THE TRAVELS OF Sig. Pietro della Valle, A Noble ROMAN, INTO EAST-INDIA AND Arabia Deserta.  
In which, the several Countries, together with the Customs, Manners, Traffic, and Rites both Religious and Civil, of those Oriental Princes and Nations, are faithfully Described: In Familiar Letters to his Friend Signior MARIO SCHIPANO.  
Whereunto is Added A Relation of Sir THOMAS ROE's Voyage into the EASTINDIES.  
LONDON, Printed by I. Macock, for john Martin, and james Allestry; and are to be sold at their Shop, at the Bell in St Paul's Churchyard. 1665.   

Imprimatur,  
Whitehall, june 4. 1664. WILL. MORICE.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ROGER Earl of ORRERY, etc.  
My Lord,  
IT is not more commonly then truly observed, That the Preeminence of Excellent Things is universally attended with a proportionable Result of Benefit to those of Inferior Degree: And the same may with equal verity be affirmed of the Glory of Great Personages. Your Names serve, not only to distinguish you, or, by the Addition of Titles, to give you higher rank in the State; but, like the Sun communicating Light and Life together, they animate and beautify whatever is irradiated by them. Which general Consideration, though it could not give me any particular Right, yet it may in some sort warrant the sutableness of dedicating this Transcript to your Lordship's Name; A Name, which besides having been able to revive and support a long-depressed Interest in a Considerable Kingdom, is so highly celebrated upon the account of other Performances, as scarce to find a Parallel among those of your own, or any other Orb. Nor is it a little ground of Confidence to me, that what I present is neither wholly my own in any sort, nor any of it otherwise then as an Interpreter; nor (lastly) one of those refined Pieces of Invention, which while your Protection is implored, do withal folicite your judgement; But of that kind of Writings, which containing Descriptions of Countries and their Customs, can only please by the Variety of the Relations, and the Veracity of the Relator. He, whom I have interpreted, was a Noble Roman, (Persons of which Quality, as they have greater Curiosity, so they have far more Advantages in reference to making of Observations in Foreign Countries, than they whose chief business is Traffic) and was carried only by his own curious Genius into those Oriental parts of the World, whereof he here gives an Account; which is so full of delightful Variety, and considerable Remarks, that as after his Return his Person was dignifid with an Honourable Office in the Court of his own Prince; so, since his Death, his Travels have no less happily travelled, and been naturalised in some other Languages.  
The other Piece hath been judged fit to be adjoined, as one of the Exactest Relations of the Eastern parts of the World that hitherto hath been published by any Writer, either Domestic or Foreign; having been penned by one that attended Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy 
Inter eos qui relationes suas de hoc Regno (sc. M. Mogolis) prodiderunt, facilè fide & dignatione princeps est Thomas Roeus, Mag: Britanniae Regis ad superiorem Indiae Regem Legatus. Saith john de Laet.  to the Great mogul: Than whom, 'tis acknowledged by one of that Country that trades most into those parts, none ever gave a more faithful Account thereof. It remains only, that, as by this action I have (t●ough with all the Modesty that becomes m●) assumed an Interest in a Great Name, so 〈◊〉 also testify the Honour and Veneration I bear to Great Worth and Rare Accomplishments; which I shall do summarily (and yet in the utmost importance of the words) by professing myself,  
My Lord, Your Lordships in all Humble Respect and Observance, G. haver's.   

P. Scipionis Sgambati è Societate Jesus, PETRO â VALLE PATRICIO Romano, Ob cineres Conjugis ex ASIA revectos.  

AeNeadum soboles Albani sanguinis haeres,  
Aeneae proavi quam bene facta refers!  
Ille senem ex Asia fertur vexisse parentem;  
Ex Asia conjux est tibi ducta comes.  
Par utrique fides esset, nisi quòd tua major  
Est pietas, Italûm gloria VALLIADE.  
Ille senem extinctum Siculâ tellure reliquit;  
Tu Romam extinctae conjugis ossa vehis.    

THE TRAVELS OF Peter Della Valle, Surnamed The Traveller. Containing a DESCRIPTION of the EASTINDIES, etc.  

LETTER I.  
From Suràt, March 22. Anno 1623.  
IN the beginning of this year, at my departure 
1.  from Persia, I writ last to you from aboard the Ship called the Whale, in which I was newly embarked upon the coasts of that Country, and had not yet begun my Voyage. Since which time having sailed over a good part of the Ocean, arrived at the famous Countries of India, travelled and viewed no inconsiderable portion thereof; by conveniency of the same Ship which brought me hither, and is ready to set sail speedily towards Muchà in the Arabian Gulf, (and the rather for that a Germane Gentleman a friend of mine is embarked in her, with an intention to travel from thence, in case he can get passage, to see Aethiopia;) with this Letter (which I recommend to him to get transmitted into Italy, if possible, from those Ports of the Red Sea, or by the way of Cairo, where they trade, or by some other conveyance) I come again to give you an Account of my Adventures, and the Curiosities which have hitherto afforded delicious repast to my always hungry Intellect. To begin therefore: Upon Thursday the 19 of january, having dispatched and taken order for what was needful, a little before day, after the discharge of some Guns, as 'tis the custom at going off from any Coast, we began leisurely to display our sails, moving but slowly, because we waited for the shipboat which was still at shore; upon whose return we unfolded all our Canvas, and though with a small gale, directed our course between the Islands of Ormuz and Kesom, passing on the outer side of Ormuz next Arabia, in regard the shallowness of the Channel towards Persia afforded not water enough for such great Ships as ours. We were in company only two English Ships, namely, the Whale, which was the Captainship, (in which I was embarked) commanded by Captain Nicholas Woodcock, and another called the Dolphin, which had for Captain, Master Matthew Willis. At noon, being near Lareck, and no wind stirring, we cast Anchor without falling our sails, and our Captain sent his long boat a shore to Lareck, with two Greyhounds which the English of Combrù had given him, to catch what game they could light upon. Towards night we set sail again; but though the wind somewhat increased, yet because the boat was not returned we struck sail a little, and stayed for it, discharging also several musket-shots, to the end those that were in it might hear and see where we were: And because 'twas one a clock in the night, and the Boat was not yet come, we doubted some disaster might have befallen it, in regard of the multitude of those Arabian Thiefs called Nouteks, which rob upon that Sea, and frequently reside in this Island of Lareck: Yet at length it returned safe and sound, and brought us abundance of Goats; whereupon we again spread our sails freely to the wind, which was pretty stiff, although not much favourable to our course. However, we went onwards, plying from the coast of Arabia to that of Persia; and on Saturday morning, as we drew near the Arabian shore, we saw three small Islands, situate near one another, and not far from a certain Cape, the name of which, and the Islands, they could not tell me, so as that I might set it down truly; whereby I perceived how it comes to pass that many names of places in these parts are very corruptly written in Geographical Charts; for in the Countries themselves, where commerce is had for the most part with rude and ignorant people, few of them know how to pronounce the same aright. On Sunday we went from our Ship to recreate ourselves in the Dolphin, our companion, where the Captain entertained us liberally all day. In the mean time we had a good fresh gale, and sailing directly in the middle of the gulf, we beheld both the coasts of Arabia Felix and Persia; and in the latter discerned a famous white Rock, which standing in the midst of a low sandy shore, looks like a little hill made by hand. We passed the Cape, which they call in Persian Combarick, that is, small sand; and the next night we left behind us the point or peak of Giasck. On Monday, the Sea being calm, the Captain and I were standing upon the deck of our ship, discoursing of sundry matters; and he took occasion to show me a piece of a Horn which he told me himself had found in the year 1611. in a Northern Country, whither he then sailed, which they call Greenland, lying in the latitude of seventy six degrees. He related how he found this horn in the earth, being probably the horn of some Animal dead there; and that when it was entire it was between five and six feet long, and seven inches in circumference at the root, where it was thickest. The piece which I saw (for the horn was broken, and sold by pieces in several places) was something more than half a span long, and little less than five inches thick; the colour of it was white, inclining to yellow, like that of Ivory when it is old; it was hollow and smooth within, but wreathed on the outside. The Captain saw not the Animal, nor knew whether it were of the land or the sea; for according to the place where he found it, it might be as well one as the other: but he believed, for certain, that it was of a Unicorn; both because the experience of its being good against poison argued so much, and for that the signs attributed by Authors to the Unicorn's horn agreed also to this, as he conceived. But herein I descent from him; inasmuch as, if I remember aright, the horn of the Unicorn, whom the Greeks called Monoceros, is by Pliny described black, and not white. The Captain added that it was a report, that Unicorns are found in certain Northern parts of America, not far from that Country of Greenland; and so not unlikely but that there might be some also in Greenland, a neighbouring Country, and not yet known whether it be Continent or Island; and that they might sometimes come thither from the contiguous lands of America, in case it be no Island. This Country of Greenland is of late discovery; and the first Christian that discovered it, or went thither, was this Captain Woodcock, in the year abovementioned; and he gave it the name of Greenland upon this account, because whereas the other Northern Countries thereabouts are destitute of grass, (whence the white Bears and Wolves which inhabit them live upon dead Whales and other like things) he found this green and full of Grass, although it be always covered over with Snow; so that when the Animals there mind to feed, they hollow the snow with their feet, and easily find the grass which is kept continually fresh under the same. The English now yearly sail thither, where they take abundance of Whales; and some so vast, that when they open the mouth, the wideness is above three Geometrical paces, or fifteen foot over. Of these Whales the English make Oil, drawing it only out of the fat of their paunch; and they make such plenty, that out of one single Whale, they say, they often get 19, 20, and 21, Tun of Oil. This Greenland, by what Captain Woodcock saw, who discovered it, from the end of seventy six degrees, to seventy eight and a half, (the cold not suffering him to go further) was un-inhabited; he not having found any person there but only wild beasts of many sorts. The Company of the Greenland Merchants of England had the horn which he found, because Captains of ships are their stipendiaries, and, besides their salary, must make no other profit of their Voyages; but whatever they gain or find, in case it be known, and they conceal it not, all accrues to the Company that employs them. When the Horn was entire, it was sent to Constantinople to be sold, where two thousand pounds Sterling was offered for it: But the English Company hoping to get a greater rate sold it not at Constantinople, but sent it into Muscovy, where much about the same price was bidden for it; which being refused, it was carried back into Turkey, and fell of its value; a much less sum being now proffered then before. Hereupon the Company conceived, that it would sell more easily in pieces, then entire; because few could be found who would purchase it at so great a rate. Accordingly they broke it, and it was sold by pieces in sundry places; yet for all this, the whole proceed amounted only to about twelve hundred pounds Sterling. And of these pieces they gave one to the Captain who found it, and this was it which he showed me.  
On the 25. of january, sailing in the main Sea with the prow of the Ship South East and by East; and, as I conceive, at a 
II.  good distance from the Country of Macran, (which I conjecture to be part either of the ancient Caramania, or else of Gedrosia, and at this day having a Prince of its own, lies upon the Sea Coast between the States of the Persian and those of the Moghol) we discerned behind us three or four Ships which seemed to be Frigates or Galliots, but towards Evening we lost sight of them. The same day, and the other before, began to be seen in the Sea abundance of certain things, which I took to be Snakes, or at least fishes in the form of Snakes, being exactly of the form of large Eels, long and round, and according to the motion of the water seemed crooked as they floated along the Sea. Nevertheless demanding of intelligent persons what they were, I understood that they were neither those Animals, nor yet living things, but only a kind of excrement of the Sea in that shape, void of all motion, saving what the agitated water gave it; although by reason of the motion of the ship they seemed to move contrary to us, whilst we saw them left behind. And they told me, that the nearer we came to India, we should see more of these things. The next Evening, our Captain, who was a little more merry than ordinary, (because, the Captain of the Dolphin dining with us that day, he had drank pretty freely in conversation) discoursing with me, as he was wont, after Supper, spoke very frankly to me concerning their affairs of Ormuz: In conclusion he told me, that their Treaty with the Persians stood thus; That if they would deliver to the English the Fortress of Ormuz, with half the revenues of the Custom-house and the City, as they desired from the beginning; then the English would people Ormuz, and restore the trade as formerly, keeping the same continually open with Persia; and that for this purpose, and also for guarding that Sea against the Portugals and other Enemies, they would keep four ships in Ormuz. That when this were agreed upon, the English would transport a good number of people from England, and whole Families with Wives and Children, to dwell in Ormuz, as the Portugals did before: and then they would prosecute the War against the Portugals at Maschat, and every where else. But if these things were not agreed to, they would make War no longer against the Portugals; nor cared they for the Traffic of Persia upon other terms. Now should these Treaties take effect, they would in no wise be advantageous for the Catholic Religion; and were there no more to be feared, the Portugals would thereby be for ever excluded from recovering Ormuz; yea, all the rest which they possess in those parts would be in great danger. Imanculi Beig, who was General of the Persians in the late Wars, and with whom the English treated in Combrù concérning this affair, Captain Woodcock said, inclined to the bargain; but it was not known what the Chan of Sciraz, and (which is more important) the King would do. On one side, I know, the Persians insisted much upon having Ormuz wholly to themselves; accounting it a small matter to have gained, with so much War, and loss of men, only the half, or rather less than half, the Fortress being deducted which the English demanded for themselves; so that the Persians would have but the same interest there as the King of Ormuz had with the Portugals, and no more. They conceive also, that they have done little, and perhaps ill, should they make no greater acquisition, in having only changed the Portugals in Ormuz for the English, and Christians for Christians; that upon easier terms it might be hoped, that perhaps the Portugals, after the loss of Ormuz, would agree with the Persians, now there was no more to lose, and only give the Persians that which the King of Ormuz, a Mahometan like themselves, enjoyed. Moreover, to the Persian, no doubt, the friendship of the Portugals would be more profitable, in regard of the many States which they possess in India, from whence they may with more facility and certainty maintain the accustomed Commerce with Persia. But, on the other side, to see the Portugals so worsted, and the English more fortunate, at least, and courageous, if not more strong, 'tis a clear case that Ormuz will never be reinhabited, nor Trade set on foot again, unless some Nation of the Franks, which have ships and strength at sea, reside there (things which the Persians wholly want, there being neither Mariners nor Timber in Persia, about that Sea, wherewith to build ships) and the loss resulting to Persia by the tinguishing of this Traffic, the charge of maintaining the Fortress of Ormuz without any profit, and the continual danger of losing it every hour, unless the English guard the Sea with their ships and help to defend it; these and other like considerations may not improbably induce the King of Persia (contented to have demonstrated his power and valour, and chastised his Enemies, the Portugals, according to his desire) to grant the English as much as they demand: For he should not yield it to them upon force, but out of his liberality; and for his own profit give them that freely, which to retain to himself, as things now stand, would not only be of no advantage, but of loss. Peradventure he may also imagine now, in the pride of his victory, that as with help of the English he has driven the Portugals out of Ormuz; so 'twill be easy for him to expel the English too, either by the help of others, or else by his own Forces alone, should they not comply with him. However, because these Treaties with the Persian are managed by the Company, of Merchants who also made the War, and not by the King of England; and hitherto 'tis not known, whether their King approve the fact or no, and will prosecute or let fall the enterprise; therefore, for a total conclusion, besides the consent of the King of Persia, they also wait the determination of the King of England; and the greatest hope I have of the defeating of these projects so prejudicial to the Catholics, is this alone, that the English King will not meddle in them, and, perhaps also, prohibit his Subjects so to do; as a person whom we know to be a Friend to Peace, most averse from all kind of War, especially with the King of Spain, while the Match of his Son with the Daughter of Spain is in agitation.  
In the mean time we began to find the Sea sufficiently rough, being got wholly out of the Persian Gulf, and entered into the 
III.  open Sea, (termed by the Ancients Mare rubrum, and by us at this day the Southern Ocean) and having passed not only the Cape of Giasck, but also that of Arabia, which the Portugals vulgarly call Rosalgate, as it is also set down in the Maps; but properly aught to be called Ras el had, which in the Arabian Tongue signifies Capo deal fine, or the Cape of the Confine, because 'tis the last of that Country, and is further than any other extended into the Sea; like that of Galicia in our Europe, which for the same reason we call Finis Terrae. On Saturday, the 28. of january, having taken the meridional altitude of the Sun, according to daily custom, and made such detraction of degrees as was necessary, we found ourselves twenty three degrees five minutes distant from the Equinoctial towards the North: whence by consequence we had passed the Tropic of Cancer twenty six minutes and a half, according to the opinion of the Moderns, who reckon the Sun's greatest declination where the Tropics are, twenty three degrees thirty one minutes and a half distant from the Equinoctial. During the succeeding days we sailed with a brisk but favourable wind, and with a Sea not tempestuous but something rough. Every day about the hour of noon the Sun's altitude was infallibly observed, not only by the Pilots, as the custom is in all ships, and the Captain, (who was a good Seaman, and performed all the exercises of Art very well) but (which pleased me most, and which I thought worthy of great praise and imitation) there was no day, but at that hour twenty or thirty mariners, masters, boys, young men, and of all sorts came upon the deck to make the same observation; some with Astrolabes, others with Cross-staffs, and others with several other instruments, particularly with one which they told me was lately invented by one David, and from his name called David's-staff. This Instrument consists of two Triangles united together, one longer than the other, both having their base arched, and between them in the circle of their bases containing an entire quadrant of ninty degrees. But whereas the shortest Triangle, whose Angles are less acute, contains sixty degrees divided by ten (according to custom) in the circle of its base, which are two thirds of a quadrant; the other longer and of acuter Angles, which extends much backward, and opens in a wider circle at the base, comprehends no more than thirty, which make the remainder of the quadrant; so that the longer Triangle contains fewer degrees by half then the shorter; and he that would have the degrees larger for the better subdividing them into minutes, may make the circle or base of the lesser Triangle take up seventy degrees, and so there will remain to the longer no more than twenty for the compliment of the quadrant. According to this distribution, the degrees in the longer Triangle will come to be so large, as to be capable of the smallest division of minutes; a thing very important. Besides, it hath two Fanes or Sights, in each Triangle one, which are to be moved backward and forward; and with these, that is, with that of the long Triangle, the level of the Horizon is taken; and with the other of the short Triangle, that of the Sun; with this further conveniency, that the Sights being sufficiently large, are therefore very expedient for performing the operation with speed, notwithstanding the dancing of the ship when the Sea is rough; in which case, if the Sights be too small, 'tis hard to make any observation. With this Instrument, and several others, many of the English performed their operations every day; such as knew not how to do them well, were instructed; and if any one erred in computation or otherwise, his error was showed him, and the reason told him, that so he might be trained to work exactly: The opinion of the skilful was heard, and taken notice of; and at length all the observations being compared together, the Pilot and the Captain resolved, and with mature counsel determined of all; by which means their voyages are very well managed, and almost always succeed prosperously to them. In the Portugal ships I hear the contrary comes to pass; because the Pilots being extremely jealous of their affairs (an habitual humour of that Nation) will be alone to make their observations, and for the most part perform them in secret, without any Associate to see them: Should any other person in the ship offer to take the altitude of the Sun, or look upon the Map or Compass, or do any thing that relates to the well guiding of the Vessel, and knowing its course, they would quarrel with him, and by no means suffer him to do it; being averse that any other should meddle with what they say is their office and belongs to them alone. From their being so little communicative, and very averse to teach others, it happens that few amongst them understand any thing of the Art of Navigation, there being none that will teach it experimentally; and they understand little enough, because they have no conference about the practical part, and learn much less of the Theory. This is the reason that their ships frequently miscarry, to the incredible detriment both of particular persons and of the Kingdom: And which is worse, 'tis said that not only many of them are lost through the ignorance or negligence of those that guide them, but also sometime by malice: For the Portugal Pilots have got a custom when they are to make a Voyage, to take up great sums of money at Lisbon upon interest, the most they can get to trade withal; and they take the same by way of Venture upon the ships which they guide: Now when by the way any small disaster befalls them, they not only avoid it not, as many times they might do, but, if they be of evil intention, they cunningly run the ships aground either in these Coasts of Africa or elsewhere; so that though oftentimes the people, and also the arms, goods, especially of the greatest value be saved, yet so it is, that sometimes many perish or suffer excessive loss; and this only to the end, that the shipwreck may be the occasion of their remaining gainers of the moneys taken up at interest upon the hazard aforesaid; which moneys they carry not with them to trade withal, but leave all at home in Portugal: A practice indeed very pernicious, and which ought to be most rigorously punished: but the Portugals have now no King in their Country to mind their affairs, and the government depends upon Madrid, where perhaps they that administer it, being more intent upon their private interests than the public, these and infinite other disorders pass unredressed. The English, on the contrary, and other Europaeans which sail upon the Ocean, are most diligent and strict observers of all exact discipline, and of what concerns the good conduct of their ships; and because they well understand all the most exquisite points of Navigation, and are extremely curious, as well in the Practice as in the Theory, they spare no pains, and neglect not the doing of any thing whereby they may render their Navigations in all places more easy and secure: Insomuch that Captain Woodcock, upon occasion of his having stayed a year and odd months with his ship in the Persian Gulf, showed me a Chart or Platform of the whole Straight of Ormuz, made by himself during that time with the highest exactness; for he had not only taken the most just measures and distances of all the adjacent places, but also sounded all the Coast with a plummet, to find all the convenient places where great ships, such as theirs, might ride and cast anchor when occasion should require.  
On the Third of February, conceiving by our reckoning that 
FOUR  we were near India, in the Evening we let down the plummet into the Sea, as we used often to do, and found it not above seventeen fathom; whereby 'twas concluded, that we were little more than six leagues distant from land, although by reason of the darkness of the Air none could be yet discerned; because that precise depth of water uses to be found in those Seas at that distance from land. The Captain, who by well observing the Sun and the Winds, had every day diligently noted the ships way in the Map, as the custom is, hoped that we might be near the City of Daman, which lies within the Gulf of Cambaia, on the right hand as you enter into it, a good way inwards; but I, without having so much minded the Maps, said, that I conceived we were much lower, and more without the Gulf towards Bassain; because although we had always sailed and kept the ships prow directed to Daman by the shortest line, yet for the two or three last days we had had the Wind for that place contrary; which although it hindered us not from holding our course, because we helped ourselves with the rudder, and siding of the sails, yet the violence of the Wind must needs have continually driven the ship something lower than we intended. Two hours after midnight, the current of the Gulf of Cambaia being contrary, against which, by reason of its impetuosness, there is no sailing for a while, but the ship must stay either for the turning of it, (which is known when it will happen, because it regularly changes according to the hours and days of the Moon) or for a strong Wind wherewith to master the current; for this reason, and also that the daylight might resolve us in what place we were, we cast anchor, and struck sail, to wait for a more fitting time. The Sea in this place began to be very rough, which happens by reason of the strong current which it hath. The next Morning we discerned land afar off, and, according to my conjecture, it appeared that we were lower, that is, more to the South of Daman about twelve leagues, in a place a little distant from Bassain, which the English call Terra di San Giovanni, but in the Sea-Chart is noted in the Portugal Tongue with the name of Ilhas das vaccas, or the Islands of Cows. About one a clock in the Afternoon, the Tide being become less contrary, we set sail again by degrees, approaching still nearer the shore of India. But a little before Night the current turning against us, we were constrained to cast anchor once more; nevertheless after midnight it became favourable again, and we sailed onwards by degrees till day. This slow course through the Gulf of Cambaia, with the plummet always in hand, and sounding every hour, it was requisite for us to hold, because the place is dangerous, in regard of the many shelves or quicksands which are in it, and especially because the current, which turns every six hours, now setting one way, and anon the other, causes great hindrance. By reason of which shelves, from the time of our entrance into the Gulf, we did not guide the ship directly towards Suràt, which no doubt would have been the shortest way by a straight line, but keeping lower towards Daman, fetched a large compass to the South, tacking about afterwards to the North when we were near land, only to avoid the many shelves and shallows, through which our great ships could not pass. On Sunday, the the fifth of February, being at anchor in the Morning, we discovered near the land, which was not very far from us, ten or fifteen Frigates or Galliots sailing Eastwards; which probably were either Portugal or Indian Merchants of some Cafila, (as they call a Fleet or Consort of ships) coming from Cambaia to go to Goa, or some other place thereabouts. The night following, we heard the report of Artillery, which we conceived to come from the City of Daman, being the place nearest us. Wednesday night after, the Wind blew somewhat hard against us, in regard whereof, and the strength of the current which carried us in that narrow channel amongst shelves and quicksands, we sailed for a good while very circumspectly, and not without some danger. On Thursday we stood right against the mouth of the River of Suràt, which City is not situate upon the shore, but some leagues within land: And because there is no station there for great ships, we continued sailing Northwards to the place where is the Port most frequented by the ships of Europe; which though the best of all that Coast, yet the Vessels of that Country, not knowing so well how to steer, make not much use of it, because the entrance is a little difficult. On Friday the tenth of February, in the Afternoon, the favour of the current failing us, we cast anchor in sight of the Port of Suràt at a little distance; and our boat going a shore, the Precedent of the English Merchants (who uses to reside in Suràt, and is superintendent of all their Trade in East-Ind 〈…〉 Persia, with the other places depending on the same, is now one Mr. Thomas Rastel) perceiving our ships near, and being at that time at the Seaside near the landing place, came in our boat to the ships, together with one of their Ministers, (so they call those who exercise the office of Priests) and two other Merchants; and after a collation and a supper lodged with us all night. He spoke Italian very well, and made me many civil offers and compliments; showing himself in all things a a person sufficiently accomplished, and of generous deportment, according as his gentile and graceful aspect bespoke him. He informed me, that Sigr Alberto di sciling, a Germane Gentleman, known to me in Persia, having returned from the Court of the Moghol, and other parts of India, which he had travelled to see, was at that time in Surat, from whence he was gone to see the City of Barocci hard by, and would return speedily: with which intelligence I was much pleased, because Sig: Alberto was my great friend, and I extremely desired to see him. On Saturday Morning we conversed together for some time, drinking a little of hot wine boiled with Cloves, Cinnamon, and other spices, which the English call burnt wine, and use to drink frequently in the Morning to comfort the stomach, sipping it by little and little for fear of scalding, as they do Cahue, (Coffee) by me elsewhere described. And they use it particularly in the Winter to warm themselves; though in India 'tis not necessary for that end, because albeit 'twas still Winter, according to our division of the seasons, yet we had more heat there then cold. After this short refection, the Precedent returned a shore, and I remained in the ship, not expecting to disimbarque till we were got into the Harbour, which was a little before night, and the anchors were cast very near the land: but because 'twas now late, and the City of Surat was a good distance off, none of us cared to land. Nor did I go out of the ship on Sunday, both because it was a sacred day, and because our Captain was pleased to give an Entertainment to us and the Captain of the Dolphin, our companion in the voyage. Monday, the thirteenth of the same month, was the day of my Ague, whereof I had had divers fits by the way at sea; nevertheless, after a collation I went on shore, together with the Captain of our ship, where we continued under certain tents pitched for convenience of the Tonnellers, (so the English term certain of their Mariners employed to fill the Casks with water) in expectation of Coaches to carry us to Surat; there being in those Country's subject to the Moghol, abundance of Coaches made after their fashion, which I formerly described when I saw some of them at Casbin, which the Indian Ambassador gave, amongst his presents, to the King of Persia; nor remains any thing more to be said of them, but that they are at this day much like the ancient Indian Chariots, described by Strabo, and 
Lib. 15.  are generally covered with crimson silk, fringed with yellow round about the roof and the curtains: And that the Oxen, which also as anciently draw the same, are fair, large, white, with two bunches like those of some Camels, and run and gallop like Horses; they are likewise covered with the same stuff, but beset with many tufts or tassels, and abundance of bells at their necks; so that when they run or gallop through the streets they are heard at a sufficient distance, and make a very brave show. With these kind of Coaches in India, they not only go in Cities, but also for the most part travel in the Country. To the Sea side came no Coach, and therefore the Captain went on foot to a Town a mile off, called Sohali, where he intended to spend the day in recreating himself amongst the Franks, who have Houses there for repositing the goods which they continually send to the Sea side to be shipped: but I could not accompany him, because of my Ague, and therefore stayed in a Tent, well covered with Clothes upon my bed, which I caused to be laid upon the ground, waiting till the Captain sent me a Coach, and Carts from the City for my goods. Whilst I was lying in this place, the violence of my fit was scarce over, when I beheld a Cavalier appear on the shore on Horseback, clothed and armed after the Indian manner with a Scemiter and Target, who came towards our Tent, and stood still to speak with some person, as if he enquired for something among us: Upon his nearer approach, and my better considering him, I perceived 'twas my great friend Sig: Alberto di sciling, who being returned from Barocci, whither the Precedent had told me he was gone, and hearing news of us, was come from Surat to the Sea side to meet me. Whereupon, raising myself suddenly from the bed, we received one the other with such kindnesses as are usual between two good friends, who come from far, and have not seen one another a long time; after which sitting down together, we recounted our adventures one to the other at length, he much condoling my misfortunes, and regretting to find me sufficiently different from what he had left me in Persia. Towards Evening came two Coaches and a Carr, with which we went together to the Town Sohali, where we found the two Captains of the ships waiting for us with a Collation ready prepared, which immediately they gave us, entertaining us in conversation till night; and certain Indian Women of the Town, public dancers, gave us some pastime by dancing to the sound of Drums, Bells, and other instruments of their fashion, which were sounded by their Husbands with very great noise, and not without disturbance of my head. A little within night the Captains took leave of us, and returned to their ships, and we betook ourselves to rest the remainder of the night in this Town, because it was necessary to stay till day before we could enter into Surat, the Gates of the City being shut in the night time, at least that of the Dogana, or Custom-house, through which we were to pass. They told us the way to the City was seven Cos, or Corù, (for 'tis all one) and every Cos or Corù is half a Fersegna, or league of Persia; so that it answers to little less than two English Miles.  
The next Morning very early we put ourselves on the way towards Surat, and being I conceived my abode there would be 
V.  but short, and that when I should depart thence my way would be by Sea; therefore to avoid greater trouble, both of conveyance and of the Dogana, or Custom-house, which is known to be rigorous in Surat, I left all my Trunks and gross luggage in the ship, and carried with me only such few things as were requisite for daily use. The highway from the Sea side to the City, (as 'tis also generally in this province of Guzarat, wherein we were) is all very even; the soil green all the year, and about the Town Sohali grow abundance of Trees of Indian Nuts, Tamarinds, and other fruits. Beyond the Town the Trees are not so plentiful, unless near certain houses; but the fields are every where either ploughed, or full of living creatures feeding in them. We arrived at the City in good time, in the entrance of which there is a River called Tapi, or Tapti, which was to be passed over by boat: On the other side of which River, something on the right hand as you go into the City, which hath no walls, stands a Castle lately built, but very ill designed. Moreover, near the place where the boats land stands the Dogana, or Custom-house, and it took us up some time to dispatch there, because they observe very narrowly all goods that are brought in, (although they be but Clothes for change) to see whether there be any thing coming to the Customs; nor will they suffer strangers to enter till they be first known and have licence, as 'tis also practised in Venice. In all things they proceed with so great wariness and good order, that it being known that I conducted with me the Sigra Mariuccia, although a girl very young, the Capo, or Precedent of the Dogana, required likewise to be informed of her quality, and gave order that she should not be conducted with any violence or other disorder: otherwise, in lawful things, there is no difficulty, either through diversity of Religion, or upon any other account. We were no sooner come to the Dogana, but the news of our arrival was, I think, by Sig: Alberto's means, carried to the House of the Dutch, many of which have Wives there which they married in India, purposely to go with them and people a new colony of theirs in java Major, which they call Batavia Nova; where very great privileges are granted to such of their Countrymen as shall go to live there with Wives and Families: For which end, many of them, for want of European, have taken Indian, Armenian, and Syrian Women, and of any other race that falls into their hands, so they be or can be made Christians. Last year the Fleet of the Portugals which went to India was encountered at Sea, and partly sunk, partly taken by the Hollanders; amongst other booty, three Maidens were taken, of those poor but well descended Orphans which are wont to be sent from Portugal every year at the King's charge, with a dowry which the King gives them, to the end they may be married in India, in order to further the peopling of the Portugal Colonies in those parts. These three Virgins falling into the hands of the Hollanders, and being carried to Suràt, which is the principal seat of all their traffic, the most eminent Merchants amongst them strove who should marry them, being all passably handsome. Two of them were gone from Suràt, whether to the abovesaid Colony, or elsewhere, I know not. She that remained behind was called Donna Lucia, a young Woman, fair enough, and Wife to one of the wealthiest and eminentest Hollanders. The Precedent of the Hollanders called by them the Commendator, who resides in Suràt, and has the general superintendency of their affairs in all these parts of the East, is at this time Sig: Pietro Vandenbroecke, a Gentleman of good breeding, and very courteous; he speaks no Italian, but Spanish very well, as being born at Antwerp: He lives in a goodly Palace, which hath many distinct apartments, with several entrances into a Court, like so many different houses, only included within the same wall, which is entered into by one great Gate: Here the Commendator holds the best and largest apartment to himself; in the rest lodge some of their gravest Merchants, which are of the Council for management of affairs, in order to their better conveniency and union, besides many others of inferior condition, which live out of this great enclosure, dispersed elsewhere in the City, and when occasion requires, they all repair to the Palace of the Commendator. Amongst those whose habitation was in the Palace of the Commendator, Donna Lucia's Husband has one of the principal, where he lives with his family and and Wife, whom, according to the custom of India, he maintains with much splendour and gallantry. Now upon their knowledge of our arrival, Donna Lucia presently sent her coach to bring Sig: Mariuccia to her house, for her better accommodation with her, till we had settled out business, and provided lodgings. I was well pleased with the motion, because till I had well accommodated myself with a place of residence, the Sig: Mariuccia could not be better disposed of then with this Portugal Gentlewoman, who is a Christian, and withal secretly a Catholic, with the privity and connivance of her Husband, although in public she makes a virtue of necessity, and in appearance conforms to the unhappy mode of that Nation, into whose power the fortune of war and the disaster of her Countrymen hath brought her. Sig: Alberto sciling, had, before we came from the Seaside, importuned me in the name of the Commendator to lodge at his house; which favour I much thanked him for, and handsomely declined, not thinking fit to accept it, because I had received and waved the like invitation made to me before by the English Precedent, who thought me the more obliged to comply with his offer, because I came in their Ships: But I excused myself both to the Commendator and the Precedent; partly, because I was desirous to be at liberty by myself, and partly, for that it was requisite for Sig: Mariuccia to be amongst Women, of which there was none in the English House. Being got quit of the Custom-house, I went to see for a House; and because I was a new comer, and and had no servant that knew the City, I referred myself to the direction of Sig: Alberto, who took this care upon himself, and soon after told me he had sent to get one prepared and put in good order; But by what I found afterwards, he had contrived with the Dutch Commendator only to delude me; for as he was carrying me to the place where he pretended to have taken a House for me, he made me pass by the Palace of the Hollanders, out of the Gate whereof a Gentleman belonging to the Commendator stepped forth, and invited me in his name to alight from my Horse, and at least stay and dine with him that day, the rather because Sigra Mariuccia was there; telling me that it was not convenient for me wait in the streets undecently and tediously, whilst a House was preparing for me elsewhere, which could not be done so speedily. Notwithstanding which reasons, I endeavoured all that possibly I could to decline this invitation, out of respect to the English Precedent, and with affectionate thanks desired the Gentleman to excuse me to the Sigr Commendator, straining myself to correspond to his courtesy with the best Compliments I had: But this availed me little; for as I was hastening to break off the discourse and be gone, the Commendator himself came forth into the street half undressed as he was in the house, and taking hold of my Horse's bridle, told me that he would by no means suffer me to go any where else now it was late without certain quarters; at least, I must needs stay and dine with him that day. Beholding him thus on foot before me, I alighted in civility from my Horse, and with the best words I could, endeavoured to get quit from the courteous violence which he used to me: But there was no remedy; he held me prisoner, as I may say, and I was fain to stay dinner with him as he desired. Moreover, when night came, being I was resolved to lodge in another House of mine own, under pretext that none could be got though sought for all day, (wherein I know not whether Sigr Alberto deluded me too) I was forced to accept of a large House from the Commendator which he had taken for himself, before his late removal to that great Palace wherein he lived with the rest of his Countrymen; which former House remaining empty at his charge and disposal, I was by his great importunity obliged to accept: Wherefore I went to lodge there this night, and for the conveniency of Sigra Mariuccia, they sent thither one of their Wives, a young Christian Woman of Armenian race, though born in India, with some other women-servants. Now lest the English Precedent should take this ill, I purposed to prevent him with terms of courtesy; and the next Morning after a short, and the last fit of my Tertian, I went to give him a visit, and make my excuses to him by representing to him the reasons of what had passed with the Hollanders, without any voluntary fault of mine: But upon my enquiry at his House, and sending my message to him, I was answered that he was not at home, although we perceived by certain signs that he was, but fairly declined to receive my visit. Wherefore understanding afterwards that he was much incensed not only against me, but also against the Holland Commendator, conceiving that he had unhandsomely stolen and usurped me from him, (as he said) in regard of the interest he had in us, upon the account of our being brought thither in their ships; and that he had a more particular displeasure against Sigr Alberto, knowing him to have been the principal occasion of all, I thought it expedient to appease him by all means, and upon what ever terms of satisfaction: Nevertheless I did not judge it meet to venture another repulse by going to visit him, but sent him a Letter in justification of myself, with all the civil expressions I could devise. At first he was something backward to receive it, doubting perchance that I had written angrily to him, in regard of my preceding visit: yet at length, upon the request of some mediators whom I made use of, he took it, read it, and remained very well satisfied with my proceedings, in which there was nothing but gentleness. The Commendator likewise, being one of an excellent nature, used all means he could to give the Precedent satisfaction, and to show him that what he had done with us was to no ill end; he went purposely to visit him, carrying Sig: Alberto with him, to the end he might justify himself too: both of them entreated, and both of them took the blame upon themselves; in fine, so much was done and said that the Precedent was reconciled with all. And because it was insisted on my behalf that he would admit a visit from me, he consented upon this condition, that this first time should not be simply my visit but his invitation, which accordingly he made to us to come all together that night to supper with him, where he treated us very splendidly, and every thing ended in jollity and friendship as at first. And all the while that I stayed at Suràt, he obliged me continually with sundry demonstrations of his affection; particularly, by often sending his own Coach to me, with his Interpreter, who is an Armenian Christian, and a Catholic, called Scander, Brother to F. Agostino Bagiezzi of Alingia, a Dominican, my acquaintance in Persia: which Interpreter being skilled in the Country, and conversing with me in the Persian Tongue, carried me frequently abroad to see sundry things. As for the Hollanders, the caresses and civilities which they have done, and still continue to me, are so numerous, that I shall have them in remembrance as long as I live. But 'tis time now to speak a little of this City, and the curiosities which here and elsewhere I have lately seen.  
The City of Suràt is of a handsome greatness, and, for these Countries, of sufficiently good building: 'Tis very populous, 
VI  as all other Cities and places are in India, which every where abounds with people. The Inhabitants are partly Gentiles, and partly Mahometans; and, if I am not deceived, the former are the greater number: However, they live all mixed together and peaceably, because the Gran Moghol, to whom Guzaràt is now subject, (having sometimes had a distinct King) although he be a Mahometan (but not a pure one, as they report) makes no difference in his Dominions between the one sort and the other: and both in his Court and Armies, and even amongst men of the highest degree, they are of equal account and consideration. Yet the Mahometans, as the Masters, especially those of the Mogholian Race, which now is the Imperial in these parts, seems to have some little more of authority. But forasmuch as I have formerly surveyed and observed the manners of the Mahometans both in Turkey and Persia, I now turn my mind to those of the Gentile-Idolaters in India, which are more new to me; and with such observations in reference to both, as shall seem worthy of notice, I shall not fail to acquaint you. In the first place, I shall give you the relation of a Nuptial Pomp, which I saw one day pass by my house in this manner; A long train of men with Drums and Trumpets before them marched in the day time first, carrying covered baskets full of sundry things, which were either a Present sent from the Bridegroom to the Bride, or rather the attiring of the Bride, which uses to be publicly shown in the East. Then followed on foot likewise some black Women-slaves, well clothed, being given to the Bride either by the Father or the Husband. Lastly, to conclude the Pomp, came a Palanchino, a kind of Litter, wherein persons of quality are wont to be carried in India. It was not of the ordinary form, which hang downwards upon one pole between the bearers before and behind; but it was to be carried on high upon poles by four men, one at each corner, and it was covered all over with silk, yet no body was within it; so that I know not what it served for, unless haply it was intended to transport the Bride to her Husband; this different fashion being for greater solemnity made use of, in such an occasion as Marriage. At night the married couples passed by, and, according to their mode, went round about the City with a numerous company. They were four, all very small Children, two boys and two girls; (for in India most Marriages are made at that age) and because they were not big enough to ride on Horseback alone, therefore they were held up by so many well-grown men who sat upon the saddle. Before them went many Torches and Musical instruments, with a great troop of people on foot accompanying them. But the persons of quality followed in Coaches, of which there was a good number, and going one by one they made a very long train; whereby it was known that the married Children were of considerable quality.  
