us to sea; by degrees, and the opportunity of a mist we passed through the Channel, and (escaping the English of whom we had great apprehension) we came up at length to certain Islands about some 20 leagues distance from the River of Lisbon.  
In this place it seems it is a custom amongst the Hollanders (and punctually observed) to baptise such of their seamen and passengers as have never passed the Tropic or Line before, and if the Vessel have never made that Voyage before (as ours had never done) by the same custom the Captain is to obliged to give the Seamen some certain bottles of Brandy to be merry, and drink his health with all, otherwise he forfeits.  
The weather being fair, and we very much beholding to the benignity of the sun, all things were prepared, the Bell rung, and the Seamen immediately upon the Deck, and having slackened our Sails, they began the ceremony of Baptism as follows.  
Those of the Seamen who had made this Voyage before, seized upon the other, and tying their hands behind them, they took them one by one, and having fastened a Rope under their armpits, they pulled them up to the yard of the main mast, from thence sousing them into the water, and then drawing them out again three or four times, sometimes they ducked them for the King of France, and sometimes for the State's General, and at last for the Officers of the Ship, and their wives if they had any, after which they gave them a glass of Sack, or a dish of Brandy, and all were good friends.  
The boys in the Ship were stripped to their shirts, and put under a basket, and had seven or eight buckets of water poured over their heads.  
Nor were the Officers exempt, for after their presents of drink to the Seamen, they were contented to stand still till they threw some little water upon their heads out of a glass or pot, which concluded the ceremony.  
This Christening being over, we set sail again, and by the error of our Pilots, we passed by the Maderas, where we intended to have put in.  
At length we discovered a high foreland, and advanced within 4 leagues of it to discover what it was, after five hours coasting we found by our sounding (the water being forty fathom) and the redness of the sand, that it was not the Isle of Palma (as we imagined) but that we were got as far as the Gulf de sainte Croix near the Cape Geer upon the coasts of Moroque.  
Having past the Canaries and the Cape de Bajador, we passed the Tropic of Cancer on the 10 of December, and on the 12 having past the Cape Blanc, we came into 18 degrees of latitude, and by the benefit of a south east wind we run along by the shore till we came to the 16 degrees, at which time we began to descry the coasts of afric and to observe them sandy and low.  
The 14 at sunrising we found ourselves at the mouth of the river of Senegal, about 15 degrees, where the wind falling, we endured a calm, so as that day nor the night following, we made no progress at all.  
On the 15th we discovered Cap-Verd, which at a distance resembled two Breasts, but in respect it was environed with Rocks, and not approachable without danger, we steered to the North-West, and on the 16, we doubled the Cap in our passage to Rio-Fresco, a Town upon the coasts of afric, about 6 leagues from the Cap; a place where they usually take in fresh water, and sometimes trade, but with little security, the Fort and Island of Goure (which belongs to the Hollander) being too near.   

CAP-VERD.  
SO called from a perpetual verdure which embellishes it, is one of the pleasantest and most agreeable places in the world. It is a Promontory which throws itself a long way from East to West into the Sea; the North part of it is Mountainous, and covered always with green Trees, its point towards the East, is about a Mile over: it is a Rock very steep and sharp towards the Sea, which with great gentleness baths and washes the feet of it, after it has been broken, and discussed by several smaller, and concealed rocks that encompass it, and seem to be placed there by nature, on no other purpose but to oppose themselves (in the behalf of so delicate a place) against the fury of so impetuous an Element. The 2 points advancing like mountains, and making as it were a verdant terras or rampart walk betwixt them, yields a most incomparable perspective through the trees on the East-side, and is no less beautiful on the South, though the country lies low, by reason of the Trees which one would think were planted by a line, if he considers with what exactness and regularity they grow.  
But the same wind which (being gentle) had indulged our curiosity, and given us a grateful and complete prospect of this Cape, removed us almost insensibly, and brought us to Goure.  
Goure is a little Island about a League in circumference, and three Leagues distant from Cap-Verd, 'tis separated from the Terrasirma by a little arm of the Sea, about half a League over. At present it belongs to the Hollander, who on a mountain on the westside has built a Fort, on the East it is low, has a good Port on the South, and good Ankorage.  
We saluted the Fort with five pieces of Canon, and received as many from them; we gave them 3. more by way of thanks, and that they might not seem to be behind us in civility, they returned us one more, and set up the Dutch Standard.  
A while after the Governor sent out his Boat to inquire what we were, and what news; he that commanded it spoke very good French, and it fell to my share to entertain him a good while. Our discourse was about Cap-Verd, and Le-Segnal, which he cried up to me as the most pleasant part of the world, and the best for trade, and told me, that at long run the French would carry it from every body.  
For Cap-Verd, that they which loved hunting, might abundantly divert themselves there, that there was plenty of game, as Partridge, Hares, Hearts, Roe-Bucks, and several other Animals very good meat, though utterly unknown in Europe. That the Moors were not to be feared, and that there was excellent fishing.  
After Dinner he returned to the Fort, desiring us to go on to Gambay where the English had a small Fort with eight pieces of Canon planted, and the Government worth 2000 l. per ann.  
Rio-Fresca, is a Town in afric, near which, we came to Anchor in the Bay de France, which is firm and gravelly at the bottom, and is six Fathoms deep at low water.  
After Dinner our Secretary was sent on Shore to carry the Alcair, or Governor, his Presents, (which were Knives, and Brandy) and to take a view of what Commodities they had there and to procure fresh meat.  
At his return, he told us the Alcair had received him very civilly in his own house, which is built in the midst of several others, that he made him sit down by him upon a very neat Mat, and regaled him with such Wine and Fruits as the Country did afford.  
That as to Commodities, the coast was at present unfurnished, but if we would have patience for a fortnight, he would give notice to the Merchants of the Country, who would doubtless supply us, especially several Portugal's which they then had amongst them: and as to fresh Victuals he would furnish us next day.  
Whilst our Notary was a shore, there came a Canoe aboard us from the Alcair, but so manned, as surprised me very much: they were exceedingly black, their Mine not much better than our Beggars in France, and naked as they were born, except a little linen before.  
They demanded what we were; we told them French: they asked if we were come to stay, or had put in only for Provisions; we replied for Provisions, but we would return to continue; to which they answered Bon, Bon: the French are more worth than all the rest of the World.  
There came several other Canoes to us with great quantity of fish, which they bartered for knives and strong waters, which they fancy exceedingly.  
That night we stood to our arms, apprehending some attempt from Goure to surprise us. The next morning, the Alcair himself, called Abdonsech, came aboard us in our Shallop, accompanied with his Officers, and the principal of the Town. He was a person of about 35. or 40. years of age, well proportioned, and understood his interest well enough. He was in a long white Robe made of Cotton, which came no lower than his knees, the sleeves long and wide like a Surplice, only gathered close at the hands, about his neck great quantity of locks of Red Wool, with a Callecon of the same; he had a Cap upon his head not much unlike the Capuches worn in Hungaria. The Officers had all of them old Mantles of stripped Cotton about them, partly white, and part blue, not unlike our Gipsies.  
We made them sit and dine with us, after which they desired the Officers of the Vessel that they would return thither and continue, which we promising, they entered into a Contract of alliance, which was signed and sealed on both sides.  
We asked them where their King was; they replied three days journey up into the Country: That he was called Damel Biram, and his kingdom Caillor, that he loved the French best, as being more frank, and liberal, and less addicted to their interest and profit.  
It's a wonder to see these people, they can neither write nor read, and yet all of them spoke Portugais; but the Alcair, French, English, and Dutch, as perfectly as those that were born there: about Noon he took his leave of us, and we filled him a great Gourd with strong water, which he had brought full of Palm Wine, which is the best in their Country; I went on shore with him, and interrogating him about those following things for several hours, he informed me, that  
Rio-Fresca is a Town of about 200 houses, that it hath a convenient Harbour on the Westside of it, and capable of a shallop: That the houses are but small, and according to my computation, like our thatched houses in Normandy, built only with mud and sticks laid a cross. That there were not above 300 men in the Town, besides women and children.  
The East-side is covered with a Wood, thorough which I past four or five hundred paces, and discovered large fields beyond it, which my eye could not compass. This Wood consists of Palm-trees, and other very lofty Trees, which in Europe are unknown.  
The air (though the place be fourteen degrees on this side the Line) is as good and as warm, as any on these coasts; for which reason both women and men, go naked, only a little linen before, to cover their pudibunda, which the men do not scruple to laave off when they go to Sea.  
Their Religion is so various, and intermixed, that besides the Portugal Catholics, which are there in great numbers, they have other circumcised Catholics, that come near to the Jews, as also Mahumetans and Idolaters. These latter have little bags of leather which they wear constantly about their necks, and call them Fetiches, which is as much as to say their Gods, (as I shall demonstrate more at large in my Chapter of the Superstition of th●● which inhabit the Golden Coast) in which likewise they have so great confidence, they believe that unless it be the Whites, there is no body can do them any harm.  
They eat very little flesh, though they have Oxen, Cows, Sheep, Goats, Kids, Hens, Pigeons, a kind of Pheasants, and small Birds in abundance; Their chief diet is Fish, as the Guilthead, the Shadfish, the Pilchard, which they take day and night in great numbers, besides many other unknown among us. Their fishing is in little Canoes, cut out of the Trunk of a Tree, and made hollow, with a stick, (instead of a Mast) set up in the middle when the wind is down, but otherwise when it is high, they stand right up, and row with a kind of oars, some four or five foot long, and as broad at the end as a good large plate.  
The men of this place are very personable and well, not many of them Camous, and from hence it is they have the best slaves in afric. The women and daughters are for the most part very common, courting and soliciting of Strangers by that time they are fourteen years old, and that in the midst of the streets, so great a kindness and inclination they have for them.  
The men have as many wives as they can keep, will prostitute them for a small matter, and sometimes offer them for nothing. They have their hair tied up upon their heads (which are always uncovered) to which they fasten certain little pieces of wood, and think them great preservatives against the heat of the Sun. All of them both men and women speak a kind of corrupt Portugais.  
The commodities this Country affords, are Skins, Gums, Feathers, Ivory, Indigo, Civet, and great quantity of a kind of Cotten cloth, stripped with white and with blue, which is immediately put off again at the Golden Coast.  
Though they are naturally great liars, and not to be believed, yet it is certain the Alcair gave advertisement to the Inhabitants up the country as he promised us, but we thought it not fit to trust him according to the advice of another Vessel of Amsterdam, which made advantage thereby.  
We bought that day some Hens, Pullet's, and Kids, and delayed our time so long on shore, our comrades were forced to give us a signal, by discharging a great Gun, that we should come back, as apprehending some mischief might befall us from the Hollander.  
That night we set sail for the Sierra-Leoane, or Mountain of Lions, neither thinking it convenient to make up the other Rivers, or to pass directly to Gambay. And on the six and twentieth of December we came to an anchor within three leagues.   

The Coasts of MALEGETA, with the Kingdom of Sierra-Leone.  
THe next day by the benefit of the Tide, we came to an anchor in the River of Sierra-Leone; aboot noon the Moors came aboard us to conduct us into the Bay de France, which is the 4th from Cap-Ledo at the mouth of the River.  
At six fathom deep, low water, we came to an anchor within musket shot of the fountain, where we took in fresh water, and having landed, we went that night to supper upon the banks of it, where we killed a Goat which came thither to drink, and found the water more pleasant and delicious (in respect of our thirst) than the best of our Wines.  
We put out the colours of Ostend, and not of France, because there was an Englishman living in one of those Isles a long time, where he had a fair house and four pieces of Canon, and was besides well beloved and protected by the Kings of that Country.  
The next day we sent two of our Officers up the River, about ten leagues, to wait upon the King of Bower, with our usual presents, and to desire permission to trade, and to furnish ourselves with fresh water, & wood; and in the mean time our people fell to work to cut down wood, and carry water, the Notary, myself, & one of my servants, going along with them as a guard. During our absence there came aboard our ship five or six Canoes, in one of which there was one John Thomas (Captain of one of the Isles in that River) who brought some quantity of Ivory along with him. The Captain (who was the only Officer aboard) received him very civilly, saluted him at his entrance with a volley of great shot, and regaled him as much as was possible, but he bought none of his Ivory being too dear, which gave so much dissatisfaction to Mounsieur Thomas; he went away in a huff about five a clock, and landed with 15 or 16 Moors in his company, near the bank of the Fountain I have spoke of before. The Clerk and myself were returning in our great shallop laden with ballast, and advanced as much as the tide (which was then coming in) would give us leave, in so much that our shallop was afloat: which being observed by the Captain and his Moors, they put themselves into their Canoes again, and made with all speed to our men, who were cutting down wood upon the banks of the Bay. At the same time they gave us a signal from the Ship by furling our colours, which made us double our speed, in apprehension there might have been some mutiny or sedition aboard; but when we arrived, we found it was only to give notice of the design of the Moors, who were seen making to our men with their weapons in their hands, but the man I left behind me, having his musket with him, stopped their proceed, and the rest defended themselves so well with their Axes, that there was none wounded or killed of the whole company, only one ancient man received a scratch in one of his arms. We sailed immediately towards them, but as soon as we came within musket shot, and they perceived our Guns in our hands, they run straight into the woods, where they lay close all day long, but at night we could hear them making great noise about the fountain aforesaid.  
The next day being the 29 December, the Clerk, the Pilots Mate, several servants, and about 20 of our Seamen, went a shore in our shallop for fresh water and wood. At their landing the Moors abandoned the fountain, and betook themselves to the Woods, where they made a great noise likewise, but without any attempt, for our men having run towards them, and fired 5 or 6 muskets at a venture into the woods, they took their heels, and from that time we heard no more of Mounsieur Thomas, nor any of his crew.  
After dinner our Ambassadors returned from the King of Boure's Court, having stayed there with his most August Majesty but one night: but they brought most of the Canoes thereabout along with them, laden with Ivory, which was bought off indifferent cheap.  
The next day the King of Boure's Brother came aboard us, and brought with him a Portugais (which we had seen before, and is employed in the affairs of that Prince) we know it was some person of quality as soon as we discerned his Canoe, which we distinguished by the sound of his Trumpets, and immediately sent out our boat to receive him, into which he entered with his Trumpet and Drum, and at his coming aboard our Ship, was saluted with a volley from the great Guns.  
The Brother of the King of Sierra-Leone is a person of about fifty or threescore years of age, and gins now to grow grey: his stature is but indifferent, but grave, and intelligent enough in his affairs. His habit was not much unlike that of the Alcair of Rio-Fresca, unless it be that the Alcair's habit was of white cloth, and this of cloth stripped with black and blue, he had a grey hat upon his head, a stick like a musket rest in his hand, his Attendants had all of them Robes of Cotton cloth, only the Portugal was dressed ala Portugaise.  
Whilst we were treating him, we gave him an account of the story of John Thomas, to which he answered that he was a mutineer and a rebel, and that in case we should catch him, we should not only have his pardon, but thanks.  
After he had dined, he pulled out about twenty little stones, out of a little purse, which he threw upon the Table, demanding so many Bars (as they call them) in discharge of their King's duties, as well for the business they had negotiated with him, as for their fresh water and wood. Though these people can neither read nor write, yet they make use of this way of gathering their Rights, and the frequency of their Commerce with the Portugals, has brought them to talk altogether by Bars, which is the word they do most ordinarily use.  
According to their demand, the 20 Bars were paid him, that is to say, in Iron 12 Bars a little Barrel of Strong-waters at 4 Barrs, a Kettle at 2 Bars, a Hat at 2 Bars, and so on: He was himself upon his own score presented with 2 Bottles of Brandy, and his Retinue with Knives: at the close of the evening he returned, well stuffed and well satisfied, as the greatest part of his Attendants were also; at his departure he had several Guns given him, and was dismissed with all possible civility. He is in great respect among the people, his Trumpet and Drum are always carried along with him, even when he goes about his most natural affairs. During these three days, we had several Portugals came aboard us with their Commodities, of whom I endeavoured what I could to inform myself of the manners of that Country.   

The Description of Sierra-Leone, or the Mountain of the Lions.  
THe Country of Sierra-Leone, is called Boulombel by the Moors, which in their language is as much as the large Country. In respect of the extraordinary height of the Mountains towards the South, which are much higher than either the Pyrenaean or Alps, and the multitude of Lions which are constantly to be seen there, it was called Sierra Leone by the Portugals, which in our Language amounts to no more than the Mountain of Lions: Their Country gins a great way up in the land Eastward, and ends Northwest with the Cap-Ledo, which throws itself into the Sea: from the point of that Cape, as on passes up the River, there are several Bays, the fourth of which is the Bay de France, either because the French were formerly possessed of this Coast, or that they burned a Town there heretofore, and this is the only Bay in that River where they can take in fresh water.  
I had one day the curiosity to trace one of the three Fountains which are there, and having followed it a league to the foot of the Mountains, observing the tracks and Print of the wild beasts, which are very strange, and dreadful, I returned as I went, and have been since informed by one of the Portugals, that it rises in the midst of the woods, which are above 15 leagues over, and that if I had pursued my design, and traced it to its spring, I must never have expected to come back, as well for the vast number of Lions, as for the Tigers, Elephants, and Crocodiles which are there, and would probably have devoured me.  
Those Mountains are covered with Trees very full of Gum, always green, and for the most part not unlike our Laurel.  
The Northern parts of this Sierra-Leone lie very low; and are in the possession of the King of Boulom, as the Southern parts are of the King of Bower.  
The Kingdom of Boulom is not overwell known, either to the French or Hollander, their affections being principally inclined to the English and Portugals, of which last, there are several that inhabit there.  
The River which bears the name of Sierra-Leone likewise, runs a great way Eastward up into the Country, is about 3 leagues over at the mouth; and one about 14 or 15 leagues higher. The Harbour is not above two fathoms deep, insomuch that in entering into it, we were fain to come as near the Mountains as we could, where we found 10, 12, and 16 fathoms water. It has several little Islands in its channel, the most of them inhabited, and covered with green Trees, especially Palm trees, of which they make great quantities of Wine; It is very full of Fish, and breeds Crocodiles near the head of its Fountain.  
The borders of these Islands are set with certain Trees whose branches do never extend themselves further out one than another, but the shutes or sciences growing downwards, as soon as they touch the water or the earth, they take new root, and by that means make a Hedge sometimes of 10 or 12 yards broad.  
The Inhabitants of this Country are very well made, I observed very few of them Camoused, the men much more civil than at Cap-Verd, they are always clothed, and for the most part more modest.  
In the Town of Bower there cannot be above 300 houses, according to the estimation of some of our men who were there, and told me among other things, that the Palace of their King is built likewise in the middle of the Town, and would not make a good residence for a Justice of Peace.  
Their Women are generally common, every man has as many of them as he pleaseth, and prostitutes them to Strangers, as he thinks good, except only the first, which are kept with great jealousy, and circumspection all along these Coasts, so as properly the other are nothing but Concubines.  
According to the computation of every body I spoke with, there may be in Bower about 4 or 500 men, besides women and children: Their King is a Roman Catholic his name philip's, and has a Capuchin and a Jesuit in his Court.  
In an Island called Saint Andrew, I entered into one of their houses, and found it built of sticks and dirt, on one side a little window covered with leaves, a hole for the door, and a small fire in the middle; they lie upon mats, made of great rushes, which they place in a corner, and have their Arms by their sides, which for the most part are swords, dagger's, darts, bows and arrows, the head of which they impoison with fruit of a certain tree, whose poison is so inconceiveably subtle and quick, it runs immediately into the blood, and affects it so suddenly, it is no easy matter either to prevent or cure it: Which fruit is long like a radish, and green. Some of them have their Guns, which they all of them are fond of, and do use with great dexterity.  
Their Religion also is various, the great Commerce the Portugals have in this place, and the great numbers that inhabit there already have converted many of them, the rest being Mahumetans, and Idolators. They pay a reverence extraordinary to certain extravigant figures, which they call Fetiches, worship them as Gods, pray to them punctually Morning and Night, and when at any time they have any thing better than ordinary, either Meat, or fish, or their Palm-Wine, they throw it all down upon the ground in honour to their Gods.  
As I went a shore one day in the Canoe of a certain More, I heard him muttering to himself, and having distinguished these words Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, I asked him what he was doing, he told me he was giving thanks to his Fetiche, for having preserved him at Sea, and that the rest of the Moors, as they had occasion, did always the same: They all of them carry their Fetiches in little bags, either upon their hearts, or their shoulders, tendering them meat Night and Morning constantly, they trim them up with Rasade; or little grains of glass of all colours, which they take to be the greatest Ornament in the world.  
This Country produces great quantity of Rice, of Millet, and Mays, which is a kind of Turkish Corn, they make their bread off, and is not very ill: Some of them having washed their Rice in Sea water, will eat it raw, and without any ill effect.  
Their common diet is fish, and great store of fruits, as Berrys, Figgs, Pears, Prunes, Oranges, Citrons, and a kind of Chestnut, not altogether so good as in Europe, but it has the virtue to quench the thirst though one be never so dry.  
These Mountains produce great quantities of Goats, Hogs, Lions, Tigers, Elephants, wild Boars, Hearts, and Roebucks, which last are so numerous, they bring them on Ship board, and truck them for little or nothing: But the Serpents (if we may believe either the Moors or the Portugals) do increase so unmeasurably, that some of them will swallow a Man at a gulp. The Moors are perpetually at wars with them, and do use a certain herb (which is admirably good against poison) against the bites of all the Beasts they encounter.  
The Apes run up and down every where in great Troops, destroying their plants where ever they come, upon which score the Moors are their implacable enemies (as well as the Elephants) hunting and pursuing them perpetually, and sometimes eating them when they have done. I have tasted of their flesh, which is not bad, and in my judgement comes very near our Beef.  
All of them speak Portugais, and are very apprehensive of being drunk, for which reason (especially amongst us) they drank but little strong water.  
The Merchandise this Country affords is Rice, excellent Ivory, Civet, and some Amber Greece. Of all the Coasts, this is one of the best for matter of trade, seldom yielding less profit than Cent pour Cent: But the Portugals gain is much greater, they buying their Ivory up higher in the Country, and afterwards selling it again at the Sea side to other Merchants; Four or five men might live in one of the little Isles in this River, and be very well sustained by the labour of two or three Slaves.  
The English have a Warehouse in one of those Islands, and the Factor thereof writ to us several times to desire he might come to us and trade, we told him he might do it with safety, and on the last of December, upon our parole, when we had finished our bargains for Ivory with the Portugals, and Natives, the said Englishman called Abraham, came aboard us in his shallop (rowed by three Slaves) accompanied by a certain Hollander, and two others which belonged to him; he was well received, but after Supper, contrary to the advice of all the rest, the Captain made him a prisoner, and the three Moors which were with him, to their no small astonishment, and on the first of January 1667. the great shallop was manned out with 30. men, the Captain, the Chirurgeon, and myself, with one piece of ordnance, to besiege and plunder his house.  
It is built of Brick, and free stone, defended with four pieces of Canon, carrying a four pound bullet, and encompassed with a fair wood of Palm-trees, which supplied him with Wine. On one side there are fifteen or twenty Cabins for the Natives, and on the other, a spring of very good water. This Island is the best and most beautiful upon the River: As we were about to land, we discovered some 200 Moors, got together about the house, with their firelocks, and a greater number up the woods at farther distance: which obliged us to make a show of passing on higher, as being the weaker, and by consequence in more need of the advantage of the wind. They imagined we had been going to Bower, and immediately dispatched a Canoe to give Boulom the alarm, and to advise him to come to them; we pursued this Canoe with all possible diligence, but could not persuade them to come in till we fired 3 or 4 times into their boat; They were two young Slaves, belonging to a Portugal, that was with the English Man, but we could not make them confess any thing, by all the interrogations we could use: Those of the English party observing what was past, fired at us with their Canon, and 3 of their bullets fell within ten paces of our boat. We put ourselves out of the reach of their Guns for the present, and came to an anchor, attending the coming in of the tide to accommodate our return: The weather being calm, about half an hour after, there appeared two Moors belonging to one of the neighbouring Islands, in a Canoe, which made directly up to us, and came within pistol shot, but would by no means be persuaded on board; whereupon we shot off 2 or 3 Guns (not with intention of doing them harm) but to instruct them of the truth: They no sooner heard the noise of our Guns, but they run away immediately, plying their cars as fast as they could, and stooping (upon sight of our fire) so low, they seemed to us no higher than Cats: In the mean time the Canon of the English were not idle, playing still upon us, though they saw we were out of their reach, which they did not so much to do any execution, as to let the Natives see they had undertaken their defence, and desired their friendship: However the tide coming in, we passed by several little Islands, and made our retreat.  
We found several Moors, and Portugals aboard our Vessel, and amongst the rest, the King of Bouloms' Son called Bombo, who was a person of about 30 or 40 years old, well proportioned, and (bating his complexion) a very handsome man, his air was courteous, and majestic, he was an intimate friend of Abraham's, but knew nothing till supper, of his imprisonment: He no sooner understood it, but he interceded for his ransom, and went immediately with the Portugal (that manages the affairs of the King of Bower) to procure it: On Monday at noon they came aboard again with a 100 Elephants teeth, weighing 900 pound weight, and two live Civet Cats, upon the delivery of which he was dismissed, and went home after dinner, we giving him a little barrel of Strong-waters, a roll of Tobacco, a Cheese, and a Salvo of 3 Guns, when he went off.  
Some sew Portugal's stayed behind till they made up their Markets, and having dispatched them the fisth, they returned out of hand.  
That day we intended to have been gone, but happening upon a calm, and to have a tide against us too, we were forced to attend a little longer than we designed. About noon there came a Canoe aboard us, with two Moors, which pretended to belong to Boulom, who brought us fruit, but having no Ivory, we looked upon them but as spies, and sent them back again about five.  
That night we set sail, and having past Cap-Ledo, we steered a South Southeast course, to avoid the the Banks of Saint Anne, and the next morning descried a little Vessel of Holland, coasting upon the shore as we did to make the Cap de Monte, which is about 60 leagues distant from the Sierra-Leone.  
On Friday the 7th of January, we passed by the mouth of the River of Madre-Bomba, where the English have a house also, and not inferior to that at Sierra-Leone.  
In the afternoon we came within sight of the Rio de Gallines, so called by the Portugals, from the multitude of Hens there, and the cheapness of them, the people giving one, two, and sometimes three for a knife of a penny. The Hollanders had a house there formerly: The Natives gave us a sign to approach and put in, but the neighbourhood of the English would not suffer us to hear on that ear, but we continued our coast to the East till Saturday morning, at which time by the assistance of a clear day, we discovered the Cap de Monte, at about ten leagues distance.   

CAP DE MONTE, and its Description.  
THe wind being but little, we came not to an anchor till night, and then about half a league from the shore, at twelve fathom low water, and upon a sand.  
The Cap de Monte is so called from a point of ground which gives it that figure, and rising just by the Sea, forms its self into a round Mountain, all the rest of that coast lying very low.  
We could not descry either house or cabane all along, yet on the 19th we went on shore, and found 4 or 5 houses at some distance, where the Blacks made their Salt.  
They appeared very joyful at our arrival; they told us their King lived three days journey up into the Country, that they would give notice to their neighbours of our coming that night, and that if we thought good to return the next morning, we might find such store of Ivory as could be suddenly got. That if we intended to keep our promise when we came on board, we should give them two great Guns as a signal, and they would make fires to confirm us on their side, which was agreed and performed accordingly.  
The tenth, and the eleventh days, were spent entirely in bartering, I being on board the 12th, I went on shore, though with some difficulty, the Sea breaking off. so abruptly, our shallop was left some 20 paces upon ground, and the Seamen forced to go out of the boat, and land the Officers upon their backs; where we found the Moors had made a large Arbour, covered over with leaves, and branches of trees, to keep our commodities dry, and shelter us from the violence of the Sun.  
Whilst we were Negotiating our affairs, we heard a great noise on a sudden, and saw the Moors in a great hurry, running Pellmell from their houses, and merchandise both: we apprehended we might be surprised, and took up our arms immediately, but being got out into the air, we understood it was only their King was coming to us; whereupon some of our men went to meet him, and saluted him with a volley of five or six of our firelocks.  
Before him marched his Drum, and his Trumpet, 8 or 10 of his kindred and friends, and the rest were his Officers: his Wives, and his Daughters, marched on his side, behind him his Slaves followed, and a certain number of women carrying his dinner in bowls of Wood, and of Tyn, which they held up as high as they could possibly: By him he had four Slaves marching, two of them covering him with two large Bucklers, and the other carrying his bow and arrows, and javelin: As he approached, the Moors divided themselves, the Men on one side, the Women on the other, singing, and dancing, and leaping up and down, and testifying their joy in a thousand different postures. The King took a dart, and pretended to throw it at them, upon which they threw themselves immediately upon the ground, and at the same time they which came along with his Majesty took their turn, both to dance and to sing. Presently the King took an arrow, which he shot up into the air, and presently all run to the place where it fell, and happy was he that could take it up first, and bring it to him; after this he made a show of shooting directly amongst them, & they throwing themselves down again, with great acclamation, continued this pastime for a quarter of an hour: In this triumpth and grandour, he was conducted to us; we received him as honourably as we could, saluting him with volleys of small shot.  
He was a grave and venerable old man of about threescore years of age, or upwards, they called him Falam Bower, he was very sensible and majestic: his habit was the same with the rest of the Gentlemen, saving that his was quite blue, and the Robes of the Gentlemen, Officers, and Nobility of that Country, are always stripped (like the Captains of Rio-Fresca) with white and blue: We paid him what respect we could, and after we had made him such presents as were usual, he retired into another Arbour the Moors had made for him, and left us very graciously to our Negotiations.  
I waited upon him to his Arbour, where he entertained me in Portugais, and told me, that it was four years since he had seen any Whites, and with tears (as it were) of joy assured me, that the French should be always welcome to him; that indeed they were a little quick and capricious, but otherwise honest men: that he and his Country (which he thought was not contemptible) I would be eternally at their service.  
And in truth were all the rest of afric like this part of it, it was indubitably to be preferred to any part of Europe. No sooner is your foot upon the ground, but you are presented with a fair plain, planted on this side and that, with curious groves perpetually green, and in their leaves not unlike to our Laurel. The prospect is bounded to the South with the Mountain of the Cape; and on the North by a large grove, which gives a shade to a little Island in a little River, which casts itself hard by into the Sea, though it be navigable for a Canoe only, or perhaps with some difficulty for a shallop: Eastward there is no stop nor termination of the eye, it may delight and lose itself, in vast meadows and plains, beautified and perfumed with excellent verdures, and watered with several pretty Rivers, which open and expaned themselves to the Moors, and seem to invite them to a communication with those that live higher up in the Country.  
In this place their Rice, their Millet, and their Mais (of which their bread is made) is more plentiful, and grows in greater quantity, than in any other part of Guinee whatsoever.  
They have Citrons, Oranges, Amants, Berrys, Melons, Gourds, and a sort of plums not much unlike our Brugnons, but not so well tasted.  
They have great variety of fowl, as Hens, and Pigeons, and Ducks, and Mallard, and Teal, which must be very plentiful, by the price they are sold for.  
Goats and Hogs are very common, and Apes too, but ugly ones. They have great store of Fish, both Sea-fish and in their Rivers, which I have said they value much above flesh, they have Tortoises likewise are excellent meat, but their shells not worth a farthing.  
They are very neat in their feeding, they roast their meat upon wooden spits, turning them with great care, and observing very curiously lest one side be more roasted than the other.  
Whilst he was at dinner in his own apartment, I took the confidence to begin a health to on of his Sons Wives, in their Palme-Wine, and she answered me in French, Monsierje vous remercie, and told me afterwards in Portugais, that her Husband's Father had lived always amongst the French, when they were in those parts, and that she could distinguish easily by our air, that myself and Lackey were the only Frenchmen in our whole company.  
The inhabitants are generally handsome, good natured, tractible, and speak a kind of corrupt Portugais. They go all naked both women and men, only a little cloth before them, but the women wear theirs from their stomach, to their midlegg: they are more chaste than the rest, and their Husbands commonly more jealous.  
For their Religion, do what I could, I could not inform myself, only one of them told me the Whites prayed to God, and the Blacks to the Devil: Yet I could perceive many of them were Circumcised, and all of them had their Fetiches.  
At our landing, there was not above five or six houses to be seen, and those belonging to such as made Salt there, and carried it afterwards into the Country: But within two day's time, the plain (which was about a league in circumference) was covered over with houses, which the Moors from all parts had built, in order to their traffic with us.  
In the King's houses, or the houses of their Nobility, they have a distinct apartment where their beds are made, either upon planks, or mat; about a yard from the ground, about which they hang a cloth (in stead of curtains and balance) and so sleep all night upon them. For their repose in the day time, they have a sort of delicate neat mats, tightly made (of which the Hollander buys great store for their Chambers) where laying themselves down with their heads in their Wife's laps, they spend much of their time in combing and ordering their Husband's hair.  
For four days together we had a very good Trade. The commodities we bought were Mats, Rice, and Ivory, which in those parts is plentiful and excellently good.  
And in this place certainly (if any where) a man may live happily, all things contributing to make his life pleasant; the beauty and bounty of the Country, the humour and disposition of the people, the abundance of all necessaries, the considerableness of the gain, and the aptness and convenience for building in all places wherever you come.  
On the thirteenth we went a shore again, but seeing they had no Ivory left, (though the King promised in three day's time we should have ten times as much as we had bought aleady,) we set sail that night for Cap-Miserado.   

CAP-MISERADO.  
THe next day being the 14th of January, steering or course East-South-East and by South, we discovered the Cap-Miserado, but the weather being duskish, and a thick fog interrupting our prospect, we were glad to cast anchor at three leagues distance from the shore (imagining notwithstanding we had been nearer than we were) and afterward we shot off 2 Guns to give the Moors notice of our arrival.  
The fifteenth we discovered our mistake, yet by reason of calm, we were forced to continue at anchor till noon, at which time we perceived a Canoe making towards us with 2 Moors in it, which coming up, demanded who we were, and of what Country, we told them of Holland; and they desired us to come nearer land, but would by no means be persuaded on board us, till they saw us take the advantage of the wind, weigh anchor, and sail towards the shore.  
They entered then, and told us it was a full year since they had seen any Whites: that the next day they would bring good store of Ivory to the Sea side for us, and that they might perform what they had promised, after we had made them some small presents, they took their leaves. We came up within half a league of the land, to the mouth of a little river they call Duro, at the foot of the Cape, where we found six fathom deep at low water.  
This Cape is called Miserado by the Portugais, either because it is encompassed by rocks that lie under water, and would inevitably destroy any Vessel, which should come nearer than half a league, or because the French which were formerly massacred there, cried out Misericorde, Misericorde: Besides the Natives of this place being very cruel, they have denominated the river, and called it Duro, as being hard and fatal to the Whites. Upon which score we fortified our shollop with a great Gun, to fright them and keep them in order.  
They set up a little house against we came in order to our negotiations, but not another to be seen within less than half a league, and those too in the woods.  
The River Duro casts itself into the Sea on that side towards the Cape, but is so small and inconsiderable, it carries nothing but Canoes.  
At our coming on shore, we found the Captain (who governs those parts) with several of his Officers sitting under a tree, we presented them with two Bottles of Brandy, which they drank freely, and then conducted us to the house they had prepared, and stayed with us till night came on, and we returned to our Ship.  
The Captain was a very lusty man of a severe aspect, in a Robe like that of the Alcair de Rio-Fresca, saving that his was red, with a bonnet of the same colour, he was attended by 50 or 60 Negroes, with great darts, bows, arrows, and swords, and with some few women, which they sent back again to the Woods, not above fifty paces from our lodge, from whence we never durst trust ourselves above ten.  
They asked us whether we came as enemies or friends, observing it seems the Canon in our shallop; We told them that we could not but take notice, that they came with their arms, contrary to the custom of all other places we had traded in, and that we did, was but to secure ourselves, and our Merchandises, which we should bring on shore by degrees, and according as we sold what we had brought.  
Some of the Captain's Women, lugging their children along with them, came to see us at our lodge, and we were forced to present them, though the Captain was so refractory, what Ivory soever he exposed to truck, or to sale, he asked with that unreasonable confidence, there was no reason to give it: They all of them spoke Portugais, and were all of them clothed.  
Whilst we were at dinner, the Captain demanded some one of us to stay with him, and I (very courageously) proffered to be the man, which he took so kindly, he took me by the hand, and put it into the hand of one of his daughters, with this compliment, that he gave her me for my Wife, after which we grew very intimate and great; He took me and showed me to the rest of the Moors, who called me their kinsman and friend, promised me S●aves, carried me along with them, and setting me in the midst of them, they made me drink of their Palm-wine.  
One of the Officers that dined with us, I observed to throw Wine upon the ground, before he drank; I asked him the reason, and he told me, that if his dead Father should be dry, he would come thither to drink.  
We had a sight too of some of their Priests, but their habits being the same, with what we saw afterwards upon the Golden Coast, I shall pass them by in this place, with this animadversion only, that they carry themselves towards them with great deference and respect, believing every word they spoke an Oracle. The Captain showed me one of them, and told me, if I had lost any thing, he could tell me where it was, and cried him up as he had been a Prophet: But above all things, their greatest superstition is of their Fetiches.  
Their Traffic is principally Ivory, (which indeed is excellent) and Rice in great abundance.  
The English have a aware house beyond the Cape, and are in great favour with the Moors, who used us ill in no respect, but as they thought us enemies to them.  
When we returned to our Vessel, we promised to be with them again the next morning, but observing they had brought us good quantity of Ivory at first, which was not afterwards to be seen, we had a suspicion might be a design of the English to amuse us with their Trade, whilst they could get more men together out of the Country; Upon which grounds, that very night (though one of our Officers left a golden ring with the Captain, as a gage for his word) we weighed anchor and away for Rio-Sextos.  
Being on the other side of Cap-Miserado, we discovered fires, which the Moors had made along the shores, which is the ordinary sign they use, to signify to such Ships as pass by, that they have Merchandise for them, upon which account we resolved to cast anchor.   

RIO DE JUNCO.  
ABout 9 or 10 a clock we came to an anchor, directly over against the fires upon the shore, we shot of 2 great Guns, to invite them aboard, but seeing none of them come, we manned out our shallop after dinner, and sailed towards them with some few Merchandises, but we could not reach the shore, within fifty paces, without inevitable danger of bulging.  
Seeing some Moors upon the banks, we made signs to them to come to us, and they came swimming half way, and went back again, nor could all our allurements win them aboard, till at last two of them ventured in a Canoe, and were kindly received, which they on the shore observing, three of them threw themselves immediately into the Sea and swum to us; we presented them with a bottle of Srong-waters, which they carried on shore to their infinite satisfaction: we showed them our Kettles, and what other Commodities we had, at the sight of which, they made a thousand expressions of joy, and could have done no more, if Paradise itself had been shown them: they asked us if we had any large white Rasade. Those which were upon land, held up great, and great quantity of Elephants teeth, to hasten us them, but having used our utmost endeavour to no purpose, and finding it impossible to come at them, without manifest danger, we sent back the 2 Moors (which came to us) to them: Who by their aspect and Mine, seemed to be persons of more than ordinary quality.  
Rio de Junco is a River which lies five degrees and fifty minutes of Northern latitude, and of Eastern longitude, 9 degrees, 10 minutes. The mouth of it is known by three great trees which stand very high, and three great Mountains over against them, but at some distance into the land; the mouth of it is near five hundred paces over, but shallow, the banks so well decorated with trees, and flowers, that considered with the smoothness and serenity of the stream, they make a most admirable landship.  
Orange-trees, Citrons, and Palmtrees, are planted all along, and in exquisite order, and (as the Moors which came aboard intimated to us) they have abundance of all things, especially Poultry and Palme-Wine. We went aboard, and perceiving no body came at us, we set sail that night, and came the next moring before Petit Dieppe.   