Of remarkable things without the City, there is on one side 
VII.  a very large Cistern or Artificial Pool, surrounded with stonework, and contrived with many sides and angles, at which there are stairs leading down to the surface of the water. In the midst stands a little Island, which cannot be gone to but by boat or swimming. The Diametre of this Artificial Lake is two good furlongs, which in our parts would seem a competent largeness, but here 'tis not much; and this Fishpond of Suràt is not accounted among the greatest, but the least in India; where indeed they are numerous, and the most magnificent and goodly structures, or rather, the only structures in this Country which have any thing of magnificence or handsomeness. They are made in divers places by Princes, Governors of Countries, or other wealthy persons, for the public benefit, and as works of Charity; because the soil, suitable to the Climate, is sufficiently hot, and aboundeth not in water: Rivers are not in all places; and other running waters and springs there are scarce any, especially in the more inland parts remote from the Sea; Rain likewise very seldom through the whole year, saving in that season called by them Pausecàl, which signifies, The time of rain, being about three months, beginning about the middle of june; and during which time, the Rain is continual and very great: whence some upon this account call these three month's Winter, although the weather be then hottest, as well in India as in all the rest of the northern Hemisphere. And this, no doubt, proceeds from the Providence of God; since, were it not for this great rain, India would be in regard of the great heat and drought at this time, unhabitable; as likewise the whole torrid Zone, in which most of India lies, was believed by the Ancients, who had no knowledge of these marvellous rains, which render it not only habitable, but also fertile and most delicious. Now, for that the Country is in some parts so scarce of water, many Cities and inhabited places have no other but the rain-water gathered in these great Cisterns; which are so capacious, that one of them suffices a City for a whole year and more: And it not only affords drink to men and animals, but also they wash clothes and beasts in it when occasion requires, and make use of it to all purposes; whereby it comes to pass that in some places the water they have is not over clear; and the rude Indians care not for such delicacies, but 'tis enough for them if they have what is barely needful. The Cistern, or Lake of Suràt, hath a great Trench adjoined to it on one side, long, large, and deep, over which certain small bridges are built; and it falls into another less Cistern a good way off, which though but small here comparatively, would yet be a very large one in our parts; 'tis built with many sides of stone like the former, as also the banks of the Trench are. Between the great Lake and the less, upon the Trench, stands a small Cupola, or arched Structure, made for the sepulture of some principal Mahometans of the Country; and, as they say, of two brethren who killed one the other, and of their Wives. 'Tis no long time since this Cistern was made, according to the common report, by a private man of this City, but sufficiently wealthy; whose Daughter, they say, or rather one descended from him, is still living, and I know not by what sinister hap of fortune, very poor, so that she hath scarce bread to eat: Wherein I observed a great ingratitude of the Citizens of Suràt, in suffering his heir to want food, who for their public benefit had been at so great expense. This Pool of Suràt is called Gopi Telau, that is, the Pool of Gopi, which was his name who made it at his own charge. And although the King, who in those days ruled over Guzaràt, did what he could to have it called after his own name; yet that of the Builder has been justly retained by the vulgar, and remains to this day. 'Tis not improbable, that this Gopis, who made this Piscina of Suràt, is the same whom Giovanni di Barros in his second Decade of Asia 
Lib. 2. c. 9  frequently mentions with the title of Melik, and relates to have been in those times, a little above a hundred years ago, a great friend to the Portugals; styling him often Lord of Barocci, and once, in the last book, Lord of Suràt; but I rather believe that 
Lib. 4. c. 6. Lib. 6. c. 2. Lib. 10. c. 1.  he was only Governor of either of these Cities under the than Mahometan Kings of Cambaia, (as he speaks) that is, of Guzaràt; of which Province Cambaia is a principal, and in a manner the Maritine City, more known than the rest to the Portugals by trade; whence they have given its name to the whole Kingdom, although not Cambaia, but Ahmedabàd, more within land, is properly the Royal Seat. 'Tis therefore possible that Melik Gopi, mentioned by Barros, made this Cistern when he was Governor of Suràt, it being the work and expense of such a person. Nor do the vulgar mistake in saying that he was a private man, since under the Mahometan Princes, who never allow any hereditary Lord in their Territories, the Governors of their Cities, and all other Ministers, (whom they choose indifferently out of all sorts of people, and not seldom out of the lowest plebeians, and are always removable at pleasure) may with reason be called private persons, although advanced to whatever high dignity.  
On an other side of the City, but out of the circuit of the 
VIII.  houses, in an open place, is seen a great and fair Tree, of that kind which I saw in the sea coasts of Persia near Ormùz, called there Lul, but here Ber. The Gentiles of the Country hold it in great veneration for its greatness and age, visiting and honouring it often with their superstitious ceremonies, as dear and dedicated to a Goddess of theirs called Parveti; whom they hold to be the Wife of Mahadeù, one of their greatest Deities. On the trunk of this Tree a little above the ground, they have rudely engraven a round circle, which really hath not any feature of a humane countenance, but according to their gross application represents that of their Idol. This face they keep painted with a bright Flesh-colour, and this by a sacred rite of Religion; as the Romans also died the face of jupiter with vermilion, as Pliny testifies: Round about it are fastened Flowers, and abundance of a plant whose leaves resemble a Heart, called here Pan, but in other places of India, beetle. These leaves the Indians use to champ or chaw all day long, either for health's sake, or for entertainment and delight, (as some other Nations for the same reasons, or rather through evil custom, continually take Tobacco:) And therewith they mix a little ashes of sea-shels, and some small pieces of an Indian Nut sufficiently common, which here they call Foufel, and in other places Areca; a very dry fruit, seeming within like perfect wood; and being of an astringent nature they hold it good to strengthen the Teeth: Which mixture, besides its comforting the stomach, hath also a certain biting taste wherewith they are delighted; and, as they chaw it, it strangely dies their lips and mouths red, which also they account gallant; but I do not, because it appears not to be natural: They swallow down only the juice after long mastication, and spit out the rest: In Visits, 'tis the first thing offered to the visitants; nor is there any society or pastime without it. He that is curious to know more of it, may consult the Natural Historians who have written of the exotic Simples of India, particularly Garcias ab Horto, Christopher Acosta, Nicolaus Monardes', translated all together into Latin by Carolus Clusius. I shall only add, that the fame I had heard in Persia of this Indian Masticatory, (especially from an Italian Friar who had been in India, and told me 'twas a thing not only of great nutriment, and very good for the stomach, but moreover of an exquisite relish) made me desirous to try it. As for its other qualities I can say nothing; but there is no great matter in the taste, nor should I make much difference of chawing these leaves of Pan, or those of our Cedars. But to return to my Relation; Those flowers and leaves about the Idol's face carved in the Tree, are frequently changed, and fresh constantly supplied; and those which at times are taken away, are given as a sacred thing to the people who come from all parts to visit it. In the same rude sculpture of a humane face, they have put certain eyes of Silver and Gold with some jewels, which were given by some persons who foolishly believed themselves cured of maladies of the eyes, by virtue of the Idol: Before whom, upon a little hillock, stands continually one of their Gioghi, who among the Indians are a sort of Hermits; and sometimes I have seen a Woman too standing there. On high, there hangs a Bell, which those that come to make their foolish devotions, first of all ring out, as if thereby to call the Idol to hear them; then they fall to their adoration, which is commonly to extend both hands downwards as much as possible, being joined together in a praying posture; which lifting up again by little and little, they bring to their mouths as if to kiss them; And lastly, extend them so joined together, as high as they can, over their heads: Which gesticulation is used only to Idols and sacred things; for to men, even to Kings themselves, they make the same Salutation (which in the Persian-Tongue they call Testim, and in their Indian, Sumbaia) only with the right hand. This ceremony being performed, some make their prayers only standing, others prostrate themselves with their whole body grovelling upon the earth, and then rise again; others only touch the ground with the head and forehead, and perform other like acts of Humility. After which, they go about the Tree, some once, others oftener, and then sprinkle before the Idol either Rice, or Oil, or Milk, or other such things which are their Offerings and Sacrifices without blood; for to shed blood, even for Sacrifice, is not their custom; but to kill any sort of Animal is counted a great sin. Such as are of ability, give moreover some Alms to the person attending the service of the Idol; from whom in requital they receive the flowers and leaves which are about the Idol, and that with great devotion, kissing them, and in token of reverence laying them upon their heads. Aside of this Tree, stands a very small Cupola, or Chapel, with a very narrow window for entrance; I saw not what was within it, but I was informed that Women who have no Children go in there sometimes, and after they have been there become fruitful by the virtue of the place; but as in false Religions every thing is imposture, so 'tis the opinion here, that the attendants of the Idol play fine pranks in this particular, either beguiling simple young Women, or satisfying the more crafty; whom indeed they sometimes cause to become pregnant, but 'tis by natural means without miracle, the Priests within the Chapel supplying the defects of their Husbands. Moreover, on another side of this Tree, stands a square low Post, on which certain figures of Idols are engraven: and at the foot thereof, there is a little kind of trench or hole, where also they pour Milk and Oil, and make divers other Oblations. They are very solicitous in keeping the Tree with every bough and leaf of it, not suffering it to be injured by animals or men, nor in any wise violated and profaned. They tell a story of an Elephant who one day by chance eat but one single leaf of this Tree, for which being punished by the Idol, he died within three days: Which story I understood to be thus far true, namely that the event was in this manner; but 'twas thought that for the reputation of the place, the attendants of the Idol either poisoned or knocked the Elephant on the head; in which Arts the Gioghi and Priests of the Gentiles use to be very dextrous.  
The Commendator of the Dutch, came one day to give me a 
IX.  visit, and after a competent conversation, carried me in his Coach a little out of the City, to see one of the fairest and famousest gardens of Suràt. The plot was level, well contrived and divided with handsome straight Walks: on either side whereof, were planted rows of sundry Trees of this Climate, namely, Ambe, or, as others speak, Manghe, before described by me in my last Letters from Persia, in the maritine parts whereof I saw some Trees of this kind; Foufel, whose leaves are like those of the Palmtree, but of a livelier and fairer green; Narghil, like the Palm in the leaves also, and is that which we call Nux Indica: and others, different from what are found in our parts. The plots between the several walks was full of herbs and flowers, partly such as we have, and partly not; amongst the rest they showed me a Flower, for bigness and form not unlike our Gillyflower, but of a whitish yellow, having a very sweet and vigorous scent, and they call it Ciampà. In a convenient place there is a square place, raised somewhat from the ground, and covered with large sheds, to sit there in the shade, after the manner of the East: and here we entertained ourselves a while, and had a Collation; other things in the garden worthy of remark I saw none. As for the plants and strange simples of India, and the whole Torrid Zone, (in these things very different from ours) I shall say briefly once for all, that they are such and so many, that to write fully of them would require express volumes, and make as big as those of Dioscorides and Pliny, all of things unknown to us. Nevertheless, the curiosity of the Portugals, and other Europeans who trade in these parts, hath hitherto been so small that I know not any that have spoken and observed any thing in this kind, besides the three Authors above mentioned. And they have written of very few things, although of those few they have written faithfully and well; and I, who have read them all with diligence, have made some not unprofitable Notes upon them, which I keep in Manuscript by me, and you may see one day; when it shall please God to bring us together. As for the Dutch Commendator, and the English Precedent also, who came frequently in this manner to carry me abroad; I must not forbear to say, that both of them live in sufficient splendour, and after the manner of the greatest persons of the Country. They go abroad with a great train, sometimes also of their own men on Horseback; but especially with a great number of Indian servants on foot, armed according to the mode, with Sword, Buckler, Bowes, and Arrows. For 'tis the custom of servants in India, whether Mahometans or Gentiles, to go always armed not only upon a journey but also in the City, and to serve in the house all day with the same weapons by their sides, and never to lay them off, saving at night when they go to sleep. Moreover, these Governors of the two Frank or Christian Nations which reside in Suràt, use to have carried before their Coach or Horse when they ride, a very high Bannerol or Streamer by a man on foot; (which likewise is the custom of all men of quality here) and likewise to have a saddled Horse lead by hand before them: And not only they who are public persons, but any private person whatever, of whatever Country or Religion, may in these parts live with as much grandeur and equipage as he pleases: and such is the liberty here, that every one may do, if he will and be able, as much as the King himself. Hence, generally all live much after a genteel way; and they do it securely, as well because the King doth not persecute his subjects with false accusations, nor deprive them of any thing when he sees them live splendidly, and with the appearances of riches, (as is often done in other Mahometan Countries) as because the Indians are inclined to these vanities, and servants cost very little, in regard of the multitude of people, and the small charge wherewith the common sort are maintained; for a simple Servant, who is not an Officer, commonly in the best houses, between wages, victuals, and clothing, stands not in more than three Rupià a month, amounting to about the value of a Venetian Zecchine, or ten shillings sterling. Of Slaves there is a numerous company, and they live with nothing; their clothing is only white linen, which though fine, is bought very cheap; and their diet for the most part is nothing but Rice, (the ancient food of all the Indians, according to Strabo) of which they have infinite plenty; 
Lib. 15.  and a little fish, which is found every where in abundance: So that every body, even of mean fortune, keeps a great family, and is splendidly attended; which is easy enough, considering the very small charge, as I said, and on the other side the very considerable gains of traffic wherein most men are employed, and the incomes of the Land, through its incredible fruitfulness, I dare say, unmeasurable. Upon this occasion I must not forget, that amongst the Indian Men, both Mahometans and Pagans, agreably to what Strabo testifies, they did of old wear only 
Lib. 15.  white linen, more or less fine according to the quality of the persons, and the convenience they have of spending: which linen is altogether of Bombast or Cotton, (there being no Flax in India) and for the most part very fine in comparison of those of our Countries. The Garment which they put next to the skin, serves both for Coat and Shirt from the girdle upwards, being adorned upon the breast, and hanging down in many folds to the middle of the Leg. Under this Cassack from the girdle downwards, they wear a pair of long Drawers of the same Cloth, which cover not only their Thighs, but legs also to the Feet; and 'tis a piece of gallantry to have it wrinkled in many folds upon the Legs. The naked Feet are no otherwise confined but to a slipper, and that easy to be pulled off without the help of the Hand; this mode being convenient, in regard of the heat of the Country, and the frequent use of standing and walking upon Tapestry in their Chambers. Lastly, the Head with all the hair, which the Gentiles (as of old they did also, by the report of Strabo) keep long, contrary to the Mahometans who shave it, 
Lib. 15.  is bound up in a small and very neat Turban, of almost a quadrangular form, a little long, and flat on the top: They who go most gallant, use to wear their Turban only stripped with silk of several colours upon the white, and sometimes with Gold; and likewise their girdles wrought of Silk and Gold, instead of plain white. I was so taken with this Indian dress, in regard of its cleanness and easiness, and for the goodly show me-thought it had on horseback, with the Scemiter girt on, and the buckler hanging at a shoulder belt, besides a broad and short dagger of a very strange shape tied with tasselled strings to the girdle, that I caused one to be made for myself, complete in every point, and to carry with me to show it in Italy. The Mahometan Women, especially of the Mogholians, and Soldiers of other extraneous descents, who yet are here esteemed, go clad likewise all in white, either plain, or wrought with Gold-flowers; of which work there are some very goodly and fine pieces. Their upper Garment is short, more beseeming a Man then a Woman, and much of the same shape with those of Men: Sometimes they wear a Turban too upon their heads, like Men, coloured and wrought with Gold: Sometimes they wear only fillets either white or red, or wrought with Gold and Silver; for other colours they little use. Likewise their Clothes are oftentimes red, of the same rich and fine linen; and their Drawers are also either white or red, and oftentimes of sundry sorts of silk-stuff, stripped with all sorts of colours. When they go along the City, if it be not in close Coaches, but on foot or on horseback, they put on white veils, wherewith they cover their faces, as 'tis the custom of all Mahometan Women: Yet the Indian Gentile Women commonly use no other colour but red, or certain linen stamped with works of sundry colours, (which they call Cit) but all upon red, or wherein red is more conspicuous than the rest; whence their attire seems only red at a distance. And for the most part they use no garment, but wear only a close Waistcoat, the sleeves of which reach not beyond the middle of the Arm; the rest whereof to the Hand is covered with bracelets of Gold, or Silver, or Ivory, or such other things according to the ability of the persons. From the waste downwards they wear a long Coat down to the Foot, as I have formerly writ that the Women do in the Province of Moghostan in Persia, near Ormùz. When they go abroad, they cover themselves with a Cloak of the ordinary shape like a sheet, which is also used by the Mahometan, and generally by all Women in the East; yet it is of a red colour, or else of Cit upon a red ground, that is, of linen stamped with small works of sundry colours upon red. Those that have them, adorn themselves with many gold-works, and jewels; especially their Ears with pendants sufficiently enormous, wearing a circle of Gold or Silver at their Ears, the diametre whereof is oftentimes above half a span; and 'tis made of a plate two fingers broad, and engraven with sundry works, which is a very disproportionate thing. The Pagan Women go with their faces uncovered, and are freely seen by every one both at home and a broad: Nevertheless they are modest, and honoured much more than the Mahometans; and amongst them 'tis a certain thing that there is not any public Courtesan; but amongst the Mahometan Women there are infinite, who go every day publicly to houses, and where they please; to play on Music, sing, dance, and do what else belongs to their profession. But of these things, enough for this time.  
I came from Persia with a great desire to go to Cambaia, in regard of what I had heard of it; being told that in that City, 
X.  which is one of the ancientest of India, the Pagans are very numerous, and above measure observers of their Rites; so that I might probably see more remarkable Curiosities there of those Idolaters then elsewhere: Sig: Alberto sciling had the same desire; so that upon my imparting my mind to him, and his consenting thereunto, both of us desired the Dutch Commendator, that when any of his Nation went to Cambaia, as they used to do sometimes about their affairs, he would do us the favour to advertise us thereof, that we might go thither in their company. The Commendator promised to do us this kindness as soon as possible, nor was it long before we were advertised of an opportunity: The Commendator's Steward, who takes care of the like businesses, came to know of us how many Coaches we should need; Sig: Alberto spoke to him for one for himself, and I for two, intending to carry Sig ᵃ Marinocia with me, because I thought not fit to leave her in Suràt without me, although she had the company of good Women. I offered the Steward money for the Coaches, but he refused then to take it, saying that it was not the custom, and that at our return, accounts should be made up; for so they were wont to deal with those Hackney-men, with whom the Nation has always long account for such matters; and I, who understood things no otherwise then by this information, suffered myself to be persuaded. Now, on Monday the 23d of February, being the day for our setting forth, besides the three Coaches for Sig: Alberto and me, and two others full of Dutchmen who were to go this journey with us, all in very good order for habits and arms, and also with a Trumpeter with a silver Trumpet to recreate the Travellers, the Commendator himself came to my house with many others of his followers in their City-Coaches, to conduct me forth and set me in the way. He accompanied me to a certain place without the City, where, in the shadow of a small Chapel, we conversed together for a good while, and were entertained with sundry fruits, particularly with Grapes, which here in Suràt we have often eat ripe, sweet, and good in February, yet green of colour, like the Uva-Lugliatica, or early july-grape of Italy; and I believe there is plenty enough to make Wine. Whilst we were in this place, a Post came to the Commendator from Agra and from the Court, with news that Sciàh Sel●m, King of the Country, had sent one of his principal Chans, called Asàf Chan, to Agra, to remove the Royal Treasure thence before the arrival of Sultan Chorròm, one of the same King's Sons, lately rebelled against his Father, and then reported to be upon his march with his Army thither: And from Agra it was signified, that things were in great danger of alterations through this war raised between the Father and the Son, with great danger of the whole State of India. This notable Passage happening in my time, will give me occasion to write many things worthy of memory, usually attending the like Conjunctures; and being present in the country, peradventure I shall hereafter be an eye-witness, or at least have certain intelligence of sundry occurrences. In the mean time, to the end what I shall have occasion to speak of these Revolutions may be better understood, I shall here give such account of the State of the King and his people, as may suffice to give light to all the rest.  
Sciàh Selim, (who, as I have formerly writ to you, is King of 
XI.  the greater part of India, between Indus and Ganges, and whose Countries are extended Northwards as far as the cliffs of mount Taurus, or Imaus, where it divides India from Tartary;) is that great Monarch, whom in Europe you commonly call the Great Moghòl: Which Name is given him, because of his being derived from a Race of Tartars called Moghols, who are of the City of Samarcand, and the Province of Giagatà, which is the ancient Sogdiana; as 'tis manifested by the Persian Geography, where to this day that Territory is denoted and distinguished by the ancient name of Soghol. Teimùr Lenk, called by us Tamerlane, as Mirabel Aliscir reports, a famous Author of those times, who writ his History in the Persian-Tongue handsomely and with great exactness, descended by a collateral line from the near kindred of Cnighiz Chan, the most puissant King of Chataio, known also in Europe to our Histories, and by S. Antonino, who writes largely concerning him, named with a little corruption 
Part 3. tit. 19 c. 8. and elsewhere.  Cingis Cham. This Cnighiz warring with his neighbours, and destroying many other Principalities, became at length Lord of a Vast Dominion, and in a manner of all Tartary, (which comprehends both the one and the other Scythia) and at his death divided the same between his Sons. To Giagatà, the second Son, fell the Country of Samarcand, with all Sogdiana, and sundry other adjacent Territories; and He, from his own Name called it Giagataio, and all the Nations who remained under his Government Giagataians': A very ancient custom of the Scythians to give the Princes Name to Counties and their Subjects, as appears by Diodorus Siculus. In process of time, a Descendant of 
Lib. 2.  Giagatà reigning still in these parts, Teimùr Lenk, though extracted from the noblest blood of the Kings, yet remote from the Royal Stock by a long series, lived in Samarcand his own Country, a man rather of valour then of great fortune. But it falling out that the King at that time was slain for his evil deportments, by the Grandees of the Country; in which conjuncture Teimùr Lenk was elected and placed in the Sovereignty: He, not contented with the sole Kingdom of Giagataio, being increased in strength and power, made afterwards those great Expeditions which the World beheld: Of which nevertheless, little sincere fame arrives to us; there being no European who hath written truly thereof, saving briefly in the Spanish-Tongue Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo, who was sent thither Ambassador by his King Don Henry the Third of Castille. In like manner Teimùr at his death left that his great acquired Empire, divided amongst many Sons and Nephews, who falling at variance afterwards, and their Successors continuing the same, ruin'd one another with sundry wars; and God knows whether in Tartary there be left at this day any Prince of that Race. A Cadet, or Younger Brother of them, who had no share among the Tartars, came over the Mountains to seek his fortune in India, within the Court of a Prince then reigning in one part of it: Where being once introduced, by great alliances and services he raised a great House; and in time, various Revolutions brought it to pass that one of his Successors came to be possessed of that Kingdom, and to found the Royal Family now regnant; of which, with very great augmentations of Dominion Sciàh Selim, now living, is the fourth King, as his own Seals testify, the impression whereof I keep by me, wherein is engraven all his pedigree as far as Tamerlain, from whom Sciàh Selim reckons himself the eighth descendent. When Sciàh Selim was born, he was at first called Sceichù; because the King Ekbàr his Father, having before had no children, conveived he had obtained him by the prayers of a certain Sceich, (so they call a Religious Man) to whom he bore great reverence. But after he was come to ripe age, his Father changed his Name, as here they sometimes do, into Sciàh Selim, which, in the Arabian Dialect, the learned Language to all Mahometans, signifies Rè Pacific, a Peaceable, or Peacemaking King; conceiving this Name to agree to his Nature: The Father dying, Sciàh Selim being advanced to the Kingdom, changed his Name once again (as 'tis the custom of many Oriental Princes on such an occasion) with more Magnificent Titles, (for their proper Names are nothing but Titles and Epithets) and would be called Nurse eddin, Muhammèd, Gihòn ghir, which partly in Arabic, partly in Persic, signifies, The Light of the Law, Mahomet, Take the World; in regard of the profession which he makes in public of the Mahometan Sect; though really in secret, by what they report, he little cares for Mahomet and his Law, or any other Religion; accounting, according to the vain opinion of some in these parts, that a man may be saved in every Law. Nevertheless, the Name Sciàh Selim, tenaciously inhering in the memory of people, remains still to him, and in common discourse he is more frequently called by this then any other Name. He had two Brothers: One, who took a part of the Province Dacan, was called by his proper Name Pehari, and by surname Sciàh Muràd: The other, who died in the City Berhampòr, was named Daniel, and surnamed Sombòl Sciàh, but both died without Heirs; whereupon their Dominion returned back to Sciàh Selim. I know not whether by one or more Women, this King had four Sons; the first, is called Sultàn Chosrou; the second, Sultàn Peruiz; the third, Sultàn Chorrom, now in rebellion, (to whom, when he returned from a war which he had prosperously managed in Dacàn, his Father gave the title of Sciahi Gihòn, which is interpreted, King of the World;) and the fourth Sultàn Scehriar, is yet a youth of small age. 'Tis possible, others besides these have been born to him; but being dead, either in Childhood or long ago, there is no mention made of them at present. He hath one Wife or Queen, whom he esteems and favours above all other Women; and his whole Empire is governed at this day by her counsel. She was born in India, but of Persian Race, that is, the Daughter of a Persian, who coming, as many do into India, to the service of the Moghòl, happened in time to prove a very great man in this Court, and, (if I mistake not) Chan or Viceroy of a Province. She was formerly Wife in India to an other Persian Captain who served the Moghòl too; but after her Husband's death, a fair opportunity being offered, as it falls out many times to some handsome young Widows, I know not how Sciàh Selim had notice of her, and became in love with her. He would have carried her into his Haràm, or Gynaeceo, and kept her there like one of his other Concubines, but the very cunning and ambitious Woman, counterfeited great honesty to the King, and refused to go into his Palace; and, as I believe, also to comply with his desires, saying, that she had been the Wife of an Honourable Captain, and Daughter of an Honourable Father, and should never wrong her own Honour, nor that of her Father and Husband: and that to go to the King's Haram, and live like one of the other Female-slaves there, was as unsuitable to her noble condition. Wherefore, if his Majesty had a fancy to her, he might take her for his lawful Wife, whereby his Honour would be not only not injured, but highly enlarged; and on this condition she was at his service. Sciàh Selim, so disdaigned this haughty motion at first, that he had almost resolved in despite to give her in Marriage to one of the Race which they call Halàlchor, as much as to say Eater-at-large, that is, to whom it is lawful to eat every thing; and for this cause they are accounted the most despicable people in India. However, the Woman persisting in her first resolution, intending rather to die then alter it; and Love returning to make impetuous assaults on the King's Heart, with the help too, as some say, of Sorceries practised by her upon him, if there were any other charms (as I believe there were not) besides the conditions of the Woman which became lovely to the King by sympathy; at length he determined to receive her for his lawful Wife and Queen above all the rest. And as such she commands and governs at this day in the King's Haram with supreme authority; having cunningly removed out of the Haram, either by Marriage or other handsome ways, all the other Women, who might give her any jealousy; and having also in the Court made many alterations by deposing and displacing almost all the old Captains and Officers, and by advancing to dignities other new ones of her own creatures, and particularly those of her blood and alliance. This Queen is called at this day Nurmahàl, which signifies, Light of the Palace; A Name, I believe, conferred on her by the King, when he made her Queen. She hath a Brother, who is still in great favour with the King, and of great power, and is the Asaf Chan, whom I mentioned above, and one of whose Daughters is one of the Wives of Sultan Chorròm now in rebellion; whence some, not without ground, suspect that the present rebellion of Sultan Chorròm, is with some participation of Asaf Chan, and of Numrahàl herself; perhaps upon design that the Kingdom may fall to him after the death of the Father. Sultan Scehriàr hath also to Wife a Daughter of Nurmahàl by her first Husband, for by the King she hath hitherto no Children: Wherein appears the prudence of this Woman, who hath so well established herself with alliances in the Royal Family. But to return to the King's Children, Sultàn Chosrou the eldest, who was a Prince of much expectation, well beloved, and, as they say, a friend in particular of the Christians, being at the government of I know not what Country, rebelled against his Father, under pretext that the Kingdom by right belonged unto him, because indeed King Ekbar his Grandfather, at his death left it to him his Nephew being then born, and not to Selim the Father who was his Son; being displeased with his Son Selim, for that one time in his life he attempted to rebel against him. So easy are Insurrections amongst these Infidels, and so little faith can Fathers have in Sons, and they in their own Fathers: With this pretence Sultàn Chosrou, once raised a great Army against his Father; but coming to a battle he was routed and forced to surrender himself freely to his Father: Who chiding him with words rather gentle than otherwise, asked him to what end he made these tumults, knowing well that he held and kept the whole Kingdom for him? Yet his deeds were sharper than his words; for in the first place, he caused all the chief Captains who had followed him in the war to be cruelly slain, and showing them so slain to Chosrou, as in his return with Triumph he made pass along with himself in the middle of a long row of them barbarously mangled in several manners, and to behold some of his faithfullest Confidents sewed up in beasts skins, and be so left miserably to rot; he bade him see in what sort of people he had confided. Moreover, he suffered him no longer to live freely, but committed him to the safe but Honourable custody of certain Grandees of his Court: And, which was worse, he caused his eyes to be sewed up, as 'tis sometimes the custom here; to the end to deprive him of sight without excaecating him, that so he might be unfit to cause any more commotions; which sewing, if it continue long, they say it wholly causes loss of Sight; but after a while, the Father caused this Prince's eyes to be unriped again, so that he was not blinded but saw again, and it was only a temporal penance. Yet he was not delivered from prison, in which he lived so closely for two years, that only one person was suffered to be with him in the prison to serve him. Nurmahàl, who had apprehended that Sultan Chosrou would succeed his Father in the Kingdom, and desired to establish herself well, had frequently offered her Daughter to Sultàn Chosrou before she married her to Sultan Scehriàr; but he, either for that he had another Wife he loved sufficiently, and would not wrong her, or because he scorned Nurmahal's Daughter, would never consent: Insomuch that whilst he was in prison, and was told by reiterated messages that if he would marry Nurmahal's Daughter, he should be immediately set free; nevertheless he would not be brought to do it. His Wife, on the contrary, who loved him as well as he loved her, obtained to be the person allotted to serve him in the prison, and accordingly went thither and lived with him so long as he was there, never ceasing to persuade him to marry Nurmahal's Daughter, that so he might be delivered from those troubles; that for her part, she was content to live with him as a slave, provided she saw him free and in a good condition; but he could never be prevailed with. Thus he lived in prison with his faithful and dear Wife, till, the malice of his persecutors and his Father's anger being wearied, about two years after he was taken out of prison, but still held in a more honourable custody. For these things, Sultan Chosrou remained always much in the hatred of Nurmahal; who despairing to marry her Daughter to him, gave her to Sultan Scehriar, as is abovesaid. Sultan Peruiz, the second Son, is now Governor of the Kingdom of Bengala at the mouth of Ganges, and lives peaceably, nor is any news heard of him. Sultan Chorrom, the third Son, had and hath under his Government that part of Dacan, which is subject to the Moghol, but now is about to usurp the Kingdom of Guzarat, where I writ these things. Sultan Scehriar hath no Government yet, but 'tis said that he is lately made Captain of eight thousand Horse: Now touching the rebellion and the beginning of it; Sultan Chorròm, after the alliance that he made with Asaf Chan, so wrought by the means of his Father in law, and Numerhal his Aunt, that the King granted him the prisoner Sultan Chosrou into his own power, taking him out of the hands of him that kept him, and committing him to him to keep, yet with order to use him very well and have great care of him. And this, because Chorrom refused to go to his government, and to the war whereunto they sent him, unless he carried Sultan Chosrou with him, alleging that it was not convenient that he should be absent from the Court whilst Sultan Chosrou his competitor and backfriend stayed there; when he had got him into his hands, he went to his government, and there kept and treated him honourably a year or two: but afterwards, out of the intention which he always had to remove him out of his way to the succession of the Kingdom, he being absent (as some say) sent him poisoned meats, appointing certain of his Captains who kept him, to make him eat those meats by any means, either fair or foul. The Captains punctually executed this order; but because Sultan Chosrou, becoming suspicious by their importunity to have him eat, would by no means taste of those meats, saying plainly, that they intended to poison him; the Captains, since there was no other remedy, and perhaps having order, leaped all upon him, and he defended himself bravely, till at length having felled him to the ground, they strangled him with a Bowstring. Others say, that Sultan Chorròm himself slew him with his own hand publicly. Be it as it will, Sultan Chosrou died of a violent death; and Sultan Chorròm was either by himself, or by mediation of others the Mutherer. Sciah Selim upon hearing this news, being highly displeased with Sultan Chorrom, calls him to Court to give account of the fact. Sultan Chorrom would not obey the Summons, but gathering together his Forces, which nevertheless are not great to withstand his Father; and raising not only those of his own jurisdiction, but also divers other neighbouring Cities not comprehended therein, (as Cambaia and other such, from which he hath removed the Governors placed there by his Father, and appointed others at his own devotion) with the assistance and counsel of some petty Gentile Princes, he removed his Camp towards Agra, as is above intimated. In which commotions, and the death of Sultan Chosrou, 'tis not only suspected that there is some conspiracy of Asaf Chan and Nurmahal, his ancient enemies in secret, but also that the King of Persia is of intelligence with them, who about the same time, or a little before, on his side made the war of Candahar: in which the coldness which the Moghol showed, proceeded, no doubt, either from his not being well informed, because perhaps Nurmahal, and Asaf Chan, who were his chief Counsellors, suffering not true intelligence to be signified to him; or perhaps, because the evil carriage of Sultan Chorrom hath hitherto necessitated him to stand in suspense. 'Tis true, the last Advertisements from Agra, that the King, as I said, sent Asaf Chan to remove the treasure from thence, argue that the King still entrusts him; and consequently, either that he is not in fault, or that his fault is not yet known. The doubt will be best cleared by Time. Sultan Chosrou left a little Son behind him, whose name is Sultan Bulachi: But my journey now calls me elsewhere.  
The Commendator having read the Letters from Agra, and 
XII.  communicated to me all the News, it being now Evening, I took leave of him; and after sundry volleys of muskets he returned to the City; and I with my company of five Coaches, took the way of Cambaia. Having travelled two Cos, we ferried over the same River of Suràt; and then proceeded four other Cos, which in all were six, and at Night took up our lodging at a Town called Periab: But we rested little, because soon after midnight we put ourselves upon the way again. Our journey from Suràt to Cambaia, was always with our faces towards the North. The next Morning early, we made a Collation by the side of a Piscina, or Lake, which we found by the way of a long and narrow form, of which kind there are many in these parts. Having travelled sixteen Cos, which was from Suràt in all two and twenty, before Evening we arrived at the City of Barocci, or Behrug, as they call it in Persian; under the walls whereof, on the South side runs a River called Nerbeda, which we ferried over. The City is encompassed with a wall of moderate bigness, built high upon a rising hill. For the circuit 'tis populous enough, as generally are all the parts of India. 'Tis considerable for a very great Trade of fine Cotton Cloth, or calico, made more plentifully there then in other places, and dispersed no● only through Asia, but also into our Europe; so that the English and Dutch (which two Nations have Houses of constant residence here) fraught five or six great ships therewith every year; and for the better embarking it, make it up in very great balls, each as big as Roman Coach; and every piece of Cloth, little bigger than one of our Towels, being carried to Aleppo, will not be sold for less than three or four Piastre, and in Italy at least for six Crowns. Whence you may infer, what wealth comes out of this small City alone, which for compass and buildings, is not greater than Sienna in Tuscany, although 'tis above three times as populous; and you may also consider to what sum the Prince's Customs arise. A few Cos from the City, is a Mine of Calcidonies and Agates, white and green; but these stones are carried less into Barocci then to Cambaia, although it be further from the Mine, because there is a Seaport, and a greater concourse of foreign Merchants; and in Cambaia they are wrought into little Globes, either round or oval, to make Coronets or Necklaces, and also little Cups, and divers other curious vessels for ornament. The Sea comes not up to Barocci even at the highest tides, but is about as many miles distant as 'tis from Suràt. When we passed over the River, our Dutch Trumpeter sounding his Instrument, gave notice of our coming to his Country men residing in Barocci; and they, at the Summons, came immediately to the bankside to meet us; from whence we went with them to lodge in the Dutch House there. Late in the Evening they carried us to see a Patache, or small Indian ship which they were building, and was not yet finished, in which they treated us till night, drinking of Tari, which is a liquor drawn from the Nut-trees of India, whitish and a little troubled; of taste, somewhat sowrish and sweet too, not unpleasing to the palate, almost like our Poignant or Brisk-wine; yet it inebriates as Wine doth, if drunk immoderately. The next day, which was Wednesday Feb. 22. we departed from Barocci late in the Forenoon. Six Cos off, we made a Collation near a water without lighting out of the Coach, having brought provision with us for this purpose from Barocci. Afterwards upon the way we met the Wife and Family of the Governor of Cambaia, removed from that charge by the Rebel Sultan Chorrom, who had placed another there at his devotion; and this, being driven from thence, returned to Suràt, where his house and usual habitation was. His Wife was carried upon an Elephant, in a covered and very convenient litter. Three other Elephants followed unladen, saving with the men upon their necks who guided them; then abundance of Coaches, partly covered and full of women, partly uncovered with men in them; then a great number of Soldiers, Horse and Foot; and, in brief, a great train suitable to the quality of the person and the custom of India, which is to have a very numerous attendance whoever it be. After this we forded a small River, which I believe, was of salt water, which, they say, is called Dilavel; and before night having travelled eighteen Cos, we stayed to lodge in a great Town called Giambuser. On Thursday, two hours before day, we arose to go along with a great Cafila, or Caravan, which was there united; nevertheless we departed not so soon, but were fain to wait in the Coach till almost day; because the City was locked up, and none was suffered to go forth without paying a Toll, as likewise was paid in many other places the same day, though of small value. The Cafila was so great, and the Coaches so many, that in certain narrow places we were fain to stay a good while before we could go forwards; just as it happens in the streets of Naples and Rome at solemn pomps. Having travelled about five Cos, an hour after Sun-rise, we came to an arm of the Sea, or, to speak better, to the inmost part of the Gulf of Cambaia, directly where the River Mehi falls into the Sea: In which place, the flux and reflux of the Sea is more impetuous and violent, and with a more rapid current, then perhaps in any other part of the world, at least any whereof I have knowledge. But before I proceed further, 'tis needful here to correct an enormous error of many of our Geographers, even Moderns, which hath likewise given occasion of mistake to sundry Historians. In almost all the Maps which hitherto I have seen, the River Indus is always described falling into the Sea at the inmost recess of the Gulf of Cambaia; which is a grievous error, and as wide from truth as the whole Country of Guzarat is broad, (and 'tis no narrow one): for Indus, which is discharged into the Sea with two very large mouths, sufficiently distant, runs not on the East of Guzarat, as it should do if it entered into the Sea at the Gulf of Cambaia; but rather on the West, and so far from the Gulf of Cambaia, that all Guzarat, and perhaps some other Countries lie between. Wherefore the River which disembogues in the inmost part of this Gulf, is not Indus, but this Mehi which I speak of, a River of handsome but ordinary greatness, and hath not the least correspondence with Indus. Now, being come to the side of it, we were fain to foard over this Water, and not without danger: For there is a plain of about five Cos, which is all overflowed at high Tide; and when the water is lowest, in three or four places there are waters sufficiently broad and deep to be forded; and should the Sea happen to come in whilst a man is in that passage, he would infallibly be drowned. And besides, even in those places which are always foardable, when the Water is a little higher, or the current more furious than ordinary (for 'tis not always equal, but more or less, according to the times of the Moon) it often carries away people, and sometimes with such violence, that an Elephant cannot bear up against it, but is swept away by the Water. Therefore they wait certain fit hours to pass this foard, namely, when the Sea is at the lowest Ebb; which, if I mistake not, in all other places of the World is wont to be when the Moon is either rising or setting in the Horizon; as, on the contrary, when the Moon is in the middle of Heaven, the Tide uses to be at the highest. But in the Gulf of Cambaia, I know not upon what reason, perhaps because 'tis much within the Land, and far from the great mass of the Ocean, it happens at another different hour, yet well known to the Countrypeople. The more cautious, wait also the most fitting days in the month; because at the New Moon and Full Moon the Waters are always greater and higher; and, without comparison, highest and most impetuous of all, about the Aequinoxes and Solstices: In the quarters of the Moon the Tides are moderate, and in other intermediate days, lower than the rest. So that we being come to this place a few days before the New Moon, were come in a good time, and likewise in a seasonable hour, the Cafila, or Caravan, having set forth from the City in such a moment as was exactly convenient for ordering matters right; for the owners of the Coaches, and the others employed in this journey, are well instructed of every thing, and know what they have to do. So being united in a great troop, the better to break the stream, we passed over all that space of five Cos, which was moist yet firm ground; saving that in four places where we forded the running-water of the River, which nevertheless is salt there, the great strength of the Sea overcoming that of the River. Of the four streams which we waded, the first was inconsiderable, the other three came higher than the belly of the Oxen which drew the Coaches, into which nevertheless the Water entered not, because their floar, and especially the wheels are very high; and you sit, according to the manner of the East, as upon plain ground, without hanging the Legs downwards, but keeping them bowed under you. For greater security, they hired sundry men on foot, who held the Coaches on either side steadfast with their hands, that so in regard of their lightness, they might not float and be carried away; and also to carry our bundles high on their heads, that so the same might not be wetted if the Water should come into the body of the Coaches. The men who go on foot in this passage, either strip themselves naked, covering only their privities with a little cloth, or pulling up their coat, which, as I said, is of plain white linen, and serves both for garment and shirt; and also tucking up their breeches made of the same, they care not for wetting themselves. 'Tis certainly an odd thing to behold in this passage, which is very much frequented, abundance of people go every day in this manner, some in Coaches and Chariots, others on Horseback and a foot, men and also women naked, without being shy who sees them; a spectacle, no doubt, sufficiently extravagant. This wet passage being over, there remain two other Cos, but of firm and higher ground, (which is not overflowed, although it be plain and the Seashore) to arrive at the City of Cambaia, whither we came before dinnertime, having travelled that day, in all, twelve Cos. And here likewise we went to lodge in the House which belongs to the Dutch Merchants, by whom we were received with great kindness, and treated continually with exquisite cheer; for such was the order of the Commendator concerning us in all places.  
Cambaia is a City indifferently large, though most of its greatness 
XIII.  consists in Suburbs without the walls, which are sufficiently spacious. 'Tis seated on the Seashore, in a plain, almost in the utmost recess of that great Gulf, whereunto it gives name. The City, that is the inner part, without the Suburbs is encompassed with walls, built with plain cortines and round battlements. The Houses within, are bricked with cover of Tiles and Cisterns, which is the custom in India for provision of Water, which falls in such plenty during those three months of the great Summer reins. In our Countries they would be ordinary Houses, but in these parts they are counted good, and perhaps, the best of the whole Province; and they are made shady and cool, as the heat of the place requires. The City hath no formed Port, because it stands in a low Plain, but 'tis called a Port, by reason of the great concourse of Vessels thither from several parts; which nevertheless for the most part are Frigates, Galeots, and other small ones of that make, which go either by oar or sail; because great ones cannot come near the Land by a great way. The people of Cambaia are most part Gentiles; and here, more than elsewhere, their vain superstitions are observed with rigour. Wherefore we, who came particularly to see these things, the same day of our arrival, after we had dined and rested a while, caused ourselves to be conducted to see a famous Hospital of Birds of all sorts, which, for being sick, lame, deprived of their mates, or otherwise needing food and cure, are kept and tended there with diligence; as also the men who take care of them, are maintained by the public alms; the Indian Gentiles, (who, with Pythagoras and the ancient Egyptians, (the first Authors of this opinion, according to Herodotus) believe 
Lib. 21  the Transmigration of Souls, not only from Man to Man, but also from Man to brute beast) conceiving it no less a work of Charity to do good to beasts then to Men. The House of this Hospital is small, a little room sufficing for many Birds: Yet I saw it full of Birds of all sorts which need tendance, as Cocks, Hens, Pigeons, Peacocks, Ducks, and small Birds, which during their being lame, or sick, or mateless, are kept here; but being recovered and in good plight, if they be wild, they are let go at liberty; if domestic, they are given to some pious person who keeps them in his House. The most curious thing I saw in this place, were certain little Mice, who being found Orphans without Sire or Dam to tend them, were put into this Hospital; and a venerable Old Man with a white Beard keeping them in a box amongst Cotton, very diligently tended them with his spectacles on his nose, giving them milk to eat with a Bird's feather, because they were so little that as yet they could eat nothing else; and, as he told us, he intended when they were grown up, to let them go free whither they pleased. From this place we went out of the City to the Seaside, to see a Garden sometimes belonging to the Kings of Guzarat. 'Tis small, adorned with the same Trees as that which I saw in Suràt, with some also of ours, as the Figtrees and Coleworts of Europe, which in India are accounted rare things. There is a running-water which at the entrance falls from a great Kiosck, or covered place to keep cool, standing upon a great Piscina, or Lake, contiguous to the Garden on the outside; and serving like that of Suràt, to the common uses of the City. Besides which, in this Garden there is nothing worth notice: Going from hence we went to see upon the same Lake a Meschita, or Temple of the Mahometans, whereunto there is continually a great concourse of people with ridiculous and foolish devotions, not only Mahometans, but likewise Gentiles. In the street before the Gate, many persons sitting on the ground asked Alms, to whom the passers-by cast some Rice; others, certain other Corn, but no Money: Within the Meschita, in a narrow dark place by a walls side, is a kind of little Pyramid of Marble, and this they call Pir, that is, Old, which they say is equivalent to Holy: I imagine it the Sepulchre of some one of their Sect accounted such. The people enter in with great crowds, especially Women, who use to be more forward in these things than others: All who go in, strew Flowers or Rice there; to which end stand divers near the Gate that sell Flowers to whoso pleases for such Offerings: But this is rather a Custom of the Gentiles than Mahometans; and the Gentiles being more numerous and ancient in Cambaia, 'tis no wonder that some Rite of theirs hath adhered to the Mahometans. A little distant from this place, we saw another Sepuchre adored too of some Mahometan (for the Gentiles, who burn their dead, have no Sepulchers) built with a great roof four square, supported by divers pillars, and under it a place open on all sides like a Porch; this also many persons came to kiss and venerate. Beyond the abovementioned Garden upon the Seaside, we saw another Sepulchre of a Mahometan of quality, having a high round Cupola, like a Tower, which is ascended by a little ladder, and there you have a most goodly prospect upon the Sea and Land, to a great distance. These things being seen, we returned home the same way we came: The next Morning, going about the City, we saw another Hospital of Goats, Kids, Sheep, and Wethers, either sick or lame, and there were also some Cocks, Peacocks, and other Animals needing the same help, and kept altogether quietly enough in a great Court; nor wanted there Men and Women lodged in little rooms of the same Hospital, who had care of them. In another place, far from hence we saw another Hospital of Cows and Calves, some whereof had broken Legs, others more infirm, very old, or lean, and therefore were kept here to be cured. Among the beasts there was also a Mahometan Thief, who having been taken in Theft had both his Hands cut off: But the compassionate Gentiles, that he might not perish miserably, now he was no longer able to get his living, took him into this place, and kept him among the poor beasts, not suffering him to want any thing. Moreover, without one of the Gates of the City, we saw another great troop of Cows, Calves, and Goats, which being cured, and brought into better plight, or gathered together from being dispersed and without Masters, or being redeemed with Money from the Mahometans who would have killed them to eat, (namely, the Goats and other Animals, but not the Cows and Calves) were sent into the field to feed by Neatherds, purposely maintained at the public charge; and thus they are kept till being reduced to perfect health, 'tis found fitting to give them to some Citizens, or others who may charitably keep them. I excepted Cows and Calves from the Animals redeemed from slaughter; because in Cambaia, Cows, Calves, and Oxen, are not killed by any: And there's a great prohibition against it, by the instance of the Gentiles, who upon this account pay a great sum of Money to the Prince; and should any, either Mahometan or other be found to kill them, he would be punished severely, even with death. At Night we had Music at home, made by some Mahometan Women Singers and Dancers, (for among the Gentiles none practise such Arts) who with their Indian Instruments, which are Drums, Bells tied to the Arms, and the like, all of great noise, gave us divertisement, playing, dancing, and singing whilst we were at Supper; but their Music being too full of noise, was to me rather distasteful than pleasing. The next Morning we saw in the City a Temple of Idols, one of the best which the Gentiles have in Cambaia. The form of it is perfect square, with walls round about, supporting a flat roof, which is also upheld in the middle by four pillars disposed in a square too; within which, upon the little space remaining, is advanced somewhat higher than the roof, and yet of a square form, a kind of Cupoletta, or little Chapel. In the principal part of this Temple stand in three great Nieches so many great Idols, made of white Marble, and naked, (as the Indians paint all their Idols:) They are in a sitting posture, yet after the manner of the East, as they use to sit upon the ground with the Legs gathered under; but they sit in a place somewhat higher than the floor, as it were upon a large Pedestal. These Nieches are enclosed with doors made with lattices, that so the Idols may be seen without opening them; but they are opened upon occasion for any that are minded to go in: They were so for us, but we entered not, because the Nieches are so small that we saw every thing well enough from the doors. The principal Idol in this Temple, is that which stands in the middle Nieche, called Mahavir, from whom the Temple is denominated: Who this Mahavir is, and whether he be all one with Mahadeu, as I have some suspicion, I do not yet know; because the Indians who talked with us, either in the Portugal or Persian-Tongue, being all Factors or Merchants, and consequently unlearned, could not give us any account of these things; besides, they speak those Languages ill, and are not intelligible saving in buying and selling: With other learned Gentiles, to whom alone their Indian Speech is familiar, we could not discourse for want of Language; wherefore of all these things, and all the particularities of their Religion, I reserve myself to be further informed at Goa, if it shall please God; where I shall have better convenience and more time, and meet with some learned Brachman, perhaps turned Christian, and able to give me a more certain Relation hereof either in Portuguez or Latin; and if he be a Christian, he will, no doubt, give it me more truly than the Gentiles, who I believe, talk with us concerning their own matters neither willingly nor sincerely. Wherefore referring myself to the better intelligence which I hope to have there, I shall here only relate what I saw with mine own eyes, and something more which I attained to understand, without suspicion of error. Before the Idol without the Nieche hung a Bell, (as 'tis the custom in all their Temples) which, as I said before, all those who come to make their prayers ring at their first entrance. Within this and the other Nieches on the sides, were one or two lighted Candles. In the other sides of the Temple, something higher than the pavement, were in the wall certain little Nieches, in each of which stood an Idolet, or little Idol, some in the shape of Men, others of womans. One there was which had many Arms on a side, and many Faces; and this they said was called Brachma, one of their chief false Deities. Another had the head of an Elephant, and was called Ganescio: They say, he is the Son of Mahadeu, who finding him one day with Parveti his Wife, but his own Mother, and not knowing who he was, killed him out of jealousy, cutting off his Head; but afterwards understanding that he was his own Son, he repented him of his error, and resolved to bring him to life again: Wherefore meeting with an Elephant, (as he had purposed to do with what he first happened upon) he cut off his Head and placed it on his dead Son's Shoulders: Whereupon Ganescio revived, and thenceforward lived immortal with an Elephants Head. But behold another delusion. One there is with the Head, I know not, whether of a Tiger or Lion, probably 'tis that Narosinha, which I formerly writ that I saw in Combru, in the maritine parts of Persia. Some of these Idolets sat upon sundry Animals, as Tigers and the like, and even upon Rats; of which things the foolish and ignorant Indians relate ridiculous stories: But I doubt not, that under the veil of these Fables, their ancient Sage (most parsimonious of the Sciences, as all Barbarians ever were) have hid from the vulgar many secrets, either of Natural or Moral Philosophy, and perhaps also of History: And I hold for certain, that all these so monstrous figures have secretly some more rational significations, though expressed in this uncouth manner: As we know in ancient time among the Gentiles of our Countries there was, in the figures of quadrifronted janus; of jupiter Ammon, with the Head of a Ram; of Anubis, with the Head of a Dog, and many other extravagances not only of the Grecians and Egyptians, but also of the Romans. The Sieling, Pillars, and Walls of this Temple were adorned with Painting, especially red, which how dear 'tis to the Indians, I formerly intimated. The doors of their Houses, namely, the Posts, Architraves, and Barrs that fasten it, are all coloured so; adding some mixture of white limbs to the red; for of white too they are so enamoured, that all Men are generally clothed with it. A custom peradventure derived to them from Egypt where it was in use, as Herodotus 
Lib. 2.  writes; and whence perhaps Pythagoras himself learned it, who went clothed in white, as we find noted by Aelian, and others. And I 
Var. Hist. l. 12. c. 32.  observe, that in many particulars the manners of the present Indians much resemble those of the ancient egyptians; but since the Egyptians who descended from Cham the Son of Noah, were a very ancient people, I rather believe that the Indians learned from the Egyptians, than the Egyptians from the Indians; and 'tis known, that from Egypt there was always Navigation and Commerce into India by the Southern Ocean. The red colour, amongst these Indians is, besides by the Women, worn also by the Sami, who are a kind of religious persons; with red, the Gioghi who live like Hermits and go about begging, sometimes paint their bodies in many parts; and also with red blended with yellow, that is, with some parcel of Sanders or Saffron, almost all the Indian Gentiles die their foreheads, and sometimes their garments; accordingly, as Strabo reports from the testimony of Onesicritus, they did likewise in the time of Alexander 
Lib. 15.  the Great. Lastly, they wear red Turbans upon their Heads, and their Girdles are oftener wrought with red then any other colour. After having seen the Temple of Mahavir, we went to visit an old Brachman, accounted very learned amongst them, with whom we discoursed as well as we could by an interpreter, because he understood no other Language but the Indian. We found him amongst many Scholars, to whom he was giving a Lecture: He showed us his Books written in an antique Character, which is the learned amongst them, not common to the vulgar, but known only to the learned, and used by the brahmin's; who, in distinction from other vulgar Characters, used variously in sundry Provinces of India, call it Nagheri. I have, and shall carry with me two small Books of it, which I sometimes bought in Lar. This Brachman is called Became Azàrg; of which words, Became is his proper Name, and Azàrg his Title of Honour. Amongst other Books, he showed us that of their sect; in w●●●h, though it was bound long ways, as 'tis the fashion of their Books, yet the lines were written cross the paper, after the manner of some of our Music-books: He affirmed to us for certain, that it was a work of Pythagoras, which well agreeth with what, Philostratus saith, jarchas told Apollonius, namely, that they Indians 
De Vita Apoll. lib. 3. cap. 6.  believed the same concerning the Soul which Pythagoras had taught them, and they the Egyptians; which is quite contrary to what, I said before, was my opinion, which of these two Nations first taught the other. But Diogenes Laertius, who writes Pythagoras' Life copiously enough, making mention of his going 
Lib. 8.  into Egypt, and how he conversed likewise with the Chaldaeans and Magis, yet speaks not a word that ever he went into India, or had communication with the brahmin's. Wherefore, if Pythagoras taught any thing to the Indians, as jarchas said, he did it not in person but by his books, which possibly were carried into India. Moreover Became Azàrg added, that their Brachmà, esteemed one of the chief amongst their false Gods, (from whom they are denominated brahmin's) is all one with Pythagoras: A curious notion indeed, and which, perhaps, would be news to hear in Europe, that Pythagoras is foolishly adored in India for a God. But this, with Beca Azàrg's good leave, I do not believe: Either he did not expressly speak thus, and by the fault of the Interpreters we did not understand him aright; or, if he did affirm it, perhaps he came to be mistaken by having heard Pythagoras named by some Europaeans for the Author of that foolish opinion of the Transmigration of Souls. Be it as it will, I cannot believe that Pythagoras and Brachma are all one; because though Pythagoras be very ancient, for he flourished in the Consulship of Brutus, who expelled the Kings out of Rome; yet I hold the Rites and opinions of the brahmin's much more ancient. For when Diodorus relates the contest of the two Wives of Ceteus, an Indian Captain in the Army of Eumenes, each of whom would be burnt with her Husband 
Lib. 19  slain in battle, speaking of the Laws, Customs, and Rites of the Indians, he calls them, even at that time, Ancient things. And though Pythagoras and the Consulship of Brutus may precede not only Eumenes, who was one of Alexander the Great's successors, but Alexander himself by about two ages, according to the Chronology of Bellarmine, which to me seems good enough; yet the space of two hundred years or somewhat more, is not such as that those things may be called Ancient, which had their beginning within so short a term; as it should be infallibly, if Pythagoras, whom they take to be their Brachma, were the first Author to the Indians of their Learning, and consequently of their Rites, Customs, and Laws. But since I have already made frequent mention of the brahmin's, and perhaps shall have occasion to do the same hereafter; to the end it may be understood what they are, I shall here subjoin so much as I have hitherto 〈…〉 ain'd to know concerning them, and all the other Indians.  
The whole Gentile-people of India is divided into many sects or parties of men, known and distinguished by descent or 
XIV.  pedigree, as the Tribes of the Jews sometimes were; yet they inhabit the Country promiscuously mingled together, in every City and Land several Races one with another. 'Tis reckoned that they are in all eighty four; some say, more, making a more exact and subtle division. Every of these hath a particular name, and also a special office and employment in the Commonwealth, from which none of the descendants of that Race ever swerve; they never rise nor fall, nor change condition: Whence some are Husbandmen, others, Mechanic, as Tailors, Shoemakers, and the like; others, Factors or Merchants, such as they whom we call Banians, but they in their Language more correctly Vanià: Others, Soldiers, as the Ragiaputi; And thus every one attends, and is employed in the proper Trade of his Family, without any mutation ever happening amongst them, or Alliance of one Race contracted with another. Diodorus and Strabo, (almost with the same words, as if the one had transscribed the other) affirm, that anciently the 
Lib. 2. Lib. 15.  Races of the Indians were seven, each addicted to their proper profession; and for the first of all, they place that of the Philosophers, who, no doubt, are the brahmin's. Into seven kinds of men with their particular, and by Generation perpetuated Offices, Herodotus in like manner writes, (and Diodorus confirms 
Lib. 2. Lib. 1.  it, though he disagrees in the number) the people of Egypt was divided in those days; whereby 'tis manifest what correspondence there was between Egypt and India in all things. Nor do I wonder at the division into seven Races only, because what is observed at this day, must then also have happened, namely, that the so many Races which they reckon, are reduced to four principal; which, if I mistake not, are the brahmin's, the Soldiers, the Merchants, and the Artificers; from whom by more minute subdivision all the rest are derived, in such number as in the whole people there are various professions of men. In the substantial points of Religion all agree together, all believe the Transmigration of Souls, which according to their merits and demerits (they think) are sent by God into other bodies, either of Animals more or less clean, and of more or less painful life; or else of men more or less noble and handsome, and more or less pure of Race, wherein they place not a little of their vain superstition; accounting all other Nations and Religions, besides themselves, unclean; and some more than others, according as they more or less differ from their Customs. All equally believe that there is a Paradise in Heaven with God, but that thereinto go only the Souls of their own Nation, more pure and without any sin, who have lived piously in this world: Or in case they have sinned, that after divers Transmigrations into various bodies of Animals and Men, having by often returning into the world undergone many pains, they are at length purged, and at last die in the body of some man of Indian and noble Race, as the brahmin's, who amongst them are held the noblest and purest; because their employment is nothing else but the Divine Worship, the service of Temples and Learning, and they observe their own Religion with more rigour than any others. 'Tis true, the brahmin's, who amongst the Indians, in my opinion, much resemble the Levites of the Jews, are divided too into several sorts, one more noble than another, and, according to nobility, more rigorous also in matter of eating, and in their other superstitious Ceremonies; for some of them are Astrologers, some Physicians, some Secretaries of Princes; and so of other sorts of Scholars which I know not well: but the most esteemed and most sublime amongst the brahmin's, and consequently, the most rigorous of all in point of eating and other observances, are those who perform the Office of Priests, whom they call Boti. Ordinarily they never admit into their Sect any man of another Religion; nor do they think that they do ill herein, or contrary to the zeal of saving Souls; since believing the Transmigration, they conceive it not necessary to salvation to change Religion, although one be of a false Sect; but judge that if this Soul shall be worthy to have pardon from God, it shall after death, and after being purged sundry ways, pass into, and be born in the body of some Indian amongst them, and live excellently; and so by this way at last arrive at Paradise and live with God, although in the beginning it was in the world in the body of the worst sinner and miscreant whatever. With people of other Religion they never eat, nor will have any communication of food, and, as much as possible, they avoid even to touch them; conceiving themselves polluted by communicating with others. And herein they are so scrupulous, that even amongst the Indians themselves, one of more noble Race, not only neither eats, nor makes use of the same clothes, or vessels, nor communicates in any thing with one less noble, but also endures not to be touched by him; which if it fall out by chance that he be, he must purify himself from the defilement by washings, and other arrogant Ceremonies. And hence 'tis a pretty sight to behold the great respect which upon this account the ignoble bear to the more noble than themselves, and how upon meeting in the street, the ignoble not only give place, but dance wildly up and down for fear of rushing against the noble, and polluting them in any measure; which, if they should not do, the Noble, and especially the Soldiers, would make them do it to the Music of blows. From this averseness to communicate one with another, particularly, in the use of eating and drinking-vessels, concerning which they are most strict, is sprung a strange Custom, which I was delighted not only to see, but also sometimes out of gallantry to imitate in conversation. It happens very often during hot weather, both in Travelling and in Towns, that people have need of refreshing themselves, and drinking of a little water; but because every one hath not a drinking-vessel of his own ready, to avoid defiling or being defiled by his companion's cup; there's a way found out whereby any person may drink in that, or any other what ever, without scruple or danger of any, either active or passive contamination. This is done, by drinking in such manner that the vessel touches not the lips or mouth of him who drinks; for it is held up on high with the hand over the mouth, and he that lifts it up highest, and holds it farthest from his mouth, shows himself most mannerly; and thus pouring the liquor out of the cup into the mouth, they drink round while there is any left, or so long as they please. So accustomed are the Indians to drink in this manner, that they practise it almost continually with their own vessels for delight, without the necessity of shunning communication with others; and they are so dextrous at it, that I remember to have seen one of them take with both hands a vessel as big as a basin, and lifting it up above a span higher than his mouth, pour a great torrent of water into his throat and drink it all off. Having been frequently present at such occasions, that where ever I came the Indians might not be shy of reaching me a cup of water, I purposely set myself to learn this manner of drinking, which I call drinking in the Air, and at length have learned it; not with cups as big as basins, like his abovesaid; but with a handsome cruse, like those we use, or with a little bottle or drinking glass made on purpose, I do it very well: Sometimes in conversation we drink healths all Indiana, after this fashion, with consent that all do reason in the same manner; and he that cannot do it right, either wets himself well, or falls a coughing and yexing, which gives occasion of laughter. But to return to the opinions of the Indians; As for good works and sins, they all agree with the Doctrine of Morality, and the universal consent of Mankind, that there are differences of Virtue and Vice in all the world. They hold not only Adultery, but even simple fornication a great sin; nor do they account it lawful, as the Mahometans do, to have commerce with female slaves, or with others besides their own Wives. Yea, slaves of either Sex they no-wise admit, but hold it a sin; making use of free persons for their service, and paying them wages, as we do in Europe: Which likewise was their ancient custom, as appears by Strabo, who citys Megasthenes and other Authors 
Lib. 15.  of those times for it. They detest Sodomy above measure, and abhor the Mahometans whom they observe addicted to it. They take but one Wife, and never divorce her till death, unless for the cause of Adultery. Indeed some, either by reason of the remoteness of their Wives, or out of a desire to have Children, in case the first Wife be barren; or because they are rich and potent, and are minded to do what none can forbid them, sometimes take more Wives; but 'tis not counted well done, unless they be Princes, who always in all Nations are privileged in many things. When the Wife dies, they marry another if they please; but if the Husband die, the Woman never marries more; were she so minded, nor could she find any of her own Race who would take her, because she would be accounted as bad as infamous in desiring a second Marriage. A very hard Law indeed, and from which infinite inconveniences arise; for not a few young Widows, who in regard of their Reputation cannot marry again, and have not patience to live chastely, commit disorders in private, especially with men of other Nations and Religions, and with any they find, provided it be secret. Some Widows are burnt alive, together with the bodies of their dead Husbands; a thing which anciently not only the Indian Women did, according to what Strabo writes from the 
Lib. 15. cap. 15.  Relation of Onesicritus; but also the chaste Wives of the Thracians, as appears by julius Solinus. But this burning of Women upon the death of their Husbands, is at their own choice to do it or not, and indeed, few practice it; but she who doth it, acquires in the Nation a glorious name of Honour and Holiness. 'Tis most usual among great persons, who prize Reputation at a higher rate than others do; and in the death of Personages of great quality, to whom their Wives desire to do Honour by burning themselves quick. I heard related at my first coming, that a Kagià, that is, an Indian Prince, (one of the many which are subject to the Moghol) being slain in a battle, seventeen of his Wives were burnt alive, together with his body; which in India was held for great Honour and Magnificence. I have heard say, (for I have not seen any Women burned alive) that when this is to be done, the Wife or Wives who are to be burnt, enclose themselves in a pile of wood, which is laid hollow like the rafters of a house, and the entrance stopped with great logs, that they may not get out in case they should repent them when the kindled fire begins to offend them: Yea, divers men stand about the pile with staves in their hands to stir the fire, and to pour liquors upon it to make it burn faster; and that if they should see the Woman offer to come out, or avoid the flames, they would knock her on the head with their staves and kill her, or else beat her back into the fire; because 'twould be a great shame to the Woman and all her kindred, if she should go to be burnt, and then through fear of the fire and death, repent and come out of it. I have likewise heard it said, that some Women are burnt against their own Will, their Relations resolving to have it so for Honour of the Husband; and that they have been brought to the fire in a manner by force, and made besides themselves with things given them to eat and drink for this purpose, that they might more easily suffer themselves to be cast into the fire; but this the Indians directly deny, saying, that force is not used to any; and it may be true, at least in Countries where Mahometans command; for there no Woman is suffered to be burnt without leave of the Governor of the place, to whom it belongs first to examine, whether the Women be willing; besides, and for a Licence, there is also paid a good sum of money. Nevertheless, 'tis possible too that many Widows being in the height of their passion taken at their word by their kindred who desire it, go to it afterwards with an ill will, not daring to deny those that exhort them thereunto, especially if obliged by their word; nor to discover their own mind freely to the Governor. Things, which amongst Women, through their natural fearfulness and modesty, easily happen. And I would to God that in our Countries, in sundry cases, as of marrying or not, and the like matters, we had not frequent examples which Women not seldom give of great resolutions, not forced in appearance, but indeed too much forced in reality, for avoiding displeasure and other inconveniencies. In the Territories of Christians, where the Portugals are Masters, Women are not suffered to be burnt, nor is any other exercise of their Religion permitted them. Moreover, the Indian-Gentiles believe that there is a Devil in the world, almost of the same conditions wherewith we conceive him; but they think too, that many wretched Souls unworthy ever to have pardon from God, as the last of the great punishments which they deserve, become Devils also; than which they judge there cannot be a greater misery. The greatest sin in the world they account shedding of blood, especially that of men; and then, above all, the eating of humane flesh, as some barbarous Nations do, who are therefore detested by them more than all others. Hence the strictest amongst them, as the brahmin's, and particularly the Boti, not only kill not, but eat not, any living thing; and even from herbs tinctured with any reddish colour representing blood, they wholly abstain. Others, of a larger conscience eat only fish. Others, the most ignoble and largest of all, though they kill not, nevertheless they eat all sort of Animals good for food, except Cows; to kill and eat which, all in general abhor, saying, that the Cow is their Mother, for the Milk she gives, and the Oxen she breeds, which plough the Earth, and do a thousand other services, especially in India, where through the paucity of other Animals, they make use of these more than any for all occasions. So that they think they have reason to say, That Cows are the prop of the world, which perhaps would signify by that Fable, common also to the Mahometans, and by me formerly mentioned; That the world is supported upon the Horns of the Cow. Moreover, they have these creatures in great Veneration; for Cows being kept well in India, and living with little pains and much ease, therefore they believe that the best Souls, to whom God is pleased to give little pain in this world, pass into them. All the Indians use many washings, and some never eat without first washing the whole body. Others will not be seen to eat by any one; and the place where they eat, they first sweep, wash, and scour with water and Cowdung. Which, besides cleanliness, is to them a Ceremonial Right, which they think hath the virtue to purify: But having observed it too in the houses of Christians, I find that indeed it cleanses exquisitely, and makes the floors and pavements of houses handsome, smooth, and bright. And if the Cows and Bulls whose dung they use, eat grass, it gives a pretty green to the pavement; if straw, a yellowish: But for the most part the floors are red, as those of Venice are, and I know not with what they give them that colour. But these and other Ceremonies which I have not seen myself, and know only by Relation, I willingly pass over. I shall conclude therefore with saying that by the things hitherto mentioned, it appears that in the substance of Religion, and what is most important, all the Races of the Indians agree together, and differ only, perhaps, through the necessity, which is caused by the diversity of humane conditions in certain Rites and Ceremonies, particularly, of eating more or less indistinctly. Wherein the Ragia puti, Soldiers, with the wont military licentiousness, take most liberty, without thinking themselves prejudiced as to the degree of Nobility. Next to them, the meanest and most laborious professions are more licentious in eating then others, because they need more sustinenance; some of which drink Wine too from which the others more strict, abstain to avoid ebriety; and so from all other beverage that inebriates. But those of other Races whose employments admit more rest and a better life, are also more sparing and rigorous in the use of meats, especially the brahmin's, as I said, dedicated wholly to Learning and the Service of Temples, and the most noble of all. In testimony whereof they alone have the privilege to wear a certain Ensign of Nobility in their Sect, whereby they are distinguished from others; 'tis a fillet of three braids, which they put next the flesh like a Neck-chain, passing from the left shoulder under the right arm, and so round. This fillet hath a mystery, and is given to all persons of that Race, and to a few of one other for a great favour, with many superstitious Ceremonies, of which I forbear to speak, because I have not yet any good information thereof. There was a long dispute in India, between the Jesuits and other Fathers, whether this fillet, which the Portugals call Linha, was a badge of Religion, or only an Ensign of piety; and whether it was not to be permitted, or not, to Indian Converts, who were very loath to lay it aside. Much hath been said, and with great contest by both parties, and at length the cause is carried to Rome, and I was informed of it two or three years ago in Persia. For I remember Sig: Matteo Galvano Gudigno, a Canon and Kinsman to the then Archbishop of Goa, passed by Sphahàn, and continued there many days; being sent by the same Archbishop, who favoured the side contrary to the Jesuits, purposely to Rome with many writings touching this affair, which he out of courtesy communicated to me. I know not whether the final determination of it be yet come from Rome; some say it is, and in favour of the Jesuits: But at Goa we shall know these things better. The truth is, the Jesuits prove, (on one side) that the honour of wearing this Ribbon is frequently granted not only to the Indians, but also to strangers of different Nation and Sect; as to Mahometans, who (by condescension of that King, who among the Indians hath authority to do it, as Head of their Sect in spirituals) have in recompense of great and honourable services enjoyed this privilege, without becoming Gentiles, or changing their Religion, but still persisting to live Mahometans; which indeed is a strong Argument. On the other side, they prove that many brahmin's and others of the Race privileged to wear it, intending to lead a stricter life, and abandon the world by living almost like Hermits; amongst other things, in humility lay aside this Ribbon, being a token of Nobility; which 'tis not likely they would do, if it were a Cognizance of Religion; yea, they would wear it the more. But this second Argument seems not to me so cogent, because, amongst us Christians, if a Knight of the order of Calatrava, or the like, which are Ensigns of Nobility, in order to a more holy life enter into some Religion, either of Friars, Monks, or other Regulars; 'tis clear that taking the Religious Habit, he lays aside the body of his Knighthood, although it be that Cross, than which there cannot be a greater Cognizance of Christian Religion; albeit 'tis worn by those Knights as a token of Nobility too. 'Tis enough, that the Jesuits think their opinion abundantly confirmed by the two abovesaid Reasons; namely, that it is rather a sign of Nobility than a Cognizance of Religion. And although the same is conferred with many superstitious Ceremonies, yet they will not have it taken away, alleging for example, that the Crosses of our Knights, however Ensigns of Nobility, are given with many Ceremonies and Rites of our sacred Religion, the more to authorise them. Whence it appears that the use of this Ribbon may be without scruple permitted to the Indians, provided these superstitious Ceremonies be laid aside, and especially the End, in which alone consists the sin; changing it in that manner as the ancient Christians changed many Festivals and superstitions of the Gentiles into Festivals of Martyrs, and other pious Commemorations. And this may be done by applying (e. g.) the signification of the three Braids to the most Holy Trinity, or in some such manner, turning it to a pious and lawful use. Nevertheless those of the contrary party impugn this opinion with no bad Reasons; they say, 'tis a thing in itself, of its own nature, wholly unlawful to Christians, as being perfectly a Gentile-superstition; which is proved by the Ceremonies and words used in conferring it; and that for the three Braids, 'tis well known, they hold and wear them in honour of three of their chief false Gods; and that although they be Ensigns of Nobility in the wearer, yet they are withal, and principally a manifest Cognizance of their Religion; as Crosses are amongst our Knights, wherewith who ever hath the same on his breast, not only ostentates his Nobility, but also firmly profess the Christian Faith. That the Gentile-Kings having honoured with this Ensign some Mahometan, their Vassal, and remaining a Mahometan, is no more than as if in our Countries we should grant to some Jew the privilege of wearing a black Hat without becoming a Christian; which may be done by way of dispensation, and yet it cannot be denied but that the wearing a black one, or a yellow, is, besides the matter of credit, a Cognizance also of the Religion or Sect which a man professes. Many other Reasons they allege, which I do not well remember, and which, no doubt, will be narrowly examined at Rome. What the determination will be, I shall know more certainly at Goa; and for the present thus much may suffice concerning the Opinions and Rites of the Indian-Gentiles.  