PETIT DIEPPE.  
PEtit Dieppe is a Town not far from a River, which casts itself into the Sea, and in its passage, twisting about a spot of ground, forms itself into no contemptible Island: it was formerly in the possession of the French, but deserted long since; at the disemboguement of this River, there are many Rocks, which make the entrance more than ordinary difficult: We discovered a little Vessel upon this Coast, and gave chase to it, but without any success.  
The 22d we came to Rio-Sextos, whose description follows,   

RIO-SEXTOS.  
RIo-Sextos is a River, which comes a great way down the land, North and North-West, and is about half a league over at the mouth of it. On both sides it is set very pleasantly with Trees, very large, and very tall; about three leagues up the River, the English had formerly a house, but there is nothing of it left but the Walls. This River will carry a Yacht or a large Bark a douzaine leagues and more up in the Country.  
It was called Rio-Sextos by the Portugais, from a certain kind of Pepper which grows by it, and is called Sextos by them, the same I suppose with what we call Malaguette which I shall speak of more particularly in the next Chapter: We were told by their fisherboats, that about a fortnight before there passed two Flemish Vessels that way to the Mine, that we might find good quantities of Ivory, but that their Canoes being so small, it would be necessary for us to carry our Merchanhise on shore: whereupon we anchored about half a league from land, in about 16 fathom water.  
Some of our Officers went a shore in our shallop, and carried some Commodities along with them, to begin the Commerce; they carried them three leagues up the River, and their King (who lived yet higher into the Country) came down to see them, and according to Custom had his usual presents.  
They came back very late, and the Notary at his return gave me this account of him, that he was a very lusty man, with a stern and supercilious aspect; that he professed great friendship for the English: That he brought down great store of Ivory with him, but having furnished the two Flemish Vessels so lately, he held it so dear, there was no dealing with him for it. That they seemed worse natured then the Moors at Miserado; But that the River was very fine, and is full of little stones upon the shore like our Flints, only these are harder, and give more fire upon any collision.  
Whilst they were amongst them, there came about 10 or 12 of their Canoes aboard us with a kind of Sea-Pike (an excellent good fish) and several other sorts, of which we bought some.  
The people are generally well proportioned, and bearing every one of them the name of some Saint or other, I had a great curiosity to know how that custom came upon them. I took one of them aside, and having cajoled him with a glass of Wine, and strong-water (which they love better than their Wives) I asked him the reason, and he told me, that when any Vessels passed that way, and did the Natives any kindness, it was usual to beg their Names at their departure, which they gave afterwards to their children, in memory of the courtesy they had received from them: Which convinced me, being embellished with so noble a virtue as gratitude, they could not be so bad as they had been represented to me, and the rather, because the King of them having upon the death of an English Merchant seized upon all his Ivory and goods, did upon the arrival of the first English Ship, voluntarily, and without any solicitation, deliver all to the Captain: An invincible argument of their piety and saith. I gave him that gave me this account, two little knives for his pains, and he was so surprised at the present, he desired my name, and I having told him, he obliged himself, if his Wife (which was big at that time) was brought to bed of a boy, he should carry my name, and if ever I returned that way, he would bring him to see me.  
All along this Coast, their manner of salutation is the same, they take our sore finger and thumb, into their hands, and putting them into a certain posture, they pull them hard, and make them snap, crying out Aquio when they have done, which is as much as your Servant with us.  
This Country is very fertile, well furnished with Fowl, and Rice, and Millet, of which they make all the bread, which they carry with them in their Canoes when they go out a fishing, which (as I observed) they are very neat and axact in keeping clean.  
He that would stay upon the place, might make very good advantage either by Rice, or Pepper, or Ivory, which is excellently good; their kindness has been always more conspicious to the French, then either to the Hollander or Portugal, neither of which they would ever suffer to cohabit with them.  
On the 32th. by break of day, we discovered a little Fleet of Canoes of about 40, which were going a fishing, and within a quarter of an hour they dispersed themselves every way: Of the whole Armada, there was but one came to us, with some few Elephants teeth, which he held so dear he had his labour for his pains, and carried them off as he brought them; whereupon we also weighed anchor for Rio-Sanguin, which is the first place upon the Coast of Malaguette, and about twelve leagues from Rio-Sextos; for four hours together we steered Southward to avoid the Rocks which lie in great numbers betwixt Rio-Sanguin, and Rio-Sextos, after which we steered East and by North, and came safe to Rio-Sanguin.  
That the French had the preoccupancy of these Coasts, in respect of all other Nations of Europe, I think is clear from the Names of several Bays, and a hundred other monuments of their glory: But at present we have nothing left there, nor indeed any body, but the English, who by means of seven or eight houses, do carry away as it were the whole pofits of the place.  
The Portugais succeeded the French, but being overpowered by the English, and the Dutch, and beaten off from the Coasts, in the year 1604. they retreated farther into the Country, and marrying with the Natives, have begot that generation of people, they call Mulettoes, or Olive-coulered, and have by that means acquired such an interest amongst them, as have been the cause we have made no farther discoveries there, and that they do to this day go away with the whole Island Trade; he that should endeavour to share with them being certain to be destroyed by their great influence and authority with the Nigros: So that they have ingross'd that whole commerce to themselves, passing up and down every where as they please, and running up the Niger, as far as Benin, which is more than 800 leagues.  
They it is that have been the loss of Cantozi to the Danes, which is a little Island upon the Niger, two hvndred leagues above the mouth of the Gambie.  
Their authority over the Moors upon the Coasts is so great, they manage them as thy think good, and we can never read that they have at any time rebelled▪ against them, as they have frequently done against the rest of the Europeans; Nay▪ so absolute is their Empire, they are many times served at the table by the Sons of that King, which is so superlative a command, there can be nothing beyond it; Yet if any other European does but quarrel or affront any of their Grandees, there is nothing but they will attempt which may contribute to their revenge. One of them who came to traffic with us at Sierra-Leone, told me, he did use every year to go to Senegal, which is two hundred leagues from Sierra-Leone, and that where he had not the conveniency of a river, both himself and his Commodities were carried up into the Country on the backs of the Moors.  
They have all of them little Chapels built near their houses, in which they use all possible means for the conversion of those people, and when they have had any success, and made a prosilite, they hang Chappelets about his neck, and have a particular care of them ever after.   

THE COAST OF GRAIVES CALLED MALAGUETTE  
UPon the three and twentieth of January, the same day we set sail from Rio-Sextos, we came to an anchor before Rio-Sanguin, where the Coast of Malaguette, or Manigette gins, and extends itself sixty leagues to the Cape de Palms, about three degrees and forty minutes of Northern latitude, comprehending all these places, Ri●-Sanguin, Cestre-Crou, Brova, Bassou, Zino, Crou, Crousestre, Wapo, Batou, Grand-Sester, Petit-Sester, and Goiane, all which places we visited in ninteen days, which we dedicated to our traffic in those parts.  
Rio-Sanguin runs into the Sea South Southeast, and will carry a Petach about twelve leagues, and no more; upon its bank it has a Town of about a hundred houses, and large Trees on both sides of it, but is not five hundred paces broad at the widest part of it.  
That night there came a Canoe aboard us with three Moors, one of them was the King's Brother, who having been three years in Holland, spoke very good Dutch; he sent back his Company, and his Canoe, and supped and lodged with us that night. At supper he told us, that above a Month before, there was a Flemish Ship put in at Rio-Sanguin for fresh water and wood, but that discovering an English Vessel making towards them, he weighed anchor 〈…〉 being a good sailor, got off, and that the Vessel that chased them returned, and steered his old course for Rio-Sextos. He described the bulk of it so well, we concluded it was the Ship we had seeing crusing up the Coast of Petit Dieppe. He told us moreover, that a while since the English had a house at Rio-Sanguin, but for four years' last passed, they had none; and that a little Vessel going by lately, had surprised about a dozen Moors near Crousester, and carried them away.  
As we were hoisting sail on the five and twentieth, the King of Rio-Sanguin came aboard us, attended with two other Canoes, and about ten or twelve Moors.  
He was an ancient man, very grave, and venerable, his hair very white, yet his person large and lusty; his habit blew, like their habits at Cap de Monte. That which was most remarkable was, he drank neither Wine nor Strong-water, nor Palme-Wine, nothing but pure water; he and his Brother both stayed with us till night, and having received some presents they departed.  
We had passed the place abovesaid, as far as from Rio-Sanguin to Wapo, where being at anchor, the third of February, about Sunrising we descried a Vessel at Sea, making towards us with all the sail she could make: We thought at first it had been the English Piqueroon we had been told of, for which reason we stood all that night to our arms, but the next day the hopes we had of overpowering and takeing her, vanished with the Vessel, which we could never see more.  
Till Saturday the fifth we spent our time wholly in traffic, on which day having come to an anchor at Batou, we discovered another Vessel coming towards us also with full sails: The number of Moors who were then aboard us, hindered us from discovering them perfectly, but coming nearer, we could descry the Vessel to be as big as ours, whereupon we dismissed our Merchants, weighed anchor, and stood towards them directly, resolved not only to defend ourselves, but to venture upon them. When we were come within a league of him, he hung out his Dutch colours, and clapped his Cornette upon his Sprit-sayle, and we hung out our French. When we came nearer, we knew the Ship to be a Frigate of Amsterdam, of about 400 Tunn, and 36 pieces of Ordnance, set out by a private person, and by the authority, and consent of the East-Indy Company, sent to Ardres. The Captain called Wilere, having boasted when we were in the Texel, that if he found us upon these Coasts, he would either sink or take us; we took down our French colours, and put up a red flag, endeavouring, and tacking three hours together, to get the wind of him, he had all his sails out, and his caps up, and yet sailed worse than we. About Sunsetting he furled his sails, and having lost the wind, and we within 20 paces of him, he made signs with his hat to know if we were not the Europe: he told us his name; and calling for a glass of Wine, began a good soup to our healths, and we did him reason in our turn. After which he took his leave, continued his course to the Mine, and we came that night to an anchor before Grand Sestre, called formerly by the French Paris; where the rest of our time we spent in our Negotiations and Trade.  
This Coast is called the Coast of Malaguette, in respect of the Pepper (which I have mentioned before) at Rio-Sextos, which amongst the French is called Malaguette, or Maniguette, which commodity is more profitable than can be imagined, especially if Pepper be dear, and the India Fleet comes not unluckily in, but if that falls out, it sells not altogether so well: This is the principal Commodity of this Coast, and is sharper and hotter than the ordinary Pepper, and particularly than the white.  
All the Towns along these Coasts are built upon the backs of some little River, or other which gives them their Names: The chief are Rio-Sanguin, the Grand Sestre, which runs a good way up into the Country, and is deep enough to carry a Petach: which the Inhabitants of Dieppe called Paris, in comparison of the abundance of Pepper at both places.  
All these Coasts are bordered with great Trees, the land very low, and fat, and watered with so great a number of Brooks, and Rivulets, that they render the air so very unhealthful, there are but few of the Whites can stay long there without being sick.  
We understood nothing of their language, so they were put to explain themselves by signs, they have no ill Physiognomy, their proportion is good, they go always naked with their head, and have only a little piece of linen before, for the shelter of their whole body: And though the air be so ill, and unwholesome, yet they are so hardy and strong, I saw one of them that had a Rupture hung down to the middle of his leg, and a lusty cut over the Pate, that had laid his skull as naked as his back, and yet he came aboard us every day, smoking and drinking Strong-waters, with the best of them, as if he ailed nothing at all.  
They work excellent well in Iron: at Grand Sester they mended our shears for us, with which we cut out our bars of Iron, and gave them such a temper as made them incomparably better than they were at first.  
Besides this Pepper, this Coast affords Rice and Millet (of which they make their bread, and brought us good store of it) excellent Peas, (very tender and good, boiled) Beans, Citrons, Oranges, Bullies, and a kind of admirable Nutt, the shell something thicker than ours, but without any skin over the kernel, but all round like your Almonds or Pistaccios of Spain.  
They have likewise store of Oxen, Cows, Goats, Hogs, Pullen, and other Fowl, which may be collected from the price that they bear.  
Their Palme-Wine is very good, and especially the Plums, which are so pleasant, I have seen them on Shipboard refuse all that could be offered, to be crawnching of them; and this is all I can say of the Coast of Malaguette, for as to their Religion and manners, understanding but little, I shall say nothing at all, only I imagine they have as many Wives as they can keep, for the More at Rio-Sanguin, told us his Brother had fifty, and himself fifteen.  
The Inhabitants of Dieppe have traded long upon these Coasts, and were grown so cunning at their Trade, they had found the way of mingling this Pepper with that of the Indies, before it was grown so common, and the Portugais had discovered the Island of St. Thomas, and from thence diffused themselves all over Guinee, by which it appears we Traded there formerly, and every thing contributes to confirm it, for besides the Grand Sester, which retains still the name of Paris, that little language they speak intelligibly is French: They call not Pepper Sextos with the Portugals, nor Grain with the Hollander, but Malaguette with us and if a Vessel at any time comes in, when their salutations are over, they cry out as loud as they can, Malaguette tout plein, tout plein, tant a terre de Malaguette, which is French they learned from us, and nothing else.  
If they meet any of their friends from a different place, they take one another by the upper part of the arm, and stretching them out, they cry Tomazin, than they come to the elbow, and grasping it heard they cry Tomazin again; and at last catching one another by the fingers, as I have observed at Rio-Sextos, they make them snapp as they did there, crying out Enfa Nemate, Enfa Nemate. Which the More that speak Dutch, interpreted to us, and told us it was no more then, My dear friend how is it, all that I have is at your service, even to my life itself. From which very compliment we may conclude the language is more elegant than we imagine, to one that understands it.   

THE COAST OF ELEPHANTS TEETH.  
ON Friday morning the 11th of February, we weighed anchor before Goyane, and steered a Southeast course, to double the Cape de Palms, and avoid the Rocks which encompass it, which we continued for a while, and came at last to an anchor before Grova, which is the first place upon the Teeth-Coast.  
This Cape is denominated from the Palmtrees, which do shadow it on all sides near the Sea, it rises in several hills, covered all over with these kind of Trees, and lies in four degrees and ten minutes of Northern latitude, and twelve and a half of longitude Eastward.  
The Coast also takes its name from the vast quantity of Elephants teeth sold there, which is so great, that though all the Ships that are bound for Ardres or the Mine, do pass that way, yet they seldom or never have any Merchandise left, which they bring thither to exchange.  
It extends itself four and twenty leagues, from the Cape de Palms to to the River d' Asene, where the Golden Coast gins, and contains these places upon the Sea: Crova, Tabo, Petit-tabo, Grand-drovin, Tao, Rio S. Andre, Giron, Petit-drovin, Bortrou, Cap. lafoy how, Jaques lafoy how, Vallochk, and Gomma, where the ordinary trade is, where we spent seventeen days, without any considerable accident, unless it be that which happened at Cap lafoy how.  
On Saturday the 26th. being at anchor there, the Seamen discovered a Ship making towards us with full sail; we imagined at first it might be the English Privatier the More had given us notice of at Rio-Sanguin; we weighed anchor immediately, and made as fast towards him, having put out our French colours, which he saluted with a volley of Canon, and hung out the colours of Holland, which we gratified with another. He sent forth his shallop forthwith to discover us, and although he which commanded understood very well the greatest part of our Equipage were Flemings, he could not be persuaded aboard us, but returned; a while after, the shallop came to us again, bringing their Lieutenant along, who came aboard, was civilly received, & stayed with us two hours; and in the mean time, this little Vessel of Brittainie (though commanded by a Zelander, and was not above 100 Tunn) made like a Pinnace with 8 guns, and 40 men) sailed round about our Vessel, the Captain making his Drums and his Trumpets sound all the while, with a thousand other ostentations of joy. He told us for news, that at his departure from Flushing, he came out with 26 other Privatiers in his company, but that they were dispersed in a Storm, and he heard nothing of them since: that as he was entering into Sierra Leone, he found the little Vessel we saw as we came out, who complained, that the English man which we had imprisoned and ransomed again, had siezed his long boat or shallop, with nine of his men, whilst they were fishing, and that the same Portugals we had traded withal, had assisted them; whereupon he thought himself obliged to vindicate himself, and did it so effectually, that he beat the house down with his great Guns, killed several of the Moors which defended it, and rescued his nine men, paying three thousand weight of Ivory for their Ransom, which had not been done, had not the Moors, upon the approach of these two Ships, carried them all into the Woods; we gave him a Collation, and then he took his leave. About midnight, the Captain himself came aboard us to drink and be merry with our Officers, but he told us no more than his Lieutenant, only this, that the Moors who were by us when we weighed anchor to meet him, had come to him, and told him, in these words, If you be English, you must run for it, but if Dutch, you are safe enough. After which they all clapped themselves down close in their Canoes, to attend what would follow, and in case we had fought, and one of us been sunk, to have had the benefit of the pillage: At his departure we gave him three Guns for a farewell, which he repaid exactly when he got aboard; we gave him a Cheese, two Barrels of Powder, and four Bullets, he told us he was bound for the Mine, from thence to Ardres, to Capolopo and Gonsalves, and that if he met with no prize there, he would go unto the Isles; but we heard afterwards at the Isle of S. Thomas, that he passed by there with 400 Negroes, which he had taken about the Cap de Lopes, out of 2 Vessels, which had put in there for fresh first water; the first yielded without any resistance, the other having lost his main mast, he sunk to the bottom.  
The same day the Moors perceiving we were friends, came aboard us again, to finish their Markets, which being done, the next we set sail for the Golden Coast.  
This Country produces a great quantity of Rice, Pease, Beans, Berrys, Citrons, Oranges, Cochonuts, etc. Besides which the Natives brought us Suger-Canes aboard, of a very considerable bigness. 'Tis one of the best Countries in Guinee, the Hills and the Valleys are admirable, the great Rocks of Mountains, which are red, with the constant verdure of the Trees wherewith they are covered, by the variation of Colours make delicious prospect: But even of these places the Grand Drovin, and the Rio S. Andre are the best.  
The Grand Drovin is situate in the midst of a little River, which winds about a little Island betwixt 2 Mountains; it is encompassed with excellent Meadows, and is washed so gently by the water, you would think it was afraid to come near it.  
Rio S. Andre of all afric 'tis the properest place for building, the River of the same name, runs up far into the Country, and not far from the place where it falls into the Sea, it divides its self into two branches, one running North-West, and the other East: It is bordered on both sides with very fair Trees, environed with fine Meadows and Fields, and is deep enough to carry a Yacht an indifferent way up. The Rock at the Sea side, at the mouth of the River, is three hundred paces in circumference the top, which being flat, commands all the Country about it without any contest. 'Tis very steep towards the Sea, and on the East-side, and indeed inaccessible, unless by the River on the West, which makes it so near being an Island, that the cutting but of 15 paces of earth, would make it one entirely; On all other sides it is encompassed with Rocks under water, upon which even a shallop would be lost: The fresh water which comes out of a Fountain at the foot of a large Mountain, which covers this Rock on the North-side, may be defended from thence with the shot of a Falcon; and the Towns of Petit-drovin, Tao, and Grova, are at no greater distance than the Grand-drovin, which is only one league and no more: From the top of this Rock Giron may be discerned on the East, built upon the side of a delicate large Meadow, and Tabo on the West at the end of a fair Campagnia, planted up and down with curious Woods, which run up a good way into the Country, and terminate at the foot of several great Mountains, which are visible from thence.  
Saturday the 9th of February we came to an anchor, and took in fresh water all the rest of the day, as well as on the Sunday and Monday following, which gave me opportunity of considering these following observations: The water we took in at this place served us almost till we came at the Isle of S. Thomas: The Fountain is very pure, but being shadowed by a large Tree, at the fall of the leave, when they fall into the Fountain, they render it something black for a time.  
Upon these Coasts they have great quantities of Bullocks, Goats, Kids, Hogs, and Dear, which are so cheep, one may buy a good Beef of them for a douzain of knives of about twenty pence, and a good Roe Buck for the same price.  
The People are well made, strong, lusty, their limbs large and fat, but their looks austere and dreadful, and 'tis reported they do eat the Whites: I never heard of any house built by the Europeans in these parts where they land but very rarely, and have as little to do with them as they can.  
'Tis not above thirteen or fourteen years ago, since fourteen Hollanders were killed, and eaten at Rio S. Andre, as they were taking in fresh water, without any occasion of quarrel; for which reason, we went always well armed, and were always upon our guard.  
The common people wear only a linen cloth before but the Grandees and Nobles of the Country are conspicuous by a kind of Mantle they wrap about them, and a Poniard by their sides. They are great lovers of great heads of hair, which they breid for one another very handsomely, and then bind them up upon their heads, but the women's hair they usually cut.  
The women of Giron, and Petit-drovin, had the curiosity to come and look upon us as we were takeing in water, and to bring their daughters along with them, the liniaments and features of their faces were so just and regular, that (bate them the unhappiness of their complexion) they were absolute beauties: Amongst fifty of them which I saw, there was not any fat or tall, whereas on the contrary, not one of a hundred amongst the men but are both: The women have only a cloth before, and the least covered I observed any where upon those Coasts; if there be any thing besides their colour amiss in their faces, it is, that they threaten revenge and mischief a little too much. When they come aboard any Ship, the Captain of it must come to them, and it is their custom whilst they have one foot upon their Canoe, and the other upon the Ship, holding by one hand upon the Rope, they dip the other in the Sea, and throw their handful upon his head, which is intended as a great instance of kindness and amity, and in this they are so pertinatiously superstitious, that without it they will never be forced nor persuaded to enter any Ship: and when they would affirm any thing with more vehemence than ordinary, they use the same ceremony: They are so diffident and distrustful, they will never begot with all the art can be used, either under deck, or into any of the Cabains, which the Moors of all other parts, would do very freely.  
They have a great fancy for bracelets of Iron, with rings and bells upon them, with which kind of Gallantry, most of their arms, and legs, are plentifully furnished; they have great store of Mulettoes among them.  
We could not understand their language, nor they speak one word of Portugais: When they came first aboard us, they cried Quadratus, Qua, Qua, which we found afterwards to be as much as, you are welcome, or good morrow; for which reason the Hollanders have given the name of Quaqua to a good part of this Coast: they made great use of that word, especially if their Guts had been filled.  
The Commodities which this Country yields, are Elephants teeth, so large sometimes, that they weigh 200 weight a piece, and then they are worth 10000 livers: If we may credit those that live on the Gold Coast, which are their Neighbours, they have so great number of Elephants, that they are forced for their security against them, to make their houses under ground: They kill as many of them as they can: but that which accommodates them with so many teeth, is, that the Elephants do shed them every three year, as the Staggs do their Horns.  
This Country affords likewise good store of Cotton, of which they make a pretty sort of stuff, stripped with white, and blue, about three quarters broad, and three or four els long, which is much valued amongst them, and sold afterwards at a good rate upon the Gold Coast, to cover their Pesantry there.  
They have Gold amongst them likewise undoubtedly, for without any Commerce or communication with their Neighbours, they bind up their hair for the most part with hair laces of Gold very curiously made; I made a sign to one of them, to know which way they came by it, and he showed me the great Mountains up the Country afar off, and signed to me from thence. for which reason, he that should make further discovery of these parts, would questionless encounter many rarities, and without any great difficulties, in regard the Country consists for the most part of Plains. The Inhabitants here are more afraid off fire arms, then of all the inventions in Guinee.  
The 26 of February we weighed anchor, and continuing our course all Sunday, about evening we made the Golden Coast, and stood to it directly.   

COSTE D' OR, OR THE GOLD COAST. With a Relation of our occurrences there.  
MVnday the last of February, we came to an anchor, at sixteen fathom low water, at Asbini, the first place upon the Gold Coast: The Country thereabouts is very low: the Town is seateed upon the mouth of a River of that name, which runs up North-West amongst the Hills, and South into the Sea, we stayed there 3 days bartering for Gold-Sand.  
The 4th of March we passed before Albiani, Tabo, and other Towns, upon that Coast: The Country there is but low likewise, very full of Trees, but no River at all: Those Canoes which came aboard us having assured us, they had no Gold, we gave them the go by, and past on.  
We thought to have doubled the Cape of Apollonia that night, but two of their Canoes coming up to us, and promising fair, we believed them and cast anchor.  
The next day some of their Canoes brought some Gold, which we bought of them, though it was not much: This Cape throws itself a far into the Sea, and raising itself by degrees into Hills, and then into a Mountain, makes no unpleasant prospect. But it is of no good access, the Sea beating so violently upon it, there is great danger in approaching: We weighed anchor again that night, but the weather being calm, we could not reach Axime before Sunday in the afternoon, at which time we came to an anchor.  
Axime is a Fort belonging to the Hollanders, some twelve leagues distant from the Cape Apollonia, situate upon the side of a River, which runs up Northward also into the Country, and abounds with Gold-Sand, which is esteemed the best of all that Coast. Its banks are higher than either Asbini, or Cape Apollonia: Before this place we stayed all Sunday and Monday, but perceiving the Dutch obstructed the Moors coming aboard us, we weighed anchor on Tuesday, and doubled the Cape de Tres-Puntas, so called from three Mountains which appear so at a distance, and by the convenience of their position, do make two little, but convenient Bays.  
In the afternoon we appeared before Botrou, which is another little Fort belonging to the Hollander, situate beyond the Cape upon an eminence, at whose foot runs a brook that is not unpleasant: We stayed here as long as we had any Trade, and departed the 11th. being Friday.  
We weighed anchor at that time, and came to anchor again betwixt Saconde and Takorai, about six leagues distant from Botrou, they are seated amongst the Mountains, which lean as it were upon the banks of the River they lie so near it; at which place, we received Letters from the Governor of Frederisbourg, not far from Cape Corse, offering us his road (if we pleased) in consideration of the alliance betwixt France and Denmark, desiring us also to secure some of his Merchandise for him.  
We remained there Friday and Saturday, and it was no small trouble to me to see an ancient Fort which had been formerly ours, in its ruins and rubbish; it was at Takorai, upon a Mountain which commanded the whole Country, the sides of it spoke it but barren, being quite naked of either Trees or Grass, and the stone of a reddish complexion.  
On Sunday the 23th. we weighed anchor, and in two hours appeared in the road de Comendo, whose Inhabitants are greater lovers of the French, than of any other Europeans: The Town (that may consist of about a hundred houses) is built on the Seaside, and watered by a Rivulet, which falling into the Sea likewise on the South, forms a pretty Channel and Harbour for Canoes, and Shallops: The East-side lies low, but the West rises into a hill, which being flat a top, is very convenient to build upon. The house appertaining formerly to the French, stands upon the North-end of the Town, which runs up into the Country, and raises itself into little hills by degrees, at whose feet there are very fair Fields, and Meadows, planted up and down with variety of fruit.  
The Moors which came aboard us, were in great anxiety and disorder to resolve which way they should signify their joy. Their King held his Court some four leagues from us in the Town de Grand Comendo, he sent us fresh meat, and other presents, invited us a shore to his Court, proffered us all the commodities of the Town, and sent us word, that he had refused a banner which Walkembourg (who was General for the Hollander at the Mine) had sent him, and returned him this answer; That the Country had been always in the possession of the French, and that they only should be welcome thither.  
We returned him many thanks, sent him our presents, and stayed where we were to the 16. of March, and then set sail for Frederisbourgh, and came before the Castle of Mine before night: we found three Vessels in that road, but not considerable. This Castle I shall say nothing of being so famous both for its situation, the commiodity of its Harbour and Fort, and the great Trade which is driven there.  
Two hours after we passed before Cape Corse, where the English have a very strong Fort, which made resistance to all the Dutch Fleet, under the command of du Ruiter. The Harbour is very safe, and the Castle fortified with three Batteries, one above the other: The Town consists of more than 200 houses, in the middle of which there is daily kept so considerable a Market, that it is eminent for its plenty all over those Coasts.  
At length about 3 hours after we came before Frederisbourg, and saluting the Governor with 5 Guns, he returned our civility with 3, which we again requited with one.  
The Castle of that name was built by the Danes, in assistance to the Moors, after they were beaten from Cape Corpse by the Dutch, which was taken from them again by the English, with the assistance of the Dane, and as a mark of their interest, he retains a great house at the end of the Town, with a Danish Officer and Garrison, and the colours of Denmark set out upon the top on't.  
Frederisbourgh is seated upon a high Mountain, which runs up into a point: The whole circuit of it amounts not to 300 paces, and commands all about it, even Cape Corse itself, which is not above Musket shot from it: The form of the Plot upon which it is built is round, but the Fort triangular, fortified with three Bastions, one of them plays Southward upon the Road, the other Westward upon Cape Corse, and the third towards the Fort de Nassau or de Moure to the East. The foot of this Mountain (which is not above 100 paces high) and cannot be ascended but by going about) is compassed by houses which the Moors have built that inhabit there.  
We were no sooner at anchor, but we dispatched one immediately with our compliment to the General, called Henry Dalbreckhe, a Hamburger borne; he was but a little man of his person, but fierce, and brisk, and yet courteous withal, wit enough; and very civil.  
He sent his Secretary aboard us, by name of Dasse of Amsterdam, who had been there six years; he came in a Canoe; conducted by 8 Slaves, which sang and ranted all along as they rowed, which it seems is the custom when they bring any Whites with them, and before they put them aboard, they row three times about the Vessel, with as much force and expedition as they can row. As he entered, we gave him 3 Guns, and spent the rest of that day and night in his entertainment: This night we had the greatest storm we had seen all our voyage, in so much, we were obliged to cast out our greatest anchor, but it ceased at last, and the next day having laid by such commodities as the General had desired, he took his leave and returned.  
On Saturday morning our Notary going ashore with the Merchandise he desired, they shot from Cape Corpse at our shallop, and the bullet fell within six or seven foot of them: The Governor of Frederisbourg immediately fired a great Gun upon the Castle, and the bullet fell at the foot of the second Battery, to which they replied, but without balls, seeing the General took us into his protection, and after that used no act of hostility more. The reason was, because, though there be war declared betwixt England and Denmark, upon the Hollanders account, yet the Generals of these two Forts have made an amicable agreement, to commit nothing of hostility betwixt themselves, and it is so punctually observed, the Soldiers of both Garrisons meet daily, eating and drinking together at their pleasures.  
The two and twentieth I went on shore myself, & was received with all civility, and very good cheer by the General, he enquired of me what news, I answered him in Latin, which he spoke very well, but no French at all: I understood from him, that the Kings of that Country had been at wars four years, which was a great impediment to their Trade; that we should find three English Vessels in Ardres road, and that he was obliged to send provisions to Christiansbourgh, where the war was yet so hot, all that Country lay unmanured: in short, I was so much engaged to him, that upon several occasions which I had to converse with him, he used all means to satisfy my curiosity, and to instruct me in the manners of the Country.  
All the rest of that month, and the four first days of April, we spent in traffic, and on the fifth we discerned a Petach passing towards the Mine, with a great shallop full of Soldiers which the Dutch General sent to Cormentin, a Fort which belongs to them: we were utterly ignorant of the design, but were told afterwards by the Moors, that the Governor of that Fort being gone to Anembou with several of his Soldiers to drink and be merry (there being the best Palm-wine in afric) had been seized upon, and all his company with him, by the King of that Country, in whose dominions Cormentin stood, and that two of them endeavouring to defend themselves, were killed: the ground of this Insurrection was this; The King of Fantin having engaged himself to the English at Cape-Corse, to put them again into possession of that Fort, had given them his Son in hostage, and desiring to have him restored, and the English refusing till his Articles were performed, he had seized upon the Governor, and 4 other Hollanders, with design to exchange them for his Son.  
Thursday the 7th of April, we had news that the Controller general of Holland was killed at Axime, and the Moors of those parts had unanimously declared for the English.  
That day we arrested two Moors in our ship, and kept them prisoners, to secure a debt due to us from two Merchants on shore; they continued two days with us, but the Denmark General interposing, we gave them their liberty, and were paid by the Merchants within eight days afterward.  
On Good-Friday the 8th of April, we weighed anchor in order to our passage to Eniacham, a Town about four leagues distance from Frederisbourg, who gave us his guns when we went off, and we returned ours in requital. We sailed by Moure, where the Fort of Nassau is, which belongs to the Hollanders, & is some two leagues and a half from the Castle of the Mine. This fort is situate upon a Rock, flanked with four Bastions, the Sea washes the foot of it, and the Town of Moure (which consists of about two hundred houses) encompasseth it about on all sides but towards the Sea: it holds of the King of Acanispetit, as well as the Town of Icome, which is not above a quarter of a league from it, on the Seaside too.  
In the afternoon we came to an anchor before Eniacham, where the English have a little Fort upon a little Eminence, about six hundred paces within land: near which the King of Sabou has a Town, of whom Eniacham holds likewise. We saluted the Fort with 3 Guns, which they returned immediately.  
On Easter day the tenth of April, the Moors brought us good store of their Palme-Wine, and assured us their Merchants would come down the next day, and bring us gold enough: On Monday they sent us a Fricassee of Pullet's; (which they dress as well as in France, as I shall mention hereafter) and acquainted us, that the King of Fantins' Soldiers had entered Sabou in the night, killed four men, & taken several Prisoners. Upon which the Town of Sabou had sent away their Wives and Children, and put themselves in arms: We smelled their design, and resolved to return that night to Frederisbourg, having nothing to do at Cormentin, because of the Hollanders, nor at Akara, by reason of the wars that King had with Tacara.  
From Eniacham we could see Cormentin, but not distinguish the Fortifications by reason of the distance: It is situate upon a Hill, and belongs to the Hollanders, who have a house at Fantin also, and another at Nemabon, a Town in the same Kingdom.  
On Tuesday in the afternoon we set sail for Frederisbourg, by the benefit of a North wind from the Hills, which blows constantly on this Coast from midnight till noon, and about nine a clock we came to an anchor again: We stayed there till we had put off all our commodities, and then away for the Isle of Saint Thomas, having been two months upon the Golden Coast: and forty days in Frederisbourg road, where I went on shore again, to inform myself more particularly of the Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants of the Golden Coast: I had the good fortune to see the most of their curiosities, and to satisfy and inform myself of the rest from the General, the Minister, and the Moors of Frederisbourg, who all of them spoke Portugais.   

The Description of the GOLDEN COAST.  
THE Golden Coast lies betwixt four degrees and a half, and six and a half of Northern latitude, and betwixt 17 and 20 of longitude East: it has taken its name from the vast quantity of Gold is brought yearly from thence, as well from their Mines, as the Sand in their Rivers, and contains (besides the places above mentioned) Rotou, Ronate, and Akara, which lie more to the East; its extent is a hundred and thirty leagues. The bank of Asbini, which is but low in Axime, rises near Achema to a Mountain, and then humbling itself to Cape Corse, it raises itself again, and continues so the rest of the Coast; the circumference comprehending the inland Country and all, contains about four hundred leagues, divided into the Kingdoms of Asbini, Axime, Comendo, Fetu, Acanispetit, Sabou, Fantin, Akara, and the Seignories of Abrambou and Takara, all which depend upon the King of Acanis le grand, who is called Akim, (whose Imperial Town is situate 90 leagues Northward of the Mine) and may be called an Emperor.   

Of the Stature and Proportion of the People of this Country, of their Wit, Inclination, Industry, and Habits.  
THe Inhabitants of the Golden Coast are handsome, and well-proportioned, they have nothing disagreeable in their Countenance, but the blackness of their Complexion; some of them have flattish noses, and all of them little ears; their eyes are quick and sparkling, but above all, their teeth as white as Ivory, of which they have a particular care, and for their conservation, are perpetually champing a certain wood which grows in the kingdom of Acanis, which has a peculiar quality of making them white, of preserving their gums, and preventing any blackness or rottenness in them. Though their beards appear not so soon as ours, yet they affect them exceedingly, and their Grandees and Officers wear them very long upon their chins, and some of them like the Capuchins with us. Their skin is black indeed, but smooth and delicate, without any hair, but as they grow old, their blackness lessens, and their hair which is short, black, and frizelled, grows grizzled by degrees.  
Their Stomaches are generally so hot, they do not only digest all kind of meats that are roasted or boiled, but raw likewise; and some there are among them which prefer that to the other.  
They are great lovers of cleanliness, and wash themselves daily to prevent Vermin, rubbing afterward with oil of Palms. They are not at all ashamed of their nudity, but they have so great an abhorrency and detestation of belching, or any such thing, that they will sooner die than do it; and if it happens at any time they be in the company of any Europeans that are guilty of it, they run out of the room immediately, making the horriblest faces imaginable.  
They have a great deal of wit, are solid in their judgements, cunning, and so dexterous and quick, one need never show them the same thing twice: they are liars to the highest degree, their memory transcendent, and though they can neither write nor read, yet they manage their Trade with the greatest exactness: they never dispute the commands which are laid upon them: you shall have a Merchant negotiating and managing 4 Marks of gold for 20 several persons, every particular man desiring five or six several Commodities, which he performs without hasitation or mistake.  
Their address appears abundantly by their dexterity in their Commerce, they are all of them given to pilfering, covetous to that point, especially to the Whites, that they think they do a mighty act, if they present them with a little fruit: they are drunken, luxurious, and much subject to the Lues Venerea, which is no scandal amongst them: they are but ill paymasters, and satisfy their debts with great difficulty and unwillingness: they are great enemies to cold weather, and endure it with much impatience: so proud, that their Merchants, (who are all of them Nobles, Captains, or other great Officers) march up and down the Streets with their eyes fixed upon the ground, not vouchsafing so much as a glance upon the common people: behind them they have constantly a Slave with a chair in his hand, that they may sit down when they please, it being thought dishonourable to be too long upon their legs; they never answer any ordinary person, but with great superciliousness, and never speak to them but with great Majesty: to other people they are civil enough, and pay very much respect to the Whites, especially if they be Officers, to whom they never speak but with their hat in their hand. The surest way of gaining their affection, is to be civil to them which they value more than any other thing one can do.  
Though the manner of their habits be much different from ours yet they are as curious and as proud in them, as the best of us. When their Officers or Merchants walking the Streets, or are in transaction with any Stranger, they take a piece of Silk, Taffeta, or fine Indian Damask, about two or three els long, which they tie about their waste, and afterwards bringing it betwixt their thighs, they let the two ends hang down before and behind almost to the ground. Sometimes they wrap other Stuffs about them, from their breast to their midlegg, or else throw it over their shoulders like a Mantle.  
They order their hair in several ways; but rich, and poor, and all, are very curious in adjusting it handsomely, and inventing new modes and gallantries to adorn it, it being the only business almost which gives their women employment. Most of them have hats, some of Straw, some of the Bark of trees, some of Goats-skin, but their Slaves are distinguished by going bareheaded: they trim themselves up with divers Necklaces of Rasade, and Bracelets, which they beautify with little works of Gold, in honour to their God, after they have muttered out some of their Prayers over it: they have Rings or Jewels upon the small of their Legs, or else a string of Coraile, of the bark of the Tree, under which they pay worship to their Fetiches.  
Though they love exceedingly to be spruce yet, they are good housewives of their , never put on their finery but upon some such extraordinary occasion as I have mentioned, and then whip and off with them again as soon as they come home, folding them up carefully, and putting them into chests, which they buy of the Europeans for that purpose, where they lie snugg till some new opportunity brings them abroad again: Nevertheless from the King to the Cobbler they affect change of apparel, to make themselves more considerable, and that more or less according to their riches or gains. And yet for all this in the main they are frugal enough, will buy nothing that is superfluous, but what they do buy, let it be stuff, or any thing else, they will be sure it be lasting and good, or they will be sure to have none of it, for all slight things they laugh at and despise.   

Of the Women, their genius, humour, and habits.  
THE Women upon these Coasts are generally well shaped also, but some of them are little, and some great and corpulent: the young Women do place their principal care upon the whitening their teeth, and adorning their hair.  
They have wit enough, good mine, honest, and obliging, but much more courteous than the men; they are very grave, addicted to frugality in their houses, but to pomp and ostention abroad: But their lasciviousness is above all, which they suck as it were with their milk, playing hoytytoyty amongst the young fellows stark naked. There are but few of them barren before, but when married they are seldom over fertile, which may be attributed to their temper and complexion, for there is seldom any of them have above four or five.  
The Virgins, (to please, and to enamour the young men, as soon as they are up every morning) take water and wash, and then comb their hair (which they have in twice the plenty the men have) with great curiosity, plating and disposing it in a hundred several modes and gallantries, gumming it with oil of Palms, instead of mouth glue, tying it with ribbons if they have any, if not, adorning it with little pieces of gold, or a certain red cockle shell, which is very common amongst them. Some of them paint their foreheads with red and white, and sometimes their eyebrows, and cheeks: they cut and carve their skins about their ears, and temples, which rising up in little blisters, they paint them over with divers colours, and fancy it a great addition to their beauty: they have all of them Pendants at their ears, they all of them love the Ribbons, and above all Ribbons, the red; they wear necklaces of Corail, or of Rasade, and bracelets not only upon their wrists and their arms, but upon their legs, and their ankles; the maidens for the most part have their bracelets made of the bark of that tree which is dedicated to their Fetiches, which are their Gods as I shall show hereafter. When they go abroad, if they be the Wives of Merchants, Officers, or Captains, in that Country, they have a piece of Silk, Taffeta, or other Stuff, either red, or blue, or violet-coloured (which are the colours they are most pleased with) which they take and wrap about them, from the breast to the midlegg, stuffing it out behind with a great Rouler. They have always a great bunch of keys at their girdle, though they have many times never a Chest in the world: they wear bracelets of Ivory, and Gold, and Rings in that abundance, one can see no fingers that they have sometimes; and in this posture they are fit to be seen: the common sort dress themselves as fine as they can too, but when they come in again, they are mighty careful to sold them up handsomely, putting on a kind of corpse linen with which they make shift to cover themselves from the Navel, to the midst of their Thigh. They love variety of habits too as well as the men, but the Virgins especially, who make it their whole business from morning to night to spruce up themselves, and make themselves acceptable, above all to the Whites, whom they seem to caress much more than those of their own Complexion.  
Their Ladies of pleasure, are not distinguishable in any thing, they are welcome wherever they go, and handsomely received by every body; but they are more mercenary and covetous than in any other part of the world.   