Now in pursuance of the Narration of my Travels, I am 
XV.  to tell you, that after the seeing of the Temple, and visiting the Brachman abovesaid, the same day, which was Saturday the 25th of February, upon occasion of a Cafila, or Caravan, which was setting forth from Cambaia to Ahmedabàd, which is the Royal Seat and Head of the whole Kingdom of Guzaràt, we, namely, Sig: Alberto sciling, and myself, with our attendants, were desirous to see that City; and since the insecurity of the ways allowed us not to go alone, we resolved to go with the Cafila. And because at the same time another Cafila was setting forth for Suràt, in which some of the Hollanders, residing at Cambaia, went with their goods which they carried thither in order to be shipped; we all went out of the Town together, and in a place without the Gate and the Suburbs, were the ways divided under the shade of certain great Trees of Tamarinds, which the Indians call Hambelè, (where also are certain Sepulchers, and a Mahometan Meschita or Temple, unroofed and without walls about, saving a little wall at the front, and a place marked where prayers are to be made; of which sort of Meschita's many are seen in India, especially in the Country) we entertained ourselves a good while with the Dutch, being diverted with Music, singing and dancing by the same Women, which we had the night before at our house. At length taking leave, they took their way towards Suràt, and Sig: Alberto and I with our company towards Ahmedabàd, going a little out of the way to see another very famous Temple of Mahadeù. The Fabric is small and inconsiderable; within there is no other Idol but that of Mahadeù, which is no other but a little column or pillar of stone, thicker below than at top, and which diminishing by degrees, ends at the top in a round. Whatever 'tis that would signify thereby, the name of Mahadeù they in their language, is properly interpreted Great God. But we had enough to laugh at, when we heard that this Idol was held by the Country people for a worker of miracles; and amongst other of his miracles, they relate that he grows every day, and becomes bigger hourly; affirming, that many years since he was no higher than a span, or little more, and now he is above two, and perhaps three; and thus he continues increasing every day: a folly not to be believed but by such fools as themselves. Having seen this Temple, we overtook our Cafila at a Town called Saimà, three miles distant from Cambaia, where we all lodged that night. The next Morning being Sunday, the Cafila, which consisted of above a hundred Coaches, besides footmen and horsemen, and great loaden Wagons, set forth three hours before day; and staying not to rest any where, according to the custom of the East, (which is to make but one bout of a days journey) having travelled fifteen Cos by noon, or little later, we lodged at a Town called Màter, where we saw an infinite number of Squirrels leaping amongst the trees every where; they were small, white, and with a tail less, and not so fair as those of our Countries. On Monday, about two hours before day, we resumed our Voyage. When it was day, we saw upon the way every where abundance of wild Monkeys, of which almost all the Trees were full. They put me in mind of that Army of Monkeys, which the Soldiers of Alexander the Great, beholding upon certain Hills a far off, and taking to be Menintended to have charged, had not Taxilus informed them what they were, as Strabo relates. We found abundance of people 
L 〈…〉  too upon the way begging alms with the sound of a Trumpet, which almost every one had and sounded, and most of them were armed with Bows and Arrows; two things sufficiently uncouth for beggars, and indeed, not be suffered by Governors, since these Ruffians under pretext of begging, rob frequently upon the way when they meet persons alone and unarmed; which having weapons themselves, they may easily do. This County was almost all woody, the ground unmeasurably dusty, to the great trouble of Travellers; the Highways were all enclosed on the sides with high hedges of a plant always green and unfruitful, not known in Europe; and having no leaves, but instead thereof covered with certain long and slender branches, almost like our Asparagus but bigger, harder and thicker, of a very lively green; being broken, they send forth Milk like that of immature Figgs, which is very pernicious to the flesh wherever it touches. The Fields were full of Olive-trees, Tamarind-trees, and other such which in India are familiar. About noon, having travelled twelve, or, as others said, fourteen Cos, we arrived at Ahmedabàd, and our journey from Cambaia hither was always with our Faces towards the North East. Being entered into the City, which is competently large, with great Suburbs, we went directly to alight at the house of the English Merchants, till other lodging were prepared for us, where also we dined with them. After which we retired to one of the houses which stand in the street, which they call Terzi Carvanserai, that is, the Tailors Inn. For you must know that the Carvanserai, or Inns in Ahmedabàd, and other great Cities of India, are not, as in Persia and Turkey, one single habitation made in form of a great Cloister, with abundance of Lodgings round about, separate one from another, for quartering of strangers; but they are whole great streets of the City destinated for strangers to dwell in, and whosoever is minded to hire a house; and because these streets are locked up in the night time for security of the persons and goods which are there, therefore they call the Cavanserai. Notwithstanding the wearisomeness of our journey, because we were to stay but a little while at Ahmedabàd, therefore after a little rest we went the same Evening to view the marketplace, buying sundry things. It displeased me sufficiently that the streets not being well paid, although they are large, fair, and straight, yet through the great dryness of the Earth they are so dusty, that there's almost no going a foot, because the foot sinks very deep in the ground with great defilement; and the going on Horseback, or in a Coach, is likewise very troublesome in regard of the dust; a thing, indeed, of great disparagement to so goodly and great a City as this is. I saw in Ahmedabàd, Roses, Flowers of jasmin, and other sorts, and divers such fruits as we have in our Countries in the Summer; whence I imagined, that probably, we had repassed the Tropic of Cancer, and re-entered a little into the temperate Zone; which doubt I could not clear for want of my Astrolabe, which I had left with my other goods at Suràt. On Tuesday following, which to us was the day of Carnaval, or Shrove-Tuesday, walking in the Morning about the Town, I saw a handsome street, straight, long, and very broad, full of shops of various Trades; they call it Bezari Kelàn, that is, the Great Merkat, in distinction from others, than which this is bigger. In the middle is a structure of stone athwart the street, like a bridge with three Arches, almost resembling the Triumphal Arches of Rome. A good way beyond this bridge, in the middle of the same street is a great Well, round about which is built a square Piazzetta, a little higher than the ground. The Water of the Well is of great service to all the City, and there is always a great concourse of people who come to fetch it. Going forwards to the end of the Market, we came to the great Gate which stands confronting the street, and beautified with many Ornaments between two goodly Towers; 'tis the Gate of a small Castle, which they call by the Persian word Cut. Nor let it seem strange, that in India in the Countries of the Moghòl, the Persian Tongue is used more, perhaps, than the Indian itself, since the Mogholian Princes being originally Tartars and of Samarcand, where the Persian Tongue is the natural of the Country, have therefore been willing to retain their native Speech in India; in brief, the Persian is the Language of the Moghols Court, most spoken and used in all public writings. Near this Castle Gate, in a void place of the street are two pulpits handsomely built of stone, somewhat raised from the ground, wherein 'tis the custom to read the King's Commandments publicly, when they are be proclaimed. Thence turning to the right hand, and passing another great Gate, and through a fair Street we came to the Royal Palace; for Ahmedabàd is one of the four Cities, amongst all the others of his Dominions, where the Grand Moghòl by particular privilege hath a Palace and a Court; and accordingly he comes sometimes to reside there. This Palace hath a great square Court, surrounded with white and well polished walls. In the midst stands a high Post to shoot at with arrows, as is also usual in the Piazzaes' of Persia. On the left side of the Court as you go in, are the King's Lodgings, a small and low building. What 'tis within side, I know not, for I entered not into it; but without, 'tis as follows: Under the King's Windows is a square place enclosed with a rail of coloured wood, and the pavement somewhat raised; within which, when the King is there, are wont to stand certain Officers of the Militia, whom they call Mansubdàr, and they are almost the same with our Colonels: their Command extends not to above a Thousand Horse; nor are they all equal, but from a thousand downwards, some have more, some less, under them. Within this enclosure of the Mansubdary, under the King's Balconies, stand two carved Elephants of embossed work, but not large, painted with their natural colours; and in the front of the Royal Lodgings, are other such Ornaments after their mode, of little consideration. Some said, that a while ago in one of the Balconies stood exposed to public view an Image of the Virgin Mary, placed there by Sciàh Selim, (who, they say, was devoted to her) and to whom, perhaps, it was given by one of our Priests, who frequent his Court out of a desire to draw him to the Christian Faith; but the Image was not there now, and possibly, was taken away by Sultan Chorrom his Son, (reported an Enemy of the Christians and their affairs) since his coming to the Government of those parts of Guzaràt. The station of the greater Captains, and of higher dignity than the Mansubdary, as the Chans and others of that rank, is in the King's Balconies; or near hand above there within the Rooms: The inferior Soldiers, that is, such as have only two or three Horses, stand upon the ground in the Court without the above mentioned enclosure. In the front of the Court is another building, with an enclosure also before it, but less adorned; 'tis the place where the King's Guard stands with all its Captains: And the same order, I believe, is always observed in the Moghòl's Court, in whatsoever place or City he happens to be. Within this Court is another on the left hand, surrounded with other buildings for necessary Offices, but not so well built nor polished. Having seen what we could of the Royal Palace, we returned by the same way we came to the street of the great Market. From whence we went to see a famous Temple of Mahadeù, to which there is hourly a great concourse of people, and the street which leads to it is always full, not only of goers and comers to the Temple, but also of beggars who stand here and there ask Alms of those that pass by. The building of this Temple is small, the entrance narrow and very low, almost under ground; for you descend by many steps, and you would think you were rather going into a Grotto then into a Temple; and hence there is always a great crowd there. On high hung a great number of Bells, which are rung every moment with great noise by all those who come to worship. Within the Temple continually stand many naked Gioghi, having only their privities (not very well) covered with a cloth; they wear long Hair dishevelled, dying their Foreheads with spots of Sanders, Saffron, and other colours suitable to their superstitious Ceremonies. The rest of their bodies is clean and smooth, without any tincture or impurity; which I mention as a difference from some other Gioghi, whose Body are all smeared with colours and ashes, as I shall relate hereafter. There is, no doubt, but these are the ancient Gymnosophists so famous in the world; and, in short, those very Sophists who then went naked, and exercised great patience in sufferings, to whom Alexander the Great scent Onesicritus to 
Lib. 15.  consult with them, as Strabo reports from the testimony of the same Onesicritus. Many of them stood in the Temple near the Idols, which were placed in the innermost Penetral or Chancel of it, with many Candles and lamps burning before them. The Idols were two stones, somewhat long, like two small Termini, or Landmarks, painted with their wont colours; on the right side whereof was a stone cut into a figure, and on the left another of that ordinary form of a small pillar, according to which, as I said before, that they use to shape Mahadeù: And before all these, another like figure of Mahadeù, made of Crystal, upon which the Offerings were laid, as Milk, Oil, Rice, and divers such things. The assistant Gioghi give every one that comes to worship some of the Flowers, which are strewed upon, and round about the Idols; receiving in lieu thereof good sums of Alms. Coming out of this Temple, and ascending up the wall of the City, which is hard by, we beheld from that height the little River called Sabermeti, which runs on that side under the walls without the City. Upon the bank thereof, stood exposed to the Sun many Gioghi of more austere lives, namely such, as not only are naked, like those above described, but go all sprinkled with ashes, and paint their bodies and faces with a whitish colour upon black, which they do with a certain stone that is reduced into powder like Lime: Their Beards and Hair they wear long, untrimed, rudely involved, and sometimes erected like horns. Painted they are often, or rather daubed with sundry colours and hideous figures; so that they seem so many Devils, like those represented in our Comedies. The ashes wherewith they sprinkle their bodies are the ashes of burnt Carcases; and this, to the end they may be continually mindful of death. A great crew of these with their Chief or Leader, (who conducts them with an extravagant banner in his Hand, made of many shreds of several colours, and to whom they all religiously obey) sat by the River's side in a round form, as their custom is; and in the field there were many people, who came, some to walk, and others, to wash themselves; the Pagan Indians holding their Rivers in great Veneration, and being not a little superstitious in bathing themselves therein. From the same place, I beheld a little Chapel built upon two small figures of Mahadeù, not upright, but lying along upon the ground, and carved in ba●●e relief, where also were Lamps burning, and people making their Offerings. One of the Gioghi, laying aside all other care, remained continually in this Chapel with great retiredness and abstraction of mind, scarce ever coming forth; although it was very troublesome abiding there, in regard of the heat of the lights; and inconvenient too, by reason the Chapel was so little that it could scarce contain him alone as he sat upon the pavement, (which was somewhat raised from the Earth) with his Legs doubled under him, and almost crooked. Returning home by the same way of the great Bazàr, or Market, I saw Carvanserai, or Inns made with Cloisters like those of Persia; one greater and square of the ordinary form, and another less, narrow and long. Of divers other streets, in which I saw nothing observable, I forbear to speak.  
The same day after dinner, having taken leave of certain 
XVI.  Armenian and Syrian Christians, who live in Ahmedabàd with their Wives and Families, we put ourselves upon the way to return to Cambaia, with the same Cafila, with which we came; and which every week departs thence at a set day. At our setting forth we met with a little obstacle, for by reason of the new Commotions between the Moghòl, and his Son Sultan Chorròm, who was become Master of these parts of Guznet, there was a fresh prohibition in Ahmedabàd, that no Soldiers Wives, nor other person of quality should go out of the City by Land; and this, as I conceive, lest the rumours of the troubles should cause the people of the City to remove into other Territories, and abandon the faction of the Rebel Sultan Chorròm; which they could not do if their Wives were restrained, because Husbands are in a manner necessitated to abide where their Wives and Houses are. So that by reason of this prohibition, I could not have got away, having my Sigra Mariuccia with me, unless I had obtained express leave in writing from the Governor; in order to which it was needful for me to make it appear that we were strangers and not people of the Country, and to pay some small sum of Money, besides going backward and for ward, whereby we lost much time. Having at length obtained permission, and being got out of the City, we went a little without the walls to see a great Artificial Lake which is there, made of stone with stairs at several angles about it; its Diameter was, by my conjecture, above half a mile. It hath about the middle an Island, with a little Garden, to which they go by a handsome Bridge of many Arches very well built; upon which, I believe, two Indian Coaches may go a breast. Indeed these Indian Lakes are goodly things, and may be reckoned amongst the most remarkable structures of the world. Having seen this, we went to overtake our Cafila, which was arrived at a Town seven Cos distant from Ahemdabàd, called Barigia, or Bariza, (for the Indians very much confound these two Letters g and z in their speaking.) We came late to the said Town, by reason of our hindrances at our departure from Ahmedabàd; but certain Horsemen appointed, as I conceive, to guard the way, having met us in the night, would needs accompany us thither that so we might go safely; for which service they were contented with a very small gratuity which we gave them.  
The first of March, being Ash-Wednesday, we set forth by 
XVII.  break of day; and having travelled fifteen Cos, an hour or little more before night, we came to lodge in a competently large Town called Soznitrà, where I saw Bats as big as Crows. The next day, March the second, beginning our journey early, we travelled twelve Cos, and a little after noon arrived at Cambaia. The Dutch Merchants there understanding by others that we were coming with this Cafila, came to meet us a little without the Gate, and with their accustomed courtesies conducted us to lodge in their House. March the third, we went out of the walls to the top of the Tower of that Sepulchre, which I said we saw near the Garden of the King of Guzarat, to behold from thence, (being a great prospect upon the Sea) the coming in of the Tide, which indeed was a pleasant spectacle. 'Twas New-Moon this day, and so a greater Tide then usual, and we went to observe it at the punctual time of its being at the height, which those people know very well; because at that time it increases in less than a quarter of an hour, to almost the greatest height it is to have, and flows with greatest fury; contrary to what happens in other Seas. Now at the due time we saw the Sea come roaring a far off, like a most rapid River, and in a moment overflow a great space of Land, rushing with such fury that nothing could have withstood its force; and I think it would have overtaken the swiftest Race-horse in the world. A thing verily strange, since in other places both the rising and the falling of the Sea in the flux and reflux is done gently in full six hours, and with so little motion that 'tis scarce perceived. After this we went to see another goodly Cistern, or Lake, without the City, formerly not seen, of a square form, and of a sumptuous marble structure, with stairs about it like the others which I had seen elsewhere. Afterwards we saw in one of the Suburbs or Hamlets near the City, called Cansari, a Temple of the Gentiles, peradventure the goodliest that I have seen, with certain Cupola's, and high Balconies of tolerable Architecture, but no great model. This Temple belongs to that Race of Indians who shave their heads (a thing unusual to all others who wear long hair, like Women) and such are called Vertià. The Idol in it sat on high over an Altar at the upper end, in a place somewhat dark, ascended by stairs, with lamps always burning before it. When I went in, there was a Man at his Devotions, and burning Perfumes before the Idol. At some distance from this, stands another Temple of like structure, but more plain and of a square form; within it were seen abundance of Idols of several shapes, whose Names and Histories, the shortness of time, and my unskilfulness in their Language allowed me not to learn. Without the Gate of these Temples, I beheld sitting upon the ground in a circle, another Troop of those naked Gioghi, having their bodies sineared with Ashes, Earth, and Colours, like those I had seen upon the River of Ahmedabàd; they 〈◊〉 a ring about their Archimandrita, or Leader, who was held in such Veneration not only by the Religious of their Sect, but also by the other secular Indians, for Reputation of Holiness, that I saw many grave persons go and make low Reverences to him, kiss his Hands, and stand in an humble posture before him to hear some sentence; and He with great gravity, or rather with a strange scorn of all worldly things, hypocritically made as if he scarce deigned to speak and answer those that came to honour him. These Gioghi, are not such by Descent but by Choice, as our Religious Orders are. They go naked, most of them with their bodies painted and smeared, as is above mentioned; yet some of them are only naked, with the rest of their bodies smooth, and only their Foreheads died with Sanders and some red, yellow, or white colour; which is also imitated by many secular persons, out of superstition and gallantry. They live upon Alms, despising clothes and all other worldly things. They marry not, but make severe profession of Chastity at least in appearance; for in secret 'tis known many of them commit as many debaucheries as they can. They live in society under the obedience of their Superiors, and wander about the world without having any settled abode. Their Habitations are the Fields, the Streets, the Porches, the Courts of Temples, and Trees, especially under those where any Idol is worshipped by them; and they undergo with incredible patience day and night no less the rigour of the Air than the excessive heat of the Sun, which in these sultry Countries is a thing sufficiently to be admired. They have spiritual exercises after their way, and also some exercise of Learning, but (by what I gather from a Book of theirs translated into Persian, and entitled, Damerdbigiaska, and, as the Translator saith, a rare piece) both their exercises of wit and their Learning, consist only in Arts of Divination, Secrets of Herbs, and other natural things, and also in Magic and Enchantments, whereunto they are much addicted, and boast of doing great wonders. I include their spiritual exercises herein, because according to the aforesaid Book, they think that by the means of those exercises, Prayers, Fast, and the like superstitious things, they come to Revelations; which indeed are nothing else but correspondences with the Devil, who appears to, and deludes them in sundry shapes, forewarning them sometimes of things to come: Yea sometimes they have carnal commerce with him, not believing, or, at least, not professing that 'tis the Devil; but that there are certain Immortal, Spiritual, Invisible Women, to the number of forty, known to them and distinguished by various forms, names, and operations, whom they reverence as Deities, and adore in many places with strange worship; so that some Moorisco Princes in India, as one of these three petty Kings who reigned in Decàn, Telengane, and Meslepaton, (Cutbsciach, as I remember) though a Moor; yet retaining some relics of ancient Gen 〈…〉 sm, makes great Feasts and Sacrifices to one of these Women in certain Grottoes under high Mountains which are in his Country; where 'tis reported, that this Woman hath a particular and beloved habitation; and He of the Gioghi, that by long spiritual exercises can come to have an apparition of any of these Women, who foretells him future things, and favours him with the power of doing other wonders, is accounted in the degree of perfection; and far more if he happen to be adopted by the Immortal Woman for her Son, Brother, or other Kinsman; but above all, if he be received for a Husband, and the Woman have carnal commerce with him; the Giogho thenceforward remaining excluded from the commerce of all other Women in the world, which is the highest degree that can be attained to; and then he is called a spiritual Man, and accounted of a nature above humane, with promise of a thousand strange things, which for brevity's sake I pass over. Thus doth the Devil abuse this miserable people. As for any thing more concerning these Gioghi, I refer you to what I have formerly written of them, and the Sami, who are another sort of Religious Indians who wear Clothes, as I saw them in Bender of Combrù. And of the Sciences of the Gioghi, and their spiritual exercises, especially of a curious way, rather superstitious then natural, of Divining by the breathing of a Man, wherein they have indeed many curious and subtle observations, which I upon trial have found true. If any would know more, I refer him to the Book above mentioned, which I intent to carry with me for a Rarity into Italy; and if I shall find convenience, I shall one day gratify the Curious with a sight of it in a Translation.  
On the fourth of March, I went out of Cambaia to a Town two miles off, called Hagrà, to see a famous Temple, built of 
XVIII.  old by the Race of the Banions, and belongs to them; but yet the brahmin's possess it, and have care of it, as if it were descended to them. This Temple is dedicated to Brahmà, who, as I said before, they hold to be the same with Pythagoras, although of the origine of Bramà, and how he was produced of the first Cause, or else of the first Matter, and how they take this for one of the Elements, and a thousand other extravagances; they tell long Fables, which do not agree to Pythagoras a mere man; but for all this they confound the two Names, and 'tis no great matter to reconcile them herein, after the same manner that our ancient Gentiles agreed in their jupiter, taken sometimes for one of the Elements, and sometimes historically for an ancient King one of Saturn's Sons; and in divers other like names, in reference to History and Philsophy they had double, allegorical and mysterious significations. Concerning the Genealogy of Bramà, and the other fabulous Indian Gods, and what belongs to their vain Theology, I refer the Reader to the Books of Father Francisco Negrone, or Negraore, as the Portugals call him, who writes fully thereof in his Chronicles of the things done by those of his Order in India, written in the Portugal Language; and I think he is the first, and perhaps, the only Modern Writer who hath given account of this matter in Europe. The said Father having been assisted therein, for information by most fit and sufficient Interpreters, namely, the Fathers of his own Religion, good Divines, skilled in the Indian Tongue, and perfectly intelligent of these matters; who also read and interpreted the very Books of the Indians to him, and were likewise his interpreters in the discourses which he had often with the learned Indians concerning their Religion, as himself frequently told me. Besides which, he wanted not other helps, because being appointed Historiographer to his Order, he was abundantly supplied with what was needful to that Office; he conversed long in the Kingdom of Bisnaga, where the Religion and Sciences of the Indians have their Principal Scat; as also in the Island of Zeilan, which many take to be the ancient Tabrobana, and in other Countries for this very purpose. He made many peregrinations expressly to see places and things conducing thereunto, and was assisted by the Vice-Roys themselves and Governors of Provinces, subject to the Portugals, who sent him into all places accompanied oftentimes with whole bands of Soldiers, where the ways were not secure; in brief, without sparing cost, pains, or diligence, he professedly intended this business for many years together, with all kind of convenience and authority. Lastly, he was some years since sent by his Order into Europe, in Order to print his Works; and in the year 1619, as I came through Persia, I saw him at Sphahàn; and during his short abode there by means of a Friend got a sight of his Papers, but had not time to read them, as I desired. He went thence directly to Rome, whither I gave him some Letters to certain Friends and Relations of mine to be civil to him there, as I know they were; and after some years sojourning at Rome, whilst I was at Bender of Combrù, I heard that he was coming from Rome towards Turkey, in order to return to India, where I hope to see him again; and if he bring his Books printed with him, I shall read them, and what I find remarkable therein which may be serviceable to these writings of mine, I shall make mention of the same in its proper place, Father joam de Lucena a Jesuit, in his History of the Life of San Francisco Xavier, written in the Portugal Tongue, makes mention likewise of the Religion and Customs of the Indian-Gentiles, and seems to speak thereof with good grounds, although in some few particulars, if I mistake not, he is capable of a little correction. Yet that which troubles me most, is, that it clearly appears by his Book that he knew much more of the Customs of the Indians than he hath written: which perhaps he would not write, either because they were obscene and impious, or pertained not to his purpose. I saw Father Negrone since at Goa, but he brought not his Book printed; either because his Fathers, as some say, would not have it printed; or—. Yet he saith, he hath sent it to be printed in Portugal in that Language, and expects it by the next Ship; if it comes, I shall see it. But having in Goa discoursed with him more largely than I did in Persia, I find him very little versed in matters of ancient History and Geography, as generally the Friars of Spain, and especially Portugal are not, addicting themselves little to other Studies, besides what serves to Preaching; wherefore, without good skill in ancient History, Geography, and other Humane Learning, I know not how 'tis possible to write Histories well, particularly, concerning the Customs of the Indians; of which also he hath had no other information but by interpreters; in which way I have by experience found that many errors are frequently committed. Nevertheless we shall see what light may be had from F. Lucena's Book, although it be short, concerning the Religion of the Indians.  
In the mean time returning to my purpose, I shall tell you, that in the Temple dedicated to Brahmà in the Town of Naghrà, 
XIX.  which is little considerable for building but in great Veneration for ancient Religion, there are many Idols of white Marble. The biggest is the Chief, and hath the worthiest place: In the middle is the Statue of Brahma, or Pythagoras, with many Arms and Faces, as they ordinarily portray him, namely, three Faces, for I could not see whether there were a fourth or more behind; 'tis naked with a long picked Beard, but ill cut as well as the rest of the figure, which for its bigness hath a very great Belly, I know not whether through the Artificers fault, who seems to have been little skilful; or else because the Indians, as I have also heard of the people of Sumatra, account it a great Beauty and perfection to have a great Belly. This figure of Brahma stands upright, and at his Feet two other less carved figures, which, as they say, are his two Sons, Sunnet and Sunnatan. On each side of Brahma stand likewise two Statues of Women, somewhat less than Brahma himself, and they call them his Wives, Savetri, and Gavetri. On the left side of this narrow Temple, stand two other figures of the same bigness, being two naked Men with long Beards, whom they pretend to have been two religious persons, I know not whether Doctors or Disciples of Brahma or Pythagoras; one is called Chescuèr, the other Ciavan de Chescuèr. On the same side downwards are many other Idolets, as one with an Elephant's Head, and divers others formerly by me mentioned. All which Idols are served, adored, perfumed, offered to, and washed every day as for delight, (for the Indians account it delight to wash often) by the brahmin's, who assist at their service with much diligence. I must not forget, that the Banians say, this Town Naghera was the King's Seat and principal City, anciently the Head of the whole Kingdom of Cambaia, and that the City now properly called Cambaia, and raised to greatness by the ruin of this old, is a modern thing; whence I have sometimes suspected that the Indian Character called Naghra, used by the learned, was denominated from this City wherein it was anciently used; but 'tis only a Conjecture; and I have learned by long and much experience, that in the derivation and interpretation of Names, especially of Places, there is no trusting to the resemblance of Words; because by reason of the diversity of Languages, and the casual Conformity of Words which signify things sufficiently different, according to the variety of Places, gross errors are easily admitted. Nagher in the Indian Language signifies a Great City. Coming from Naghra, I saw some naked and besmeared Men, of deportment almost like the incinerated Gioghi, who were of a Race of Indians accounted by themselves the most sordid and vile Race of all in India; because they eat every thing, even the uncleannest Animals, as Rats and the like; whence they are called in Persian, Hhalal-chor, which signifies a Man that accounts it lawful to eat any thing; the Indians call them Der, and all people in general abhor not only to converse with, but even to touch them. Concerning Religion, I have heard nothing particular of them, but believe them Gentiles as the rest, or perhaps, Atheists, who may possibly hold every thing for lawful, as well in believing as in eating. They are all sufficiently poor, and live for the most part by begging, or exercising the most sordid Trades in the Commonwealth, which others disdain to meddle with; but they, either because their Rite teaches them so, or necessity enforces them, are not at all shy of. March the fifth, We visited the King's Garden again, and many other Gardens, where we tasted divers fruits, and beheld several Flowers of India unknown in Europe; amongst the rest, one very odoriferous which I kept in a Paper, which they call Ciompa. Without the City we saw the Saltpits, and also the Field by the Seaside, where the Indians are wont to burn the bodies of their dead; which may be known by the relics of many fires and pieces of bones not wholly burnt, which are seen scattered about the same. The next Morning early, we returned to this Field, and saw several Bodies burnt, and particularly observed the Funeral of one Woman from the beginning to the end. They carry the Corpse wrapped in a cloth of Cit, of a red colour for the most part, and much in use among the Indians for other purposes. They carry it not upon a Bier, as we do, but tied to and hanging down like a sack, from a staff laid cross two Men's shoulders. They make the funeral pile of wood, laid together in form of a bed, of equal length and breadth, and sufficient to receive the Body; upon which, beginning then to lament with a loud voice, they lay the carcase naked and supine, with the Face and Feet towards the Sea; which I believe, is likewise observed (where the Sea is not) towards Rivers, Lakes, and Cisterns, the Indians having a particular devotion to the Water; nor do I know, that herein they have respect to any Region of Heaven. They cover the privities with a piece of wood, anoint the Hands and Feet, put a coal of fire in the Mouth; and then all things being prepared, they set fire first at the Throat, and afterwards to the whole pile round about, beginning first at the Head, but with their Faces turned another way, as Virgil saith our Ancestors did; Then sprinkle Water on the ground round about the pile, which they continually stir up with staves in their Hands, and blow with the motion of a cloth, to the end the flame may not spread, but burn more speedily. The body being consumed by degrees, they reduce the fire into a round form, and when all is burnt, they leave the ashes, and sometimes a piece of a bone not wholly consumed there in the same place: The cloth wherein the body was wrapped before it was committed to the pile, they give in Charity to some poor person present. Such as have where withal, are burnt with odoriferous and precious wood, in which the rich spend much; but they that cannot reach so high, use ordinary wood. Children under two years of age are not burnt but buried, as we saw some in the same Field. Nor let the Reader wonder, that in the same day and hour we happened to see so many dead persons; for, besides that Cambaia is a large City and very populous, as all the Cities and Lands of India are; the Gentiles are wont to perform this Ceremony of the dead only in the Morning, at a set hour, and in that place; so that all that die in the whole City, during the twenty four hours of the day, are brought to that place at the same hour. The same day we had News of a Jesuits coming to Cambaia from Goa, with a Cafila of Portugal Frigates, which was going for Agrà: Whereupon in the Evening, Sig: Alberto sciling and I, in company of a Venetian Merchant, went to visit him at the house where he lodged; and having told him that we were to go the next day for Suràt, I desired him to give a letter to the Jesuits of Daman and Bassaim, where I hoped to touch upon the way to Goa; which he very courteously condescending to do, we went again the next Morning to see him before we departed.  
March the seventh, In the Morning we visited the Father Jesuit, 
XX.  who was not a Priest, but one of those whom they call Fratelli, Brothers, or young Friars. He gave me Letters to F. Antonio Albertino, an Italian, and Rector of their College in Daman, and to the Father Rector of their College of Bassaim, desiring them that since I could not embark at Cambaia in the Cafila of the Portugals, because I was to return to Suràt, where I had left my goods in the Ships, they would favour me and assist me to get convenient passage for Goa in the said Cafila, either at Daman or Bassaim, where I intended to meet it as it returned. I on the other side gave this Father a Letter to their Father's Resident at Agrà, to whom I had written formerly from Persia, desiring them to send me some correct Copy of the Persian Books, written by their Fathers in that Court, in order to get the same printed at Rome; and by Sig: Alberto sciling, I had understood that my first Letter was received there, and that the said Fathers of Agrà knew me by report, and the relation of divers who had seen me in Persia, particularly of this Sig: Alberto. In this other Letter from Cambaia, I acquainted them with my Voyage to Goa; and desiring them to write to me there, and remember to favour me with those Books. Having dispatched, the Father Jesuit, we returned to the Dutch House to have a Collation; and here we were entertained a good while with good Music by an Indian, who sung tolerably well, and played upon a certain odd instrument used in India; which pleased me well enough, because it was not so obstreperous Music as the ordinary of the vulgar Indians, but rather low and very sweet, and the Musician was skilful according to the mode of the Country, having lived at the Court of Tisapor, in the service of Adilsiah. His Instrument was made of two round Gourds died black and varnished, with a hole bored in one of them, to reverberate the sound. Between the one Gourd and the other, about the distance of three spans, was fastened a piece of wood, upon which they both hung, and the strings which were many, partly of brass, and partly of steel, were extended, passing over many little pieces of wood like so many bridges; and these were the frets, which he touched with the left Hand to diversify the sounds, and the strings with the right, not with his Fingers or Nails, but with certain iron wires fastened to his Fingers, by certain rings like thimbles, wherewith he did not strike the strings strongly, but lightly touched them from the top downwards, so that they rendered a sound sufficiently pleasant. When he played, he held the Instrument at his breast by a string that went round his neck, and one of the Gourds hung over his left shoulder, and the other under his right arm, so that it was a pretty sight. Collation and Music ended, we were conducted about two Cos out of the City by the Dutch Merchants, and took the same way by which we came. We passed over the five Cos of wet ground, with the four Currents of Water, of which the second was the deepest (having waited a while for a fit hour) in company of a numerous Cafila of Coaches, Carts, Horsemen and Footmen, in the same manner and circumstances as I writ before; only the Water was now much higher than we had found it at our coming, so that it came into all the Coaches, and we were fain to stand upright and hold fast by the roof of the Coaches, bare legged too, because the Water came above the bottom of the Coaches to the middle of the leg. The Oxen and Horses could scarce keep their Heads above Water, and the Coaches being light, if Men hired purposely had not gone along in the Water to hold them steady, and break the course thereof by holding great stumps of wood on that side the Tide came furiously in, without doubt, the Water would have swept them away. In this place on the left hand towards the land in the moist ground, we beheld at a distance many Fowls, as big or bigger than Turkeys, go up and down, rather running then flying. They told us, they were the same which the Portugals call Paxaros' Flamencos, from their bright colour; and I think, they are those of whose beaks Mirabel Mahhammed in Spahàn, makes bow-rings for the King; although he erroneously takes it for the beak of the Cocuos, or Phoenix, which good Authors describe, not a water Fowl, but rather an inhabitant of high Mountains. Having at length passed this dangerous foard, and following our way we came at night to lodge at Giambuser, the same Town where we had lodged formerly. March the eighth, We put ourselves upon the way again, and forded the little salt-water Dilavel, and at night arrived at Barocci, and were as formerly entertained in the House of the Dutch. But upon the way, before we entered the City, we saw a handsome structure standing upon a famous Sepulchre of I know not well who, but seems to be some great person's, and is worshipped by the Moors as a sacred thing. This Fabric is pleasantly seated amongst Trees, something elevated upon the side of a little Lake, or Great Cistern. In the chief part of it, besides the principal Sepulchre, which stands apart in the most worthy place, are many other Sepulchers of white Marble, of an oblong form, with many carvings and works tolerable enough; 'tis likely they are the Tombs, either of the Wives and Children, or of the other kindred of the Principal, because they seem all of the same work and time. Round this greater structure stand other less, with Sepulchers of Moors in them, who cause themselves to be buried there out of devotion to the place; whence I gather that the principal Sepulchre is not only of some great person or Prince as it intimates, but also of one that died with some opinion among the Moors of Sanctity. I know not who told me that it was the Sepulchre of a famous Tartarian King, who came to have dominion in those parts; but I credit not the Relation, because I had it not from a good hand. March the ninth, We departed from Barocci, ferrying over the River, and at night lodged at Periab, where we had quartered before as we went. March the tenth, Having gone the short way which remained, and passed the River of Surat by boat, we came to that City about Noon, where I repaired to the House before assigned me by the Dutch Commendator, and there found the Daughter of one of the Armenian or Syrian Merchants, seen by us at Ahmedabàd, who was come thither with a Brother of hers, in order to be married shortly to one Sig: Guilielmo, a Hollander, to whom she had been promised in Marriage at Ahmedabàd, and who also was in the same House, which was capable of him and more. I understood at Suràt, that Sultan Chorròm had taken and sacked the City of Agrà, except the Castle, and that his Army and himself had committed very great Cruelties there in spoiling and discovering the Goods and Money of the Citizens; particularly, that he had tortured, and undecently mangled many Women of quality, and done other like barbarities, whereby he rendered himself very odious to the people. Concerning Asaf Chan, it was said, that he was held in custody by the King, as suspected of Rebellion, although his affairs were spoken of with much uncertainty; and that the King was hastening to come against his Son, but was not yet far off, and moved slowly.  
March the one and twentieth, Conceiving the return of the 
XXI.  Portugal Cafila from Cambaia to Goa to be near hand, and desiring to make a Voyage with the same; since in regard of the greatness of my luggage, and the length of the way I could not go by Land, and 'twas not safe going by Sea, by reason of the continual incursions of the Mahabar Pirates; I dispatched a Messenger to Daman, a City of the Portugals, a little way from Suràt, to F. Antonio Albertino, Rector of the College of Jesuits, with the Letter which their abovementioned Father had given me in Cambaia; and giving him account of myself and my intention, I desired him to send me from Daman one of those Light Vessels which they call Almadiae, and are of that swiftness that they are not at all afraid of Pirates, to carry me from Suràt to Daman, where I desired to meet the Cafila: For I could not go by a Boat of Suràt, since the Mariners of Suràt would not have taken my Goods aboard which were in the English Ships, without first carrying them into the City to make them pay Custom; whereby I might have been put to a great deal of trouble of going backward and forward, as also upon the account of the Moorish Books which I had with me, and relics of Sig: Maani. Wherefore to prevent these intricacies, I prayed the Father to send me a Boat from Daman to take me in not at the City, but at the Port where the Ships ride, and where I intended to be with my Goods ready upon the shore of Sohali. And to the end this Portugal Boat might come securely and not fear, I sent him two safe Conducts, one from the English, and the other from the Dutch; although there was no necessity of them, because Boats come many times secretly from Daman, without such safe Conduct to sell Commodities to the English Ships. March the fifteenth, Was the first day of the Feast of the Indian-Gentiles, which they celebrate very solemnly at the entrance of the Spring, with dance through the street, and casting Orange Water and red Colours in jest one upon another, with other festivities of Songs and Mummeries, as I have formerly seen the same in Sphahan; where also reside constantly a great number of Banians and Indian-Gentiles. Yet the solemnity and concourse of people was greater than in Persia, as being in their own Country, and a City inhabited in a great part by Gentiles and wealthier persons. Otherwise, I saw nothing at Surat during these three Festival Days, but what I had seen already at Sphahan, and have mentioned in my Writings from that place. March the eighteenth, Being invited to the Dutch House, we there saw the Contract of Sigra Mariam, the Daughter of the abovesaid Armenian or Syrian Merchant, Resident Ahmedabad with Sigr Guiglielmo a Dutchman, which was followed by a sumptuous Dinner, at which were all the Christian Dames of Europe that lived at Surat to attend upon the Bride; namely, one Portugal Woman taken in the last Ships, which were surprised by the Dutch, and married likewise to a Dutchman; Mary Bagdadina, Wife to another Hollander, and with them also my young Mariam Tinatin; and another born in India, and contracted to a Dutchman; of which Nation, many upon the encouragement of certain privileges granted them by the State, marry Wives in India of any kind, either white Women or black, and go to people New Batavia, which they have built in java Major, near a place which they call Giacatora; and they that cannot light upon Free-women for Marriage, buy slaves and make them their lawful Wives to transport thither. At this entertainment were present also the Precedent of the English, with all those of his Nation, all the Dutch Merchants, the Bride's Brother, Sig: Alberto sciling, myself, and in short, all the European Christians that were in Surat.  
March the one and twentieth, A Post came to the Dutch Merchants from Agra, with fresh News, that Sultan Chorròm, 
XXI.  had besides the former, given a new sack to the said City, and the Soldiers committing the like and greater Cruelties, exasperated perhaps, at their being valorously repulsed, in assaulting the Castle with loss of many of their Companions. March the two and twentieth, This Morning the Messenger whom I had sent to Daman, returned to Surat with the answer which I expected. F. Antonio writ me word that there was but one of those Light Vessels belonging to Daman, and it was now at Surat, being lately come thither, the Master of which was one Sebastian Luis; wherefore he advised me to agree with him for my transportation, and in case he were already gone, than I should advertise him thereof at Daman, and they would speedily send him back; for which purpose they kept the safe Conducts, which I had sent for security of the Vessel. But having presently found the abovesaid Sebastian Luis, I have agreed with him to bring his Boat out of the River to the Seaside, and take me in at the Port which is some distance from the mouth of the River, where I have appointed to meet him to morrow morning. It remains only that I take leave of the Dutch Commendator and the English Precedent, from whom I have received infinite Obligations during all my residence here, particularly to the Sigr Commendator; the remembrance whereof shall continue with me during Life. I hope, God willing, to write to you speedily from Goa, and in the mean time humbly kiss your Hands.   

LETTER II.  
From Goa, April 27. 1623.  
I Now salute you (my dear Sig: Mario) from Goa; in India indeed I am, but no Indian. Having passed through the 
I.  Syrian, and afterwards the Persian Garb, I am again transvested into our European. In Turkey and Persia you would not have known me, but could not mistake me in India, where I have almost resumed my first shape. This is the third transformation which my Beard hath undergone, having here met with an odd Barber, who hath advanced my mustachioes according to the Portugal Mode, and in the middle of my chin shaved after the Persian Mode, he hath left the European tuft. But to continue my Diary, where I left off in my last Letter, which was about my departure from Suràt. March the three and twentieth, Having taken leave of all Friends, a little after Dinner I set forth to depart, but met with so many obstacles in the Dogana, or Custom-house, that they detained me till almost night before I could get away. The occasion was this; In the Pass given me, (without which none can depart) the Governor three times expressly prohibited my Persian Servant Cacciatùr to go with me; and this for no other cause but for that himself, (foolishly, or rather cunningly, as appeared afterwards) out of a pretended vain fear, as he said, when we came first to Suràt, lest he should be known what he was by some of the Persians, who are there in the service of the Great Moghòl, and not knowing that in India there is Liberty of Conscience, and that a Man may hold or change what Faith he pleases, not the least trouble being given to any person touching Religion in the Dominions of the Moghòl; not knowing these things, I say, and fearing to confess himself a Christian before any that might know him in Persia for a Moor, had declared in the Dogana, when he was examined thereupon, that he was a Musliman, which they interpret a Moor, although the word properly signifies safe or saved, that is, of the right Faith; and therefore by Christians (understanding it in their own sense) when considerable respects oblige them to conceal themselves, perhaps is not unlawful to be assumed. Now Cacciatùr being hereupon taken for a Moor, and not daring to deny it or discover himself more clearly, but, as I believe, intending to be a Moor really, and to do what afterwards he did; they would not suffer that he should go along with me into the jurisdiction of Christians, where they conceived he would be in danger of being perverted. And although innumerable Moors go daily into the neighbouring Territories of the Portugals, nor are they wont to be forbidden; yet, my Cacciatùr, I know not upon what account, they prohibited very strictly, I believe by his own procurement. When I had read this prohibition in my Pass, I sent him out of the City beforehand, with order to cross the River at another place a good way off, and meet me at the Seaside, where being among the English, he would be out of all all danger; but through the negligence of a Man of the Country whom he took to direct him, either by his own will, as 'tis most likely, because he knew not the way; or else, not having found Boats to pass the River elsewhere, as he said, he was directed to cross it at the same place near the Custom-house, where we did; whereupon being seen by the Officers, he was seized upon, and they would not suffer him to come by any means. I used much instance, and tried divers ways, alleging by a writing that he was bound to serve me longer, and was to go to Goa to be paid his wages there, according to agreement: But all to no purpose, they still answering, (though with great courtesy indeed) that the accord was good, and that Cacciatùr did not break it, being for his part ready to go, but that they made him stay by force, as in zeal for Religion 'twas reasonable for them to do; that, had I been going into some Territory of Moors as I was of Christians, they should not have kept him from me; and therefore, in short, I must be contented to leave him behind, and pay him for his service done in Suràt; otherwise they could not give a Pass to myself. Perceiving there was no remedy, I returned to the Dutch-House, and having consulted with the Commendator what to do, I agreed with Cacciatùr, (who was willing not to be left at Suràt, after I had threatened to cause him to be slain there, in case he stayed to turn Moor) that he should show himself desirous to stay at Suràt, and in the governor's own House too if he pleased, assuring him under his Hand, that I had fully satisfied him, that so my journey might not be stopped; and after I was gone without him, the Dutch Commendator, who took this care upon him, should procure his escape, and send him by another way to the Seaside where I took Boat; or if he could not be sent timely enough to find me there, than he should come to Daman by Land, where he should certainly find me. Upon this agreement we went before the Governor, with the discharges of his Arrears in writing, and the Governor was contented to let me go, after he had narrowly examined, whether it was true that he was paid by me, and that his agreeing to stay in Suràt was not a fiction. But we had laid all things so together, that he did not discover the truth, or perhaps did not care much to find it out. Wherefore leaving Cacciatùr in the Governors' House, where he caused him to stay with sundry promises, about night I departed the City, and crossed the River with Sebastian Luis in my company, who having sent his Vessel down the River, went along with me by Land. On the other side of the River, we waited some hours for Coaches to carry us to the Seaside, which we were fain to hire at a Town some distance off, and were slow in coming. But as soon as they came we got into them, and travelled the rest of the night to the Seaside.  