Of their Marriages, and the Education of their Children.  
I Happened to be present at a Marriage whilst I was at Frederisbourg, which was consummated in no unpleasant manner. The Father of a young man finding him at age to get his living himself, looks out immediately for a Wife for him, & having pitched upon one he thinks will be proper, he goes to his Son, tells him what he has done, advises him to see her, if they like one another, his Father desires her of hers, if they agree, they go all of them together with one of the Priests who gives them Fetiches, and in the presence of the whole Assembly, the Bride takes a solemn Oath upon the Fetiche to be true and faithful to her good man; her Groom promising on the other side as much to her very civilly, but no Oath of fidelity in the case. The Parents present one another reciprocally, and give in the bride and the Bridegroom what they are able to spare, they spend the rest of the day in feasting and jollity, and there's an end of the Marriage.  
However this Lady has this advantage over her Spouse, by being his first love, that he can never take another, but by her permission, which yet her Ladyship is seldom so morose as to deny. But it was my fortune to see a young Merchant of the Mine who had worse luck, his name was Anthony, he came several times aboard our ship, and never with less than 10 or 12 Marks of Gold; amongst other discourse, I asked him one day how many Wives he had, he told me but one, and the reason was, she was so cross grained a Jade, she would let him have no more; and then told me very seriously, that amongst them that custom was inviolable.  
Nevertheless, all women knowing very well, that variety of Wives and Children is the greatest honour and reputation to their husbands, and what they themselves will boast of to Strangers: when they see their husbands grow wealthy, and in a capacity of maintaining them, they themselves will press them to take more, which to speak truly, are no other than Concubines, they being not at all concerned for their liberty or incontinence: the first has this privilege also, that she lies 3 nights successively with the good man, whilst the younger brood must be contented with one, and that according to the priority of their Marriage. In short, they live very lovingly together, and have seldom any jealousies or animosity amongst them. A good Merchant, or Officer, will have twenty or thirty, according to his abilities. The King of Fetu's Son-in-Law had forty, by whom he had a douzain of daughters, fourteen to the douzain of the other Sex, and kept constantly a hundred Slaves to attend them.  
In those parts, who will may come into the Chamber of any Woman when she lies in: as soon as the Child is safe in the world, they bring the good Woman a bottle of drink made of Rice, and Mays, and Water and Wine, and Malaguette, (not unlike our Pepper Posset) which having taken off kindly, they cover her well, and then leave her three or four hours to her devotions, which being over, she rises immediately, washes her Child, falls to her business, and there's an end of that labour; but (to be sober) I could not but admire very much the force of their temper, when I saw the very same thing done by a Slave's Wife at Frederisbourg.  
As soon as they have washed their Child, the Father and Mother give it commonly a name, and for the most part, of some European or other they have been beholding to, that done, they wrap it in a kind of blanket, and then lay it in a skin upon the Rushes, where it lies quietly till it be three weeks or a month old, after which time the Mother carries it at her back upon a piece of wood with the legs under her armpits, tying its two hands about her neck, where it hangs all day, and never comes off, but when she goes to bed; and this is the reason why the Children of their Nobles, or better sort, have seldom camous noses, because their Wives do not labour, nor carry their Infants about them, as the others do, whose Children sleeping many times whilst the Mother is walking or at work, knock their noses against their Shoulders, and so in time they become flat: if they cry out for the teat, they throw their breasts over their shoulders, and let them suck. Every morning they wash and rub them with Oil of Palms.  
By that time they be 7 or 8 months old, they lay them along upon the ground, drawing them forward upon all four, like Kitlings, which possibly may be the reason the Children go much sooner in these Countries than in Europe.  
Whilst they be thus tender and young, the Parents put little works of gold about their necks, wrapped up in the rind of the tree where they worship their Fetiches, for fear the Devil should run away with them, and when they come to be about 4 year old, they bind little branches of it (which they buy of their Priests) about their arms, and their legs, wreathing and bending them into a round figure, which they look upon as a great Antidote against any sickness or disaster whatsoever. In this manner they continue their care of them till they be 7 or 8 years old, but after that they feed upon the same as the Father and Mother does, heaping up many time such nasty things as they find in the Streets, which they eat afterward very hearty, when they are hungry: the boys and the gyrls, being higledy-pigledy together, and all naked, it takes off much of their modesty, and is a cause they are never ashamed of any thing; to which may be added their want of correction, their Parents being so far from whipping them, they never so much as rebuke them in the least.  
From the seventh or eighth year of their age they learn to swim, which they do with so much success and perfection, that when they are grown up, if their Canoe oversets at any time at Sea, they are not affrighted, but swim back again very quietly from whence they came, they will dive excellently well too, and fetch up goods or any other thing that is accidentally cast away, upon which score one may see the shore so full sometimes of little Blacks, one would think them so many young Devils.  
At 12 year old they fall under the jurisdiction of the Father, who shows them which way to get their livelihood: if he be a fisherman he carries them to Sea, shows them how to make a Canoe, and which way to take fish; if a Merchant he teaches them the mystery of Trading, brings them acquainted with Foreigners, and instructs them in this manner till they be 18 or 20, and can begin to do something for themselves, than he gives them Slaves to do their work, and all the care that is behind, is to help them to Wives, which from that time forward they are always contriving.  
The Gyrls are employed in keeping clean the houses, in picking their Rice, beating their Mays, making their bread, managing their Kitchen, and buying or selling at the Markets what is to be bought or sold, sometimes they make baskets of rushes, sometimes mats (in which they are transcendantly excellent) sometimes wove, but above all their care is greatest of their Father and Mother, to see that they have their meat and drink in good hours, and that nothing of their goods be embezzled; in short there is nothing of good housewiury or frugality, that is wanting amongst them, and when they are once married, they may teach that lesson to most of the Women of Europe.   

Of their Houses, Householdstuff, Drink, Meat, Palme-Wine, and how it is made.  
THe great Commerce they have had with the Europeans having learned them the art of building, the Officers and great Merchants of this Country have followed their directions and built themselves houses, with high and lofty roofs, several apartments, with one chamber opening into another, and usually at the door of their chamber 2 Slaves constantly attending with darts in their hands in the nature of guards, which are relieved at certain hours.  
All their houses are made of earth, but the common people have their walls so low, they seldom exceed the height of a man. Their beam and rafters, and the whole frame of the house resting only upon them: the houses of the Grandees as well as the commons are all thatched, and have all of them but one little square hole, which serves for a door, to which they fasten a piece of board, without either lock or hinges, like the poor Peasants in the Country to their Garden-doors, and are contented to fasten them only with a rope, either without or within. Their windows are small, the earth they make their floors with, very close and compact, they have at least two chambers to a house, and this character must be given them, that they are very curious in keeping them neat, and paint them very frequently both without and within.  
Amongst the common sort, there is nothing of houshould-stuff, or what is used commonly about the house, to be seen, all is locked up in their Coffers, which they buy of the Whites; except they be Merchants or great men, and then their Tables and Chairs appear sometimes, but never no Beds, for they lie always upon Skins spread upon the ground, or else upon Mattresses made of Rushes, covering themselves with the Skins of Oxen, or some other Beast, without any Bolster, except they be of the Nobles, and then they have Pillows under their heads, and a good fire in the middle of their Room, but not the least hole for a Chimney.  
Every woman has her apartment, or little house, joining to her Husbands, consisting of one or two Chambers, where she manages her own affairs by herself, seldom eating or drinking together. Some of them go a gossiping to their Neighbours, and carry such as they have along with them. The good man takes the same course, and he visits his Merchant, not so much as concerning himself how squares go at home, the women being always very punctual to accommodate them with every thing necessary, and to bring up their Children carefully; yet sometimes on their Festivals, or upon some great occasion, their Stomaches come down, and they feed very lovingly together.  
As the women have the charge of the house and the money, so they make it their whole business that neither of them miscarry in their hands. The men employ themselves constantly abroad, either in matters of Trade, or in making of Palm-wine, or fishing, as every man's genius inclines him: when they have got any money, they give it still to their wives, who order it so well, they never make the least unnecessary disbursement; they go every night themselves into the granaries, delivering out such a proportion of corn as they judge will be necessary for the whole family the next day.  
By break of day the young girls are up and at work, beating their Rice, and their Mays (which is called Turkey wheat amongst us) in a wooden Mortar, and when it is bruised, they grind it (as the Painters do their colours.) betwixt two stones, and so reduce it to powder, then kneading it with water and salt, they divide it into a kind of penny loaves, and put it into a great earthen pot that stands upon the fire, with a little earthen lid, they throw embers upon it, & 'tis done; if it be well baked, 'tis very good, and without any ill relish at all.  
Their food generally is fish, though they have great store of flesh also, which they boil or roast as they think good, but their fish is most commonly baked, being seasoned first with water, and pepper, and salt: the great Merchants who have Slaves to wait on them at the Table, do eat a l' Europeenne, and have their Ragousts as well made as in France, which they learned of us, and the Cook at the Fort of Denmark; yet there are some Moors will make a Pottage, or a Ragoust with the best Cuisinier in Paris.  
They eat great store of fruit, of Peas, Beans, and such like: they make usually but two meals a day, that is, at Sunrising, and Sunsetting, where they feed like Cormorants, and when they have eat never so much, are hungry still, which I impute to nothing but an excessive heat within them, which gives them a Canine, and perpetually insatiable appetite, insomuch that I have observed them when they have been at dinner a Shipboard, one Black has eat as much as six of us could do.  
Their Morning's draught is either of water, or a kind of small beer, which they call Poitou, and is made of Mays, but 'tis night before they drink any Wine, and the reason is because the Peasant never brings it to the Market till after dinner.  
The Palm-Wine comes out of a Tree, not unlike our Date-trees; the Moors make a hole at the top of the tree, to which they fasten a pot, like one of the Monk's pitchers, and the next day, or the day after, they find it full of a kind of juice like Milk, sweet and very pleasant, but with a quality to inebriate The Moors have got a trick of late to sophisticate it, and put water amongst it for their gain, but 'tis no hard matter to discover it. This Wine cannot be kept till next day, but will grow sour in a night's time, upon which grounds, the Merchants, and other good fellows do meet, and drink smartly many times, but with this ceremony always, that they leave a little in the bottom, which they throw upon the ground in honour of their Fetiches.  
Those who have no provision, nor means to make any, are forced to buy what they want (at a little Market hard by) with what they have got by fishing, by making Palme-Wine, by building or repairing of houses, carrying home what the Merchants have bought on Shipboard, and such other servile employments as our Mechanics in France live by: to which Market the Whites go also sometimes when their Stomach hangs after fish.   

Of their Markets, their manner of buying and selling, with a description of their Measures and Weights.  
THe best Market in all Africa is held every day at Cape-Corse, but we being at wars with England, I could have no sight of that, and therefore must be contented with the Market at Frederisbourg, which is not indeed so big, but there is the same thing observed in a place designed for the same use, and that is, that it be ordinarily in the midst of the Town.  
By break of day the Peasants come in with their Sugarcanes, bound up like Faggots, their fruits of all sorts, Plums, Potatoes, Turnips, Carrots, Citrons, Oranges, Rice, Mays, Malaguette, Bread, Pullet's, Fish, Eggs, and whatever is necessary for the life of man; after Dinner their Palme-wine comes in, and what Fish is taken since the morning.  
They have never no confusion in their Markets, each Commodity has a peculiar place assigned for it by the Merchant, which is observed with great order; their Tobacco is sold in the leaf, which being dried by the fire, they light it and smoke, their industry as yet not having been great enough to make it up into Rowls.  
There is no such thing amongst them as trusting or credit, no Money no Merchandise there, every one brings his Gold in his hand. If the Commodity be of small price, they take their Gold and poise it upon the end of their finger, adding or substracting as they think fit; but if considerable, and of great value, they out with their Scales and weigh it.  
Their Scales are made of two flat pieces of Copper something broader than our Crown pieces, which they hang by a thread at the end of a short stick, and balancing so exactly, there can be nothing more true. Having no Needle, they make a noose of thread with their thumb and fasten to the middle, in which, instead of weights, they hang a certain red grain they call Tacous, each of which grains weighs about twopenny weight, with which Pian Piano, they will weigh a Mark of Gold, yet there are some great Merchants which have Scales like ours, which they have bought lately of us.  
All that comes to this Market, (which is kept every day in the week (Sunday excepted) is Tribute free, and pays no duty to the King.  
There are others that resemble our Fairs, and fall out not above twice in the year, to which all the whole Country repairs, for there is never in any of those Kingdoms two Fairs kept in one day, left one should be a hindrance and disadvantage to the other. By the report I have had, 'tis to these places they bring the best and finest of their things, and whatever they buy of us, as likewise to the ordinary Markets which are kept farther up into the Country, but to those Markets which are kept nearer the Sea, there is nothing comes but what is necessary to humane life, which the Peasants bring (like so many Mules) upon their backs, and that but from 5 or 6 places: yet so strict are they in their Religion, and do so much postpone the considerations of their advantage and gain, that if any of these Fairs does happen to fall out upon a Sunday, it is ipso facto put off till the next day.   

THEIR RELIGION. Of their Sundays, Feasts, Devotions, Gods or Fetiches, of their Sacrifices, Priests, and Habits.  
THough amongst these poor people, there is not the least tincture of the true Religion to be seen, yet they observe a Sabbath (which is our Tuesday) very strictly: Every man rests that day from his labour, the Peasants bring nothing to the Markets, and no man is permitted to traffic, unless it be those upon the Sea side, who have liberty to go aboard, any Vessel in the Road, and to truck and make bargains as they please. The rest employ their times wholly at their devotions, and do observe it with much more punctuality than we do our Sundays with us.  
They meet altogether in a place, in the middle of which there is a great Tree, called the Tree of their Fetiche, of the bark off which they make the fillets, with which they bind their little pieces of Gold to their arms, and their legs. At the foot of this Tree a Table is spread, (the feet dressed with several Crowns and Garlands made of the boughs of trees) upon which they set Rice, Millet, Mays, Fruit, Meat, and Fish, with Wine, and Oil of palms, to eat and drink to their Fetiches, they dance, and sing, and jump up and down all day about this Tree, making a most obstreperous noise with Copper Basins, and other instruments for the purpose.  
They wash their faces that morning with particular care, and more exactly than all the week after. The first bit of what ever they eat, they throw down upon the ground in honour of their Gods, and at night the Captain or the Governor distributes Palme-Wine to all the Inhabitants, the Peasants being obliged to bring it to him that evening.  
Ask them about any thing of their faith, and they will look down upon the ground, but never give you an answer; only one of them told us that we had a very good God, that gave us so many fine things: They all of them believe an other life, but where, whether above or below, they cannot tell. For which reason, lest their Father or Mother should be hungry and starve, they put meat and Palme-Wine very often into their graves, to the end that if they be thirsty or hungry, they may repair thither, and be relieved.  
When they hear it thunder, rain hard, or the wind blow very strong, there is not one of them to be seen in the streets, all hid themselves in their houses, and cry, the Gods of the Whites are angry. I asked one of them of what colour his God was, and he told me black: The Devil is so dreadful to them, they tremble at his very naming, they say he beats them, and makes them do ill things for their Fetiches, for whom they have an incredible superstition, though they be all of them inanimate, and some of them so nastily villainous, one would not touch them with a pair of tongs.  
They every body carry some of them about with them, some are made of the end of horns, filled up with ordure, others of little figures, as the heads of some creature or other, and a hundred such like impertinences, which their Priests sell them at their own price, and pretend they found them under the tree of the Fetiche.  
They tie this tree about (which is the place where they sacrifice) with little roaps of straw, and after their Ceremonies are over, they take those ropes, and stringing their gold work upon them, they fasten them to their arms and legs, and then think themselves safe against any mischief whatever.  
For the preservation of their houses, they have a sort of Fetiches which are planted at their doors, and they are no better than our poles, or hooks, we pull down the boughs withal when we gather our fruit: Of these Fetiches their Priests set a great number about a stone, which (by their tradition) is as old as the world, and when they have been there a certain time, the Priests sell them to the people.  
If at any time any trouble befall them, they repair immediately to their Priest, for a new Fetiche (the old one is to be trusted no longer) who most graciously supplies them for their money, and into the bargain, he gives them a piece of Suet, or Tallow, with two or three Parrots feathers set right up, or else a certain herb; the King of Fetu's Son-in-Law had the head of an Ape for his Fetiche.  
They do all of them abstain from something or other, in honour of their Fetiche, with this opinion, that if ever they eat or drink of that, after they promised abstinence (which is usually at their Marriage) they shall die upon the spot; for which reason, one eats no Beef, another no Goat, another no Hens, this man drinks no Wine, and the other no Strong-waters, which they observe so exactly, they will sooner die than be persuaded or forced to the contrary.  
These Fetiches I have spoken of hitherto, are but private Fetiches, and belong but to particular men: but they have another sort of Fetiches which are tutelary to the whole Country, as for example, sometimes such a Mountain, sometimes such a kind of Tree, sometimes such a Stone, sometimes such a sort of Fish, or such a Species of Birds, which they look upon and worship as so many Gods. If a Negro by accident kills any of those Birds, he is punished sufficiently, and if a White, he runs a great hazard of his life. I saw one of these Birds at Frederisbourg, a little thing about the bigness of a Wrenn, with a Beak like a Linnet, marked with black and white, and the Feathers a kind of light brown: if any of these at any time are seen flying about in the Gardens of a More, 'tis looked upon as a good Omen, and he throws it meat immediately.  
The Consecrated Trees are ordinarily those about which their Sacrifices are performed; they believe whoever cuts such a one down, destroys (without more ado) all the fruit in the Country: and therefore if there be any such Malefactors, they are punished with death, as it happened to the Hollanders at Moure in the year 1598., before they had built the Fort of Nassau, where 8 or 10 of them were killed the 8th. of May, for having cut down a Tree dedicated to their Fetiches.  
The highest Mountains, and such as are most subject to Thunder and Lightning, they imagine are the Residences of their Gods, and therefore they pay great honour and respect to them: at the bottom of them they will lay Rice, Millet, Mays, Bread, Wine, Oil, and other things, that they may eat and drink if they be hungry or dry.  
Their Stones (which they fancy to be Fetiches) are like our great Landmarks in the Country, (or such as are laid to distinguish and determine the bounds or limits of a Country Parish) and they believe them as old as the world: about these it is their Priests do set their Cruches which they sell afterwards to the people for conservation of their houses, as I mentioned before.  
Besides these Fetiches aforesaid, if five or six Neighbours build near one another, in any place divided from the rest of the Town, they will have a Fetiche to themselves, and will sacrifice and pray to him for their preservation.  
Thursday the fourteenth of April being at Frederisbourg, whilst they were at Prayers above, I went down, and at the entrance of a house which stood alone by itself, I observed a man and a woman, bleeding of a Hen (which they had pricked on purpose) upon certain leaves which they had placed upon the ground, and after it had done bleeding, they cut it into mammocks, threw them down upon the leaves, and then turning their faces upon one another, and kissing their hands, they cried, Me Cusa, Me Cusa, Me Cusa, which is as much as to say, Make me good. I let them alone till their ceremony was done, and then asked them what they were about, they told me, that the Fetiche of that quarter had beaten them, and they by way of atonement, had given him a Hen for his dinner: As I was looking down upon their leaves, (or an herb rather which grows upon the Seaside) they desired me not to touch them, and told me whoever eat of that Pullet, in half an hours time, would be as dead as a herring; but I was so stout-heared, I took it up, had it broiled upon the coals, by my Lackey, eating some part of it in their presence, and throwing the rest to the pigs: the poor people were amazed, and stood gaping to see me fall down dead, or sink over head and ears into the earth immediately. I asked them to see their Fetiche, they carried me into a little Court, to a kind of a Tile wrapped about with straw, and told me that was the Fetiche which had beaten them. Well said I, I'll be revenged, and throwing it on the ground, I break it into a hundred pieces, and planted a Cross in the Room on't. I taught them to sign themselves also, broke all their Cruches about the door, and having given them each a little cross for their pockets, and bid them when ever the Fetiche came to plague them again, that they should sign themselves with the sign of the Cross, take that out and kiss it, and they should hear no more of their Fetiche ever after; they heard me very patiently, and made such relations at home, that a whole Church of them came to me next day, desiring to swop a Fetiche for a Crucifix: We came immediately to a bargain, and when I began to examine my Fetiche, I found it nothing but a piece of putrified earth, anointed over with suet, and grease, and oil of Palms, with five or six Parrot-feathers bolt upright in the middle, to which morning and night they paid their constant devotions.  
I persuaded them afterwards to show me to their Fetiche General, which they did: I found it in a plain where they made all their Sacrifices; it was nothing but a stone covered with earth, which I routed immediately, and broke five hundred of their poles which they had planted about it; from thence I went to their Priest, to see what Fetiches he had to sell, he told me I had one, which was one of the poles I had brought along in my hand, and would have had me paid him for't: I took him by the elbow, and carried him to the Master Fetiche, and when he saw he was demolished, Lord! what a pickle he was in, he roared and cried out to his Neighbours, and all of them looked upon it as a miracle that I was not as dead as a door-nail in the twinkling of an eye. I told him, Sir, for your payment I have set up this Cross, and whosoever touches it (unless upon the knee) is a dead man in a minute; at which words, they ran home as fast as they could, yelling and crying out to one another, whilst I returned to the Castle.  
They have so great an opinion, and veneration for their Priests, the whole world is not able to disabuse them: if they have one bit better than other, 'tis kept for them; they are the only people amongst the Moors, that are suffered not to work, are nourished at others cost, and charessed all ways they can think of, to the end they may afford them their prayers. They sell Fetiches (as I have said before) to the common people, persuading them, they found them hanging upon the Fetiches Tree, which they believe so obstinately, their own eyes are not sufficient to convince them; for if at any time they see the contrary, they will sooner believe it an illusion, than imagine their Priests would deceive them: so blind are these poor people, being led by those who are blinder than themselves.  
The Habit of their Priests resembles a Coat of Arms, and is made of some course linen, or serge, about which they have a scarf, set with little bones of broiled Pullet's, like the Cockle-shells worn by the Pilgrims of St. Michael; the rest of their bodies is quite naked, they have garters about their legs, made of the Fibers of their Fetiche Tree: all people, even to the Kings themselves, are ambitious of their friendship, that they may entreat their Fetiches to be favourable to them, either in their Trade, or any thing else.  
For my part, I believe they are made all of them by the Priest, and that they talk and converse with the Devil, who communicates with them, and teaches them which way to cheat the people so easily; and that which makes me say it, is this, they always mutter out some words to their Fetiches, before they 〈…〉 them.   

Of their Superstition, their Swearing upon their Fetiches, their manner of pacifying them, when they think they are angry, and the Burials of the Dead.  
THeir Superstition towards their Fetiches, is so positive, and dogmatical, nothing in this world is able to convince them. Their chief end in carrying them about them, is to keep them from any ill might befall them, and when any does, they believe the fault is in themselves, and that they have not performed their duties towards them.  
They dread Swearing by their Fetiches above all things, believing it impossible to live an hour after, if they swear false; for which reason when the good woman goes to the Market, or abroad at any time, the good man takes his Fetiche, and putting it into a cup of drink made with Palm-wine, he gives it her, and makes her swear to be faithful to him in his absence, and swears her again (whether she has or not) when she returns.  
When we were before Asbini, there was one called Attire, who complained that he was robbed of a Mark of Gold in our Ship: Monsieur Wantesk took a crust of bread, and bid him swear by his Fetiche, and then (eating that) wish the Devil might carry him away in an hours time, if it were not true; but his Conscience being too tender, he refused it, and made himself so ridiculous amongst his Brethren, he never durst appear in our ship afterwards.  
The eight and twentieth of April, being with the Danish General about Supper time, the King of Fetu's Son-in-law (called Janque Senece) arriv d, the General suspected he had nimmed away a Ring from him, but his Excellence protested the contrary, offering to swear, and to swallow his Fetiche upon the premises. I had a great mind (upon the tidings) to be present at the Ceremony; I went in, and found a Faggot of Thorns in a Basket which a Slave carried under his arm, covered over with a Skin, I made bold to uncover it, and in the middle of the Faggot, I saw a piece of Suet and Wax, with Parrots Feathers, little burnt bones of Pullet's, Plumes of the Bird which was Fetichissimo of that Country, and several other nasty things with them. One of their Priests was present, who told him he had made it as strong as was possible, and that if he lied, he could not outlive it a quarter of an hour; for all that, he took a piece of bread, and a glass of Wine, and was falling to work, but the General stopped him, and would not suffer him to drink it. I put my hand to this Fetiche, the Priest saw me, started, and bid me have a care, If I took it up, I was a dead man. I lifted it out of the basket for all that, he stepped back, and cried out to me, if you turn, or move it, the fire will fall down from Heaven, and consume you: I took it and twirl d it three times on the right hand, and as many on the left: and then threw it dash against the ground, leaping upon it, and breaking it into a thousand pieces. They said I would die in the morning, and were very much amazed to find me alive afterwards. But they recollected, and told me, I was not dead, because I did not believe: I answered, They were fools, not to be as great Infidels as I? They replied, It was impossible, their Fetiches would not suffer them: Quoth I, Who is this Fetiche? They told me, It was a great black Dog, that appeared very frequently at the foot of a great Tree. I asked them, If they had seen him? they told me, No, but their Priests and he were very great, conferred notes often, and they gave them a relation of their discourse.  
Besides the ways of appeasing their Fetiches, which I have mentioned before, they have other whimsies as memorable: If they have not so good fortune a fishing, as they use to have, they imagine their Fetiche is offended, and has driven them away. If their Trade be but dull, they are of the same opinion, believe them to be the cause, & fall to their devotions immediately.  
If a poor fisherman goes out, takes little, and returns after all his patience and pains, not much richer than he went, he concludes his Fetiche is disgruntled, repairs presently to his Priest, presents him with a token of his Love, and with tears in his eyes, begs of him, that he would set them to rights again; after which he marches with his Wife and Children (as neat, and as trim, as hands can make them) to the Sea side, with great branches of their Fetiche Tree about their necks, which after certain ceremonies they throw into the Sea, with Rice, Millet, and Mays, crying out a thousand times, Me cusa, Me cusa.  
If the King observes that Gold comes not down so plentifully as formerly, or that his traffic and duties decrease, to work he goes instantly with his Fetiche, he prays, he sacrifices, he treats, spreading of meat, and drink, about the Mountains and Trees that are consecrated to him, which the Minister of Frederisbourg told me he had many times seen.  
Having seized upon two Moors on Holy-Thursday, to secure some debts we had owing us upon the shore. On Friday morning we observed one of them to wash his face more than ordinary, to mutter out some words to himself, and to take water, and throw it behind him: we asked him for what reason he did so, and he told us, it was to implore the Fetiche for rain, that Gold might be washed down from the Mountains, and the Merchants enabled by that to set them at liberty.  
After they have sown their Corn (of the manner of which I shall give a relation by and by) that night they burn all the thorns they can find in the field, and then skipping, and dancing, and singing, whatever they have more than ordinarily precious, they throw it (with Palme-Wine) into the fire, conceiving thereby to render their Fetiche more favourable in their Harvest: By which we may see the deplorable blindness of those poor Creatures, and be excited to give God thanks, who has illuminated us with the rays of the Gospel.  
The General of Frederisbourg, having notice that there was one of them dead in the Castle, gave me advertisement immediately that I might be present at the Funeral Ceremonies, a thing which the Moors will never permit, but by constraint.  
When any one dies amongst them, they put the body into a Coffin made of Osiers, the bark of Trees, or of Rushes, which indeed is no more than a panier, the women, the relations, friends and neighbours that are there, run up and down the house, crying, and lamenting, and interrogating the dead person why he would leave them.  
If it be a woman that dies, her daughter or some other woman, (for the men are never called to their funerals) goes from house to house complaining and making her moan, and with the gold she finds about her, or in the house, buys an Ox or a Sheep, which she gives to the Priest, to pray to the Fetiche of the dead person, to conduct her into a place of repose: the Priest order this Ox, or Mutton, to be killed, and then sprinkling the blood about in honour to her Fetiche, he begs of it, that it would not interrupt her in her passage to the other world, and that it would pardon whatever she had done amiss. Those who are present being put by him into a ring, in a corner of the Chamber, he places himself in the midst, and dressed very sprucely with Rasade, Corail, or plates of Gold, sets a great quantity of Pease, Beans, Rice, Mays, and Oil of Palms about them, and then sprinkles them with the blood of a Pullet, which is killed, and afterwards makes a kind of a necklace of certain herbs, which he hangs about his neck, whilst the good women cut the Pullet into morsels, and present them before the Fetiche. After this the Priest having muttered out some prayers to himself, he takes water, or Palme-Wine in his mouth, and spirits it upon the most ancient of the Fetiches, from which he takes a proportion of suet and grease, and mingling it with the leaves of his collar, and other things, he stamps and bruises them altogether with his feet, till they be brought to a consistence, then making them up into a great mass, he separates again into several little pieces, which being wrapped up in the rind of a consecrated tree, he distributes to the whole company, reserving a part to be buried with the corpse, to make her journey more prosperous into the other world, and these Fetiches are looked upon as the most propitious of all.  
This Ceremony being over, the body is exposed about half a day, with the head bound about, and the arms extended, after which the women carry it to the place of its Sepulture (it being their Province to bury the dead) the men never stirring in that case, unless the burial be to be in some other Village, which is frequent by reason of a custom they have of burying every body in the Town they were born, and then they attend the Corpse with their weapons in their hands; but this person I saw being buried hard by, I had the opportunity of being a Spectator of the whole Ceremony.  
The Corpse being brought to the place of its Burial, the men which inhabited there, digged a hole of about four or five foot deep, and put it in, but so, as the Earth came not near it, then turning about the Grave, they bid him adieu, with great noise and ejulation; that Wife which he had most kindness for, threw his Fetiches into the hole, and at last laid a good part of his householdstuff (as his Kettles and ) by his side, and his Arms a top on him: if he loved any thing more than ordinary, as Palm-wine, or any thing else, they placed it by him, with Rice, Millet, Mays, and whatever they thought necessary for the life of man, that he might want nothing whither he was a going. Over his Grave they set up a little Shedd, to keep it from the weather, which continues there till it be rotten, without being touched by any one. He which makes the Grave, and buries the dead body, has the liberty to take his choice of such things which they put into the Grave with the Corpse, and it is looked upon as a due, if he be not paid otherwise for his pains.  
If a woman dies in Travail, and the Child dies also, they are buried together, and the Infant in the arms of the Mother.  
These Ceremonies being finished, they return weeping and lamenting to their houses, where both men and women do wash themselves forthwith, after which they eat the Beef or the Mutton which was bought, passing the rest of the day in feasting, and jollity, only every year they carry meat and drink, and set it at his grave, lest he should be hungry or thirsty in the other world.   

Of their old Men, their Slaves, their Lame, their Servants, the Diseases they are usually subject to, with their Cures, and the way to prevent them.  
THough there is but little love lost amongst them, and the men, and the women (unless it be their first wives) quit one another as they please, yet they are troubled and concerned when it happens. So great an aversion have these people against idleness, that amongst them the aged men and women are not allowed it, but are constrained to get their livelihood by such employments as their age and infirmities will bear, some of them being set on work either to blow the bellows in some forge, to supervise the business of the house, or some such trifling affair, which requires not much pains: the lame, and such as by any other means are rendered incapable of working, are forced to the wars, or if unable for that, they are sent to sell and barter for their Commodities at the Market, or else assist at the making of their oil of Palm, make Mattresses, or what else their strength will admit.  
They have not many Slaves upon this Coast, it not being permitted to any but Nobles, to Trade in that nature by which means they are not allowed to entertain any but for their necessary service in their families or fields.  
These Slaves are commonly such poor miserable Creatures, as having not wherewithal to maintain or keep themselves alive, are glad to sell themselves to the rich Merchants of that Country (that are all Noblemen) who to know them from others, do give them always a particular mark of their own, if they endeavour to escape, for the first time they cut off one ear, and for the second the other, if they attempt it a third time, and be taken, they either sell them away, or cut off their heads, as they please. The children of these poor people are Slaves as well as the Parents, and obliged to do whatever they are commanded, as watering their fish, spinning Rasade, etc.  
The King has several sorts of Slaves, some like these I have mentioned; others which are forfeited to him for want of paying their Fines, or other penalties imposed for some fault they have committed: and both of them sent commonly to be sold at the place set apart for the Trucking of Slaves.  
The King's Slaves are distinguishable from other men, only by this that they have no hats, but go always naked with their heads. The Inhabitants will not be called Moors (which is an appellation they say belongs more properly to their Slaves) but Pretoes, which is as much as Negroes. They generally use their Slaves very well, seldom or never giving them any correction.  
Though they have not so many diseases amongst them, as we, yet they are not without their share, & those as troublesome as ours: the most frequent are the Neapolitan disease, pains in the head, burning Fevers, (which for the most part are occasioned by their women) the Colic, and worms which grow betwixt the flesh and the skin, to which strangers also being subject, I shall speak a word or two anon.  
For the Neapolitan disease (which is not infamous amongst them) they use only Salseparilla, which they boil in a Skillet to such a height, and then straining it, they use it as a diet-drink, and (as they say themselves) with very great success.  
Their pains in their head they cure by fomentations made of certain herbs which they lay upon the Patient's face, and it takes the pain away immediately. Sometimes they raise little blisters upon it, which then applying to them a certain kind of Earth, they have amongst them, it assuages and cures them also.  
The Colic, and Wind in the Stomach, is not over frequent amongst the Natives, but all Strangers are much subject to them, till they be accustomed to the air of that Country.  
To prevent and fortify one's self against them, it is good to bind about the Stomach very hard, to keep one's self warm in the night with a Waistcoat, or some other thing, and if notwithstanding all this, it be not prevented, it is not amiss to take 4 or 5 drops of balm of Sulphur in a little Strong-water, cover one's self well, and sweat, the next day let blood, then purge two days after, and 'tis odds but he will be well. 'Tis very dangerous sleeping upon the ground, in three days many times they are dead of an incurable cold.  
Sometimes they bathe them with Mallows, Marsh Mallows, Pellitory of the Wall, Powder of Cassia, each half an ounce, than they boil it upon the fire to a certain degree, and put ten or twelve drops of Oil of Anniseeds amongst it, which makes it sovereign; but the best way of all is to keep the Stomach warm, and have a great care of sleeping upon the ground.  
As to the worms which grow betwixt the skin and the flesh, Foreigners are as much subject to them, as they: they breed over all the body, but principally in the thighs, legs, and most fleshy parts. Sometimes they have them two years together, and never perceive it till about a fortnight before they come out. By the report of those who have had them, there is no torment like them, & it exceeds the most violent pain in the teeth.  
There has been great inquisition into the cause of it, some attribute it to their Palm-wine, others to the Fish which is eaten upon that Coast, others to their Water, every one arguing according to his fancy, but all of them wide of the Mark; for those Moors who live but forty leagues up higher into the Country, know nothing of it at all, nor are in any danger of the Evening dew.  
The most probable cause is the dew which falls in the Evening upon the Coast, occasioned by the Breezes from the Sea, which being very cold, the Moors do constantly make fires at their feet when they go to sleep, and indeed nothing is of more importance to ones health, than to keep off the chillness of that Air, and to preserve one's self as warm as one can. The ill water they drink, together with the nastiness of their diet, may add something, but 'tis the nipping Winds and Rains which fall upon the Coast, and makes those parts so subject to worms: in June, July, and August, (which are the most rainy months amongst them) experience tells us, those worms are most apt to engender. In short, every drop of their Rain is bigger than a large Pea: if in a shower of that nature, one be wet never so little, and lets his clothes dry upon his back, besides that in three days his clothes shall be rotten, if he has no worms, he shall be sure of a distemper that will be very dangerous.  
We may affirm therefore 'tis the rain, as well as the dew, which produces these worms, how, or which way, I leave to the Philosopher, and Physician to resolve; but this I am sure, having many times put out a bit of flesh in the rain, or in the evening dew, I found as soon as the beams of the Sun glanced but upon it, it turned all into Worms, which experiment I made very often, & am convinced by it, that they come but those two ways, either by the rain or the dew. Of those Worms which grow in the body, there are two sorts, one lesser, the other greater, and some of them as slender as a hair; the least are half a foot long, the larger a foot, and some there are of an ell, but very rarely.  
When you are once plagued with them, there is nothing to be done till they are out, which is evident by the tumors they raise in the flesh, and the swelling of the part where they lie. There is nothing like keeping one's bed, and opening the corner of the skin gently with a knife to give them free passage, if they perceive them advancing, they may hasten their journey, and pull them out by little and little, if they find any stop or reluctance in the Worm, they must let them alone (lest they break them) and tie a hair or piece of silk about them, to keep them from going back: sometimes several of them will come out at one hole, but they must have patience, for their motion is but slow: above all things they must have a care of breaking them, for they are of so venomous a quality, there is no way to preserve the person against its virulence, but by cutting off the part. When they are out, they usually rub the place with butter and salt, and wash it with Sea-water, which in that case is sovereign.  
Their best way to secure themselves against them, is to put file-dust into their breeches and shoes to keep their feet dry, and if at any time they be wet, to change their clothes and their drawers immediately, by no means to sleep upon the ground, to have a care of the Seraine or evenings dew, to bind themselves up close, and keep their stomaches warm, to abstain from Women, to use confection of Hyacinth, Alkermes, or clary, to keep one's self clean, avoid the rain, which the Moors are as feared of as the Plague, shutting up themselves as soon as it gins but to mizzle; if one be wet, to dry his , and by these observations they may be probably prevented. I saw a person of quality who had been there 17 years, who told me he had never been troubled with them but the first year, and that was for want of these cautions. But to continue these stories of death and diseases, is but to make the Reader chagrin and melancholy; it is time now I should to something of more pleasure and divertisement.   

Of their Dances, and Feasts, both private and solemn.  
THe Inhabitants of the Coasts of afric, are great lovers of Music, and songs, but especially of dancing, in which they spend two or three hours every evening before they go to bed: to this purpose the men and women both, dress themselves as fine as they can, putting on their bracelets of Gold and Ivory, and trimming up their hair; the men carry little fans in their hands, made of the tails of Elephants, or Horses, (like the boasom of feathers wherewith pictures are dusted, saving that these are gilded at both ends) and meet all at a place about Sunset; Being come together, those who make the Music, draw into a corner by themselves, their Instruments are a kind of Drum, or Tabor, made of the trunk of a Tree, hollowed: A Cane with several holes in it, like a flute, a Tambour de Basque, and an instrument something near our Guitars, with six strings; all which playing together, make no contemptible harmony. As soon as they strike up, the men and women divide immediately, and putting themselves (two and two) directly against one another, they begin their dance, marching up to one another, and then recoiling in good measure, clacking their fingers, as they pass nodding their heads, whispering certain words into one another's ears, tossing about their fans, with a thousand postures and gesticulations, and in this manner spending the evenings till they go to bed: this dance is not much unlike one of our Filoux in France; some of their women and maids will take a hoop and throw it upon the ground, then skip, and dance about it, and at last take it up with their toes. In short, dancing is in so great request amongst them, they have Schools on purpose to teach them.  
Besides Sundays, they have particular Festivals, and particular dances belonging to them; for the days which are observed by their Kings, I shall speak of in a Chapter by themselves.  
On the 26 of April being at Frederisbourg, I saw one of these Feasts, which are commonly instituted in memory of some advantage befallen the State: This that I was at, was celebrated by the King of Fetu's Son-in-Law, who had gained a great battle against the King of Acanis, and the Lord of Abrambou, on the same day the year before, in which engagement as the General of Frederisbourg told me, there were slain on both sides above 5000 men. The Festival began at Cape-Corse, where the Son-in-Law lived, who made a great Feast, distributed largely to all that were there, who troubled themselves that day with nought but their sports, and at night came to finish their ceremony at the Castle of Frederisbourg; we were just setting down to the Table, when on a sudden we heard a great noise of shouts and acclamations, and immediately their Drums and their Trumpets strike up. Their Trumpets are of Elephants teeth made hollow: we perceived presently it was the King's Son-in-Law, with his Drum before him, 15 or 20 Trumpets, about 12 of his Wives, and about 60 Slaves after him, two of which attended him with great Bucklers, carried on purpose to cover him, and two others with his, Darts, his Bow, and his Arrows. The Women were dressed in Damask and Taffetas, which they wrapped about them from their breasts to their midlegg, wearing several Fetiches upon their heads, several little plates of gold in bracelets, about their wrists and ankles, or else of Rasade or Ivory, their hair very well dressed, according to the mode of that Country: the King's Son in-Law had a piece of blue Taffeta about his waist, whose two ends were drawn betwixt his legs, and trailed almost upon the ground. Before him he had a little falchion carried, he had a Cap trimmed with pieces of the skulls of such persons as he had killed, and covered all over with plumes of feathers: on his arms and his legs, he had several little pieces of gold excellently well wrought, and two little fans in his hands made of horsehair; When they were received into the Court, after a hundred shouts and acclamations, the men put themselves on one side, the women on the other, and the Slaves, Trumpets, and Drums behind him, who sounded as they passed, and made all the noise and clamour was possible; having separated themselves, they began their approaching, and retiring with great exactness, turning themselves this way and that way about half a quarter of an hour: after this he gave his 2 fans to one of his Slaves, and taking his Dart in his hand, he pretended to dart it at the women, who were doing the same thing on their side; but the Slaves got about him, and covered him quite with their bucklers: this having lasted a pretty while, on a sudden he claps his hand upon his sword, and run a tilt at the women, who did the same to him with sticks they had in their hands for that purpose, and then mingling themselves pellmell with the Slaves (who had swords also in their hands, and made as if they struck them as hard as they could) they gave a great yell, divided again, and so made an end of their Ceremony.  
The General treated them very kindly with Strong waters and other things, and whispered to me, that their manner of fight was at that rate; in short, this Son-in-Law of his Majesty was not quit of this sopperie at less charge than 500 Marks of Gold, from thence he went to the Governor of the Moors in Frederisbourg, to pass that night with him, and as we heard, he stayed very graciously with him till the next day at noon.   