March the four and twentieth, At daybreak we got to the 
II.  shore side, where we found the English Precedent attended with all the Merchants of his Nations, who were giving order for dispatching their Ships which were ready to set sail to Muchà, or Muchàr, in the Red Sea; namely, the two Ships, the Whale and Dolphin, wherewith I came into India; for of the other three which I left in Bender of Kombrù, they had sold the little Frigate which was in ill plight, to the Persians, who designed to make use of her in the enterprise of Arabia, whither they had determined to pass alone, now the English plainly refused to join with them in the War; and the other two great Ships having put in likewise at Suràt, were soon after sent out again with Master Thompson, who came with them from Persia, it not being known in Suràt whither. I was received by the Precedent in his Tent, together with my Mary Tinatim; and soon after came Cacciatùr my Servant, and two Moors of Suràt, by the favour of the Commendator of the Dutch; but I know not whether it were with his own good liking, though to us he pretended that it was. After my departure the Commendator went to visit the Governor, and since I was gone, and, as he said, could not carry Cacciatùr out of Suràt, he desired that he would give him to him, to the end he might live in his House with other Friends; which the Governor readily granting, the same night, by the help of certain persons purposely disguised in Indian Habit, he sent him by a secure way to the Seaside, where he found me in the Tent of the English Precedent. The same Morning I went aboard the Ship call the Whale, (wherein I came) to visit the Captain and take leave of my Friends, with whom also I dined; afterwards I went aboard the Dolphin, to visit not only the Captain who was my Friend, but especially my good Companion Sig: Alberto Schilling, who was aboard there in order to go to the Red Sea, intending to pass from thence into Aethiopia to the Court of the Abissins', in case he could get Transportation, and were not hindered in the Turkish Ports where he was to pass, upon account of being a Christian; the Turks not willingly granting passage to christian's (especially Europaeans) towards Hhabese, in regard of the suspicions they have of the intelligences and converse with our Compatriots may have to their prejudice with that Prince. Wherefore taking leave of Sig: Alberto with many embraces, of Master Rosel, (whom I had known in Persia, and who being come from thence after me, was here shipped for a Trading Voyage) and of all my other Friends in the two Ships, I came back to sup and lie on Land in the Tent of the Precedent. March the twenty fifth, Early in the Morning I put my Goods into the Shallop of Sebastian Luis, and also going aboard myself, whilst the Precedent went to his own Ships to dispatch them, set sail for Daman; at night we cast Anchor in a narrow arm of the Sea, which enters far into the Land, of which sort of inlets there are many all along the coast of India, which encompassing good portions of Land make many little Islands; and because the said arms of the Sea are long and narrow like Rivers, and some of them have little Rivers falling into them from the continent, (although the water is salt, and they have no current but the ebbing and flowing of the Sea) the Portugals term them in their Language Rios, Rivers; which I take notice of, that it may be understood that all the Rios, or Rivers, which I shall name in the coast of India, and not specify that they are streams of fresh water, are such arms of the Sea as this, improperly called Rivers. This, where we stayed this night, is called Rio di Colek, or Coleque. I have better understood that all the aforesaid inlets are not arms of the Sea, but really Rivers of fresh water; and the Tide of the Sea at ebbing and flowing being here very strong and overcoming that of the Rivers; hence it comes to pass that 'tis hardly perceived whether they have any stream or no; and the water going far into the Land comes likewise to be salt; but indeed they are Rivers, and form Islands by their entering into the Sea with many mouths. They are almost innumerable upon all the coast of India, and the Portugals very truly call them Rios, Rivers. Wonder not at these doubts and various informations, for I could not understand things thoroughly at first, for want of converse with intelligent persons; nor was it easy for me to judge right in the beginning, the first appearance of things oftentimes deceiving even the wisest, as the saltness of the water did me, in my judgement of these Rivers; making me take them for arms of the Sea; which mistake, was furthered by the affirmation of most of the ignorant Portugals, who not knowing more of this coast than the shore where the water is salt, think that the Rivers are salt water; but Time and better informations assist my diligence in discovering the truth of things. March the twenty sixth, About noon we arrived at Daman, but unseasonably, the Cafila and Fleet of the Portugals being gone in the Morning, and we discerned them sailing afar off, but it was not possible to overtake them, I advertised F. Antonio Albertino, Rector of the Jesuits College, of my coming, and he very courteously came forthwith to the Seaside to receive me, and carried me to lodge in the College, which in reference to that small City is large enough and well built. He sent Mariam Tenatim, in a Palanchino, or Indian Litter, (wherein people are carried lying along as 'twere in a Couch, and those of Women are covered) to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman, and advised me that since the Cafila was departed, I should go in the same Vessel to meet it at Bassaim, where it was to touch; and for that day rest a little in Daman as accordingly I did.  
The City of Daman is small, but of good building and hath 
III.  long, large, and straight streets. It hath no Bishop, as neither have the other Cities of the Portugals upon this coast, being subject in spirituals to the Archbishop of Goa; but in every one of them resides a Vicar, whom they call da Vara, that is, of the Verge or Mace, (which is the badge of Authority) with supreme power. Besides the Jesuits and the Church of the See, (as they call the Duomo, or Cathedral) here are Dominicans, Franciscans, and, as I remember, Augustine's too; all, who have good Churches and Covents. The City is environed with strong walls of good fortification, and hath a large Territory and many Towns under it; and because they are frequently at war with Nizamsciah, whose State (being governed at this day by his famous Abissine-Slave Melik Ambar) borders upon it by Land; therefore the Portugals here are all Horsemen, and keep many good Arabian Horses, as they are obliged to do, going frequently out to war in defence of their Territory when occasion requires, though during my time here they were at peace. In Daman I first tasted at the Father Rector's Table many strange Indian Fruits, some of which are described by Carolus Clusius, and others not, which, as I was told, were after the writing of his Books brought into East India from Brasil, or New Spain; namely, Papaia, Casu or Cagiu, Giambo, Manga or Amba, and Ananas; all which seemed to me passibly good, and, though of different tastes, not inferior to ours of Europe, especially Papaia, which is little esteemed in India; and, if I mistake not, is not mentioned by the abovesaid Writer; in shape and taste, it much resembles our Melons, but is sweeter, and consequently to me seemed better. Ananas' is justly esteemed, being of a laudable taste, though something uncouth, inclining more to sharpness, which, with a mixture of sweetness renders it pleasant. And because the said Books mention it not, I shall briefly add, that to the outward view it seems, when it is whole, to resemble our Pineapple, both in the divisions and the colour; saving that at the top it hath a kind of tuft of long straight leaves between green and white, which the Pineapple hath not, and which render it pretty to look upon; 'tis also different from the Pineapple, in that the husks are not hard, but tender like the common skin of Fruits; nor is it needful to take them off one by one, neither is any seed eaten, as the Pine-Nuts, which are within the husks, but the whole Fruit is all pulp, which is cut with the knife; and within 'tis of somewhat a greenish colour. Of temperament, 'tis held to be hot, and good to promote digestion, having, in my opinion, somewhat of a winish taste and strength; which virtue of helping digestion, is likewise ascribed in a higher degree to Caju, whence it always uses to be eaten with fish; but of this and the rest, because I suppose others have written of them, I shall forbear further to speak. In Daman, I had from the Jesuits two considerable pieces of News. First, that the two English Ships, which, as I said, were sent from Suràt before my departure thence, upon some unknown design, went to Dabul, under pretext of Peace and Friendship, as if to traffic in that Port; and that the Moors of Dabul had spread Carpets, and prepared a handsome entertainment for the principals upon shore: but the English having fairly landed, suddenly got to certain pieces of Ordnance which were there, and nailed them up; then putting their hands to their Arms, began to fall upon the people of the City; who upon this sudden unexpected onset, betook themselves to flight, and were likely to receive great damage; but at length a Portugal Factor, and some few others making head against the English, and animating the Citizens to do the like, turned the scale of the victory, and in a short time beat out all the English, killing many of them, and constraining the rest to fly away with their Ships; who nevertheless in their flight took two Vessels of Dabul, which were in the Port richly laden, but unprovided, as in a secure place; which was no small damage to the City, and afforded a rich booty to the English. This action, I conceive, was done by the English out of some old grudge against the City of Dabul, or perhaps, only to force it to permit them free Trade; and they use deal to thus with such ports as will not admit them thereunto. The other News, was that Prete janni, King of Aethiopia and the Abissins', was by means of the Jesuits reconciled to the Roman Church, and become a good Catholic, intending that his whole Country should do the same; which if true, is indeed a thing of great consequence.  
March the seven and twentieth, About noon we departed from Daman towards Bassaim, in the same Bark or Almadia, 
IV.  and sailed all the day; at night, in regard of the contrary current and danger of Pirates, who cannot easily be seen and avoided in the dark, we cast Anchor under a place called Daniè. March the eight and twentieth, Continuing our course, in the Morning we espied some Ships, which we suspected to be Pirates of Malabar, and therefore fetching a compass we made but little way forwards. At night, we cast Anchor in a Bay called Kielme-Mahi, from two Towns situate upon it, one called Kielme, the other Mahi. On the nine and twentieth of the same month, we sailed forward again; but the Tide turning contrary, we cast Anchor about noon, and stayed a while in a little Island near the Continent. The sails being mended, and the current become favourable, we set forward again; and having passed by some Vessels, which we doubted to be Pirates of Malabar, about night we arrived at Bassaim. But, lest the people of the Fleet, which we found there with the Cafila, should molest our Boat, as sometimes 'tis usual, and take away the Seamen for the service of the Navy, we stayed a while without the City, casting Anchor a little wide of the shore; and in the mean time I sent notice to F. Diego Rodriguez, Rector of the College of Jesuits at Bassaim, for whom I had Letters from the Father Rector of their College at Daman, and some also for others from the Brother of theirs, whom I saw in Cambaia. The F. Rector sent presently to the Seaside where I was, F. Gaspar di Govea their Procurator, who because 'twas said the Fleet would depart that very night with the Cafila for Goa, immediately without entering into the City, procured me passage in a Merchant's Frigate, as more commodious for passengers, in regard 'twas free from the trouble of Soldiers which went in the Men of War, appointed to convoy the Merchant's Ships. The Captain of the Vessel wherein I embarked, was called Diego Carvaglio, with whom having agreed for my passage, I presently put my Goods aboard his Ship, together with Mariam Tinatin, in the most convenient Cabin, and Cacciatùr to take care of them. It being now night, I went alone with F. Govea to their College, to visit and thank the F. Rector and the other Fathers, who very courteously retained me at Supper; which ended, to avoid the danger of being left behind, I forthwith returned to repose in the Ship. Of the City Bassaim, I cannot say any thing, because it was night both at my entrance, stay, and coming away; I can only intimate, that it is wholly surrounded with strong walls, and, if I took good notice, seems to me greater than Daman; but of late years many buildings were destroyed by a horrible tempest, and are not yet re-edified. I found in the College of Bassaim, F. Paolo Giovio an Italian. March the thirtieth, In the Morning the Fleet set sail, and going off the shore we came to the Island where they take in fresh water over against a City, in view at a little distance, which they call Salsette; and the place where we stayed (being a large and populous Island) is called in the Portugal Tongue L' Aguada; and here we stayed all day, because the wind was so contrary that we could not get off that point of Land; and for that divers of the Galeots and new Frigates built to be sent and armed in Goa, were not in order to depart, and we were forced to stay their preparation. March the one and thirtieth, At Sun-rise we put to Sea for Goa, but were slow in getting forth to the Main before we could set sail; because the Tide was still going out, and there was so little water left that our Frigate run a ground. At length the Tide turning, we rowed out of the strait between the City and the Island; and being come into the broad Sea hoist all our sails. About midnight following, we arrived at Ciaùl, but entered not into the Port, because it stands much within Land upon a precipice, where the Sea entering far into the Bay between the Hills and the low Shore, (into which also is descharged the mouth of a River) makes an ample and secure harbour; wherefore by reason of the darkness of the night, which in this place is no seasonable time, the Fleet would not enter, but we road at the River's mouth till break of day.  
April the first, Entering into the Port in the Morning, we cast 
V.  Anchor under the City upon the shore, where nevertheless the water is so deep, and our Galeots came so near the bank, that we went ashore by a bridge. In the entrance of the City and Haven, on the right hand, almost Southwards, we saw that famous Hill which the Portugals call Morro di Ciaùl, commanding the Harbour and all the adjacent City; on the top of it stands a strong Castle, which was sometimes possessed by the Moors of Dacàn; namely, by Nizam-Schiah, to whom also the whole Territory about it belongs; and when the said King made war with the Portugals, the Moors did great mischief to them from the top of this Mountain, and another which stands near the Harbour, but something more inwardly, discharging great Artillery from thence upon the City and the mouth of the Port, so that no Ship could enter. But at last a small number of Portugals having routed with a signal, and almost miraculous victory, a very great body of Moors, the same day they likewise took the said Morro; whither the routed- Moors flying, it happened that in the entrance of the Fortress, an Elephant wounded by the Portugals, in its flight fell down in the Gate, so that the Moors could not shut it; and the victorious Portugals in that fury of pursuing the Enemy, had occasion and convenience of entering: so that they took it, and still hold it, (having improved the fortifications) and consequently, delivered the City of Ciaùl from the continual molestations, which it suffered from thence by the Moors; and now the Citizens live in peace, and more secure. Having landed a little way from the Dogana, or Custom-house, which stands without the walls; the first thing I saw was the Cathedral Church, which stands likewise without the walls upon the shore, and is the See not of a Bishop but of a Vicar, as Daman, Bassaim, Ormuz, and other places are; which though they enjoy the title of Cities, are nevertheless all subject to the Archbishop of Goa. I went next into the College of the Jesuits, whose Church here, as also in Daman, Bassaim, and almost all Cities belonging to the Portugals in India, is called Saint Paul's; whence in India the said Fathers are more known by the name of Paulists then jesuits. Here I visited F. Antonio Pereira, who was come from Bassaim, where I fell acquainted with him in our Fleet, in order to go likewise to Goa. I likewise visited the F. Rector of the said College, who caused me to stay dinner with him; and being the Fleet departed not that day, I also lodged in the said College at night. April the second, I heard Mass early in the Jesuits Church, and taking leave of them went to embark, but found that my Galeot was removed to the other side of the Port under the Mountain to be mended; and having found Sig: Manuel d' Oliveira, one of our Companions embarked in the same Galeot, and understanding that the fleet did not depart that day neither, I went with him to hear a Sermon in the Cathedral Church; after which, we went to dine in the House of F. Francisco Fernandez, Priest and Vicar, who lived sometimes at Ormuz, and after the loss of that Island was retired hither. The Portugals call Secular Priests, Fathers, as we do the Religious or monastics. In the same House dwelled Signior— a worthy and grave Soldier, who being a Friend to my said Companion, we conversed together till it was late, and then our Galeot being come back we went to embark; but neither did the fleet depart this night, as we supposed it would. April the third, A rumour of departing being spread abroad about noon, we put out to Sea, and cast Anchor at the mouth of the Harbour, where many other Galeots were gathered, expecting the setting forth of the whole fleet; but neither did we depart this day nor the night ensuing.  
April the fourth, The fleet being at length in readiness, and the 
VI  Sun a good height, we set sail and departed from the Port of Ciaùl. In the Afternoon we sailed by a Fort, which is the only one possessed near the Sea by the Moors of Daman, that is, by Nizàm Sciàh, which Fort is called Danda Ragiapori; and at night we cast Anchor under a steep shore called Kelsi. We did not sail in the night time, because the Cafila was numerous, consisting, by my conjecture, of above 200. Vessels, and in the dark some unwary Ship might easily have been taken by the Rovers of Malabar. The next day we sailed gently along, only with the sail called the Trinket, making but little way, that so we might go altogether and not leave many Ships behind, which being ill provided of Tackle could not sail fast. We cast Anchor again early in the Evening, to avoid the confusion which might arise by so many Ships casting Anchor together; besides the danger of falling foul one upon another in the dark. Our course was always Southerly, and the Coast along which we passed on the left hand was all mountainous; till having got out of the dominion of Nizamsciah, we began to coast along that of Adil-Sciàh. Now that it may be understood who these Princes are, I shall tell you that on the South of the States of the Great Moghòl, in the Confines whereof India begins to be distended into a great Tongue of Land like a Triangle, a great way Southwards into the Sea, between the Gulf of Cambaia, and the Gulf of Bengala; the first Province of India joining to the States of the Moghòl, is the Kingdom of Daman, whereof some part is still possessed by the Moghòl. Next follows the Kingdom of Telengone, or Telengà, and many other Provinces divided under several Princes into little Kingdoms, which they say were anciently but one or two, and that the others who are now absolute Princes, were sometimes his Captains or Ministers, who having by degrees pulled down the Principal (who was, if I mistake not, the King of Bisnagà on the South, and the King of Sceherbeder) are become equal, and all without superiority sovereign Princes. Amongst these, the nearest to the Moghòl are three Reguli, or petty Kings, all which yet have great dominion and strength, and are at this day of the Sect of the Moors; for the Moors having at first been brought into India to serve as slaves, are by degrees become Masters, and by oppressing the Gentiles in many places have much propagated their Religion. Of these three Princes, the nearest to the Moghòl, whose Territory lies toward the Sea on the West, and Confines with the Portugals at Giaùl and other places, and who is properly styled King of Dacàn, (from the greatest Province) is called by the name, or rather surname, hereditary to all that reign in this State, Nizam Sciàh, which many interpret Rè della Lancia, King of the Lance, alluding to the Persian word Nizè, which signifies a Lance; but I conceive they are mistaken, because his name is Nizam Sciàh, and not Nizè Sciah, as according to this interpretation it should be: Wherefore I have heard others, perhaps, better interpret it, Rè d'ye Falconi, King of Falcons, or Hawks, from the word Nizàm, which in the Indian Tongue, they say, signifies a Hawk or other Bird of Prey. And whosoever reigns here, always retains this surname; because whilst he was not an absolute Prince, but a Minister of that other great King of India, this was his Title and Office under that King. The Nizam Sciàh now reigning, is a Boy of twelve years old, who therefore doth not govern it, but an Abyssine Slave of the Moors Religion, called Melik Amber, administers the State in his stead, and that with such authority, that at this day this Territory is more generally known and called by the name of Melick's Country, than the Kingdom of Nizam-Sciàh. Nevertheless this Melik Amber governs not fraudulently, and with design to usurp, by keeping the King shut up, as I have sometimes heard; but according as I have better understood since from persons informed nearer hand, he administers with great fidelity and submission towards the young King; to whom nevertheless, they say, he hath provided, or already given to Wife a Daughter of his own, upon security that himself shall be Governor of the whole State as long as he lives. This Melik Amber is a Man of great parts, and fit for government, but, as they say, very impious, addicted to Sorcery; whereby 'tis thought that he keeps himself in favour with his King, and that for works of Enchantments, (as to make prodigious buildings, and with good luck, that the same may last perpetually and succeed well) he hath with certain Superstitions used in those Countries committed most horrid impieties and cruelties, killing hundreds of his Slave's Children, and others; and offering them as in Sacrifice to the invoked Devils, with other abominable stories which I have heard related; but because not seen by my self, I affirm not for true. The Ambassador of this Nizam-Sciàh in Persia, is that Hhabese Chan, an Abyssine also, whom I saw at my being there. Of strange things, they relate that Nizam-Sciàh, hath I know not where in his Country a piece of Ordnance so vast, that they say it requires 15000. pound of Powder to charge it; that the Ball it carries, almost equals the height of a Man, that the metal of the piece is about two spans thick, and that it requires I know not how many thousand Oxen, besides Elephants to move it; which therefore is useless for war, and serves only for vain pomp. Nevertheless this King so esteems it, that he keeps it continually covered with rich cloth of Gold, and once a year comes in person to do it reverence, almost adoring it; and indeed, although these Kings are Moors, yet they still retain much of the ancient Idolatry of the Countries, wherein Mahometism is little, or not yet universally settled. The second of the three petty Kings, whose Country joins to that of the Moghòl, but borders upon the Sea Eastward in the Gulf of Bengala, is he who (for the same reasons mentioned concerning Nizam-Sciàh) is called by the hereditary surname of Cutb-Sciàh, which some erroneously expound Polo d' i Rè, the Pole of Kings, being deceived by the Arabic word Cutb, which signifies the Pole, and is used by the Arabians and Persians, to denote supreme excellency; understanding (e. g.) by Polo de i Savii, ò di Sapienza, The Pole of Wisemen, or of Wisdom, the wisest Man in the world; by Polo di Santità o della Legge, The Pole of Sanctity and the Law, the greatest pitch, and the highest observer of the divine Law; and so in all other like Cases; but, I say, I believe they are mistaken; and there seems to me more truth in the exposition of others, who interpret Rè de i Cani, King of Dogs, from Cutb, which in the Language of India signifies a Dog, because he was Master of the Dogs to that supreme King. Under his jurisdiction is Gulcondalàr, where, I think, he hath his Royal Seat, and Mislipatan, a famous Port in the Gulf of Bengala. Lastly, the third of the three Reguli, is he who hath his Seat in Visapor, and reigns in the Country of Telongane, bordering upon the Portugals Territories at Goa, more Southwards then the two before mentioned. Some will have Visapor and Goa belong to the Province of Dacàn, and that Telenga much more remote toward the South. The truth is, India and the Provinces thereof is very confused; forasmuch as the Indians themselves being illiterate cannot distinguish it aright, and the Portugals have all their knowledge thereof from the vulgar of the ignorant Indians, whose Language they understand not well, and extremely corrupt in pronuntiations; therefore I cannot speak any thing certain concerning the same, as neither have the Portugal Writers been able to do, though persons very exact and sufficient. But to return to my purpose, the proper name of him that now reigns is Ibrahim, but his hereditary surname (as the others) is Adil-Sciàh, or Idal Sciàh, which signifies not giusto Rè, a Just King, as some think from the Arabic word Adil, denoting Just; but rather, in my opinion, as some others say, Rè delle Chiavi, King of the Keys, from Adil or Idal, an Indian word importing Keys, he having been in times passed Superintendent of the Keys, (of the Treasury perhaps, or Archives) under the supreme King. Sometimes these Princes have been called Nizam-maluk, Adil-Chan, and so the other's with the words, either Melek or Chan, in stead of Sciàh, which is all one; for Melek or Maluk, (as some corruptly read) signifies a King in Arabic, as Chan doth also in Turkish, and Sciàh in Persian: And because these three Languages are sufficiently familiar, and almost common to the Moors, therefore they have used sometimes one word, sometimes another; but in later times it seems that those who now rule, rejecting the words Melek and Chan, are better pleased with the Persian Title Sciàh, as being, perhaps, more modern to them; whence they are ordinarily called now Nizam-Sciàh, Cutb-Sciàh, and Adil-Sciàh, which are the three Princes of whom I undertook to give an account, as persons whom I shall have frequent occasion to mention in these Writings. And to leave nothing unsaid, I shall add, that Nizam-Sciàh, or rather his Governor Melik-Ambar, makes war frequently and bravely against the Great Moghòl, upon whom he borders: Cutb-Sciàh, I know not whether he actually makes public war against him, but at least he fails not to assist his Neighbour Nizam-Sciàh with money. The same doth also Adil-Sciàh, but secretly and by underhand; not daring through I know not what mean fear declare himself an enemy to the Moghòl; I say, mean fear, because not bordering upon him, (for the two other Princes lie between them) and being able, as they say, upon occasion to bring into the field a hundred thousand men, he seems justly chargeable with timerousness and cowardice; since, methinks, he that hath a hundred thousand men at his command ought not to fear the whole world; or, if he doth, he is a very Poltroon: But indeed, Adil Sciàh fears the Moghòl, yea, he fears and observes him so much that he pays him an annual Tribute; and when the Moghòl sends any Letter to him, which is always brought by some very ordinary common Soldier or Slave, he goeth forth with his whole Army to meet the Letter and him that brings it, who being conducted to the Palace sits down there, whilst Adil-Sciàh stands all the time, and the Letter being laid upon a Carpet on the pavement, before he offers to put forth his hand to take it up, he bows himself three times to the earth, doing reverence to it after their manner. Moreover, I have heard that this Ibrahim Adil-Sciah who now reigns, some years ago poisoned his own eldest Son, as suspected of being likely to become one day a disturber of the Commonwealth and the public quiet, being displeased with him only because he once with too much freedom persuaded him to deny the Moghòl the accustomed Tribute; saying, that with the Tribute alone which he paid voluntarily he durst undertake to make a mighty war upon him and never pay him Tribute more; which, if true, was certainly in this Prince a strange effect of fear. This Adil-Sciah hath married one of his Daughters to Cutb-Sciah, and with Nizamsciah he constantly maintains, and frequently renews alliance; so that they are all three fast friends, and firmly united together. I have also heard that Adil-Sciah uses to wear his Beard very long, contrary to the other two, who are shaved after the mode of Persia and India. They say the present Ibrahim Adil-Sciah is infirm, by reason of a great hurt received by a Wolf in his hips, so that he cannot ride on Horseback; and hence perhaps it is that he is so peaceable and timorous, infirmities undoubtedly much dejecting the spirits of Men. All these three Princes are Moors, as I said before, although their Countries abound with innumerable Gentiles. Cutb-Sciah alone, as I have heard, is Sciani, of the Sect of the Persians; but the other two, I conceive, are Sonni, as the Turks and the Moghòl; which yet I affirm not, because I have not perfect certainty thereof. The King of Persia cherishes all these three Princes sufficiently, and they have great correspondence by interchangeable Ambassies and Presents; all which is only in reference to make greater opposition to the Moghòl upon whom they border, and whose greatness is equally prejudicial to them all. And so much may suffice concerning them.  
April the fifth, We set sail again, and in the Afternoon passed 
VII.  by the City Dabùl, which belongs to the Dominions of Adil-Sciah, and stands hid amongst Hills in a low Plain; so that 'tis scarcely seen. After which, we passed within two Leagues of a Point or Promontory which the Portugals call Dabùl falso, because it deceives such as come from far by Sea, making them take it for the Point of Dabùl, to which it resembles. At Night we cast Anchor near another shore which they call the Gulf or Bay, or, as the Portugals speak, A Enceada does Bramanes, because the Country thereabouts is inhabited by many brahmin's. April the sixth, We set sail, and first passed by Ragiapùr, then by Carapetan. About two hours before night, we cast Anchor in an Enceada, or Bay, which they call Calosi, or Calosci, not far from the Point of Carapetan. April the seventh, In the Morning we passed by Tambona, which was the country of the Mariners of our Ship, and toward Evening by the Rocks which the Portugals call Los Illeos quemadoes, that is, The burnt Rocks, because they appear such by their colour and inequality; and we continued sailing all Night, every Ship going as they pleased, without caring for the company of the Fleet; now that by reason of the great nearness of Goa, we were in safety. April the eighth, Arriving before Day at the shore of Goa, we began to enter into the salt River, or Rio, as they speak, of salt water which the Portugals call Barra di Goa; upon the mouth of which River, which is sufficiently broad, stand two Forts, one on each side, with good pieces of Artillery planted upon them to defend the Entrance.  
'Tis to be known that the City of Goa, at this day the Head 
VIII.  of all the Dominion of the Portugals in India, is situate here in one of these Islands, of which, as I said before, there are innumerable upon all the Coast of India, made by the several Rivers which divide them from the main-land. The City is built in the inmost part of the Island toward the Continent; and therefore the whole Island is plentifully inhabited with Towns and places of Recreation, and particularly, upon the River; which is on either side, adorned with Buildings and Houses, surrounded with Groves of Palm-Trees, and delightful Gardens. The greatest part of the Island is enclosed with a Wall, with Gates at the places for passage, continually guarded for security against the attempts of Neighbours, and also to prevent the flight of Slaves and Thefts; since only that River being crossed, you enter presently into the Territory of Adil-Sciah and the Moors; but 'tis otherwise toward the Seaside, for all the Coast which is beset with other small Islands and Peninsula's, for a good space belongs to the Portugals, being inhabited with Towns and divers Churches. The City which lies on the right hand of the River, as you enter into the inmost recess is sufficiently large, built, partly, on a Plain, and, partly, upon certain pleasant Hills, from the tops whereof the whole Island and the Sea are discovered with a very delightful prospect. The buildings of the City are good, large and convenient, contrived for the most part for the benefit of the wind and fresh Air, which is very necessary in regard of the great heats, and also for reception of the great Rains of the three Months of Pausecal, which are june, july, and August; which not upon account of the heat (although it be very great at that time, but greatest of all in May, when the Sun is in the Zenith) but of the great Rain, the Portugals call the Winter of the Earth. Nevertheless the buildings have not much ornament or exquisiteness of Art, but are rather plain, and almost all without beautifyings. The best are the Churches, of which many are held here by several Religions, as Augustine's, Dominicans, Franciscans, discalceated Carmelites and jesuits, with double, and very numerous Covents; and indeed, half of the Religious that are here, would suffice for a City bigger than Goa: But besides these, there are also many of Secular Priests, and Parishes, and Chapels; and lastly, the See or Cathedral, which nevertheless is neither the fairest, nor the greatest Church of that City, there being many others that exceed it. The See of Goa at the time of my being there was not finished, but scarce above half built, and thence seemed to me small and less stately; but having since seen the entire design of the structure, I conceive, that when 'tis finished 'twill be a very goodly Church. The people is numerous, but the greatest part are slaves, a black and lewd generation, going naked for the most part, or else very ill clad, seeming to me rather a disparagement then an ornament to the City. Portugal's there are not many, they used to be sufficiently rich; but of late, by reason of many losses, by the incursions of the Dutch and English in these Seas, they have not much wealth, but are rather poor. Nevertheless they live in outward appearance with splendour enough, which they may easily do, both in regard of the plentifulness of the Country, and because they make a show of all that they have: however, in secret they endure many hardships; and some there are, who, to avoid submitting to such Employments as they judge unbecoming their gravity, being all desirous to be accounted Gentlemen here, lead very wretched lives, undergoing much distress, and being put to beg every Day in the Evening; a thing which in other Countries would be accounted unhappy and more indecent, not to say shameful, then to undertake any laudable profession of a Mechanic Art. They all profess Arms, and are Soldiers although married; and few, except Priests and Doctors of Law and Physic, are seen without a Sword; even so the Artificers and meanest Plebeians: as also silk clothes, are the general wear almost of every body. Which I take notice of, because to see a Merchant and a Mechanic in a dress fit for an Amorato, is a very extravagant thing; yet amongst them, very ordinary; the sole dignity of being Portugal's sufficing them (as they say) to value themselves as much as Kings and more.  
But returning to my purpose, whilst we were coming to the 
IX.  City by the River betimes in the Morning, we met the Viceroy who was going to the mouth of the Barra, to dispatch away Ruy Freira de Andrada, whom with five or six Ships (a small preparation indeed) he sent to the relief of Mascàt, and to make war against the Persians; having likewise appointed divers other Ships to be sent after him from Ciaùl, Dio, and other Ports of the Portugals; which if they go, may be sufficient for some considerable exploit: but the Orders of the Viceroy in other places, God knows how they will be executed in his absence. The sudden departure of Ruy Freira, made me sorry that I had not the opportunity to see him and speak with him, as I extremely desired, and perhaps, it would not have been unacceptable to him. Arriving at the City, we cast Anchor under the Dogana, or Custom-house, where all Ships commonly ride, to wit, such as are not very great; for these stay either at the bar in the mouth of the River, or in some other place thereof where they have the deepest water. Being come thither, I presently gave notice of my arrival to F. Fra: Leandro of the Anuntiation, whom I had known in Persia, and who was here Provincial Vicar of the discalceated Carmelites of India and Persia. I also advertised the Fathers Jesuits thereof, for whom I brought sundry of their General's Letters from Rome, written affectionately to recommend me to them. F. Fra: Leandro came forthwith to visit me in the Ship, where after some discourse for a while together, he undertook to procure us a House and so departed; having also offered me his own Covent with that same courtesy and confidence as was formerly between us. A little after, it was very great contentment to me to see and know F. Antonio Schipano, your Kinsman, now a very old man, who was saluted by me upon your account; and so for this time I gave him a succinct Relation of you, putting him in mind of your Childhood. He came to visit me with F. Vincenzo Sorrentino of Ischia, whom I had formerly seen in Persia, and who not living then with the Jesuits, came with the Spanish Ambassador as his Chaplain in that Voyage. These two Fathers being Italians, were sent by F. Andrea Palmeiro, Visitor of the Jesuits, and then their Superior in Goa, both to compliment me in his Name, and to give him more exact information of me, whom he had never seen, nor so much as known by Fame, saving what his General's Letters signified to him. Wherefore after they had visited me, and understood what was my intention to do, they went to give account thereof to the Father Visitor, saying, that they would return again, as accordingly they did a good while after, offering me in the Name of the F. Visitor their Covent of Professed House, where they prayed me to go and lodge, at least till I were provided of a House; adding, that they would also provide a convenient residence for Mariam Tinatin, who was with me. I thanked them, and accepted the favour as to myself, and this with the approbation also of F. Frà: Leandro, whom I acquainted therewith. But because it was late that day, and there was not time to dispatch my Goods at the Dogana, I did not land, but remained in the Ship with intention to do so the next day. April the ninth, Early in the Morning F. Frà: Leandro sent a Palanchino, or Sedan, to fetch Mariam Tinatin, that she might go to Mass at his Church, and afterwards repair to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman, called Sigra Lena da Cugna, living near the discalceated Carmelites, and much devoted to them, whose House also stood right over against that which he intended to take for me. And this was done, because the Portugals who in matter of Government look with great diligence upon the least motes, without making much reckoning afterwards of great beams, held it inconvenient for the said Mariam Tinatin to live with me in the same House; although she had been brought up always in our House from a very little Child and as our own Daughter. For being themselves in these matters very unrestrained, (not sparing their nearest Kindred, nor, as I have heard their own Sisters, much less Foster-childrens in their Houses they conceive that all other Nations are like themselves; wherefore in conformity to the use of the Country, and not to give offence, it was necessary for us to be separated; the rather too, because strangers who amongst the Portugals are not very well looked upon, and through their ignorance held worse than in our Country's Heretics are, may easily expect that all evil is thought of them, and that all evil may easily befall them in these parts; so that 'tis requisite to live with circumspection. And this may serve for advice to whoever shall travel into these Regions. F. Fra: Leandro sent also to invite me to Mass at his Church; and being it was a Holy Day, and the Jesuits were not yet come to fetch me, as they said they would, I determined to go thither, leaving Cacciatùr in the Ship to look to the goods. I was no sooner landed, but I met F. Sorrentino, who in the Name of his Jesuits was coming to fetch me, and also with a Palanchino to carry Mariam Tinatin I know not whither. She was gone already, and so I made an excuse for her, and likewise for myself to the Jesuits, only for that day, being I was upon the way with the Carmelites; and although it somewhat troubled them, yet I went to F. Leandro, having agreed to return to the Ship; and the next day after my Goods were dispatched at the Dogana, which could not be done now because it was Sunday, I should then go to receive the favour of the Jesuits as they commanded me. Wherefore proceeding to the Church of the Carmelites, which stands at the edge of the City upon a pleasant Hill, with a very delightful prospect, I heard Mass there, and stayed both to dine, sup, and lodge with them. April the tenth, Early in the Morning I went to the Ship, landed my Goods, dispatched them at the Custom-house, and having carried them to the House of Sigra Lena da Cugna, where Mariam Tinatin was, I went to quarter (till the House taken for me were emptied, cleaned, and prepared) in the Covent of the Professed House of the Jesuits, where I was received by the Visitor, the Provincial, the Provost, and the rest, with much courtesy, and with their accustomed Charity and Civility. I found there many Italian Fathers, of which Nation the Society makes frequent use, especially in the Missions of China, japan, India, and many other places of the East; besides the two abovenamed, I found of Italians F. Christoforo Boro, a Milanese, called Brono in India, (not to offend the Portugal's ears with the word Boro, which in their Language does not sound well) a great Mathematician; and another young Father who was afterwards my Confessor; F. Giuliano Baldinotti of Pistoia, designed for japan, whither he went afterwards. Moreover, in the College which is another Church, and a distinct Covent, F. Alessandro Leni, an ancient Roman, and Friend of my Uncles, with whom, especially with Sig: Alessandro, he had studied in our Casa Instituta, or Academy; F. Giacinto Franceschi a Florentine; all who, with infinite others of several Nations, Portugals, Castilians, and others, were all my Friends; and particularly, F. Pantaleon Vincislao a German, well skilled in Mathematics, and a great wit, Procurator of China; F. Per Moryad, the Viceroy's Confessor, and F. Francisco Vergara, both Castilians; F. Christoforo di Giavanni a Portugal, learned in Greek and Arabic; F. Flaminio Carlo of Otranto, Master in Divinity. Of Friars I also found many Italians, namely, in the College of Friar joseph Masagna, a famous Spicerer, and a Man of much business in the Professed House, a Neapolitan, a Venetian, and a Tuscan, called Friar Bartolomeo Pontebuoni, a good Painter, and also a Man of much employment, who were all my great Friends. April the eleventh, my Birthday, The Jesuits showed me all their Covent, which is indeed a large and goodly Building, and though not much adorned according to our custom, yet perhaps, is the best thing that is in Goa; as also the front of their Church. April the fourteenth, which was Holy Friday, Being present at Holy Service in the Choir of the Jesuits, (because I was still in my Persian Habit, the Portugal Clothes which I had bespoken being not yet made, and therefore I appeared not in public) Sig: Constantino da Sà, (a Portugal Cavalier, or Hidalgo, designed General for the Island of Zeilan, whither he was preparing to go speedily with his Fleet) coming also to hear the Office in the Choir, saw me there, and understanding who I was, was pleased to take notice of me, and after the Office was ended, came together with the Fathers very courteously to compliment me, offering himself to serve me, (as he said) in the Island of Zeiland, if I pleased to go thither: Whereunto I also answered with the best and most courteous words I could. This Sig: Constantino had been sent with an Armado of many Ships to relieve Ormuz when it was besieged; but not arriving there till after the place was taken, he returned back with his Fleet to Goa.  
April the sixteenth, being Easter-Day, I first resumed an European, to wit, a Portugal Habit, as 'tis the fashion at Goa, 
X.  amongst the graver sort, after I had worn strange garbs for many years together, and ever since the death of my Sigra Sitti Maani, clothed myself and my servant in mourning. April the seventeenth, F. Vincislao Pantaleon, my Friend abovenamed, (who was skilled in the China Language, having been many years in these parts, and intended to return thither) showed me the Geographical Description of all China, written very small, or rather printed in a China Character after their way very handsomely. On which occasion, I must not omit to note that the Chinese, as the said Father showed me in their Books, are wont in writing to draw the line or verse of their writing, not as we and the Hebrews do cross the paper, but (contrary to both) from the top to the bottom, beginning to write at the right side of the paper, and ending at the left; which to all other Nations seems a very strange way. Moreover, their Letters are not properly Letters, but great Characters, each of which denotes an entire word; whence the Characters are as many as there are words in the Language, and they reckon to the number of eighty thousand; a thing indeed not only strange and superfluous, but also, in my opinion, unprofitable; yea, disadvantageous, and only for vain pomp; for in learning these Characters they spend many years unprofitably, which might be employed in the acquisition of other better Sciences, without being always Children, (as Hermes Trismegistus said of the Greeks;) yea, in their whole life they cannot learn them all; so that there are none among themselves, or, if any, they are very rare and miraculous, who can write and read all the words, and know all the Characters of their own Tongue, which is certainly a great imperfection; although they say, that he who knows four thousand Characters, may speak and write well enough; and he that knows six or eight thousand, may pass for eloquent. The japonese seem to me more judicious in this point, having for ordinary, and more facile use, invented an Alphabet of few Letters, written likewise from the top downwards, wherewith they write all words, and all their own Language, and also that of China: But in the Sciences and more weighty matters, the learned amongst them most commonly make use of the China-Characters, which, as mysterious and sacred, are venerable to all these Nations; and although they have all several Languages, yet they do and can make use of the same writing; because being the said Characters are not Letters, but significative of words; and the words although different in sound, yet in all these Languages are of the same signification and number; it comes to pass that divers Nations adjacent to China, as these of japan, Cauchin-China, and other, (although different in Language) yet in writing, making use of the China-Characters, at least in matters of greatest moment, understand one another when they read these Characters each in their own Tongue, with the different words of their proper Language; which indeed, in reference to the commerce and communication of Nations, is a great convenience. April the seven and twentieth, This Morning, being the first Thursday after the Dominica in Albis, there was a solemn Procession at Goa of the most Holy Sacrament, for the Annual Feast of Corpus Christi, as the custom is. But in Goa it is kept out of the right time upon such a day, because the right day of the Feast falls in the Months of great Rain; so that at that time the Procession cannot be performed, and therefore they anticipate it in this manner. The Procession was made by the whole Clergy, with a greater show of green boughs than clothes, and with many representations of mysteries by persons disguised, fictitious animals, dances and maskerades; things which in our Countries would more suit with Villages then great Cities. Two Ships are now departing by the way of Persias, and therefore I have made use of this opportunity; favour me to kiss the hands of all my Friends in my Name, amongst which I reckon in the first place with the Signori Spina, Sigr Andrea, Sig: Dottore, and Sig: Coletta; upon whom, and yourself, I pray Heaven for all felicity; recommending myself to your prayers also for my safety. From Goa, April 27. 1623.   