Of their Exercises, their Workmen, their Trades, their Merchandises, their Fishing, which way it is used and the Duty they pay to their King.  
AS they have several Trades and employments amongst them, so are they very constantly employed, especially if there be no Ships upon their Coasts to divert them. They have Goldsmiths which work very curiously, they have Carpenters that make their Canoes, they have people that Fish, they have others that cut down their wood, the women in the mean time keeping their Markets, and selling their Commodities to Merchants which come higher out of the Country.  
Those who come aboard to negotiate with us are commonly Officers, or Captains of some Town, who are all of them Merchants: their manner of coming aboard us, is in a little Canoe, very neatly made, rowed by two Moors, the Merchant in the middle upon a little chair, with his sword lying by him.  
Being of several places, they have a different way of Trading, those who live farther up the Country, and are neither acquainted with the language, nor manner of Commerce, which is practised by the Whites, are constrained to make use of a sort of Brokers to negotiate for them, and do usually give them good recompense for their pains; this is an advantage accrues particularly to such as live near the Seaside, and (so generally are they devoted to their profit) the greatest Merchants amongst them will not refuse the employment, if there be the least prospect and expectation of gain.  
Most commonly, it is those who live upon the Coasts, or within 10 leagues distance of the Sea, that buy up the Commodities which are brought in by such Ships as come into their Roads, and sell them afterwards when the Ships are gone, to the Inlanders, seldom for less profit than six per Cent.  
Having been deceived sometimes formerly, they are now grown so subtle and wary, there is no cheating them any more; it is our business now rather to be upon our guards, lest they be too cunning for us. They have so great judgement & insight into Merchandise, they will distinguish whether a piece of Say be died at Leyden or Harlem.  
When their bargains are made, and their business done, they fall a begging and bawling for some present or other (which they call Dache) and will never be satisfied without it. The Hollanders brought up this Custom at first, to cajole, and work them off from the Portugais: But what they did voluntarily then, is become now such a Custom, that some of the Moors are so confident, as to demand what present they shall have, before they will admit any proposition of Traffic.  
They have one pretty odd kind of superstition amongst them, if a Merchant sneezes as he comes out of his house, and turns his head by accident, towards the right hand, (which they call Eninfan) they believe they shall run a great hazard of losing their goods that day. If he turns it to the left (which they call Abnicon) though they were sure to gain the profits of a Kingdom, they would not stir out that day from their houses.  
When they return from our Ship they have always store of boys, & young fellows attending upon the shore, to carry the Commodities they have bought to their houses, for which the Merchant gives them some little pieces of gold as a reward. Those who live higher up the Country have all their Commodities brought down upon the backs of their Slaves, making no use of horse, or any other Creature in that business, which is no small inconvenience to a Merchant that comes a hundred leagues to us cross the Country, and forces them to travel with their Arms.  
Fishing being their principal employment, every morning there are twenty or thirty Canoes to be seen sailing out of their harbours, & dividing themselves instantly into all quarters when they come out to Sea. In each of them they have commonly two men, one to fish, & the other to manage the Canoe, and by them they have their swords and their Victuals. Their Canoes are very neat and beautiful, painted and adorned with all possible care; they fasten Fetiches to them, to preserve them from storms & disasters, and when they have done fishing, they draw them up under a place on purpose to keep them dry. They are so light, two men will carry one of them as they please.  
In this manner they go a fishing every morning, yet not so much by design, as by natural impulse, the wind from the hills forcing them as it were to Sea, and altering at night, and blowing hard upon the shore, they are brought home again by the same necessity and violence: and this they do constantly every day but Sunday, never failing when the weather will endure it.  
The most general way of fishing, is with little hooks, of which they fasten twenty (sometimes) to one line; others make use of lines with a kind of slipping nooses, but this is as rarely at Sea, as it is ordinary in their Rivers, and Lakes within Land. They are much delighted with fishing in the night, which they do by the light of Torches greased over with Oil of Palm, or Rosen, hooking the fish up as they come near them. Others go up to the bellies into the Sea, with a lighted Torch in one hand, and a Net in the other, which they throw over them with great dexterity: and from hence we may collect how industrious they are, neglecting no time, nor labour to get themselves a livelihood. At their return, they are attended by several boys, who are always waiting in the harbour to help them home with their fish, and to make up their Lines and their Nets for them, for which pains, they usually gratify them with some little present of fish.  
But the Fisherman and Merchant are no sooner returned, but the Receiver of the Office (in which the Duties and Customs are paid; for the King in whose Dominion that Port is) stands ready always to receive them, and to carry with him a full third of whatever they bring on shore) to bring the Merchant to a higher composition, for there being no fixed prices set, it is the Merchant's business to get off as cheap, and the Receivers to hoist him as high as he can: besides these duties, the foreign Merchants which are not of that Kingdom, are oblige d sometimes to give a Mark of gold more for a free passage through the territories of the neighbouring Princes.  
But those who live upon the Seaside, are exempted from any tribute in this nature, provided the worth of their Merchandise exceeds not two ounces of gold at one time, if it does, they pay as other people.  
The duty upon their fish is paid punctually to the Receiver every day, who as punctually sends it every day to the King; not one Fisherman daring under a great penalty, to sell one morsel till it be paid, this tribute being designed to the sustenance of his Royal Family; for which reason, whatever fish is taken, is brought immediately to the Office, where the Receiver has a great measure about the bigness of a Peck, which he fills and delivers frankly to the Fisherman; that done, he measures the rest, and reserves a fifth part for the King, which is sent away presently by the Slaves for the use of the house. These Receivers are for the most part, the Sons, Brothers, or near Relations of their Kings.   

Of the Kings of those countries', their Courts, Authority, and manner of living with their Courtiers, of their Wives and Children, of the Succession of their Kingdoms, their Revenues, Feasts, Deaths, Burials, and Elections of another King.  
THe Kings being the chief heads of so many people, I ought in justice to have given them the precedence, and have spoken of them in the first Chapter; but having never seen them myself, and what I writ is but from the report of such as have lived there six or seven year, I have thought it best to put this, and the three subsequent Chapters by themselves, having been an eye-witness of what I have writ before, & what I shall write hereafter of the Fruits & Productions of that Country: But these Chapters I took out of the Memoires of the General, & Minister of Frederisbourg, who are in the Kingdom of Fetu: & as their manners and customs all along those Coasts are every where the same, speaking of one, I shall give sufficient prospect, and information of them all.  
The King of Fetu as they represented him to me, is no unhandsome man, he is a great lover of the Whites, & has expressed it upon several occasions; he is about five & forty, or fifty years old, Majestic, requires honour and respect, rich, and very liberal, he has come many times to visit the Governor of Frederisbourg, & made him several presents: Liberality is very ordinary in these parts, and used, to inveigle the people, and oblige them to parties: He keeps a great Court, passing away the time in drinking & laughing in a great Hall in the middle of his Palace; about Sunset he sets himself down at the Gate, dressed very sine, with his bracelets and necklaces of Gold, & clad in the richest habits can be bought for money; in this manner, if he be at peace, he passes away his time with his Ladies, whose principal business is to wash and keep him neat against night, at which time he has dancing constantly and balls.  
His subjects have all of them a great veneration for him, & are in much awe and apprehension of his displeasure, by reason that whoever amongst them has but once disobeyed their King, he is ipso facto by the Laws of that Kingdom; made incapable of any public office. His authority is so absolute, he does what he pleases, and no body dares to control him.  
He has always a great number of Slaves and Soldiers guarding his Palace, which is very large, and neat, and incomparably much handsomer than a house he has near the Seaside: it consists of above two hundred chambers, and is built in the midst of a Town, with large Courts round about it; when he goes abroad, he is always attended and carried upon the shoulders of his Slaves, all people endeavouring to please him wherever he comes.  
To gain the affections of his Courtiers, and the Grandees of his Country, above all things it is necessary he be Noble, for they hate avarice, and look upon it as ignominious in a great person, on whom all people do depend, to be too parsimoniously intent upon hoarding up Gold; Yet this liberality that is looked for, consists only in treatings & banquets, which he makes very often for them, & if the Whites at any time make him a present, he distributes it amongst them, if it be of Strong-waters, he drinks it merrily amongst them, preferring their company, in that case, to his Wives and Children, to whom notwithstanding he allows a proportion.  
He has as many Wives as he pleases, who are all disposed into several appartements, with whom he dines or sups sometimes as he thinks good, but very seldom, when they go abroad, they are carried likewise on the shoulders of their Slaves: they are abundantly proud, and employ their whole time in diverting and indulging the King; some of them are admitted into his company after dinner in the great Hall, and are very happy if they may but wash and dress him in the morning, they having servants enough to dispatch what else is to be done in the house: when they have spruced him up, they fall to work upon themselves, combing, and curling their hair in several postures: their  are very rich always, and loaden sometimes with such abundance of Gold, it is a wonder which way they can bear them.  
Whilst their Father lives, their Children are brought up at the charge of the public when they go abroad out of the Palace, they are carried by their Slaves likewise, and have always their Trumpets, and one Drum: by which formalities they are distinguished from other people, and as they pass, receive great honour and respect.  
The succession of the Kingdom goes not to the Children, is it does in Europe, but devolves upon him that is next of Kin to his Majesty, that the Crown may be sure never to go out of the Royal Family: for this reason the King's Children make hay whilst the Sun shines, & lay up what they can whilst their Father is alive: they work and take pains too as well as the rest, having no other advantage but exemption from tribute, living always with their Father: whilst he lives himself, they have opportunity of getting & laying up against an evil day. If they marry, the Father gives them only the quality of Nobles, not but he would willingly do more, but dares not: the greatest privilege they have, is to keep Slaves, but the King disposes of all as he pleases. The principal Offices of the Kingdom are reserved for them, as well as the chief Commands in the Armies in times of war: In time of peace they are sent frequently as hostages to other Princes, to secure their Leagues, and to inform themselves of their manner of Government: If they be brave men, and generous, they are respected when their Father is marched off, but if covetous and base, on the contrary they are abandoned by their Relations, and contemptible to every body else; they will oftentimes complain that their Father durst not do any thing indirectly to enrich them, that they are poor, and indigent, and yet have vast treasures concealed.  
The Revenue of the King consists in Fruit, Fish, Wine, Oil of Palm, Millet, Rice, Mays, Flesh, and whatever else is necessary to the life of man; all which are brought in daily to his Palace, that he may have no cares upon him, nor no room left for any thing but diversion.  
The Revenue of the Estate arises from the Customs and Fines which are adjudged to him in Civil and Criminal cases, which the Receivers deliver every 3 months to his Treasurer, who makes the whole disbursement, both for matters of State, for the expense of his Court, for the payment of the Soldiers in time of war, for his privy purse, buys all the  for the King, his Wives, and his Children, upon which score, he never stirs from him, accompanies him where ever he goes, and has an apartment in his Palace; this Office of Treasurer, is the best Office in the Kingdom, and the Treasurer is in more repute amongst all people, than any child of the Kings.  
Besides Sundays (which the King passes ordinarily after his devotions are ended amongst his Wives and his Children) he observes several Festival days, in which he buys up all the Palm-wine, and Fowl, the Peasants bring that day, and regales the Treasurer, his Courtiers, & Nobles of the Country, in the company of his Wives and his Children.  
The first and chief Feast which he observes, is on the day of his Coronation annually, which they call the Feast of Fetiches: on that day he invites not only all his Nobles, but his neighbouring Princes, and whatever Whites are upon his Coasts, who send him presents at that time, and are present themselves if they have any designs upon his friendship: if they come upon the invitation, he receives them very well, feasting them for three days together, and entertaining with Balls and Dances, and whatever may contribute to their recreations; to which they do wholly devote themselves; after they have passed their devotions, (which are finished to their Fetiches usually in a morning) and after they have left them meat and drink at the foot of some Mountain or Tree, to refresh themselves if they happen to be hungry.  
The other Feasts which they observe, are ordinarily in memory of some eminent accident for the honour, or advantage of the State, as upon some memorable victory, or so, in which cases the Europeans are commonly invited, and must come too, if they mean to keep up a good correspondence with them. These Festivals consist in Collations, Banquets, Dances, and Songs, by all which the liberality of that Prince is very conspicuous, but especially by his Feasts. When their King dies, they express their sorrow by their complaints, their doleful Songs, and horrible outcries; after the aforementioned Ceremonies are over, he is exposed for some days, and in the mean time, his meat and drink served up to him, as duly as he were alive.  
When his body gins to smell, 2 or 4 of his Slaves take him, and carry him into the Woods, where they bury him as they please, no person yet having ever known where their King was buried: if any of their Wives follow him, the Slaves kill them, and bury them together, throwing in their Fetiches after them, and then his Arms, Sword, Darts, Bows and Arrows, , Householdstuff, & whatever he delighted in when he was alive: by his side they place good store of Palm-Wine, Rice, and such other necessary sustenance, and when they have done, they present themselves very demurely before the Palace to be killed, believing they shall be cocksure of the best places about their King in the other world.  
Whilst the Slaves are employed in the interrement of the King, the Inhabitants of the Town, run up & down like mad, cutting the throats of man, woman, child, and slaves, to make his equipage as they call it, and attend his Majesty into the other world, insomuch, that if he be a great Prince, they kill 4 or 5 hundred persons sometimes at the day of his funeral. If he loved any place better than ordinary, they set up a Tomb for him there, where his Successor commands all things necessary to be placed once every year, left he should want any thing in the world where he is gone.  
When their Funerals are over, the next Kinsman is advanced to the Throne, and then conducted with great acclamation to his Palace (which is locked up & a Guard set upon it from the death of the former) their next business is to give him possession of all the Treasure his Predecessor had scraped up, whose children cannot pretend to any part of it, or of any thing else, unless it be something their Father was possessed of before his advancement to the Crown. But this is true, the new King gives something considerable always to the Children, and takes care of his Wives, who are matches for the best Noblemen in the Country. Yet their condition sometimes is so miserable, that if they have not been good husbands, and laid up something for themselves, they become so abject and contemptible, they are forced to make themselves Slaves for subsistence, and to live in perpetual infamy, to avoid dying with hunger.  
This done, the new King makes a Banquet for all comers, and a Feast, which continues 4 or 5 days, during which time he treats all people, the Whites, the Kings his Neighbours, & his Nobles, who all of them send him their presents. He takes new Fetiches that day, and prays to them afterwards, renewing this Feast every year, as I have said before.  
Sometimes he changes his Officers, and puts in his relations, and friends, but 'tis but seldom, for if they be old that were in before, he lets them die in their places, not out of any affection to them, but to oblige and captivate the people by such examples of bounty, to whom he gives great largesses that day likewise, & then calling his Wives and his Children to Court, they begin to take State upon them, to leave off beating the Hoof, and to be carried in great Pomp upon the shoulders of their Slaves.   

Of their Nobles, the manner of their making of War, the grounds upon which they do usually make it, their Arms: of their Cessations and Peace.  
SO much are the Moors in love with the title of Nobles, they will not balk any thing can possibly advance them to it, of which there are several sorts amongst them notwithstanding: This honour is acquired two ways, either by some great and honourable Exploit for the benefit of the State, or else by his money: for if a common More finds himself rich enough; he must be ennobled immediately, though it drains him never so dry.  
The day he is ennobled, he invites all his friends, and all the Nobility of the Country that are then in the Town. In the presence of the King and his Lieutenant, his Slaves take him up upon their backs, carrying him a pick-pack round about the City; the good women dancing, and singing, and jumping before him all day till Supper comes up and stops their recreations. This Feast holds three days, at the end of which he gives an Ox to the poor, and a proportion of Palm-wine. He takes new Fetiches too that day, and observes it annually with his kindred and friends. 'Tis reported also, that the Nobility have a certain day in which they all meet and feast every year amongst themselves.  
The Privileges which they enjoy above other people, are these, they can Trade in every place as they please, they can sell and buy slaves, they may have their drums and their trumpets, and make them play as they think good; but those who are advanced for any noble atchieument, have this pre-eminence, that they have always the principal charges and commands in the Army.  
These Kings being perpetually emulous, and jealous of one another to the highest degree, do commonly declare war upon the slightest occasion; so that upon the least apprehension of injury, the King calls his Courtiers together, tells them his disgust, requires their assistance, and they in hopes of booty and plunder conclude upon a war. An Herald is immediately dispatched to the Enemy, and a time and place appointed for the battle; his Subjects are advertised of the quarrel by his Guards, and a place set for the Randezvouz; there is an universal appearance of joy, every one prepares against that day, as cheerfully, as it were to be his wedding; they paint and adorn themselves with variety of colours, and from that instant conceive a mortal and implacable hatred against their Enemies: if the injury be great, and the war likely to be long, they take their Wives and Children with them into the field, burning their houses, lest it should be their misfortune to be beaten, and they become a prey to the Foe: if the quarrel be but small, they send them to the next Town where there is peace, to attend their success.  
They meet precisely at the day and place, the Captains with Casques upon their heads, some of them made of the Skulls of such people as they have killed in the precedent wars, others of the Skins of Lions or Crocodiles, with plumes of feathers upon them if they have any: on their left arm they carry a large Buckler made of the Skin of a Tiger or Ox, with a Dart in thei● right hand; they have no defensive arms, nor any thing at all upon their bodies, but a piece of linen before, that they may be the more active and agile when they come to be engaged; before them they have their swords carried, behind and of each side, their Slaves with their Bows and Arrows. The common Soldiers are armed with a kind of Battle-axe and Swords, and having of late by their Commerce with the Yew opeans some of them got Muskets, they are looked upon as ●rave fellows, & placed in the Front.  
Being come near one another, they give a great shout, and fall on, they threw their Darts immediately, shoot Arrows without number, covering themselves with their Bucklers against the blows of their Enemies; when they once come to the Sword, they are Devils and not men, the very Women and Children kill and slay, and adding their cries to the noise of the Trumpets and Drums (which are playing incessantly) they increase the fury in their Parents, and excite them to more inhumanity. The slaughter continues till one side be defeated, but when they see the victory clear, they give quarter then, and fall a taking of Prisoners, which are made Slaves out of hand, and can never be ransomed upon any terms whatsoever.  
When the battle is over, some of them (as an expression of their hatred to their Enemies, and devotion to their Prince) will eat the bodies of those they have killed, but all of them cut off their under Jaws, and hang them afterwards before their doors as a mark of honour, which is the 11 step as it were of recommending them to the Nobility.  
As their wars are commenced upon frivolous occasions, so they are like a wisp of straw, no sooner kindled, but extinguished. Sometimes they last longer indeed than others, but seldom any considerable time. If after a lusty engagement, they be any better inclined, they agree upon a place, where they meet exactly, bring their Fetiches along with them, upon which they swear solemnly on both sides, to do no hurt for the future, to retain no malice, nor to remember their past hostility, and for their further security, hostages are delivered, which are commonly the Sons of the Kings, or (if they have none) the principal Persons of the Country. The rest of the day is spent by both parties, in mirth, singing, dancing, & making good cheer, after which, Trading revives betwixt them, and they live as lovingly, as if they had never had wars.  
Whilst we were in that Country, there was a very fierce War broke out upon this occasion: Abrambou is a signory which has six Towns under it, independent of any of their Kings, and holding of no body but the Emperor of Achim or Acanis Grand. The Predecessor of him that possessed it then, who was dead about 4 years before, would needs put a duty upon the Merchants of Acanis the less, and all such as past through his Dominions, nor was there any of the Neighbouring Kings durst expostulate the business, so great was his courage and power.  
After his death, the Merchants of Acanis demanded restitution of such goods as had been taken away by violence before, and were in possession of the present Prince, but they were refused, whereupon those of Acanis declared war against him: the King of Fetu's Son being by accident at Acanis, engaged generously with the Town, and was slain in the first battle. His Father having no more Sons, and resenting the loss of him, the more because he was so extraordinarily hopeful, joined himself with the Town of Acanis, against the Lord of Abrambou, and engaged all his allies in the quarrel also, in somuch as the war continued above four years, had destroyed more than 60000 men, and put a stop to all Commerce and Trade; The Generals of the English, Danes, and Hollanders, used all possible means to accommodate the difference, but in vain; and in memory of a Battle gained by the King of Fetu in this war, was the great Feast at Frederisbourg I have spoken of before. There was a quarrel also betwixt the Kings of Fantin, and Sabou, about a Noble man of Fantin who had been in love with a Lady of Sabou, and stolen her away: the difference not being to be composed in an amicable way, both Kings having taken cognizance of it, they were so highly incensed, they sell to war immediately, endeavouring to have surprised one another as I have mentioned before, for they do not always come to a piched field, but sometimes endeavour to destroy one another by surprises and inroads, by burning, pillaging of their Towns, and taking all prisoners they meet.  
The Danish General told me, that sometimes a Gentleman (if he were wealthy and rich) would be able to make war against his King, so strangely are the Moors addi●t●●l to gain, and indeed it is no wonder having so little affection or kindness for one another, they will scarce give a wounded man a drop of water to save his life, but will see one another die like dogs without any relief, and for the most part the first that forsake them are their Wives and their Children.  
At Frederisbourg we saw a poor creature abandoned by all people, and the Moors admiring how we durst come near him: but his infirmity being only an oppression in his Stomach, our Chirurgeon cured him with ease; we saw him afterwards merry and drinking with his Comrades, who used him then with a thousand caresses, though but eight days before his Wife and children had deserted him, as not knowing his malady.   

Of their Civil and their Criminal Justice, and of the Successions of particular men.  
AMongst these brutish and barbarous Nations, Justice has its place, and all crimes are punishable, though not capitally, but upon great offences. To begin with their criminal Justice, he which is accused of adultery, or felony, is immediately cited by the Judge, who having heard what he could say, and found his defence to be impertinent, sets a fine upon him out of hand, which he is obliged to pay down into the hands of the Receiver of the Customs. If he be not able to pay it, he is sold as a Slave, and can never redeem himself afterwards. If the criminal be escaped, his Kindred are to pay it, unless they will choose to leave the Kingdom rather, and that without hopes of ever coming into it again. If the accusation be for adultery, (that is to say with the first wife of another Man) the Husband has power to divorce himself from her, but he cannot make her a Slave.  
If it be matter of homicide, fratricide, or disobedience to his Majesty's Orders, they are carried before the King as crimes extraordinary: and if the thing be not very soul indeed, he condemns them only in a sum of Money, one half to be paid to his Courtiers who are present at the Trial (which is always in public) and the other to be paid into the King's Treasury. If the Offender be judged to die, he is led out of the Town blindfolded, and at the place of execution, run thorough with a Javelin, his head cut off and hung upon a Tree, and the rest of his body cut in mammocks and thrown into the air.  
If one be accused in any Civil, or Criminal case, and he desires to purge himself by oath, in drinking, or eating his Fetiche, he is permitted, and if he be found dead the next morning, the informer goes to pot in his place, and pays a good round sum as a penalty to the King: But if there be several witnesses which depose against the Criminal, in that case he is not allowed to swear.  
They hate adultery mortally, if committed with the first Wives, for which reason, they punish that as severely as any other Crime, and so it happens sometimes, that out of the malice they do naturally 〈◊〉 to one another, the Father accuses the Son, and the Son the Father: If an Offender escapes, and is taken again, he has a large fine set upon his head, and is made a Slave into the Bargain, without all hopes of redemption.  
In their civil affairs, whether for debt or any thing else, they are cited before the Judge of that place; which I saw myself in the person of one called Pitre at Frederisbourg; being come before the Judge, the Plaintiff spoke first, the Defendant answered, & after they had pleaded what they could on both sides, the Judge pronounced sentence immediately, which is so peremptory and Authentic, there lies no appeal against it in any other place, but 'tis executed forthwith.  
Sometimes the business is so difficult, the Judge will not undertake to determine it, but transfers it to the King, in which cases their anger and indignation is many times so increased, that of civil Offenders, they become criminals, and challenging one another, they come into the field with three or four seconds on a side, and a resolution to decide it by the Sword: If one be killed upon the place, the other is obliged to run out of the Kingdom: If he be taken, he is brought before the King, who sets a good lusty Fine upon him, upon the payment of which he is discharged: This act of grace has such an influence, and authority upon the people, no body dares asperse him in the least with what is past, no not so much as the Widow nor Children of him that is slain, to whom, by the Justice of the Country, a moiety of the Fine does naturally belong: if he has not wherewithal to pay his Fine, he is made a Slave, and delivered up to them to be sold into foreign Countries, after which he is never to appear in his own again.  
There was one Jean Class Governor of Acanis, who came aboard us every day, he told us, that having fought a duel upon occasion of a civil affair, and killed his adversary, he had a Fine set upon him of an hundred and seventy Marks of Gold, and paid it every penny to the King.  
The Judges are ordinarily the Captains of the Towns, that the King may have no more Officers to pay than are necessary, & that more advantage might accrue to his Treasury, by the Feasts and Presents they are obliged to make him.  
For their inheritances (which amongst us make the greatest part of our suits) they have no controversy at all, the next kinsman inheriting always amongst them, to the exclusion of Wife and Children, who have nothing left them, and are sometimes constrained to serve for their living, though their Husband & Father died never so rich; for which reason, the good man uses them to work betimes, that when he comes to die, it may be no news to them, but that subsisting by their labour, they need not be forced to turn Slaves for a livelihood.   

Of their Beasts, their Birds, and their Fish.  
IN these Countries there are but few Elephants to be seen, but great store of Lions, Tigers, Leopards, Panthers, and other beasts of prey: they afford likewise multitudes of Oxen, Cows, Hogs, Goats, Sheep, Stags, Roe-bucks, Wild-boars, Deer, & ●ares, & other beasts which are very good meat, besides Civet-Cats, & Apes of several kinds  
They have Dragons also, and a sort of great Lizards which are good to eat; they have Serpents of unmeasurable bigness, as also Crocodiles, and Cameleons; these last are about the bigness of our green Lizards in France, and do not change their colour, as is imagined, but having their skins firm and scaly like glass, they represent variety of colours according to the different reflections upon them, which is the ground of that error.  
Their wild Fowl, and Birds of prey, are Eagles, of which they have several kinds, but one especially, and which is to be found only in the Kingdom of Acara; it has the feathers of a Peacock, the legs of a Stork, the Beak of a Heron, and a Crown of feathers upon the head. The Commissioner at Acara sent a live one to Frederisbourg, and another dead, which was very good meat, but the live one was sent to the King of Denmark; From hence it is our grey Parrots, with red tails and wings are brought, which are observed to speak sooner than from any other place: their Paraquittes are very beautiful to the eye, they have their bodies and their heads green, and as small as Linnets, their beak and feet like Parrots, edged with a kind of reddish Orange colour, like our goldfinch, their music is not very pleasant, but some say they learn to speak well enough: they have a thousand sorts of little birds of all colours, black, red, yellow, green, and mixed, which they take commonly with nets.  
Their Fowl for the Table are Hens, Pigeons, Pintades Geese, Duck and Mallard, Pheasants and Partridge, but smaller than ours, Peacocks, Feldisars, Cranes, Ringdoves, Turtles, and Beet in great multitudes; in short, they may be said to abound with all sorts of Birds which are visible amongst us, unless it be Larks, of which sort I could never see any.  
Having spoken before of their Fish, and manner of fishing, I shall say nothing of their Fish again, but of such as are to be seen upon the Coast, having indeed nothing to say of such as are to be found in their Rivers and Lakes, which are farther up in the Country.  
Their Sea-fish are the Goldfish, Bonnittes, Jacoes, as big as our Calves, Sea-Pikes, fresh-Cod, Tunny-fish, and Thornback; Small fish they have in abundance, especially Pilchards, which are fat, and excellently good: they have a sort of flying fish, the which are very good meat, and as white as snow: their biggest Oysters (of which they have great quantities all along these coasts) are no bigger than our smallest, but very good meat, as their Cockles are likewise.  
It is very dangerous washing one's self upon these Coasts, especially near the Island of St. Thomas, in respect of a ravenous sort of fish called Requiens, which abound there.  
From Cape-Verd to the Island of Saint Thomas, there is a fish which fastens itself always to the Keel of the Ship, and will not be got off: the Hollanders call it the Ordure-fish, because it lives only of the ordure which is thrown out of the Ship: it is of the shape of a Groudin, but shorter, and without scales, it has the skin of an Eel, is flayed and excoriated like that, and has much of its fat, and taste also: it sticks so fast to a Ship by the help of a thing it has upon its head, about three fingers broad, and eight fingers long, that there is not a man living can put it off.   

Their Fruits, Herbs, Bread, Millet, Mays, their manner of sowing and making of Salt.  
THeir Fruits upon these Coasts are Plums, Pears, Oranges, Citrons, Cuckoe-nuts, and Figgs, but of the last no great plenty.  
The General of Frederisbourg has made a Garden about Musquetshot from the Castle, where he has Cabbage, and Roman Lettuce, which grow very well, they have excellent Melons, and the ground covered all over with a kind of Purslane; Besides which, they have in many places another herb they call Tetie, in its stalk and leaf not unlike our Rape, it is pleasant to eat, and very good for the Stomach.  
They have Potatoes good store, which the Hollander has brought over, and calls them Field Artichokes, because they have the taste of our Ignames, which is a thick root very white within, which they cut in trenches, as they do Turnips in Limousin: and this is the bread and sole nourishment of the poor, and Peasants of that Country: their Beans, and their Peas are of several colours, red black, violet colour, and grey, and a sort of Lentils in great abundance, which are easily baked, and very good meat.  
They make their bread of three several sorts of seed; some of them of Rice, which is very white; but heavy upon the Stomach; others of their Millet, which is something browner than ours, but has not so good a taste when 'tis made of that alone; the other of Mays, or Turkey Corn, which is well, and very common, but much better if mingled with the flower of Millet, which makes it more pleasant.  
When the Month of April approaches, they go to the Receiver of the King's duties for permission to sow, (all the fields belonging wholly to the King) having obtained leave, they go up and down rooting up the bushes from one side to the other, and then digging it once or twice, they let it lie for a day or two, and then sow it with Rice, Millet, or Mays, for the King or the Governor, and when they have done for them, they begin for themselves.  
When they have done sowing, they bring all the bushes they have stubbed up, into a corner of the field, and then burn them, singing, and dancing, and throwing about their Palm-wine, in honour of their Fetiches, to the end they may send them a happy Harvest: It appears in eight days afterwards, and they reap it in three Months; those who have not sown, buy their provision for the whole year at that time; those who have, and are obliged to go to the Receiver, carry him such a proportion of gold as they think reasonable, which the Receiver carries afterwards to the King, and is very well treated for his pains.  
Their Mays or Turkey Corn, agrees best with the Hills, their Millet and Rice with the Valleys; they plant their Mays, as we do our Peas, but their Millet and Mays is sown as we do our Corn.  
I did not observe many Flowers upon the Coasts, only one whose leaves and stalk were as large as our Mustard-tree: the flower is of an admirable flame colour, but no scent at all, they are most common about the Isle of Saint Thomas.  
Their Salt is whiter and better than ours, they make it in great quantity in January, February, and March, which they carry up afterwards higher into the Country, and make good advantage by it, but it has this defect, it will not endure their violent heats, but becomes bitter and acide.   

Of their Gold, where it is found, and how, with the variety of works they make of it.  
THe Gold which is transported in so great quantities from these Coasts, that it gives them the Epithet of Golden, is taken in several places.  
The Gold of Axime is reckoned the best, and is oftentimes found in pieces of two and twenty, or three and twenty Carrots.  
The Gold of Acara or Tasore, is something less: that of Acanis and Achema is next, and the worst of all is the Gold of Fetu.  
The manner of taking it, is known only by the report of the Negroes, and (if they speak truth) is several ways.  
Those of Axime and Achema find it in the sands of their Rivers, in powder: & 'tis to be supposed would they dig at the feet of the Mountains where these Rivers arise, 'tis probable they would meet with greater proportions, seeing by their own confessions, after a lusty shower their plenty is increased, upon which score they have this superstition amongst them, that when they want Gold, they pray to their Fetiches to send them good store of rain, and they are sure to be supplied, as I hinted before.  
The Gold of Acara comes from the Mountain of Taffou, some thirty leagues distance, from the Town, which is three day's journey up in the Country: One of the Captains of the Blacks had a great desire to have carried me to the place, & would have lest the King's Brother and Son in hostage: but the water sailing as we were ready to go, we could not proceed in our design. He told us that the Mine belonged to the King, that there was no more to be done but to dig about the Mountain, and they would have gold enough; that those who found it were to have one Moiety, and the King the other, that he had an ingot of gold before his gate, which by the universal confession of all the Negroes, was bigger than the Fetiche of the whole Country, and taken out of this Mountain.  
An Officer at Frederisbourg, who has been several times at Fetu and Acanis, assured me, that those two Kings had each of them before the gates of their Palaces, a golden Fetiche of a vast bigness, not so big indeed as that of the King of Fetu, but yet full as big as a Peck.  
The gold of Acanis and Fetu, is found in the earth by digging, sometimes more, and sometimes less; he which discovers a Mine has one half, & the King the other: it is never above twenty or one & twenty Carrots; it is melted down at neither place, but brought to us aboard as it is taken out of the ground.  
The Danish General has an ingot of gold, taken out of the Mountain of Tafou, which weighs seventeen Marks, and about the seventh part of an Ounce. It was a present sent him by the King of Acara, when his Army was beaten by the Seigneur of Acara, and he protected him in his Fort.  
When the French and the Portugais frequented these Coasts, the Natives knew not the value of their gold, but since other Nations have been admitted, (and the Hollanders especially) they have learned, by their earnest desire to have it, that 'tis of more price, and do now hold it so dear, and stand so high in their demands, 'tis almost insupportable.  
Besides that, they have found out new ways of increasing their quantities by adulterating it, and mingling it with little pieces of Copper, which they call Quaquara, or otherwise with Brass: the chief place for this Artifice is Commendo, where I may say boldly, there are the best cheats in the world.  
Yet these practices are only amongst the lesser sort of Merchants of whom great care is to be taken, for they are so ingenious in this kind, there is not a cheat or forgery that can fall under the invention of mankind, which they do not use for the circumvention of strangers.  
They pretend very much to imitate the Europeans in their working of their Gold, & to speak truth they are so happy as to surpass all the workmen I ever saw; their files are much ●iner than ours, and will make their work as fine as our Filigranne.  
The King of Fetu has a Casque, and a suit of Arms of beaten Gold, admirably well done. Amongst other things, they make great quantities of Bracelets of polished Gold, and of those Fetiches which they wear upon their heads, as thin as paper: But above all things they transcend in their hatbands, which they make of threads as fine as any hair. Their Kings have their Vessels in Gold still, their working Goldsmiths making every thing they fancy, and every thing that comes into their heads.  
The Wives and Daughters of their Kings, Merchants, and Nobility of that Country, are so well laden with Rings, Bracelets, & Fetiches of Gold, especially when they go to their Balls, that they have sometimes in such trifles, to the weight of 20, or 25 Marks of Gold, and the men to thirty or forty.  
It is so incredibly plentiful in those parts, that a King upon an ordinary Festival will distribute two hundred Marks of Gold amongst his Courtiers, and sometimes more; for which reason, the Negro's delight to have liberal Kings, that their largesses may be more frequent, and the Gold (not being locked up in their private Coffers) may expend and circulate through the whole Kingdom.  
Nor is the dearness of their provisions, a small argument of the plenty aforesaid; a Fricassee of Pullet's bought of the Moors will cost two Crowns at least, a Pot of their Palm-wine, as it comes entirely from the tree, a Crown, and is no more than three of our Chopines at Paris. 'Tis true amongst themselves things are not altogether so dear, but having taken up an opinion that the Whites make triple advantage of whatever they buy of them, they sell every thing they can possibly at that rate to them: their fish is somewhat cheaper indeed, & for ten pence one may have as much as will suffice ten men.  
Notwithstanding all the pains I did take, I could never inform myself further concerning their Gold, or their manner of taking it out of the Mines: talk to a thousand persons of it, and they will all tell you several stories, not that they are ignorant themselves, but their diffidence of the Whites is so invincibly great, they will never be persuaded to impart it to them.   

Of the return of our Vessel for Europe.  
THe immense profits that are made upon these Coasts being obvious to all people, it would be superfluous to speak any more of them: by the universal consent of the whole world, it is agreed, that these Voyages are more certain, and advantageous than any other, which appears by the extraordinary attempts have been made by all Nations of Europe, to make themselves absolute Masters there, and evinceth the truth of what I have said, to any one that imagines the contrary, so that it remains now, that I speak only one word of our return.  
Having finished our trading designs, we weighed Anchor from before Frederisbourg, the twentieth of April, & sailed directly for the Port of Saint Thomas, (which is an Island belonging to the Portugais, situated directly under the Line) to supply ourselves with victuals for so long a Voyage. The first two days we steered our course East and by South, the two next East Southeast, and the two next full East; after which, we discovered the Island of Saint Thomas, and came to an Anchor before the Castle on the sixth of May, seven days after our departure from Frederisbourg, having made in all twenty six leagues and upwards.   

The Description of the Isle of St. Thomas which lies under the Line.  
ON the 8th. of May we made a visit to the Governor of the Castle, who received us with great civility, but would not be persuaded to permit us to go into the Town; he gave Orders to his Lieutenant to treat us with all respect, which he was not able to perform himself, by reason of an indisposition that was upon him at that time.  
He is a little man, well proportioned, about 40 or 50 years of age, his name is Acosta, a fierce quick man, but very civil. That night a Captain of the Fort came aboard us, to whom we gave an account of what provisions we wanted, and the Governor ordered us to be supplied the last day in Rogation week.  
Every day whilst we lay there at Anchor, our men went to a little River which runs hard by into the Sea, to provide ourselves with fresh water, which is indeed the best in all Africa, for we kept it a year afterwards, and it was as good and as sweet as at the first day. During all the time we were there, not one person of our Crew was permitted to go on shore, but myself, who had that privilege by being a Frenchman.  
I lay on shore three nights, but desiring the Governors leave that our Notary might do the same for the benefit of his health, he told me for myself all places were free, I might go whether, and buy what I pleased, but for the Notary he could not permit it, he being a Fleming; that if our whole Equipage had been French, they should all have had the same liberty, but that the Portugais had too rational a jealousy of the Dutch to allow them a freedom that had not been practised since the Island came into their hands; that the Town was then a rebuilding, and that there still remained the footsteps of the mischiefs and desolations the Hollanders had made there, especially amongst their Churches, which were very beautiful.  
The Island of Saint Thomas is about sixty leagues in circumference, it has a Bishopric in it, and a Cathedral (which they were then in repairing) not inferior in bigness to Saint Meredick in Paris, but much more beautiful, and neat, the Music and Chapter were maintained at the King of Portugal's charge: Besides that they had Negroes to their Priests, I was much pleased to hear the little Morish Boys, which serve there in the Choir, and sing without Notes or Books, as exactly as our Choristers in France, which I observed in their Procession, the first day of their Rogations: all the Moors in that Island are Christians: the Town consists of about five hundred houses, the most part of Wood, since the Hollanders took it, and burned it.  
The general opinion is, that this Island is not healthful, but they have all things necessary for the life of man, in that plenty and abundance, that 'tis a Miracle to me considering the heat of the Climate, and the unwholesomeness of the air. The Sugar which comes from hence, is cried up above all the Sugar in the world.  
They have a fair Citadel built upon the Seaside, on the East-side of the Town (with its gate towards the North) about the distance of Musket shot; the figure is square, fortified with four good Bastions, lined with Freestone, planted with sixty pieces of brass Canon, carrying from eight to eight and forty pound bullet. But so many Authors having writ of it at large, it would but importune the Reader to enlarge any farther.  
Upon Ascension day we weighed Anchor, and set sail for Europe, having saluted the Castle with 5 Guns, and received their compliment in three, steering South-west, though the wind stood Southeast, and is so constantly upon those Coasts, the next day we discovered Anabou, another Island in the possession of the Portugais; at which place we began to alter our course Westward, as we did many times afterwards, according to the discretion of our Pilots.  
We passed on the backside of Scotland, coasting upon the Isles de Terro, which are under the Dominion of the King of Denmark, and upon the Coasts of Norway, where meeting with some Dutch Ships, we received the first news of the Treaty at Breda, which was the most remarkable thing in our passage; for our Pilots having been mistaken, and run to the windward, more than two hundred leagues too much, I can say but little of our return.  
In short, on the 29th of August we found ourselves at the mouth of the Texel, where for want of a fair wind our Ship was forced to ride at Anchor till the first of September, at which time we entered, and on the fourth following came to an Anchor before Amsterdam, where all the Officers, (except the Captain and the Secretary) were arrived the last of August, by the convenience of a Shallop with Oars, which do usually come out to all such Ships as are to go into the Texel, for that purpose.  
And thus was our Voyage concluded, having spent in our journey, our stay, and return, about nine Months and a half, without any disaster, or the loss of any more than one man, who died as we were passing the Line, of a Dissentery he had got at the Island of Saint Thomas, by eating too great a quantity of their Sugar, and sweet meats; all the rest both Officers and Shoulders were continually in health, lively, brisk, and well disposed, without the least malady or sickness in the world. For which, God be praised.   
FINIS.