LETTER III.  
From Goa, Octob. 10. 1623.  
HAving a sit opportunity, according to my desire to 
I.  make an excursion from Goa farther into India more Southwards to Canarà, upon occasion of this Viceroy's dispatching Sig: Gio Fernandez Leiton, Ambassador to Vanktapà Niekà, a Gentile-Prince of that Province; and conceiving that my journey will begin within three or four days, I have therefore determined to write this Letter to you, that it may be conveyed by the first occasion of the Ships which are now preparing for a Voyage from India into Europe; for I know not certainly, how far I shall tarvel, nor how long I shall stay out before my return to Goa, whether months or years. As little do I know what other opportunity, or convenient place I shall meet withal to write to you; nevertheless I shall omit none that offers itself, and in the mean time present you with the continuation of my Diary. Having been here in Goa too much shut up in the House of the Jesuits, On the first of May, I parted from them after many civil treatments and favours received of them, according to their most affectionate hospitality; and went to the House prepared for me right over against that of Sigra Lena da Cugna, which stands between the Covents of the barefooted Carmelites, and the Converted Nuns of S. Mary Magdalene, in a remote but not inconvenient place, nor far from the commerce of the City, and the more acceptable to me, because near the residence of Mariàm Tinatin. May the third, The City of Goa, lying, as they say, in the Altitude of fifteen degrees and forty minutes, agreeably to the good Rule of Astronomy and the Tables of Tycho, according to which, F. Christoforo Brono told me, this City is in a Meridian different from that of Francfurt, about four hours more Eastward; yet the Sun came to be in the Zenith of Goa, that is, in the declination of the Zenith at eleven a clock of the night following the said day, (speaking suitably to the Spanish and Portugal Clocks.) Yet at this time it was the height of Summer, and the greatest heat of the year, as we found by experience. For there may be said to be two Summers and Winters every year in Goa, and these adjacent Regions; because the Sun passes over their heads, and departs from them twice a year, once toward the North, and once towards the South. May the eleventh, A Portugal Gentleman coming from the Court of Spain by Land, to wit, by the way of Turkey, and, as they said, in a very short time, and with Letters from the Court dated in the end of the last October, brought news amongst other things of the Canonization of five Saints made together in one day, namely, of S. Ignatio, the Founder of the Jesuits; S. Francisco Xaverio, a Jesuit, and the Apostle of the East-India; S. Philippo Neri, Founder of the Congregation della Vallicella, whom I remember to have seen and spoken to in my Childhood, and whose Image is still so impressed in my memory, that I should know him if I saw him; S. Teresia, Foundress of the barefooted Carmelites; and S. Isidoro, a Countryman of Madrid. We had also news of the death of the Duke of Parma, Ranuccio Farnese, and how the Cardinal his Brother was gone to the Government of that State during the minority of the succeeding Duke. The Currier who went into Spain with the tidings of the loss of Ormùz, this Portugal Gentleman said he met him at Marseilles; and concerning the Marriage between Spain and England, he brought no intelligence of any conclusion; so that I believe, the news of Ormùz, lost chiefly by the fault of the English, will occasion much difficulty in the Treaty of that Marriage. May the seventeenth, Four Italian barefooted Carmelites arrived in Goa, being sent by their Fathers at Rome into Persia; but having heard at Aleppo how the Fathers of Persia were troubled by the fate of those new Christians who were discovered and slain the year before, and especially that they had nothing to live upon; they not knowing what to do, and being terrified with the Relations of divers Merchants who aggravated things sufficiently, and being so advised by some, who, perhaps, like not the coming of such Fathers into Persia, resolved to come into India, and to Goa to the Vicar Provincial, whither they brought no fresh News from Rome, having departed from thence Eleven Months before. They came almost all sick, having suffered much in the Deserts of Arabia, and other places of the journey, where they had felt great scarcity; and for all this they would needs observe their Lent and Fasts by the way, sustaining themselves almost solely with Dates, which is a very hot food; and withal the alteration of the Air, very hot too, and unusual to them in the height of Summer, was the occasion of their being all sick. Two of them arrived this day, and the two others the day after; because they came from Mascàt in several Ships, Of these four barefooted Carmelites, within a few days three died, and one alone after a long and dangerous sickness escaped. May the eighteenth, The Bells of all the Churches of Goa rung out with a great noise; and they said, it was for the News of the King's Health then brought from Spain; but I said, I wished they had first recovered Ormùz, and then rung the Bells with joy for both. A vain people!  
May the twentieth, The barefooted Carmelites would needs 
II.  make particular rejoicing for the Canonization of their S. Teresia, and not confound the same in one day with that of the Jesuits; they sent two Portugal Children on Horseback richly clad in riding habit, as Curriers, to declare with certain Verses to the Viceroy of Goa the Canonization of the She-Saint; after which the same Boys went up and down the City with a Trumpet before them, scattering other Verses to the people with the same tidings, the Bells of theirs, and all other Churches of the City ringing in the mean time for joy, being enjoined thereunto by the Bishop's Order. At night themselves, and divers of their Friends, made Fireworks throughout the City. And in favour of them the chief Portugals, went the same night up and down the streets in a great Troop, clad in several disguises, after the manner of a Mascherade. I also bore a part in the solemnity, out of my devotion to the new Saint; and according to the liberty which every one took of habiting himself as he pleased, I put myself into the garb of an Arabian Gentleman of the Desert, which was accounted very brave and gallant; I accompanied with Sig: Antonino, Son of Sig: Antonio Paraccio, my friend, a youth of about twelve years old, who was one of those who went in the day time to the Viceroy, and I clothed him in a Persian Habit of mine which I had brought from Persia, or rather like a noble Chizilbase Soldier, very odd and brave; so that we two were a sufficiently delightful spectacle to the whole City. May the one and twentieth, In the Morning the barefooted Fathers sung in their Church a solemn Mass in gratiarum actionem for the abovesaid Canonization of Santa Teresia, upon whose praises an Augustine Father made an eloquent Sermon; the Viceroy and a multitude of people being present thereat.  
May the three and twentieth, The Sun entering into Gemini, 
III.  I observed that the Rain begun in Goa, and it happens not alike in all the Coast of India; for it begins first in the more Southerly parts of Capo Comorni, and follows afterwards by degrees, according as places extend more to the North; so that in Cambaia, and other more northern parts, it begins later than in Goa; and the further any place lies North, the later it begins there. Whence it comes to pass that in the Persian Ephemerideses, or Almanacs, they use to set down the beginning of Parscecal, or the time of Rain in India, at the fifteenth of their third month, called Cordad, which falls upon the third of our june; because they have observed it in the more Northern parts of India, as in Cambaia, Suràt, and the like, where the Persians have more commerce then in other more Southern places. In Goa likewise, for the most part the beginning of the Rain is in the first days of june; yet sometimes it anticipates, and sometimes falls something later with little difference. 'Tis observed by long experience that this Rain in India, after having lasted some days at first, ceases, and there return I know not how many days of fair weather; but those being passed, it begins again more violent than ever, and continues for a long time together. By this Rain, as I observed, the heat diminisheth, and the Earth which before was very dry and all naked, becomes clothed with new verdure, and various colours of pleasant flowers, and especially the Air becomes more healthful, sweet, and more benign both to sound and infirm. The arm of the Sea, or River, which encompasses the Island of Goa, and is ordinarily salt, notwithstanding the falling of the other little fresh Rivers into it, with the inundation of great streams which through the great Rain flow from the circumjacent Land, is made likewise wholly fresh; whence the Countrypeople who wait for this time, derive water out of it for their Fields of Rice in the Island of Goa and the neighbouring parts, which being tempered with this sweet moisture, on a sudden become all green. june the first, I spoke first to the Viceroy of Goa, Don Francisco da Gama, Count of Bidigucira, Admiral of the Indian Sea, and Grandson of that D. Vasco de Gama who discovered East-India, in which this Don Francisco was sometimes Viceroy, and was once taken captive in Africa with King Sebastian. I delayed seeing him so long, because I was busied for a Month after my arrival in changing my Habit and providing a House, so that I went not abroad; besides, that the Viceroy was likewise employed many days after in dispatching the Fleets which went to China and Zeilan; and after they were gone, he retired to a place out of Goa, to recreate himself for many days; so that I had no opportunity sooner. I presented to him two Letters from Rome, which I brought directed to his Predecessor in my recommendation, one from Sig: Cardinal Crescentio, and the other from the Duke of Albaquerque then Ambassador at Rome for the Catholic King; and he, without reading them, in my presence said, that without that recommendation he should have expressed all fitting Civilities to me, and that he was glad to see and know me, with many other Compliments and courteous offers. He had no long discourse with me, because many other Portugal Gentlemen of the Council, and other persons of the Government expected to have Audience; but when I went away, he told F. Morigad the Jesuit his Confessor who introduced me, that at a more convenient opportunity he desired to talk with me more at length of the things of Persia, and that he would send for me; and in the mean time desired a writing in discourse which I had made a few days before concerning the Wars of Persia, of which his said Confessor who had seen it, had given him notice; wherefore I gave it to him with my own hand, as I had written it in my Native Tuscan Tongue, and F. Morigad gave him the Translation of it, made by himself into the Portugal Tongue, being the Viceroy did not understand the Italian.  
june the ninth, In the College of the Jesuits was pronounced, 
IV.  as 'tis the custom every year, a Latin Oration, for the Inchoation of the Readins; which, the vacations being ended with the hot weather, begin again with the Rain and cool weather. Letters from some Banians were brought to Goa, signifying that the Moghòl had enountered with his Rebel Sultàn Chorròm, and routed him; and that Sultàn Chorròm after his defeat was retired to a strong hold in the top of a Mountain, which they call Mand●, and that his Father had besieged them there. june the four and twentieth, being the Feast of Saint john Baptist, The Viceroy with many other Portugal persons of quality, as 'tis the yearly custom in Goa, rode through the City in Habits of Masquert, but without Vizards, two and two alike, or three and three; and having heard Mass in the Church of Saint john, he came into the street of Saint Paul, which they are wont to call La Carriera d'ye Cavalli, and is the best place in Goa. Here, after many Companies of Canarine Christians of the Country had marched by with their Ensigns, Drums and Arms, leaping and playing along the streets, with their naked Swords in their Hands, for they are all Foot; at length all the Cavaliers run, two carriers on Horseback, one downwards from the Church of Saint Paul towards the City, and the other upwards, running matches of two to two, or three to three, according as their attire agreed, with their Morisco Cymiters, and at last they came all down marching together in order, ●●d so went to the Piazza of the Vice-Roys Palace, and so the solemnity ended. I stood to see this show in the same street of Saint Paul, in the House of one whom they call King of the Islands of Maldiva, or Maladiva, which are an innumerable company of small Islands, almost all united together, lying in a long square form towards the West, not far from the Coast of India; of which Islands one of this Man's Ancestors was really King, but being driven out of his Dominion by his own people, fled to the Portugals and turned Christian, with hopes of recovering his Kingdom by their help. Yet the Portugals never attempted any thing in his behalf, and so he and his descendants remain deprived of the Kingdom enjoying only the naked Title which the Portugals being now allied to him still give him; and because many Merchant's Ships come from those Islands to trade in the Ports of the Portugals, they force the said Ships to pay a small matter of Tribute to him as their lawful Sovereign: of which, though the Governors of Ports, to whom upon necessity he must entrust, purloin above half from him; nevertheless he gets at this day by it about three thousand Crowns yearly, and therewith supports himself. The like Fates have befallen many other Princes in India, who hoping in the Portugals, have found themselves deluded. Wherein Reason of State is but ill observed by the Portugals, because by this proceeding, they have discouraged all others from having confidence in them; whereas had they assisted and protected them, as they ought and might easily, and with small charge have done upon sundry fair occasions, they would by this time have got the love of all India; and themselves would by the strength and help of their Friends, undoubtedly, have become more potent, as also, without comparison, more feared by their Enemies. june the nine and twentieth, This year the Moors began their Ramadhan, according to the Rules of my Calculation. july the five and twentieth, being the Feast of Saint james, the Protector of Spain, was solemnised with the same gallantry of Carrier's and Dresses, as are above described, saving that the Viceroy heard Mass in the Church of St. james.  
In the Evening, I went with Sig: Ruy Gomez Boraccio, a Priest 
V.  and Brother of Sig: Antonio Baroccio to the Church of Saint james, which stands somewhat distant without the City, upon the edge of the Island towards the main Land of Adil-Sciàh, which is on the other side of a little River, or Arm of the Sea. For which reason, the Island is in this as well as many other dangerous places fortified with strong walls; and here there is a Gate upon the pass, which is almost full of people, going and coming from the main Land, and is called by the Indians Benastarni, by which name some of our Historians mention it in their writings concerning these parts, as Osorius, Maffaeus, etc. which Gate, as likewise many others, which are upon divers places of passage about the Island, is guarded continually with Soldiers, commanded by a Captain who hath the care thereof, and for whom there is built a fine House upon the walls of the Island, which in this place are very high, forming a kind of Bastion, or rather a Cavaliero, or mount for Ordnance; not very well designed, but sufficiently strong, wherein are kept pieces of Artillery for defence of the place. We went to visit the said Captain, who was then Sig: Manoel Pereira de la Gerda, and from the high Balconies of his House and the Bastion, we enjoyed the goodly prospect of the Fields round about, both of the Island and the Continent, being discernible to a great distance. The Captain entertained us with the Music of his three Daughters, who sung and played very well after the Portugal manner upon the Lute, after which we returned home. About the Church of Saint james are some few habitations in form of a little Town, which is also called Santiago; and the way from thence to the City is a very fine walk the Country being all green, and the waysides beset with Indian Nut-trees, (which the Portugals call Palms, and their fruit Cocco) the Gardens and Houses of Pleasure on either side contributing to the delightfulness thereof, being full of sundry fruit-trees unknown to us; as also because in Wintertime the very walls of the Gardens are all green with moss, and other herbs growing there; which indeed is one of the pleasantest sights that I have seen in my days, and the rather because 'tis natural and without artifice. The same happens, I believe, not in this Island only, but in all the Region round about. In the field adjoining to the City, near the ruins of a deserted building, once intended for a Church, but never finished, is a work of the Gentiles, sometimes Lords of this Country, namely, one of the greatest Wells that ever I beheld, round, and about twenty of my Paces in Diametre, and very deep; it hath Parapets, or Walls breast-high round about with two Gates, at one of which is a double pair of stairs leading two ways to the bottom, to fetch water when it is very low. july the six and twentieth, I went out of the City to a place of pleasure in the Island, where was a Church of Saint Anna, to which there was a great concourse of people, because it was her Festival. This Church stands very low, built amongst many Country dwellings, partly, of the Islanders who live there, and partly, of the Portugals who have Houses of Pleasure there to spend a month for recreation. The place is very delightful amongst Palmetoes and Groves of other Trees, and the way leading to it is extremely pleasant, all covered with green. After I had heard Mass here, Sig: Giovanni da Costa de Menecas, a Friend of mine whom I found there, carried me to dine with him at the House of a Vicar or Parish-Priest of another Church not far distant, and of small Building, which they call Santa Maria di Loreto, where we spent the whole day in conversation with the said Vicar and other Friends. At night because it reigned, I caused myself to be carried home in one of those Carriages which the Portugals call Rete, being nothing else but a net of cords tied at the head and feet, and hanging down from a great Indian Cane; in which Net (which is of the length of a Man, and so wide that opening in the middle, (for the two ends are tied fast to the Cane) 'tis capable of one person) a Man lies along very conveniently with a cushion under his head, although somewhat crooked, to wit, with the feet and head advanced towards the Ligatures, and the middle part of the body more pendulous under the Cane, which is carried upon the shoulders of two men before, and two behind; if the person be light, or the way short, two Men only bear it, one before, and the other behind. These Nets are different from the Palanchini and the Andòr; for in these from the Cane hang not nets, but litters like little beds, upon which a Man sits with his legs stretched forth, or half lying along upon cushions, and so is carried very conveniently. Moreover, the Palanchini and the Andòr, differ from one another; for that in the latter, the Cane upon which they carry is straight, as it is likewise in the Nets; but in the Palanchini, for greater ease of the person carried that he may have more room to carry his head upright, the said Cane is crooked upward in this form ☊, and they bend Canes for this purpose when they are small and tender, and these are the most convenient and honourable carriages; and because there are not found many good Canes and fit to bear such a weight, therefore they are sold dear, at a hundred or six score Pardini a piece, which amount to about sixty of our Crowns. Besides, as well the Palanchini as the Andòr, and the Nets, are covered for avoiding the Rain with dry Coverlets made of Palm leaves, to wit, those of the Indian Nut, and other such Trees, sufficiently handsome, which being cast over the Cane, hang down on each side, having two windows with little shutters; They keep out the water very well, and the Coverlets may be taken off when one is minded to go uncovered, and carried by a servant. Yet I never saw any go uncovered in Goa, either in Andòr or Nets; but out of the City in the Country, many. I have spoken more at length of these Carriages, because they are unknown in our Countries, although I remember to have seen in Italy the Effigies of a Net or Rete, engraven in certain Maps of the World, and, if I mistake not, amongst the ways of travelling in Brasil, where I believe they are used; and indeed this mode of Carriage is very usual in India, not only in Cities, but also in journeys and those of sufficient length; wherefore to make experience of it, I was minded to have myself carried this day after the manner which I have described; nor must I omit, that the Men who bear such Carriages are satisfied with a very small reward. Going in Palanchino, in the Territories of the Portugals in India, is prohibited to Men, because indeed 'tis a thing too effeminate; nevertheless, as the Portugals are very little observers of their own Laws, they began at first to be tolerated upon occasion of the Rain, and for favours or presents; and afterwards become so common, that they are used almost by every body throughout the whole year.  
On the tenth of August, I believe, the Sun was in the Zenith 
VI  of Goa, returning from the Northern signs, and passing to the Southern; yet for the day and precise hour, I refer myself to a better Calculation, according to the good Books which I have not here with me. On the eleventh of the same Month, I saw at Goa a Carnero, or Wether without horns, which they told me was of the Race of Balagàt, not great but of strong limbs, harnessed with a velvet saddle, crupper, headstall, bridle, stirrups, and all the accoutrements of a Horse; and it was ridden upon by a Portugal Youth of about twelve years old, as he went and came from his own House to the School of Giesù, which low School of Reading and Writing, the said Fathers keep for more convenience of Children, not at the College which stands in the edge of the City where the higher Schools are, but at the Church of Giesù, which is the Professed House, and stands in the middle of the City, whither the abovesaid Youth road daily upon his Martin; and I observed, that the beast being used to the place, knew the way so well that he went alone at night from the House to the School to fetch the Youth, without any body holding or guiding him before the servant which drove him, as they do many Horses. I took the more notice of this trifle, because it seemed a new thing to ride upon such creatures; for although in our Countries, Dogs and Goats are sometimes seen with saddles and Horse furniture, running, leaping, and capering, yet 'tis only for sport, and with puppets upon the saddle; but this Martin was ridden upon by such a boy as I have mentioned, although the beast was but of a very ordinary bigness. On the sevententh of August, the Gentile-Indians kept a kind of Festival, to which a great number of them came to a place in Goa, which they call Naruè, or as the vulgar corruptly speak Naruà, as it were for pardon or absolution, and many came in pilgrimage from far Countries to wash their bodies here, plunging themselves into the Arm of the Sea, Men and Women together all naked, without any respect at all, even persons of quality, and casting Fruits, Perfumes, and other things into the water, as it were in Oblation to the Deity of the water of this place, with other Ceremonies, Devotions, and the like; which I relate not more particularly, because I was not present at them, because the great Rain kept me from going to see them, as it also was the cause that the concourse of the Gentiles was not very great. Nevertheless I could not but speak thus much in general of it, as being a considerable thing amongst them. This Feast, and their Devotion, lasts two days, but the first is most remarkable.  
August the one and thirtieth, A Galeon coming from Mascàt, (being the first Ship that came to Goa this year since the Rain, 
VII.  and the shutting up of the mouth of the Port) brought News how Ruy Freyra having been a few Months before at Mascàt with the little Fleet which he had of sixteen Ships, was gone to attempt Sohèr, which place being formerly abandoned by the Portugals, was now fortified by the Persians with a strong Garrison; and that after he had landed, he assaulted the Fort, but could not take it, though many Moors were slain in the encounter and about twenty five Portugals; amongst which, were three or four Captains, Men of Valour and Esteem: in which action, some conceived, that Ruy Freyra had not done well in hazarding and losing so many people upon a place of small importance; but he continuing to besiege it, it was delivered to him upon Articles, the Garrison which was within marching away with their Arms and Baggage; after which he razed the Fortifications, and attempted another place of that Coast of Arabia, which they call Galfarcan; and having taken it, out of indignation, as I believe, for the many good Soldiers which they had killed of his at Sohàr, and to cast a terror, left no person alive, sparing neither sex nor age. Which cruel manner of proceeding I cannot approve; because on the one side, it will alienate the minds of the people of that Country; and on the other, it will incite Enemies to fight against more obstinately and valorously, as knowing they are to expect no quarter. This is as much as hath been done hitherto in those parts about Ormùz, the doing of greater matters requiring new and greater supplies from the Viceroy; but they say likewise, that Ormùz and Kesciome are extremely well fortified by the Moors. September the six and twentieth, Sig: Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa, Ambassador in Persia from the Catholic King in my time, who by reason of sundry accidents, and the oppositions of the Portugals to him as to a Castilian, (as himself saith) or, (as other say) because it was his own mind to do so; since the year before being sent away in a Petache or Shallop according to his own desire, he returned back for fear of a tempest, (though without reason) had never returned home into Spain to his King; but when I arrived in India, I found him at Goa, where we became acquainted together; and coming to visit me one day, amongst other things whereof we discoursed, he told me that he had heard a while since that the Prior of Savoy, to wit, the Duke of Savoy's Son who is a Prior, was made Viceroy of Sicily, and Generalissimo of that Sea for his Catholic Majesty: Which was News to me, and, as a rare and unaccustomed thing for the Spaniards to place Italians in governments of States in Italy, I was not unwilling to take notice of. September the thirtieth, At evening the Dominicans with the Friars of the Society del Rosario, made a goodly Procession in Goa, with abundance of Coaches, and Images clothed after their manner, and richly adorned with many Jewels; all the streets where it passed being strewed with green herbs and flowers, and the windows hung with Tapestry and rich Carpets; to which show, which is yearly made for the Feast of the Rosary, which is upon the first Sunday of October, the whole City was gathered together. This great Procession they make the Eve before the Feast after Vespers, and in the morning of the Feast they make another less one, only about the Gate of the Church, but with the same pomp, and besides with the most Holy Sacrament. October the tenth, The Viceroy of Goa dispatched Sig: Gio: Fernandez Leiton my Friend, Ambassador to the Gentile-Prince, whose Dominion in the Kingdom of Province of Canarà, more Southernly then Goa, borders upon Onòr, and the other Territories of the Portugals in those maritime parts. This Prince Venk-tapà Naieka, was sometimes Vassal, and one of the Ministers of the great King of Vidià-Nagàr, which the Portugals corruptly call Bisnagà; but after the down-fall of the King of Vidià-Nagàr, who a few years ago by the Wars raised against him by his Neighbours, lost together with his life a great part of his Dominion, and became in a manner extinct; Venk-tapà Naieka, as also many other Naieki, who where formerly his Vassals and Ministers, remained absolute Prince that part of the State whereof he was Governor; which also, being a good Soldier, he hath much enlarged, having seized by force many Territories of divers other Naieki, and petty Princes his Neighbours; and in brief, is grown to that reputation, that having had War with the Portugals too, and given them a notable defeat, he is now held for their Friend, and for the establishment of this Friendship they send this Embassage to him in the Name of the King of Portugal, the Ambassador being styled, Ambassador of the State of India; and though he is sent by the Viceroy, nevertheless, as their custom is, he carries Letters written in the name of the King himself, to do the more honour to Venk-tapà Nieka to whom he is sent. This is the first Ambassador sent to this Prince in the King of Portugal's Name; for before in Occurrences which fell out, an Ambassador was sent only in the name of some one of those Captains, and Governors of the Portugal Territories, which had business with him; and this was sent in answer to an Ambassador of his who hath been long at Goa, negotiating with the Viceroy the establishment of the said Friendship. The Ambassador of Venk-tapà Naieka is a Brachman, called Vitulà Sinai, and having taken his leave of the Viceroy, the two Ambassadors departed together at this time. I having been some days before informed of this intended Embassy, and being desirous to see some Country of the Gentiles, where themselves bore sway, and observed their Rites without any subjection to Christians or Moors, or Princes of different Religion, as in those Lands which I had hitherto seen; I offered myself to accompany my Friend Sig: Gio: Fernandez Leiton in this Embassy, and he hath been pleased to testify very great liking of my company. So that I am to take Ship with him within three days, which will be the thirteenth or fourteenth of this present month of October. I hope I shall find matter wherewith to feed our Curiosity, and to give you an entertainment. In the mean time I heartily salute all our Friends at Naples, and most affectionately kiss your Hands. From Goa, October 10. 1623.   

LETTER IU.  
From Onòr, Octob. 30. 1623.  
BEing departed from Goa, and arrived at this Port of Onòr, 
I.  I shall give you some account of what hath happened in my observation during the few days since the last that I writ to you, October the tenth; which because I understood lay still at Goa, with the two Ships which were to go thence for Persia, I have thought fit to send this to accompany it, and, I hope, you will receive both of them together; and that not without some small delectation with my News, inasmuch as I am pleased in writing to you from several places, and (when I can get opportunity) from those very places which afford the novelties and matters whereof I write, which therefore may possibly be more grateful in the reception, as being native of the Country. I took Ship with our Portugal Ambassador, and Sig: Gio: Fernandez Leiton, about Evening October the fourteenth; and departing from Goa, we removed to a Town called Pangi in the same Island, but lower near the place where the River enters into the Sea, and whither the Vice-Roys use to retire themselves frequently to a House of Pleasure which they have there, besides many other like Houses of private persons upon the River likewise; and where also at the mouth of the Sea, or Bar, as they speak, which is a little lower, almost all Fleets that depart from Goa are wont to set sail. We might have performed this journey by Land along the Sea-cast, passing along the other Lands of Adil-Sciàh, till we came to those of Venk-tapà Naieka: But to avoid expenses, and occasions of disgustwith many Governors of those Territories subject to Adil-Sciàh, who sometimes are little courteous, and impertinent, the Viceroy would have us go by Sea; and for more security, sent five of those light Frigates or Galeots, which the Portugals call Sangessis, to accompany us as far as Onòr,, where we were to land. So that we were in all ten Ships or Galeots, to wit, one which carried the Portugal Ambassador and us; an other in which the Venk-tapà Naieka's Ambassador the Brachman went; three others laden with the baggage of the two Ambassadors; (and particularly; with Horses and other things which the Viceroy sent for a Present to Venk-tapà Naieka, and other Horses which I know not who carried thither to sell;) and the five Ships of War, whereof Sig: Hettor Fernandez was Chief Captain or General. Nevertheless we departed from Goa the aforesaid Evening only with our own Ship, the rest being already fallen down lower toward the Sea, and the Ambassador Vitulà was above a day at Pangi expecting us, where we arriving the abovesaid night, did not land because it was late, but slept in the Vessel.  
October the fourteenth, We went a shore in the Morning at 
II.  Pangi, and the two Ambassadors saw one another upon the Seaside, where I being present with them, Sig: Gio: Fernandez told the Brachman Ambassador who I was, and that I went with them out of curiosity to see his King: wherewith he testified great contentment, but was much more pleased with the Pendant which I wore at my left ear, as I have used to do for many years passed for remedy of my weak sight; because wearing Pendants at the ears is a particular custom of the Indians, especially of the Gentiles, who all wear them in both ears: And because this is among the Portugals a thing not only unusual, but ignorantly by some of the ruder sort of them held for unlawful, only because 'tis used by Gentiles, therefore the Ambassador marvelled that I being of the Portugals Religion nevertheless used it; but being told that it was not forbidden us by our Law, but only customarily disused, and that in Europe it was used by many, he commended the custom, and bid the Portugals see how well I showed with that Pendant, and better than they who wore none; so powerful is use to endear things to the eye, and make that fancied and esteemed by some, which others through want of custom, dislike, or value not. This day we departed not, because one of the Frigates of the Armado which was to accompany us, was unprovided with Seamen, for which we were fain to stay till the day following, and then were not very well provided. The cause whereof was, for that there was at this time a great scarcity of Mariners in Goa, because the Governors of the maritime parts of the Continent subject to Idal-Sciàh, would not permit their Ships to come, as they were wont, to supply Mariners for the Portugal Armado; which seemed an argument of some ill will of that King against the Portugals, of which, were there nothing else, theirs being weaker, and more confused in their Government then ever, and all things in bad order, was a sufficient ground; for remedy of which, they took no other course, but daily loaded themselves with n●w, unusual, and most heavy Impositions, to the manifest ruin of the State, taking no care to prevent the hourly exorbitant defraudations of the public Incomes, which otherwise would be sufficient to maintain the charge without new Gabels: but if such thefts continue, both the public Incomes and the new Gabels, and as many as they can invent, will be all swallowed up. Nevertheless, the Portugals are heedless according to their custom, and out of a fatal blindness making no reckoning of these signs, which show the evil mind of their Neighbour Adil-Sciàh, think he knows nothing of these disorders, and that this withholding of his Subjects is only an impentinence of his Officers. What the event will be, Time will show.  
But to return to my purpose, Not being to depart this day, we went to dine and pass the time, with intention also to lodge 
III.  the following night in the house of Sig: Baldassar d' Azevedo, who lived constantly in a fair House there by the Seaside, a little distant from the Villa, or Fort, where the Vice-Roys lodge in Pangi. Whilst we were recreating ourselves, Sig: Fernandez bethinking himself of what, perhaps, he had not thought of before, asked me whether I had the Viceroy's Licence to go with him this Voyage; and I telling him that I had not, because I did not think it needful, he replied, that it was needful to be had by any means if I intended to go; otherwise, he could not venture to carry me, for fear of giving malevolous persons occasion to criminate him, by saying, that he had carried me a stranger, and without the Viceroy's Licence, into suspected places, where matters of State were to be handled; in brief, knowing the matter unblamable, and the wont Cavils of many of his own Nation, and being admonished by many and great troubles befallen others, and particularly, a Kinsman of his very innocently for very slight causes, and much inferior to this; he told me resolutely, that without the Viceroy's Licence it was no-wise good, either for him or me, that I should go. Wherefore being we were not to depart that day, he advised me to return to the City, and procured the said Licence, if I intended to go, and he would stay for me till the next Morning; but without the Licence I must not return to take Ship, nor would he by any means venture to carry me. ay, who well understood the procedures of the Portugals, and what rigour they use in their Government, and to what suspicions and malevolences they are prone, which cause a thousand ill usages and injustices, was sensible that Sig: Fernandez had reason, and that the not having gotten this Licence was an inadvertency, because I accounted it not necessary; but to obtain it of the Viceroy, who knew me well, and had shown himself courteous to me, I looked upon as not difficult. Wherefore being loath to lose my intended Voyage, as soon as I had dined with these Gentlemen, I went by boat to the City, and having first given account of my business to Sig: Antonio, and Sig: Ruy Gomez his Brother, (to whose House I repaired, having left that which I had hired, and removed my goods to that of the said Sig ri Barocci) I went with the same Sig: Ruy Gomez to speak to F. Marejao a Jesuit, and the Viceroy's Confessor and my Friend, whom I desired (as the fittest person to do it, in the short time left me) to get me a Licence from the Viceroy. He went immediately to speak to the Viceroy about it, and had the fortune to find him before he entered into a Congregation or Council which was to sit till night; and the Viceroy presently writ a Licence for him with his own hand, directed to the Ambassador Gio: Fernandez, wherein he told him, that whereas I desired to go along with him, he might carry me, and show me all kind of Civility and Honour as a deserving person, with other like courteous and high expressions. Having gotten my Licence, I went with F. Ruy Gomez Baraccio, to visit the Bishop of Coeni, who in the vacancy of the See administered the Archbishopric of Goa, and whom I had not yet visited; and understanding that he was desirous to know me, and was a Prelate of great merit, not only as to Ecclesiastic matters, but also in point of Government and Warr, (for he took divers strong places, and performed other exploits in India for the service of his King, with great valour) I would not depart without first visiting him, and making myself known to him. This Prelate is called Frà Don Sebastiano di San Pietro, and is an Augustine Friar. We discoursed above an hour together concerning things of India, Persia, and other matters, and I recommended to him with the F. Confessor the Augustine Fathers of his Religion in Persia, giving him an account of their necessities, and how he might help them.  
Night being come, I went to make a Collation in the House 
IV.  of Sig ri Barocci, and when it was grown dark, I returned to embark in the Ship which expected me, and went to the Town of Pangi to find Sig: Gio: Fernandez and my other Companions, who were very glad at my return with the Viceroy's Licence, so favourable and courteous to me, because they were loath to have gone without me; and so I slept with them that night in the same House. My charge, Mariàm Tinatin, went not with me this journey because it was not expedient, being I was to return to Goa, but stayed still in the House of Sigra Lena da Cugna; only Cacciatùr went with me to serve me. October the fifteenth, A little before night we were ready to set sail, had not we been necessitated to stay for certain Mariners till the next Morning, when we went to hear Mass in a Church of Saint Agnes belonging to the Augustine Friars, and standing in the Island of Goa; after which, being embarked, we stayed a while longer waiting for the Brachman Ambassador, for what reason I know not, unless, perhaps, he was minded to make us stay for him, as we had made him stay for us. At length being got out of the mouth of the River, we continued sailing all night, but with a small wind. Our course was always Southward almost directly, and we coasted along the land at a little distance. October the sixteenth, In the Morning we discerned four Ships of Malabar Rovers, near the shore (they call them Paroes', and they go with Oars, like Galeots or Foists) we gave them chase for above an hour, intending to fight them, but we could not overtake them; only we lost much time and much of our way. Night came upon us near certain Rocks, or uninhabited little Islands, which they call Angediva, which signifies, in the Language of the Country, Five Islands, they being so many in number. We found fresh water in one of them they are all green and have some Trees. We set sail from thence the same night, but had little or no wind and violent rain. October the seventeenth, Continuing our course the next day with a very small gale, we saw the bound of the States of Adil-Sciàh and Venk-tapà Naieka, which is only a brackish River, such as are frequent upon the Coast of India. The wind was but small still, so that all this day we could not arrive at Onòr; but when it was night, because 'tis no good entering into the Port of Onòr in the dark and with ebbing water, as it was now, we cast Anchor, and remained all night under an uninhabited small Rock, which they call the Rock of Onòr. After midnight the Tide began to flow, but yet we stirred not. October the eighteenth, About break of day we moved along, and by the help of Oars finished the remainder of the way, arriving at Onòr in good time. This whole Voyage from Goa to Onòr, is not above eighteen Leagues, but it took us up so much time, because we had only a very small wind.  
Onòr is a small place by the Seaside, but a good Port of indifferent 
V.  capacity, which is formed by two arms of Rivers, which (I know not whether both from one or several heads) running one Southward, and the other Northward, meet at the Fortress, and are discharged with one mouth into the Sea. The habitations are rather Cottages than Houses, built under a thick Grove of Palms, to wit, those which produce the Indian Nuts, called by the Portugals, Coco; and by the Arabians, Narghil. But the Fortress is of a competent circuit, though the walls are not very well designed, being just as the Portugals found them made by the people of the Country. It stands upon a high Hill of free stone, and being very capacious, not only the Captain lives there, but most of the married and principal Portugals have Houses in it, very well accommodated with Wells, Gardens, and other conveniencies. The streets within the Fortress are large and fair, besides a great Piazza sufficient to contain all the people of the place in time of a siege. There are likewise two Churches, one dedicated to Saint Catherine, and the other to Saint Anthony; but ordinarily there is but one Priest in Onòr, who is the Vicar of the Archbishop of Goa; and therefore in Lent other religious persons always go thither. Out of the Fort, in the Country, is the Bazar or Market, but a small one and of little consideration; nothing being found therein but what is barely necessary for sustenance of the inhabitants. Our Ambassador Sig: Gio: Fernandez lodged with us, not in the Fort, but without in the House of a private man; and, I believe, it was because he had rigorous Orders from the Viceroy against the Captain; and Commission to redress many Disorders which he had committed in his Government, especially to compose matters between him and the people of the Country; as also between him and the Vicar, betwixt whom there were great Disorders, the fault of which was charged upon the Captain. When we were settled in our House, first the Vicar called F. Henrico Rabelo, and afterwards the Captain called Sigr Don Christoforo Fernandez Francisco, with almost all the principal persons of the place, visited Sig: Gio: Fernandez, who presently beginning to treat of business, and presenting to the Captain the Viceroy's Letters and Orders, the Captain being terrified therewith on the one side, and on the other, obliged by the civil terms of Sig: Fernandez, forthwith offered himself ready to give the Viceroy satisfaction in whatever he commanded, and began immediately to put the same offer in effect; releasing one whom he held Prisoner, and performing other things which Sig: Fernandez appointed him. October the nineteenth, The Captain inviting the Ambassador and all the company to dine in the Fort, we went first to visit him, and afterwards to hear Mass in Saint Catharine's Church, which is the Vicar's See; which being over, the Ambassador visited a Gentlewoman who was a Kinswoman of the Vicar's, and then retired in private with the Captain, not without manifest signs that his re-pacification was rather upon necessity then out of goodwill. Causa mali tanti, foemina sola fuit. The original of most of the Disorders between the Captain and the Vicar, they say, was occasioned by the Captain's Wife, who had banished out of Onòr a servant of his whom he had employed as his Instrument to other Women, and who had been formerly punished for the same fault. In the mean time we walked up and down, but saw nothing worth mentioning; and at at dinnertime we went to the Captain's House where we all dined, namely, Sig: Gio: Fernandez the Ambassador, the Chief Commander of the Fleet, called Hettor Fernandez, F. Bartolomeo Barroso the Ambassador's Chaplain, Sig: Consalvo Carvaglio and I, who came in the Ambassador's Company. The Entertainment was sumptuous and very well served; dinner ended, we returned to our House.  
October the twentieth, In the Evening the Chaplain and I 
VI  went in a Palanchino a mile out of Onòr to see a fine running water, which issuing out of the Earth in a low, or rather hollow place, as it were the bottom of a Gulf, falls into a Tanke, or Cistern built round with stone; and this being filled, it runs out with a stream watering the neigbouring-fields. The water is hot, to wit, not cold; and therefore the Countrypeople come frequently to bathe themselves in it for pleasure. The Cistern is square, every side being five or six yards, and the water would reach to a man's neck; but by reason of the ruinousness of the walls in some places, it is not very clean. Within it are small fishes, which use to bite such as come to swim there, yet without doing hurt, because they are small; and the place being low, is consequently, shady, and so affords a pleasant station at all times. The Gentiles have this Cistern in Devotion, and call it Ram-tirt, that is, Holy Water, Water of Expiation, etc. The Portugals call it O Tanque da Pedre, that is, the Cistern of the Father, or Religious person, from the Gentile-Monastick who uses to remain there. We stripped ourselves, and spent a good while in swimming here. The fields about Onòr through which we passed were very pleasant Hills and Valleys, all green, partly with very high herbage, partly with wood, and partly with Corn. October the one and twentieth, I took the Altitude of the Sun, and found it distant from the Zenith 24. degrees 20. minutes, upon which day the Sun, according to my manuscripts, was in the 27th degree of Libra, and declined from the Aequinoctial to the South 10. degrees 24′, 56″, which deducted from 24. degrees 20′, in which I found the Sun, there remain 13. degrees 55′, 4″; and precisely so much is Onòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. In the Evening the Ambassador Vitulà Sinai, who was lodged beyond the River more South of Onòr, came to the City to visit the Captain in the Fort. The Captain with all the Citizens, and Sig: Gio: Fernandez, with us of his Company, went to meet and receive him at the place where he landed; three pieces of Ordnance being discharged when he entered into the Fort. October the four and twentieth, was the Dauàli, or Feast of the Indian-Gentiles, and, I believe, was the same that I had seen the last year celebrated in Bender di Combrù in Persia: The same day, if I mistake not in my reckoning, the Moors began their new year 1033. In the Evening, I went to see another great Town of Gentiles, separate from that stands upon the Sea near Onòr, and they call it the Villa d'ye Brahmani, because most of the inhabitants are brahmin's, whereas they that live by the Seaside are Fishermen, and of other like profession. This Town of the brahmin's stands about a Canons-shot within land, remote from the Fortress of Onòr towards Hordete or Greco. The inhabitants keep Cows or Buffalls, and live upon other Trades. In the entrance of the City is built for public use a handsome square Cistern, or Receptacle for Water, each side of which contained about a hundred of my paces in length; 'tis filled with rain water, which lasts for the whole year.  
October the five and twentieth, came News to Onòr how on Thursday night last, October the nine and twentieth, Venk-tapà 
VII.  Naieka lost his chief Wife, an aged Woman, and well beloved by him; her name was Badra-Amà, Daughter of a nobleman of the same Race of Lingavant, which Venk-tapà himself is of. Badrà was her proper name, Amà, her Title, denoting Princess or Queen. We stayed all this while at Onòr, because as soon as we arrived there, Vitulà Sinai writ to Venk-tapà Naieka his Master, giving him an account of our arrival; and so it was necessary to stay for his Answer and Orders from the Court: we also waited for men to carry us upon the way, (the whole journey being to be made in Litters or Palanchinoes) together with our Goods and Baggage, which were likewise to be carried by men upon their shoulders. And the Dauàli, or Feast of the Gentiles, falling out in the mean time, we were fain to stay till it was passed; and I know not whether the Queen's Death and Funerals may not cause us to stay some time longer. I will not suppress one story which is reported of this Lady. They say, that twelve or thirteen years since, when she was about five and thirty years old, it came to her ears that Venk-tapà Naieka her Husband, being become fond of a Moorish Woman, kept her secretly in a Fort not far from the Court, where he frequently solaced himself with her for two or three days together; whereupon Badra-Amà, (first complaining to him not only of the wrong which he did thereby to her, but also more of that which he did to himself, defiling himself with a strange Woman of impure Race, (according to their superstition) and of a Nation which drank Wine, and eat Flesh, and all sort of uncleannesses in their account) told him that if he had a mind to other Women, he need not have wanted Gentilewomen of their clean Race, without contaminating himself with this Moor, and she should have suffered it with patience; but since he had thus defiled himself with her, she for the future would have no more to do with him; and thereupon she took an Oath that she would be to him as his Daughter, and he should be to her as her Father: After which she showed no further resentment, but lived with him as formerly, keeping him company in the Palace, tending upon him in his sickness, and other things with the same love as at first, helping and advising him in matters of Government, wherein she had always great authority with him; and, in short, excepting the Matrimonial Act, perfectly fulfilling all other Offices of a good Wife. Venk-tapa Naieka, who had much affection for her, notwithstanding the wrong he did her with his Moor, endeavoured by all means possible to divert her from this her purpose, and to persuade her to live a Matrimonial Life still with him, offering many times to compound for that Oath by the alms of above 20000. Pagods, (Pagod is a gold coin, near equivalent to a Venetian Zecchine, or English Angel) but all in vain, and she persevered constant in this Resolution till death; which being undoubtedly an act of much Constancy and Virtue, was the cause that Venk-tapà Naieka loved her always so much the more.  
October the eight, and twentieth, Vitulà Sinai sent to tell our Ambassador, that having sent word of our arrival to the Court, 
VIII.  the great Ministers had acquainted Venk-tapà Naieka therewith, who being still so afflicted for the death of his Wife, that he went not forth in public, nor suffered himself to be seen; when they told him of this matter, he stood a while without answering, and at length said only, that they might come when they please: Whereupon his Courtiers seeing him in this mood, would not reply further to him concerning provisions of the journey to be sent to the Ambassador, persons to convey his Goods, and other such things; wherefore Vitulà Sinai said, that Sig: Gio: Fernandez might consider what to do, whether to put himself upon the way towards the Court without further waiting, or to have him write again, and stay for an Answer; for he would do which he pleased. Sig: Gio: Fernandez, as well for the credit of his Embassy as to avoid charges, was desirous to have provisions for the journey, Men to carry his Goods, and other greater conveniences, although in public, and with us of his company, he did not testify so much, being willing to have it thought that Vitulà Sinai did this Office for him at the Court upon his own motion, and not at his request; yet, I know, that in secret he used great instance with Vitulà Sinai, both by Writing and by Speech by the mediation of an Interpreter, that he would write again to the Court, and set forth to Venk-tapà how that he was the Ambassador of so great a King, the first Monarch of Christians, (for so I heard him tell the Interpreter, though he spoke with a low voice) and that it was not seemly for him to go in that manner, but that people should be sent to him for his journey, and persons to receive him, and commands given to Venk-tapà's Ministers that he might pass through his Territories with that conveniency and decency which was requisite; that since he was now within two or three days journey of the Court, he would stay another week at Onòr, and longer if need were, till a better Answer came; and that, if he thought it expedient, Vitulà Sinai himself might go before to do this Office, as he that might do it best, and who ought to arrive at the Court before him the Ambassador, who afterwards might come thither alone by easy journeys after he had sent him an Answer. The same night the Interpreter returned with this message to Vitulà Sinai, who was lodged on the other side of the River in his own King's jurisdiction. October the nine and twentieth, After we had heard Mass in Saint antony's Egypt, Sig: Gio: Fernandez was minded to go in person to visit Vitulà Sinai, and speak to him about the abovementioned matter; wherefore entering with us into one of those boats, which they call Mancive, going with twenty or four and twenty Oars, only differing from the Almadies, in that the Mancive have a large covered room in the poop, severed from the banks of rowers, and are greater than the Almadies which have no such room; we passed out of the Port, and thence from the mouth of the River Southward, went to land upon the continent, where Vitulà Sinai having been advertised of our coming, expected us under the shade of certain little Hills and Trees, of which all this Country is full. This was the first time that I set foot in any place of the Gentiles, where they bear sway themselves. Sig: Gio: Fernandez spoke a long while and alone with Vitulà Sinai, both of them sitting upon a Carpet spread upon the grass; and at length, the discourse being ended, the Ambassador took boat again and returned to Onòr. Upon the way he told us, that Vitulà Sinai said, that in either case, of his writing again, or going in person to the Court, and waiting for a new Answer, many days would be lost; therefore it seemed best to him that we should all put ourselves upon the way without further waiting; and that to carry his (the Ambassador's) Goods, they had appointed ten Men according to his King's Order; wherefore Sig: Fernandez told us, he was resolved to go by all means, and seeing the ten men allowed him to carry his Goods were not sufficient, they alone requiring twenty five, besides those of the rest of his company, he would hire the rest at his own charge, and rid himself of this perplexity. By this change of opinion after this interview, I understood that Vitulà Sinai had spoken in such sort that Sig: Fernandez perceived that this coldness of sending him greater accommodations for his journey, was not so much through the King's melancholy for his Wife's death, and the present confusion of the Court, as for some other cause; and the alleging loss of time in waiting for a new Answer, was but an excuse of Vitulà; but, in fine, the truth could be no other, then that they would not give him any greater Provisions, or because Venk-tapà was not well pleased with this Embassy, etc. And to confirm this, I know that before Sig: Fernandez departed from Goa, Venk-tapà Naieka writ thither to his Ambassador Vitulà Sinai, that if they sent this Embassy to urge the restitution of the State and Fortress of Banghel, which he had lately taken from a certain small Indian-Prince, neighbour to Mangalòr, who lived under the Portugal's protection, (for whose defence, two or three years before, the Portugals had made war with Venk-tapà Naieka, and received a notable defeat by him) it was in vain, and that Sig: Gio: Fernandez, (now first known to him) might forbear to undertake this journey, for that he was fully resolved not to restore it, nor yet to give seven thousand Pagods yearly to that Prince, as he had promised upon agreement, if he went not to live out of those Territories taken from him either in Goa or in Magalòr, or elsewhere, he pretending at least a purpose to return to live with that annuity in the lands, once his own, privately, in hopes, perhaps, to raise some new commotion one day. So that Venk-tapà Naieka, knowing that one of the principal businesses of this Embassy was that of the Prince of Banghel, which little pleased him; and seeing also that this year the Ships from Portugal were not yet arrived, which every year fetch Pepper out of his Dominions, and bring him in a great sum of money, by agreement made by the Portugals, who every year were either to take it or pay for it; and neither the Ships nor the money coming this year, they could not easily pay him for the Pepper this year, nor yet for a great part of that of the last; for which, by reason of the loss of their Ships they still owed him: And lastly, observing the Portugals weakened and low, so that they not only stood in need of him, but now, in some sort, began to submit themselves to him with this Embassy which they sent to him, and the disgrace of their passed defeat; 'twas no strange thing, that being become insolent thereupon, as 'tis the manner of the Barbarians, and designing to carry it high over them, he not only showed no great liking of the Embassy, but made little account of it; and, in a manner, despised it; that so he might keep himself and his affairs in greater reputation.  
October the thirtieth, Sig: Gio: Fernandez being resolved to depart the next day, sent some Horses before, upon this, with some 
IX.  of his Family. The same Evening, one from Goa brought News of the arrival there of some Portugals of the Fleet which came this year from Portugal, consisting of four great trading Ships, two Shallops, and four galleons of War; which last come in order to be consigned to Ruy Freira for the War of Ormùz; the loss of which place, and the deliverance of Ruy Freira out of prison being already known at the Court of Spain, but not the loss of the Ships of the Fleet the last year. The Portugals arrived in Goa, according to the abovesaid intelligence, came in one of the galleons of the Fleet which is coming, which being separated from the rest, touched at Mozambique, and there being old and shattered was lost, only all the People and Goods were saved, and came in other Ships to Goa; and being the rest of the Fleet delays so long, 'tis conceived to have held a course without the Island of Saint Lorenzo, which uses to take up more time. They relate also, that the Marriage between Spain and England is concluded, and that the Prince of England is now in Spain, being come thither incognito before the conclusion of the Marriage which was shortly expected. It being already very late, I shall not longer defer concluding this Letter, because it is requisite for me to go and take a little rest, that I be may fit for my journey to morrow Morning, if it please God; to whom I heartily commend you, and with my accustomed affection kiss your Hands. From Onòr, October 30. 1623.   

LETTER V.  
From Ikkeri, Novemb. 22. 1623.  
I Write to you from Ikkeri, the Royal City and Seat of Venk-tapà 
I.  Naieka, whither I am come, and where I am at present; I shall give you an account of the Audience which our Ambassador hath had of this King, who, in my judgement, should rather be called a Regulus or Royolet, although the Portugals and Indians give him the honour of a Royal Title; being he hath in effect neither State, Court, nor appearance befitting a true King. I shall describe to you every particular that is not unworthy your Curiosity, and adjoin some other of my Relations and Descriptions of the Idolatrous Gentiles, their vain Superstitions and Ceremonies about their Idols, Temples, Pagods. What I shall now set down, mine own Eyes have witnessed to; and I shall not fear being too tedious in describing things, perhaps, over minutely in these Letters; since I know you are delighted therewith, and out of your great erudition can make reflections upon the Rites used in these parts of the world, which in many things are not unlike the ancient Egyptian Idolatry. For I am persuaded to believe, not without the authority of ancient Authors, that the worship of Isis and Osiris was common to Egypt and this Region, as in Philostratus I find Apollonius affirming, that in India he saw the Statues not only of the Egyptians, but also of the Grecian gods, as of Apollo, Bacchus, and Minerva. But to return to the particulars of my journey; October the one and thirtieth, After one a clock in the Afternoon, we departed from Onò with Sig: Gio: Fernandez in a Mansion or Barge, and the rest of the Family in a less Boat. Vitulà Sinai who was to go with us, we left in a readiness to set forth after us, I know not, whether by water or by Land. We rowed up the River which runs Southward to Onòr, against the stream, making use both of Sail and Oars; and a little before night having gone about three Leagues, we came to Garsopà and there lodged. This place was sometimes a famous City, Metropolis of the Province and Seat of a Queen: in which State, as likewise in many others upon the Coast of India, to this day, a Woman frequently hath the sovereignty; Daughters or other nearest Kinswomen begotten by what ever Father succeeding the Mothers; these Gentiles having an opinion, (as 'tis indeed) that the Issue by the Woman-side is much more sure of the blood and lineage of the Ancestors, then that by the Man-side. The last Queen of Garsopà fell in Love with a mean Man and a stranger, into whose power she resigned herself, together with her whole Kingdom. In which act, (setting aside her choosing a Lover of base blood, upon which account she was blamed and hated by the Indians who are most rigorous observers of Nobility, and maintainers of the dignity of their ancestors in all points) as to giving herself up as a prey to her lover, she committed no fault against her honour; for in these Countries 'tis lawful for such Queens to choose to themselves Lovers or Husbands, one or more, according as they please. But this Man who was so favoured by the Queen of Garsopà, having thoughts as ignoble as his blood, in stead of corresponding with gratitude to the Queen's courtesy, designed to rebel against her, and take the Kingdom from her; which for a while he executed, having in process of time gained the affection of most of her most eminent Vassals. The Queen seeing herself oppressed by the Traitor, had recourse to the Portugals, offering them her whole State, on condition they would free her from imminent ruin. But the Portugals, according as they had always in India done by their friends, (whereby they have been many times the ruin of others and themselves too) did not succour her till it was too late, and then very coldly. On the other side the Traitor, (as his ill Fate, or rather God's just anger, would have it) called to his assistance against the Queen and the Portugals, his Neighbour Venk-tapà Naieka, now Master of those Countries. Venk-tapà Naieka taking advantage of the occasion, entered suddenly into the Kingdom of Garsopà with great diligence and force, so that shortly becoming Master of the whole Country and the City Royal, having driven out the Portugals who came to defend it, he took the Queen Prisoner, and carried her to his own Court; where being kept, although honourably, she ended her days afterwards in an honourable prison. But the Traitor underwent the punishment of his crime, for Venk-tapà Naieka caused him to be slain; and for more secure keeping that State in his power, caused the City and Royal Palace of Garsopà to be destroyed, so that at this day, that lately flourishing City is become nothing but a Wood; Trees being already grown above the ruins of the Houses, and the place scarcely inhabited by four Cottages of Peasants.  
But returning to my Travel, I must not omit, that the three Leagues of this journey was one of the most delightful passages 
II.  that ever I made in my life; for the Country on either side is very beautiful, not consisting of Plains that afford only an ordinary prospect, nor oftowring mountains, but of an unequal surface, Hills and Valleys, all green and delightful to the eyes, clothed with thick and high Groves, and many times with fruit Trees, as Indian Nuts, Foufel, Ambe, and such like, all watered with innumerable Rivulets and Springs of fresh water; the sides of the River all shady, beset with Flowers, Herbs, and sundry Plants, which like Ivy creeping about the Trees and Indian reeds of excessive height, (called by the Countrypeople Bambù, and very thick along the banks) make the wood more verdant; through the middle whereof the River strays with sundry windings. In short, the River of Garsopà, for a natural thing, without any artificial ornament of buildings or the like, is the goodliest River that ever I beheld. Our boats being large, could not go to the ordinary landing place at Garsopà, because the River, which is discharged into the Sea with one stream, is there divided into many, which fall from several Springs upon some neighbouring Hills, so that the water is but little. Wherefore we landed at some distance from Garsopà, which stands on the South-bank of the River, and walked the rest of the way on foot, and our goods were carried upon the Men's shoulders, whom we had hired for that purpose. Before we got to our lodging, it was night, and we were fain to wade over one of the arms of the River which took me up to the middle of the thigh; the bottom was stony, and not so dangerous to us, (who were free) in reference to falling, as to the poor men who carried burdens upon their heads; so that I wondered not he who carried the hamper of my clothes fell down with it, and wetted it in the water. At length we lodged not within the compass of Garsopà, which was somewhat within land, but near it upon the River, in a place covered with a roof amongst certain Trees, where many are wont to lodge, and where the Pepper is weighed and contracted for, when the Portugals come to fetch it: for this is the Country wherein greatest plenty of Pepper grows; for which reason the Queen of Garsopà was wont to be called by the Portugals, Reyna da Pimenta, that is, Queen of Pepper. The River is called by the Portugals the River of Garsopà, but by the Indians in their own Language, one branch is termed, Ambù nidi, and the other, Sarà nidi. From the River's mouth, where it falls into the Sea, to Garsopà, the way, if I mistake not, is directly East.  
November the first, After dinner we departed from our station, 
III.  and passing by the Cottages, and the places where the City of Garsopà sometimes stood, we walked a good way Southwards, or rather South South-west, always through an uneven, woody Country, irrigated with water and delightful, like the banks of the River which I described. Then we began to climb up a Mountain, which the Countrypeople call Got, and divides the whole length of this part of India, being washed on the East with the Gulf of Bengala, and on the West with the Ocean or Sea of Goa. The ascent of this Mountain is not very rough, but rather easy and pleasant like the other soil, being thick set with Groves of Trees of excessive greatness; some of them so straight, that one alone might serve for the Mast of a Ship. With all, the Mountain is so watered with Rivulets and Fountains, and so clothed with Grass and Flowers, that, me-thought, I saw the most delightful place of the Apennine in Italy. If there be any difference, the Got of India hath the advantage in this place, because the height is much less than that of our Apennine, the ascent more easy, the wood more beautiful and thick, the waters not less plentiful and clear; If Got yields to it in any thing, 'tis in the frequency of inhabited places, the sumptuousness of buildings; and lastly, in the beauty which the industrious art of the inhabitants adds to the Apennine; the Indian Got having no other, besides what liberal, yet unpolished, Nature gives it. About three hours after noon we came to the top of Got, where a little beneath the highest cliff is found a kind of barred Gate, with a wall in a narrow pass, which renders the place sufficiently strong; a little further than which, in the top of all, are found earthen Bulwarks, and lines, which guard the passage; and in this place is a sufficient Fortress, being a mile and half in circuit. It was sometimes called Garicota, but now Gavarada Naghar; we lodged about a Musket-shot without the Fort, in a plane and somewhat low place, where are some Houses like a Village, and amongst them a Temple of Hamant, who is one of those two Scimions' who were employed by Ramo for recovering his Wife Sità, as their Fables relate; for which good work, and their other miracles, the Indians adore them. Here I saw his Statue in the Temple with burning lights before it, and a consecrated Silver Hand hung up by some devout person, perhaps, cured of some evil of his Hands. Below this place where we lodged, amongst the little Valleys of the Hill, is a fair and large Cistern, or Receptacle of water, which falls thereinto from a River descending from the Mountain, and the overplus running into the lower Valleys. At night we heard Music at the Gate of the abovementioned Temple, divers barbarous Instruments sounding, and amongst the rest certain great Horns of metal, fashioned almost into a semicircle; I asked the reason of this Festival, and they told me, The Idol was to go presently, accompanied with a great number of Men and Women, in pilgrimage to a place of their devotion near San Tomè, a month's journey and more; and that it was to be carried in a Palanchino, as the custom is, and in procession with sundry sounds and songs, almost in the same manner, as amongst us Christians, the Bodies or Images of Saints are carried in procession when any Community or Fraternity go in pilgrimage to Loreto, or Rome, in the Holy year. At this time assisted at the service of the Idol, amongst others, a Woman, who, they said, was so abstinent that she did not so much as eat Rice; they held her for a kind of Saint, upon a fame that the Idol delighted to sleep with her, which these silly souls accounted a great spiritual favour; and haply, it may be true, that some Incubus-Devil has to do with her, and deceives her with false illusions, telling her that he is her God; of which kind of Women, there are many among the Moors. Divers come to ask her about future things, and she consulting, the Idol gives them their answer; one of these interrogations was made to her whilst we were present. Others came to offer Fruits and other edibles to the Idol, which one of the Priests presented to it, murmuring his Orisons; and taking half of the things offered, (which after presentation to the Idol, remains to the servants of the Temple), he restores the other half to him that offered them; and were it but one Indian Nut, he splits it in two before the Idol, and gives half, to him that brought it; who takes the same with reverence, and is afterwards to eat it with devotion as sacred food, and tasted of by the Idol.  
In the Evening, by the Captain of the Fort (who was a Moor 
IV.  of Dacàn, and sometimes an Officer under one Melik a Captain of Adil-Sciàh, in the Frontiers of Goa, but being taken Prisoner in a War between Adil-Sciàh and Venk-tapà Naieka, and afterwards set at liberty, remained in the service of Venk-tapà; and hath been about five and twenty years' Governor of this Fortress, and is called Mir-Bai) was sent a Present of Sugar Canes and other refreshments to eat, to Sig: Gio: Fernandez; whom also the same night Vitulà Sinai, who travelled with us, but apart by himself, came to visit, and entertained with the sight of two young men, who fenced very well a good while together, only with Swords made of Indian Canes. On which occasion, I shall not omit that amongst the Indians, 'tis the custom for every one to manage and make use only of one sort of Arms, whereunto he accustoms himself, and never uses any other, even in time of War. So that some Soldiers fight only with Swords, others with Sword and Buckler, others with Lances, others with Bows and Arrows, and others with Muskets; and so every one with his own Arms, never changing the same, but thereby becoming very expert and well practised in that which he takes to. The way from Garsopà to Govarada Naghar was about five or six miles, and no more.  
November the second, Early in the Morning Vitulà Sinai first visited Sig: Gio: Fernandez, and afterwards the Captain of the Fort, accompanied with a great number of his Soldiers with several Arms, but most had Pikes, Lances in the form of half Pikes, and Swords; only two had Swords and Bucklers: one of them had a short and very broad Sword like a Cortelax, but the edge-part bowed inwards after a strange fashion. Those two with Swords and Bucklers came before the Captain, dancing and skirmishing after their manner, as if they fought together. The visit was received in the Porch of the little Temple above mentioned, and lasted a good while. Vitulà Sinai, who spoke the Portugal-Tongue well, served for interpreter between our Ambassador and the Captain, and handsomely intimated to the Ambassador, that when he returned back it was fit to give a Present to this Captain, and visit him in the Fort; that the custom was so; and he had already done the like to the Ambassador; that since he did it not now, he had already made an excuse for it, by telling him that the baggage was gone before, and that he did not go to visit him, because he had no Present to carry him, but he would do it at his return. In the end of this visit, Vitulà Sinai caused a little Silver basket to be brought full of the leaves of beetle, (an herb which the Indians are always eating, and to the sight not unlike the leaves of our Cedars) and giving it to the Ambassador, he told him that he should present it to the Captain, the custom being so in India, for the person visited to give Betle-leaves to the visitant, wherewith the visit ends. The Ambassador did so, and the Captain without taking any of these leaves, whether it were the custom, or that being a Moor he did not use it, (which yet I believe not) gave it to certain persons of quality, who stood beside him, and had accompanied him; neither did any of them touch the leaves, but the basket went from hand to hand till it was carried away as full as it was presented; which being done, the Captain first, and then Vitulà Sinai, took leave and departed.  
After we had dined, about noon or soon after, our Ambassador went away alone with his Chaplain, out of impatience to 
V.  stay longer in that place; the rest of us remained, expecting the removing of all our baggage, which was very slow in departing, because the Men who carried the same upon their heads, were not sufficient, and the burdens were too heavy; so that it was needful to hire more, and increase the number of Porters to thirty six, besides mine, which I hired for myself apart; and because neither were these enough, it was needful to lad two Oxen, who carried Goods for four other Men; and this took up much time, because neither the Men nor the beasts which were hired were ready, but were to be sought for here and there. In the mean time, while the burdens were getting in order, I entertained myself in the Porch of the Temple, beholding little boys learning Arithmetic after a strange manner, which I will here relate. They were four, and having all taken the same lesson from the Master, to get that same by heart, and repeat likewise their former lessons and not forget them; one of them singing musically with a certain continued tone, (which hath the force of making deep impression in the memory) recited part of the lesson; as, for example, One by itself makes one; and whilst he was thus speaking, he writ down the same number, not with any kind of Pen, nor in Paper, but (not to spend Paper in vain) with his finger on the ground, the pavement being for that purpose strewed all over with very fine sand; after the first had writ what he sung, all the rest sung and writ down the same thing together. Then the first boy sung and writ down another part of the lesson; as, for example, Two by itself two make two; which all the rest repeated in the same manner, and so forward in order. When the pavement was full of figures, they put them out with the hand, and if need were, strewed it with new sand from a little heap which they had before them wherewith to write further: And thus they did as long as the exercise continued; in which manner, likewise they told me, they learned to read and write without spoiling Paper, Pens, or Ink, which certainly is a pretty way. I asked them, if they happened to forget or be mistaken in any part of the lesson, who corrected and taught them, they being all Scholars without the assistance of any Master; they answered me, and said true, that it was not possible for all four of them to forget or mistake in the same part, and that they thus exercised together, to the end, that if one happened to be out, the others might correct him. Indeed a pretty, easy, and secure way of learning.  
Having seen this Curiosity, and our baggage being laden, we 
VI  all set forth after the Ambassador, and Vitulà Sinai set out together with us. We travelled first Eastward, then southward, but many times I could not observe which way our course tended; we went upon the ridge of a Hill, and through uneven ways, sometimes ascending, and sometimes descending, but always in the middle of great thick Groves full of Grass and running water, no less delightful than the former Fields. A little more than half a League from the Fort, we found a Meschita of the Moors, built upon the way with a Lake or Receptacle of water, but not very well contrived by the Captain of the said Fort, which his King had allowed him to make as a great favour; for the Gentiles are not wont to suffer in their Country's Temples of other Religions. Here we found our Ambassador, who stayed for us; and we tarried likewise here above an hour in expectation of our baggage, much of which was still behind. At length continuing our journey, and having rested a good while in another place, night came upon us in the midst of a Wood, so shady, that although we had very clear Moonlight, yet we were fain to light Torches, otherwise we could not see our way. The Torches used in India are not like ours, but made of metal in form of those wherewith the Infernal Furies are painted, the fire of which is fed with Bitumen, and other dry materials which are put into the mouth or hollow at the top, into which also they frequently pour a combustible liquor, which the Man that holds the Torch carries in his other hand in a metalline bottle, with a long slender neck very fit for that purpose; for when he is minded to recruit the flame, he distils a little liquor into it, the length of the neck securing his hand from hurt. By the light of these Torches we travelled a great part of the night. At length being unable to overtake the Horses which were led before, and the baggage being behind, for fear of losing our way, we stayed under a great Tree, where some in Palanchinoes, and others upon the ground, spent this night inconveniently and supper-less, having nothing else to eat but a little Bread, which we toasted at the fire, that we might eat it hot; and with the same fire which we kindled, we allayed the coldness of the night, which in the top of these Indian Mountains is very cold in regard of their height; yet it was not sharper to us this night, than it uses to be at Rome in the beginning of September, even in temperate years.  
November the third, As soon as it was day we followed our way, and in a short time came to a Village of four Cottages, called Tumbrè, where the Horses were lodged, and we also stayed till the baggage came up, which was much later than we; and we stayed the longer to rest the people that travelled on foot: for all the servants, and I know not how many Musketeers, which our Ambassador carried with him, were on foot. Vitulà Sinai lay there likewise this night, but was gone before we came thither. From Garicota to Tumbrè, is about a League and half; for in this Country they measure the way by Gau's, and every Gaù is about two Leagues, and they said that from Garicota to Tumbrè, was not one Gaù.  
When we arrived at this Town, we found the pavements of the Cottages were varnished over with Cowdung mixed with 
VII.  water. A custom of the Gentiles in the places where they are wont to eat, as I have formerly observed. I took it for a superstitious Rite of Religion; but I since better understand that it is used only for elegancy and ornament, because not using, or not knowing how to make such strong and lasting pavements as ours, theirs being made slightly of Earth and so easily spoiled, therefore when they are minded to have them plain, smooth, and firm, they smear the same over with Cowdung tempered with water, in case it be not liquid, (for if it be, there needs no water) and plaining it either with their hands or some other instrument, and so make it smooth, bright, strong, and of a fine green colour, the Cows whose dung they use, never eating any thing but Grass; and it hath one convenience, that this polishing is presently made, soon dry, endures walking, or any thing else to be done upon it; and the Houses wherein we lodged, we found were preparing thus at our coming, and were presently dry enough for our use. Indeed it is a pretty Curiosity, and I intent to cause trial to be made of it in Italy, and the rather because they say for certain, that the Houses whose pavements are thus stercorated, are good against the Plague; which is no despicable advantage. Only it hath this evil, that its handsomeness and politeness lasteth not, but requires frequent renovation, and he that would have it handsome, must renew it every eight or ten days; yet being a thing so easy to be done, and of so little charge, it matters not for a little trouble which every poor person knows hows to dispatch. The Portugals use it in their Houses at Goa, and other places of India; and, in brief, 'tis certain that it is no superstitious custom, but only for neatness and ornament; and therefore 'tis no wonder that the Gentiles use it often, and perhaps, every day in places where they eat, which above all the rest are to be very neat. 'Tis true, they make a Religious Rite of not eating in any place where people of another Sect or Race, (in their opinion, unclean) hath eaten, unless they first repolish the same with Cowdung, which is a kind of Purification; as we do by washing it with water, and whitening the wall, (not as a Religious Rite, but through Custom) in Chambers where any one has died. I said, where people not only of different Religion, but also of impure Race have eaten; because the Gentiles are very rigorous and superstitious among themselves, for a noble Race not to hold Commerce of eating with others more base; yea, in one and the same Race, (as in that of the brahmin's which is the noblest) some brahmin's, (as the Panditi, or Boti, who are held in great esteem amongst them) will not eat in the Company, or so much as in the House of a brahmin's, Sinai, or Naieke, and other Nobles, who eat Fish, and are called by the general name Mazari, and much less esteemed than those who eat none; yet the brahmin's, Sinai, or Naieke, or other species of Mazari, who are inferior, eat in the House of a Pandito, or Boto, without being contaminated, but rather account it an honour.  
After dinner, we departed from Tumbre, travelling through 
VIII.  unequal ways and lands like the former, but rather descending then otherwise; we rested once, a while under a Tree, to stay for the baggage, and then proceeding again at almost six a clock after noon, we came to the side of a River called Barenghi, which in that place runs from West to East, and is not fordable, although narrow, but requires a boat to pass it. On the Southern bank, on which we came, were four Cottages, where we took up our station that Night, enjoying the cool, the shadow, and the sight of a very goodly Wood which clothes the River sides with green; but above all where we lodged, on either side the way, were such large and goodly Trees, such spacious places underneath for shade, and the place so opacous by the thickness of the boughs on high, that indeed, I never saw in my days a fairer natural Grove; amongst other Trees there was abundance of Bambù, or very large Indian Canes, twined about to the top with pretty Herbs. The journey of this day was three Cos, or a League and half. This River, they say, is one of those which goes to Garsopà. Vitulà Sinai we found not here, because he was gone before.  
November the fourth, We began in the Morning to pass our Goods over the River; but because there was but one, and that a small boat, it was ten hours after noon before we had got all of them over; then following our journey through somewhat oblique and uneven ways like the former, we found many Trees of Myrobalanes, such as are brought into Italy preserved in Sugar. It hath leaves much like that which produces Gum Arabic, by me formerly described; different only in this, that in that of Gum Arabic, the branch consisting of many leaves, is much less, round or oval, and seems one leaf made up of many other long and narrow ones: But in this Myrobalane Tree, the branch is sufficiently long, and the small leaves composing it in two rows on either side, are somewhat larger; nor is the Myrobalane Tree prickly like that of Gum Arabic. The fruit is round, hard, of a yellowish green, smooth, shining, of little pulp, but a great stone, almost round and furrowed with six circular lines. Being raw it hath an acid and astringent, but, in my judgement, no pleasant taste; but preserved, becomes good. They say it is refrigerative and purges Choler.  
Having rested many times upon the way, and in all travelled 
IX.  two Leagues, we ended this day's journey in the only considerable and populous Town we had hitherto met, which is called Ahineli. We lodged in the Porches of a Temple of Idols, which had two Porches, one within, the other without, both low after their manner, with very large Penthouses strengthened with great Posts; the Pavement raised high and dunged, but not lately; the walls white, sprinkled in the corners and ends, with a sort of Rose-Oyle, ill coloured; for so is their custom always in their Religious Structures. The Idol was called Virenà Deurù, the latter of which words signifies God, or rather Lord, being attributed also to Men of quality; he stood at the upper end in a dark place with Candles before him; of what figure he was I could not see well, by reason of the darkness, but they told me 'twas a Man: In the body of the Temple, were many other wooden Statues of less Idols, placed about in several places, as 'twere for ornament; some of which were figures of their Gods, others not of Gods, but for ornament, of several shapes. Many of these figures represented dishonest actions. One was of a Woman, lifting up her clothes before, and showing that which Modesty obliged her to cover: Another was of a Man and a Woman kissing, the Man holding his Hand on the Woman's Breasts: Another had a Man and a Woman naked, with their Hands at one another's shameful parts, those of the Man being of excessive greatness, and sundry such representations fit indeed for such a Temple. But these were not figures of Gods. Of Gods there was a Brahmà with five Heads, and three Arms on a side, sitting astride a Peacock, which in their Language they call Nau Brahmà, that is, the Peacock of Brahmà; another God was called Naraina, with four Arms on a side: Another with an Elephant's Head, and two Hands to an Arm, whom they call Ganesù, and others Bacra-tundo, that is, Round-mouth; for one and the same God hath divers names: Another called Fuenà, had the shape of a Man, holding a naked Sword in his right Hand, and a Buckler in his left: Another had a Man under his Feet, upon whose Head he trampled; and so, many others of various sorts. I observed that all these Idols had the same cover of the Head, high, with many picks or peaks, all ending in one long peak, a strange and majestical Diadem not used now in India; it might have been of wreathed Linen, or Gold, or other solid matter; wherefore I imagine that it is a very ancient covering, at this day disused; unless haply it be some ensign of Divinity, which I rather think, because I remember to have seen at Rome almost the same Diadems upon the Heads of some Egyptian Statues, and, if I forget not, they were called Tutuli, and the Idols of Tutulati, as amongst us the Diadems of the Saints, or, as some make it, three Crowns one upon another, like the Regno, or Pontifical Crown of our Pope. In the middle of the Temple was another darker enclosure, wherein stood fastened in the ground certain slender staves, with others cross them in two rows, making a little Steccato or Palisado of a long form; and these were to hang Lamps and Tapers upon, at more solemn days and hours. A Barber whom we had with us, an Indian- Gentile, but a Native of the Country of Adil-Sciàh, who was named Deugi, and understood something of the Portugal-Tongue, could not well tell me the names of those figures and Idols of the Temple, when I asked him; because, he said, they were not things of his Country, where they had other things and Gods, and that every Country had particular ones of their own. Within the circuit of this Temple, but on one side of the Court as you go in, were three other little Cells separate from the body of the great Temple, two of which were empty, perhaps not yet well accommodated, but in the other was an Idol of an Ox, which our Barber knew, and said was also of his Country, and that they call it Basuanà; it was half lying, or rather sitting upon the floor with the Head erect; like which Ox, or Basuanà, stood another in the upper part of the Temple before the Tribunal of the Idol Virenà, as if it stood there for his guard. In the Evening the Ministers of the Temple ring a kind of Bell or Shell which was within the Temple, striking it with a staff; and it made a tolerable sound, as if it had been a good Bell: at which sound, some from without assembling together, they begin to sound within the Temple very loud two Drums, and two Pipes or Flutes of metal; after which many Tapers being lighted, particularly, at the Steccato abovementioned, and put in order a little quilt with a Canopy of rich Stuff, which is always ready in the Temple for carrying the Idol, they put the principal Idol Virenà into it, not that of ordinary wood in the middle of the Temple, but the other at the upper end, which was of the same bigness, about two spans round between the figure and ornaments about it, but all painted with various colours, gilded and decked with white Flowers. Then one of the Ministers marched first sounding a Bell continually as he went, and after him others, and at length two with lighted Tapers, after which followed the Idol in his Canopy, with a Minister before him carrying a Vessel of Perfumes, which he burned; and thus they carried him in Procession: First, into the Court without the Temple, going out of it on the left Hand, as you enter, which to them as they came forth was the right, and returning by the other opposite. After which going out of the Gate of the Court into the street, they went in the same manner in Procession, (still sounding their Bells) I know not whither, but 'tis likely they went to some other Temple to perform some kind of Ceremony; for in the Town there was more than one. Being at length returned, and the Procession re-entering the Court with a great train of Men and Women of the Town, they went thrice about the inside of the Court, as they had done once before they went out: But in these three Circumgyrations they observed this Order, that the first time they walked as they had done in the street; the second, more leisurely, and those that sounded the Flutes, left off, and sounded another kind of shriller and sweeter Pipe; the third time, they walked more slowly than before, and leaving off the second Pipes, sounded others of a far lower note. Which being done, those that carried and accompanied the Canopy of the Idol, stood still in the entrance of the Temple right against the Upper End, and one of the Priests or Ministers standing at the Upper End directly opposite to the Idol, (who was held standing on his Feet by help of one of the Minister's Hands, who for that purpose went always on one side near him;) began to salute the Idol a far off with a dim Taper in his Hand, making a great circle with the same from on high downwards, and from below upwards, directly over against the Idol, which he repeated several times; and in the end of the circles, which were always terminated in the lower part, he described a straight line from one side to the opposite, and that where the circle began; nor did he seem to me always to begin the circles on the same part, but sometimes on the right, and sometimes on the left, with what Order I know not. This being done within, the same Priest came to the Entrance where the Idol stood, passing directly through the midst of the Palisado of Lights, (through which, I believe, that for others, and another time, it is not lawful to pass; because out of these Ceremonies when any one entered to perform other Services, I saw him always go without the Palisado on the sides) coming along, I say, sounding a Bell, and being followed by a Boy who carried a Basin of water with Santalus, or Sanders after him, (the same wherewith, I conceive, they are wont to paint their foreheads) and also with Drums and Flutes sounding all the while; he went in this manner three times round the Idol, beginning his circuits from the left side. When he had thus done, standing on the same side of the Idol where he began, and laying aside his Bell, he offered the Basin of water to the Idol, and dipping one Finger in it, laid the same upon the Idol's Forehead, or thereabouts; and if I was not mistaken, taking a little in his Hand, he also died himself and the other Minister who upheld the Idol on the Forehead therewith, after which he went to pour the remainder of the water in the Basin upon the ground without the Temple, but within the enclosure or Court. Then he took a wax-Candle, and therewith described within the Palanchino or Carriage before the Idol many circles with lines at the end; and putting out the Candle, took the Idol out of the Palanchino, and carrying it through the railed Steccado in the middle of the Torches, placed it on its Tribunal at the Upper End where it usually stands. In the mean time one of the Ministers distributed to all the bystanders a little quantity of certain Fitches mingled with small slices of Indian Nut, which, I conceive, had been offered to the Idol; and they took and eat the same with signs of Devotion and Reverence. He offered some likewise to our people, and there wanted not such as took them; the Drums and Fifes sounding in the mean time: which at length ceasing, and the Candles being put out, the Ceremonies ended, and the people returned to their Houses. Such Men as were not Officers of the Temple, assisted at these Ceremonies in the first entrance, where we also stood: but the Women stood more within in the body of the Temple, where the rows of lights were. For the better understanding of all which description, I shall here delineate the Platform of the Temple with its enclosure and Porches, as well as I could do it by the Eye without measuring it.  
The Platform of an Indian Temple.  
1. The Street. 2. The Stairs of the Entrance. 3. An high Wall of Earth before the Outer Porch. 4. The Outward Porch with an high Earthen Floor. 5. Two small Idols in two Nieches on the out side of the ends of the Porch. 6. The Gate, levelly with the Earthen Wall. 7. The Inner Porch with an Earthen Floor higher than that of the Gate, the Wall, and the Outer Porch. 8. A Void Space between the Porch and the Temple. 9 Part of the First Entrance of the Temple, lower than the plane of the Gate and the said Void Space. 10. Part of the same, but one Step higher. 11. The said Step, dividing the first Entrance in the middle. 12. The body of the Temple, situate between the first Entrance and the Penetrale or Chancel, the pricks denoting the rows of Torches. 13. A little door to go out at. 14. The Penetrale or Chancel, where the Oval denotes the Statue of Bove or Basuanà upon the ground. 15. The Inmost part of the Chancel, where the Idol Virenà stands. 16. A high Earthen Wall encompassing the Temple, 17. Three little Cells; in the first of which, the Oval represents the Statue of Bove or Basuanà. 18. An open square-Court or Enclosure surrounding the Temple which stands in the middle of it. 19 The Walls thereof. 20. The Houses of such Men and Women as keep the Temple.  
The same Evening was brought to our Ambassador a Letter 
X.  from Vitulà Sinai, who writ, that arriving at the Cor on Friday before, he had spoken with his King, who being well pleased with the Ambassador's coming, had prepared the same house for him, wherein the King of Belighi was wont to lodge when he was at his Court; and that he would make him a very honourable Reception; that therefore as soon as we arrived at the Town Ahinalà, (where we now were) the Ambassador should send him notice; which was accordingly done, by dispatching the Messenger presently back again; and we waited for his return.  
November the fifth, At daybreak the Ministers of the Temple where we lodged, sounded Pipes and Drums for a good while in the Temple, without other Ceremony. The like they did again about Noon, and at Evening; but at night they made the same Procession with the Idol, and the same Ceremonies which are above described. This day came to the Town a Captain from the King with many attendants, and having visited the Ambassador, took divers of those Idols which stood in the first Entrance, and carried them away with him to be new made, because some were old and broken. Late in the night came another Letter from Vitulà Sinai, which signified to us that we should move forwards to a Town very near the Court called Badrapòr, where some persons from the King were to meet us, and accompany us to the Court; although the Ambassador had writ to him before, that he cared not for being accompanied at his Entrance, but only when he should go to see the King. I style him King, because the Portugals themselves and the Indians do so; although in truth Venk-tapà Naieka, not only because his Predecessors were a few years ago Vassals and simple Naieka's (that is, feudatory Princes, or rather Provincial Governors) under the King of Vidianugher; and though at this day he reign he absolutely by Usurpation, is in effect no other than a Rebel; and God knows how long his House will abide in greatness; but also much more by reason of the smallness of his Territory, (though it be great, in respect of other Indian Gentile-Princes) deserves not the Appellation of King; and the less, because he pays Tribute to Idal-Sciàh, who although a greater Prince, is but small neither for a King, and pays Tribute to the Moghol. In short, Venk-tapà Naieka, although now absolute, should, in my opinion, be called a Royolet rather than a King: But the Portugals, to magnify their affairs in India, or else to honour the persons that rule there, (which is not displeasing in Spain, and the Court of the Catholic King, who is of the same humour) give the Title of King to all these petty Indian Princes, many of whom have smaller Dominions than a small feudatory Marquis in our Countries; and (which is worse) that of Emperor to some, as to him of japan, of Aethiopia, and of Calicut, who is very inconsiderable; the quondam-Prince of Vidianagher, or Bisnagà, (as they speak) having in a strange and unusual manner multiplied the number of Emperors, beyond what the fabulous books of Knights Errand have done: Albeit, in truth, there was never found but one Emperor in the world, the Roman Caesar, who, at this day, retains rather the name then the substance, in Germany.  
November the sixth, Two hours before noon we went from 
XI.  Ahinalà, and having travelled through a Country like the former, but plain, about noon we came to the Town Badra; where, according as Vitulà Sinai had writ to us, we thought to lodge that night, and accordingly had laid down our baggage, and withdrawn to a place to rest; but after two hours being there, we found ourselves surrounded by abundance of people, (for 'tis a large Town, and they go almost all armed) who out of curiosity came to see us; whereupon the Ambassador, either having received an Answer from Vitulà Sinai, or not caring for a pompous entrance, raised us all again; and after a small journey further we arrived at Ikkeri, which is the Royal City of Venk-tapà Naieka where he holds his Court; having travelled since morning from Ahinalà to Ikkeri but two Leagues. This City is seated in a goodly Plain, and, as we entered, we passed through three Gates with Forts and Ditches, but small, and consequently, three Enclosures; the two first of which were not Walls, but made of very high Indian Canes, very thick and close planted in stead of a Wall, and are strong against Foot and Horse in any, hard to cut, and not in danger of fire; besides, that the Herbs which creep upon them, together with themselves, make a fair and great verdure, and much shadow. The other Enclosure is a Wall, but weak and inconsiderable: But having passed these three, we passed all. Some say, there are others within, belonging to the Citadel or Fort where the Palace is; for Ikkeri is of good largeness, but the Houses stand thin and are ill built, especially without the third Enclosure; and most of the situation is taken up in great and long streets, some of them shadowed with high and very goodly Trees growing in Lakes of Water, of which there are many large ones, besides Fields set full of Trees, like Groves, so that it seems to consist of a City, Lakes, Fields, and Woods mingled together, and makes a very delightful sight. We were lodged in the House, as they said, wherein the King of Belighi lodged; I know not whether Kinsman, Friend, or Vassal to Venk-tapà Naieka, but probably one of the abovementioned Royolets; and to go to this House we went out of the third Enclosure, passing through the inmost part of the City by another Gate opposite to that by which we entered. The House indeed was such as in our Countries an ordinary Artisan would scarce have dwelled in, having very few, and those small and dark Rooms, which scarce afforded light enough to read a Letter; they build them so dark, as a remedy for the great heat of Summer. However, this must needs have been one of the best, since it was assigned to the said King first, and now to our Ambassador; although as we passed through the midst of the City I observed some that made a much better show.  
At night they brought the Ambassador a couple of bedsteads 
XII.  to sleep upon, and some stools for our use, some of them made of Canes intervoven, instead of cover of Leather or Cloth, being much used in Goa and other places of India; but some others were covered with Leather.  
November the seventh, Vitulà Sinai came in the morning to visit our Ambassador, and in his King's Name brought him a Present of Sugarcanes, Fruits, Sugar, and other things to eat, but not any Animal; and, if I was not misinformed, (for I was not present) he excused his Kings not sending him Sheep or other Animals to eat, by saying, that he was of a Lingavant or Noble Race, who neither eat nor kill any Creatures; as if he should have sinned and defiled himself, by sending any to the Ambassador who would have eaten them. With this Present he sent a piece of Tapestry, not as a Gift, but only for the Ambassador to make use of in his House, and it was used in such sort that at length it had a hole in it: The Ambassador, as not prising it, having given it to his Interpreter to sleep upon; as indeed, he seemed not very well pleased with it or his Donatives; for, speaking of the Reception which Venk-tapà Naieka made him, he would often say, (according to the natural and general custom of his Nation); Let him do me less honour, and give me something more, and it will be better. However, I believe Venk-tapà Naieka, who is not liberal, will abound more in Courtesy to the Ambassador then in Gifts. Vitulà Sinai said, that the next day the Ambassador should be called to Audience three hours after noon; wherefore Himself and all his Attendants continued undressed till dinnertime. I knowing the custom of Courts, and that Princes will not wait but be waited for, and that the hours of Audience depend upon their pleasure, not upon his who is to have it, dressed myself in the morning leisurely, that I might not afterwards confound myself with haste; and though in such solemnities others clothed themselves in colours, and with ornaments of Gold, yet I put on only plain black Silk as mourning for my Wife. Before we had dined, and whilst we were at Table, they came to call us in haste to Audience, saying, that Vitulà Sinai and other great Persons were come to conduct us to the King. The Ambassador finding himself unready and surprised, was forced to desire them not to come yet, making an excuse that we were still at dinner; and, the Table being taken away, he and all the rest retired to dress themselves in great confusion; and greater there was in getting the Horses saddled, preparing the Presents which were to be carried, and providing other necessary things in haste, for nothing was ready; but the Ambassador and all his Servants were in a great hurry and confusion, calling for this and the other thing, which seemed to me not to have too much of the Courtier. The persons who came to fetch us, stayed a good while without, but at length were brought into the Porch of the House, that is, into the first Entrance within the Court, where Visits are received; without seeing the Ambassador or any of his Attendants, who were all employed in the abovesaid confusion, at a good part of which these persons were present.  
The Pomp proceeded in this manner: Many Horsemen went foremost, who were followed by divers Foot armed with Pikes 
XIV.  and other weapons, some of them brandishing the same as they went along; then marched certain Musketeers with Drums, Trumpets, Pikes, and Cornets sounding; these clothed all in one colour after the Portugal manner, but with corpse stuff of small value; and amongst them road a servant of the Ambassador's, better clad after their fashion, as Captain of the Guard. Then followed the Ambassador in the middle between Vitulà Sinai and Musè Bài; and after him we of his retinue, to wit, the Chaplain, Sig: Consalvo Carvaglio, Sig: Francisco Montegro, who lived at Barcelòr, and whom we found at Ikkeri about some affairs of his own; but because he wanted a horse, he appeared not in the Cavalcade. After us came some other Horsemen; but, in sum, there was but few people, a small show, and little gallantry; demonstrative signs of the smallness of this Court and the Prince. In this manner we road to the Palace which stands in a Fort or Citadel of good largeness, encompassed with a great Ditch, and certain ill built bastions. At the entrance we found two very long but narrow Bulwarks. Within the Citadel are many Houses, and shops also in several streets; for we passed through two Gates, at both which there stood Guards, and all the distance between them was an inhabited street. We went through these two Gates on Horseback, which, I believe, was a privilege, for few did so besides ourselves, namely, such only as entered where the King was; the rest either remaining on Horseback at the first Gate, or alighting at the Entrance of the second. A third Gate also we entered, but on Foot, and came into a kind of Court, about which were sitting in Porches many prime Courtiers, and other persons of quality. Then we came to a fourth Gate guarded with Soldiers, into which only we Franchi or Christians, and some few others of the Country were suffered to enter; and we presently found the King, who was seated in a kind of Porch on the opposite side of a small Court, upon a Pavement somewhat raised from the Earth, covered with a Canopy like a square Tent, but made of boards and gilded. The Floor was covered with a piece of Tapestry something old, and the King sat after the manner of the East upon a little Quilt on the outside of the Tent, leaning upon one of the pillars which up-held it on the right hand, having at his back two great Cushions of fine white Silk. Before him lay his Sword, adorned with Silver, and a little on one side almost in the middle of the Tent, was a small eight-cornered Stand, painted and gilded, either to write upon, or else to hold some thing or other of his. On the right hand, and behind the King, stood divers Courtiers, one of which continually waved a white fan made of fine linen, as if to drive away the flies from the King. Besides the King, there was but one person sitting, and he the principal Favourite of the Court, called Putapaià, and he sat at a good distance from him on the right hand near the wall.  
As soon as we saw the King afar off, the Ambassador and we pulled off our Hats, and saluted him after our manner; he seemed 
XV.  not to stir at all; but when we approached nearer, the Ambassador was made to sit down within the Tent at a good distance from the King near the wall, as Putapaià sat, but on the left side, at which we entered. The rest of us stood a good while before the Tent, on the left side also. Vitulà Sinai approached to a Pillar opposite to that on which the King leaned, and there served as Interpreter, sometimes speaking with the King, and sometimes with the Ambassador. Musè Bajazet stood also on our side, but distant from the King, and near one of the Pillars of the Porch. The King's first words were concerning the Health of the King of Spain and the Viceroy; and then the Ambassador subjoined the causes of his coming, namely, to visit him, and continue the Amity which his Highness held with that State of the Portugals, (who use that style to these Indian Kings, as they did also to their King of Portugal when they had one, whence this custom first arose, and is still continued; although now when they name their King of Spain, so much a greater Lord than the King of Portuagl, they use not the term Highness, but Majesty, after the manner of Europe.) The Ambassador added that in token of this Amity, the Viceroy sent him that Present, not as any great matter, but as a small acknowledgement; That their King had sent him a considerable Present from Spain, which his Highness knew was lost at Sea; That yet by the Ships which were coming this year he should receive another, as he might see in the Viceroy's Letter which he presented to him. And hereupon the Ambassador arising from his Seat, went to present the same to him almost kneeling upon one knee; and he without moving a whit, took it and gave it to Vitulà Sinai, who gave it to another, probably, the principal Secretary, without reading or opening it. The Ambassador had brought a Letter to him likewise written in the King of Spain's Name, but did not present it now; because the Portugals say, that the first time of going to Audience, they are only to make a Visit, and not to treat of business. Then they drew forth the Present before the King, which was some pieces of cloth, within one of those wooden gilt boxes which are used in India; a Lance of the Moorish shape, to wit, long and smooth like a Pike, the point of Iron gilt, and the foot embellished with Silver, a gallant Target, and the Horse abovementioned covered with a silken Horse-cloth; which Horse was brought into the Court where the King sat. After he had received and viewed the Present, and taken the Iron of the Lance in his hand, which the Ambassador said was of Portugal; they caused the rest of us to sit down near the outer wall of the Porch on the left side, upon a rough Carpet stripped with white and blue, (of that sort which the Turks and Persians call Kielim) spread upon the pavement of the Porch. The Ambassador, although he sat, yet never put on his Hat before the King, (for so the Portugal Nobles are wont to do before the Viceroy, namely, to sit, but not to be covered) nor did the King speak to him to cover himself, but let him continue uncovered; wherein, to my thinking, he committed an error; for going as he did in the name of the State, which amongst them is as much as to go in the King of Spain's Name; why should he not be covered before so small a Prince? And the error seemed the greater, because he was the first that went Ambassador to Venk-tapà Naieka in the name of the State; and consequently, hath made an ill precedent to such as shall come after him. And in introducing such prejudicial customs, a public Minister should have his eyes well open: but the truth is, the Portugals of India understand little, are little Courtiers, and less Politicians, how exquisite soever they be accounted here, as this Sig: Gio: Fernandez is esteemed one of the most accomplished, and, I believe, not undeservedly. At night, I could not forbear to advertise some of his Countrymen hereof in a handsome way, it not seeming fit for me, a stranger and the younger man, to offer to give him a Lesson. However, he never put on his Hat, and Civility obliged us to the same forbearance; but indeed, it was too much obsequiousness for such a Prince; as also for the Ambassador to tell him of the other times that he had been privately at that Court, and kissed his Highness' Feet; with other like words little becoming an Ambassador. Nevertheless he spoke them, professing himself much the servant of Ven-tapà Naieka, out of hope that he, as Vitulà Sinai had promised him at Goa, would write to the King of Spain in his favour, by which means he should have some remuneration. Indeed, the Portugals have nothing else in their Heads but Interest, and therefore their Government goes as it does.  
As we sat down, (being four of us that did so, besides the 
XVI.  Ambassador, to wit, the Chaplain, Caravaglio, Montegro, and myself) I handsomely took the last place; because knowing the nature of the Portugals, I would not have them think that I a stranger went about to take place and pre-eminence of them in their solemnities; and they conformably to their own humour, not only used no Courtesy to me, as well-bred Italians would have done, by saying to me, Amice, ascend superiùs; but I saw they were greatly pleased with my putting myself in the last place, Caravaglio taking the first, the Chaplain the second, and Montegro the third. ay, little caring for this, or for showing and making myself known in the Court of Venk-tapà Naieka, laughed within myself at their manners, and with the observation recreated my Curiosity, which alone had brought me into these parts. The King's discourse to the Ambassador was distended to divers things, and, as he was speaking, he frequently chawed leavs of beetle, which a Courtier reached to him now and then, and, when he was minded out a lump of the masticated leaves, another held a kind of great Cup to his Mouth, for him to spit into. The King asked concerning the flowness of the Ships this year, as that which disgusted him, in regard of the Money they were to bring him for Pepper. He enquired of several things of India, and desired to know some kind of News. The Ambassador told him all the News we had at Onòr, which were uncertain, being only the Relations of some vulgar persons, and therefore, in my judgement, too immaturely uttered; affirming, for certain, the coming of the Fleet with a great Army, the Alliance between Spain and England, the passage of the Prince of England into Spain; and moreover, (Good God) the reduction of all England to the Catholic Faith by the public command of that King, with other such levitieses usual to the Portugals, who are very ignorant of the affairs of the world and of State. The King further spoke long concerning things transacted with him in the War of Banghel, particularly, of the Peace that concluded it; for which, probably, being disadvantageous to the Portugals, he said, he heard that many blamed him the Ambassador, who negotiated it with his Ministers; and that they not only blamed him for it, but said, he would be punished by the King of Spain, who was offended with it; whereat being sorry, as his Friend, he had sent several times to Gao to inquire tidings concerning him. The Ambassador answered, that 'twas true, there had been such accusations against him and greater, some alleging that his Highness had bribed him; but that they were the words of malevolent persons, which he had always laughed at, knowing he had done his duty, and only what the Viceroy had appointed him; and that in Spain they give credit to the informations of the Viceroy, and not to the talk of others, as well appeared by the event. Venk-tapà proceeded to say, that that Peace was very well made for the Portugals, and that much good had followed upon it; intimating that they would have made it with disadvantage, if it had not been concluded in that manner as he concluded it: As if he would have said, It had been ill for the Portugals, with manifest signs of a mind insulting over them, and that the business of Banghel was no more to be treated of. Then he asked the Ambassador, How old he was? How many Children he had? Putting him in mind of his using to come, when a very Youth, to Ikkeri with his Father to bring Horses, and showing himself very friendly to him. Nor did the Ambassadar lose the occasion of desiring him that he would favour him with his Letters to the King of Spain, pretending to hope for much upon account of them; a thing which I should not commend in an Ambassador, because he may thereby come to be thought by his natural Prince too partial to, and too intimate with, the Prince with whom he treats; and also by this means disparages himself, as if he need to beg the mediation of foreign Princes to his natural Lord, and of such Princes too with whom he negotiates in behalf of his own; which by no means seems handsome. Then Venk-tapà Naieka enquired concerning the rest of us, and Vitulà Sinai answered his Questions; telling him of me, that I was a Roman, and that I travelled over so great a part of the World out of Curiosity, and that I writ down what I saw; with other things of the same nature. Venk-tapà Naieka asked me, Whether I understood the Language of the Moors▪ I answered that I did, together with the Turkish and Persian; but I mentioned not the Arabic, because I have it not so ready as the other two, to be able to make use of it before every body. He seemed sufficiently pleased in seeing me, and understanding that I was born at Rome, and came thither so great a Traveller; highly esteeming the ancient fame of Rome and the Empire, and its new Grandeur and Pontificate of the Christians. These and other Discourses, which I omit for brevity, lasting for some time, he caused to be brought to him a piece of Silk embroidered with Gold, such as the Indians wear cross their shoulders, but with us may serve to cover a Table or such like use; and calling the Ambassador before him, whither we accompanied him, gave it to him, and caused it to be put upon his shoulders; whereupon we were dismissed, and so going out to Horse again, we were reconducted home with the same solemnity and company.  
After this, as we were walking through the City late in the 
XVII.  Evening without the Ambassador, we saw going along the streets several companies of young girls well clothed after their manner, namely, with some of the abovementioned wrought and figured Silk from the girdle downwards; and from thence upward either naked, or else with very pure linen, either of one colour, or stripped and wrought with several, besides a scarf of the same work cast over the shoulder. Their heads were decked with yellow and white flowers formed into a high and large Diadem, with some sticking out like Sunbeams, and others twisted together and hangingd own in several fashions; which made a pretty sight. All of them carried in each hand a little round painted Stick, about a span long or little more, which striking together after a musical measure, besides the sounds of Drums and other instruments, one of the skilfullest of the company sung one verse of a song at once, at the end of which they all replied seven or eight times in number of their metre this word, Colè, Colè, Colè, which I know not what it signifies, but, I believe, 'tis a word of joy. Singing in this manner, they went along the street eight or ten together, being either friends or neighbours, followed by many other women, not dressed in the same fashion, but who were either their Mothers or their Kins-women. I imagined it was for some extraordinary Festival, and I was willing to have followed them to see whither they went, and what they did; but being in the company of others, I could not handsomely do it, nor had my Companions the same Curiosity, as indeed the Portugals are not at all curious. I understood afterwards that they went to the Piazza of the great Temple, which is moderately large, and there danced in circles, singing their songs till it was late; and that this was a Festival, which they keep three days together at the end of a certain Fast in Honour of Gauri, one of their Goddesses, Wife of Mohedaca; and therefore 'tis celebrated by girls.  
November the ninth, Walking about the City, I saw a beam raised a good height, where, in certain of their Holidays 
XVIII.  some devout people are wont to hang themselves by the flesh upon hooks fastened to the top of it, and remain a good while so hanging, the blood running down in the mean time, and they flourishing their Sword and Buckler in the Air, and singing verses in Honour of their Gods. Moreover, in a close place opposite to the Temple, I saw one of those very great Cars, or Chariots, wherein upon certain Feasts they carry their Idols in Procession, with many people besides, and Dancing-women, who play on musical instruments, sing, and dance. The four wheels of this Carr were fourteen of my spans in diameter, and the wood of the sides was one span thick. At the end of it were two great wooden Statues, painted with natural colours; one of a Man, the other of a Woman naked, in dishonest postures; and upon the Carr, which was very high, was room for abundance of people to stand; and, in brief, it was so large that scarce any but the widest streets in Rome, as Strada, Giulia, or Babuino, would be capable for it to pass in. I saw also certain Indian Friars, whom in their Language they call Giangàma, and perhaps, are the same with the Sages seen by me elsewhere; but they have Wives, and go with their faces smeared with ashes, yet not naked, but clad in certain extravagant habits, and a kind of picked hood or cowl upon their heads of died linen, of that colour which is generally used amongst them, namely, a reddish brick-colour, with many bracelets upon their arms and legs, filled with something within, that makes a jangling as they walk. But the pretiest and oddest thing was, to see certain Soldiers on Horseback, and considerable Captains too, as I was informed, who for ornament of their Horses wore hanging behind the saddlebow two very large tassels of certain white, long, and fine skins, (they told me they were the tails of certain wild Oxen found in India, and highly esteemed) which tassels were about two yards in compass, and so long as to reach from the saddlebow to the ground; two, I say, hung behind the saddlebow, and two before of equal height, and two others higher at the head stall; so that there were six in all: between which the Horseman was seen upon the saddle half naked, and riding upon a Horse which leaped and curveted all the way; by which motion those six great tassels of skin, being very light and not at all troublesome, but flying up and down, seemed so many great wings; which indeed was a pretty odd spectacle, and made me think I saw so many Bellerophon's upon several Pegasus'. The same Evening I saw the companies of girls again, and following them I found that they did not go into the Piazza of the Temple, as they had done the two nights before, but into one of the King's Gardens, which for this purpose stood open for every body, and is nothing but a great field planted confusedly with shady and fruit-Trees, Sugar Canes, and other Garden plants. Hither almost the whole City flocked, Men and Women, and all the companies of the flowered Virgins, who putting themselves into circles, here and there danced and sung; yet their dancing was nothing else but an easy walking round, their snappers always sounding; only sometimes they would stretch forth their legs, and now and then cowre down as if they were going to sit, one constantly singing, and the rest repeating the word Colè, Colè. There wanted not other Donne ballatrici, Dancing-women, who exceeded the former in skill and dexterity: But in conclusion, they gathered into several companies to supper, with the other Women that accompanied them; so did the Men also, some with their Wives, and some alone, of which there wanted not who invited us, not to eat with them (for they communicate not with strangers at the Table) but to take some of their fare; which we thanked them for, but accepted not, being delighted only to see them feast so together, dispersed in several places of the Garden; this being the night that the Fast ended.  
The same night a Post from Goa brought the Ambassador a Letter from the Viceroy, with another for Vitulà Sinai, and a 
XIX.  third from the Captain of Onòr. The Ambassador imparted his intelligence to none, but forbade the Post to let it be known that he had brought Letters; whence I conceived, that the News was not good, otherwise it would have been presently published; only I heard some obscure talk of the Malabarians, but I would not inquire further into the matter, as that which did not belong to me; especially amongst the Portugals who are very close and reserved towards strangers.  
November the tenth, I saw passing along the street a Nephew of Venk-tapà Naieka, his Sister's Son, a handsome youth, and fair for that Country; he was one of those that aspire to the succession of this State, and was now returning from the fields without the Town, whither he uses to go every Morning. He is called Sedà-Siva Naieka, and was attended with a great number of Soldiers both Horse and Foot marching before him, and behind with many Cavaliers and Captains of quality, himself riding alone with great gravity; He had before him Drums, Cornets, and every sort of their barbarous instruments: Moreover, both in the Front and in the Rear of the Cavalcade, were, (I know not whether for magnificence or for guard) several Elephants carrying their guides upon their backs; and amongst them was also carried his Palanchino or Litter.  
November the eleventh, The Ambassador went again to Audience, to present to Venk-tapà Naieka the Letter writ to him in the King of Spain's Name, and declare what that King required of him. He went alone without any of us, or of the Portugals his Companions, either not willing that we should be present at the debating of business, or because he went in a Palanchino, and had his two Horses led before him, but there were neither Palanchinoes nor Horses enough in the House for the rest of us. With those that came to fetch him, came also a public Dancing-woman, who performed a pretty piece of Agility in his presence; for standing upon one foot, when the Drums and other instruments sounded, with the other she swiftly turned round in the Air a large Iron Ring, about a span in Diametre, without letting it fall off her great Toe, and at the same time with one hand tossed two Cymbals or brass balls, catching one in her Hand whilst the other was aloft, and so alternately, and very nimbly without ever letting them fall; which indeed was great dexterity, to be employed at the same time with the foot and the hand, standing firm all the while on the other foot without support, and yet attending to the Music, and this for a good space together: during which an old Man with a white beard and bald head, who brought her, stood behind her, crying all the while Ahùd, Ahùd, Ahùd, which in their Language signifies as much as Good, Good, Good. The Ambassador returned quickly from Audience, but made not a word of any thing. The King frequently sent him things to eat; particularly, fruits out of season, to wit, brought to him from far distant places, amongst which we had Ziacche, (which I take to be the same with Zátte, which is a kind of Gourd) a fruit very rare at this time; and also Indian Melons, which how good soever, are worth nothing at any time, the Climate not being for such fruits.  
November the twelfth, I took the height of the Sun at Ikkeri, and found the Meridian Altitude 31. degrees. He was now in the 19th degree of Scorpio, and consequently, declined from the Aequinoctial towards the South 17. gr. 29′. 23″. which substracted from the 31. degrees in which I found the Sun, there remain 13. gr. 30′. 37″. and such is the Elevation of the Pole at Ikkeri; which must be also as many degrees, to wit, 13. gr. 30′. 37″. distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At dinner the Ambassador told us, that the King of Spain's Letter which he had presented the day before to Venk-tapà Naieka concerned not any business, but was only of compliment, and particularly, to give him much thanks for having of late years refused to sell Pepper to the English and Dutch, who had been at his Court to buy it; and also for the good Amity he held with the Portugals, which he desired might increase every day: That of the affairs of Banghel, or any others, he said nothing, referring all to the Viceroy, and the Ambassador whom the Viceroy had sent to him: Wherewith Venk-tapà Naieka was very well pleased, and he had reason; for during the present State of the Portugals affairs, I certainly think they will not speak a word to him of Banghel, nor of any thing else that may be disgustful to him.  
The same day the Ambassador had been at Court; being invited to see solemn Wrestling at the Palace. We did not accompany him, for want of Horses and Palanchinoes; but at night he told us, Vitulà Sinai asked much for me, wishing I had been present at this Wrestling, which was exercised by Persons very stout and expert therein; because he had heard that I writ down what I saw remarkable. However, Caravaglio, Montegro, and myself not going thither, went out of Ikkeri half a League Northwards, to see another new City which Venk-tapà hath begun to build there. 'Tis called Saghèr, and is already pretty well inhabited, with Houses all made of Earth after their manner. The Palace is finished, and Venk-tapà frequently goes to it; as also a Temple built upon a great Artificial Lake, a House for his Nephews and other Grandees, with all conveniencies thereunto, particularly, great Stalls for Elephants, of which he keeps here above eighty; we saw many of them here, some for War, large and handsome. A Market was kept this day in Saghèr, as 'tis the custom every Sunday, and at Ikkeri every Friday. There was a great concourse of people, but nothing to sell besides necessaries for food and clothing, after their manner. The way between Ikkeri and Saghèr is very handsome, plain, broad, almost totally direct, here and there beset with great and thick Trees which make a shadow and a delightful verdure. As we returned home at night, we met a Woman in the City of Ikkeri, who, her Husband being dead, was resolved to burn herself, as 'tis the custom with many Indian Women. She rod on Horseback about the City with open face, holding a Looking-glass in one hand, and a Lemon in the other, I know not for what purpose; and beholding herself in the Glass, with a lamentable tone sufficiently pitiful to hear, went along I know not whither speaking or singing certain words, which I understood not; but they told me, they were a kind of Farewell to the World and herself; and indeed, being uttered with that passionateness which the Case required and might produce, they moved pity in all that heard them, even in us who understood not the Language. She was followed by many other Women and Men on foot, who, perhaps, were her Relations; they carried a great Umbrella over her, as all Persons of quality in India are wont to have, thereby to keep off the Sun, whose heat is hurtful and troublesome. Before her, certain Drums were sounded, whose noise she never ceased to accompany with her sad Ditties or Songs; yet with a calm and constant Countenance, without tears, evidencing more grief for her Husband's death then her own, and more desire to go to him in the other world than regret for her own departure out of this: A Custom, indeed, cruel and barbarous, but withal, of great generosity and virtue in such Women, and therefore worthy of no small praise. They said, she was to pass in this manner about the City, I know not how many days, at the end of which she was to go out of the City and be burnt, with more company and solemnity. If I can know when it will be, I will not fail to go to see her, and by my presence honour her Funeral, with that compassionate affection which so great Conjugal Fidelity and Love seems to me to deserve.  
November the thirteenth, I took the Altitude of the Sun at Ikkeri, and found it 31. gr. 40′. The Sun was now in the 20th 
XXI.  degree of Scorpio, and declined Southwards 17. gr. 45′, 40″. which taken from 31. gr. 40′. leave 13. gr. 54′, 20″. The former time, I found Ikkeri to be in 13. gr. 30, 31″; but now I found it to be in 13. gr. 54′, 20″. between which there is only the difference of 23′, 43″, which is a small matter: And therefore I account my observation right; for the small variation between the two times is no great matter, in regard the declination of the Sun not being punctually known, may cause the difference. At night, walking in the City, I saw in the Piazza of the great Temple (which I understood was dedicated to an Idol called Agore Scuarà, who, they say, is the same with Mahadeù, although they represent him not in the same shape with that I saw of Mahadeù in Cambaia, but in the shape of a Man, with but one Head and Face, and sixteen Arms on each side (in all thirty two); which is not strange, since our Ancients called many of their Idols by names sufficiently different, and portrayed them in several shapes; and wherein also I understood there was an Idol of Parveti, who is the Wife of Mahadeù, though the Temple be not dedicated to her): I saw, I say, in the Piazza one of their Friars or Giangami, clad all in white, sitting in an handsome Palanchino, with two great white Umbrellaes, held over him, one on each side, (which two were for the more gravity) and a Horse led behind, being followed by a great train of other Giangami, clad in their ordinary habits. Before the Palanchino, marched a numerous company of Soldiers, and other people, many Drums and Fifes, two straight long Trumpets, and such brass Timbrels as are used in Persia, Bells and divers other Instruments, which sounded as loud as possible, and amongst them was a troop of Dancing-women adorned with Girdles, Rings upon their Legs, Necklaces, and other ornaments of Gold, and with certain Pectorals or Breastplates, almost round, in the fashion of a Shield, and butting out with a sharp ridg before, embroidered with Gold, and stuck either with Jewels or some such things which reflected the Sunbeams with marvellous splendour; as to the rest of their bodies, they were uncovered, without any Veil or Head-tire. When they came to the Piazza, the Palanchino stood still, and the multitude having made a ring, the Dancing-women fell to dance after their manner, which was much like the Morris-dance of Italy, only the Dancers sung as they danced, which seemed much better: One of them, who, perhaps, was the Mistress of the rest, danced alone by herself, with extravagant and high jumpings, but always looking towards the Palanchino: Sometimes she cowred down with her haunches almost to the ground, sometimes leaping up she struck them with her Feet backwards, (as Coelius Rhodiginus relates of the ancient dance called Bibasi) continually singing and making several gestures with her Hands; but after a barbarous manner, and such as amongst us would not be thought handsome. The Dance being ended, the Palanchino with all the train went forward, the Instruments continually playing before them. I followed to see the end, and found that they went into the chief street, and so out of the City by the Gate which leads to Saghèr, stopping in divers places of the street to act the same, or the like dances over again; and particularly, in the Entrance of the said Gate, where, amongst many Trees and Indian Canes which make the City-Wall, there is a small Piazza, very eeven, and shaded about, like a Pastoral Scene, and very handsome. At last the Giangamo with his Palanchino and train, entered into certain Gardens without the Gate, where his House stood; and after the last Dance he remained there, and the rest went away. They told me, this Honour was done him, because they had then cast water upon his Head, and performed some other Ceremony, equivalent to our ordaining one in Sacris, or creating a Doctor. As I was going along the streets to behold this Pomp, I saw many persons come with much devotion to kiss the Feet of all those Giangamoes, who on Foot followed the principal Giangamo who was in the Palanchino; and because they were many, and it took up much time to kiss the Feet of them all, therefore when any one came to do it, they stood still all in a rank to give him time; and whilst such persons were kissing them, and for more reverence touching their Feet with their Foreheads, these Giangamoes stood firm with a seeming severity, and without taking notice of it, as if they had been abstracted from the things of the World; just as our Friars use to do when any devout persons come out of reverence to kiss their Habit; but with Hypocrisy, conformable to their superstitious Religion.  
Returning home, I met a Corpse going to be burned without the City, with Drums sounding before it; it was carried sitting 
XXII.  in a Chair, whereunto it was tied that it might not fall, clothed in its ordinary attire, exactly as if it had been alive. The seat was covered behind, and on the sides with red and other colours, I know not whether Silk or no. It was open only before, and there the dead person was to be seen. By the company, which was small, I conjectured him to be one of mean quality. But they told me, All dead people are carried thus, as well such as are buried, (as the Lingavani, whom they also put into the Earth sitting) as those that are burned; and that he, whom I saw, was to be burned, we gathered from the Fire and Oil which they carried after him in vessels. The night following there was a great solemnity in all the Temples, by lighting of Candles, singing, Music, dancing, about twenty Dancing-women, who went in Procession with the Idol into the Piazza, dancing before the great Temple; but, as I was told, they began very late, namely, at the rising of the Moon, which was about an hour before midnight; so that I was gone to bed before I knew of it, although in the Evening I saw the lights in the Temple. But though I saw nothing, yet I heard of it as I was in bed, being awakened by the noise; and hearing the same was to be acted over again the next night, I purposed with myself to see it.  
November the fourteenth, I went at night to the Temple to see whether there was any extraordinary solemnity; but there was nothing more than usual, nor did the Idol come forth: only in the great Temple and its Enclosure or Court, into which they suffer not strangers to enter, they made their accustomed Processions with musical instruments, singing, and other Ceremonies, which, I conceive, were the same with those I saw in Ahineli: only they are celebrated here every night, because as 'tis a more eminent Church, so consequently the service is more pompous; besides that, they told me Venk-tapà Naieka had a great and particular devotion to the Idol Agoresuàr, who is here worshipped.  
On the fifteenth of the same month, came first in the daytime and afterwards at night to our House twelve or fifteen public Dancing-women, who by consequence, are also public Strumpets, although very young, being conducted by certain of their men. In the day time they did nothing, but talked a little; and some of them made themselves drunk with a certain Wine made of dried Raisins, or a sort of Aqua Vitae and other mixtures, called in India, Nippa; I say some of them, because certain others of less ignoble Race, as they are more abstinent in eating, so they drink not any thing that inebriates. At night, they entertained us a good while with Balls, or Dancing, after their mode, accompanied with singing, not unpleasant to behold; for they consist of a numerous company of Women, all well clothed and adorned with Gold, Jewels, and Tresses of several fashions, who sing and snap their wooden instruments. They begin all their Balls slowly, and by degrees growing to a heat, at last end with furious and quick motions, which appear well enough: Amongst their other Dances two pleased me well, one in which they continually repeated these words— and another wherein they represented a Battle, and the actions of slaughter; in the conclusion, the Master of the Ball, who directs all, and was one of those that brought them, dancing in the midst of them with a naked Poniard, wherewith he represented the actions of slaughter as the Women did with their short sticks. But the end of this show was more ridiculous: For when they were dismissed, they not only were not contented with the largess of the Ambassador, although I added as much of my own to it, but went away ill satisfied, testifying the same by choleric yell, which to me was a new Comedy.  
November the sixteenth, I was told that the abovementioned Woman who had resolved to burn herself for her Husband's death, was to die this Evening. But upon further enquiry at the Woman's House, I understood that it would not be till after a few days more, and there I saw her sitting in a Court or Yard, and other persons beating Drums about her. She was clothed all in white, and decked with many Necklaces, Bracelets, and other ornaments of Gold; on her Head she had a Garland of Flowers spreading forth like the rays of the Sun; in brief, she was wholly in a Nuptial Dress, and held a Lemon in her Hand, which is the usual Ceremony. She seemed to be pleasant enough, talking and laughing in conversation, as a Bride would do in our Countries. She and those with her, took notice of my standing there to behold her, and conjecturing by my strange Habit, what the meaning of it was, some of them came towards me. I told them by an Interpreter, that I was a Person of a very remote Country, where we had heard by Fame, that some Women in India love their Husbands so vehemently, as when they die to resolve to die with them; and that now having intelligence that this Woman was such a one, I was come to see her, that so I might relate in my own Country that I had seen such a thing with my own Eyes. These people were well pleased with my coming, and she herself, having heard what I said, rose up from her seat, and came to speak to me. We discoursed together standing, for a good while. She told me that her Name was Giaccamà, of the Race Terlengà, that her Husband was a Drummer; whence I wondered the more; seeing Heroical Actions, as this undoubtedly aught to be judged, are very rare in people of low quality. That it was about nineteen days since her Husband's death, that he had left two other Wives elder than she, and whom he had married before her, (both which were present at this discourse) yet neither of them was willing to die, but alleged for excuse that they had many Children. This argument gave me occasion to ask Giaccamà, (who showed me a little Son of her own, about six or seven years old, besides an other Daughter she had) how she could persuade herself to leave her own little Children? And told her, that she ought likewise to live rather than to abandon them at that Age. She answered me, that she left them well recommended to the care of an Uncle of hers there present, who also talked with us very cheerfully, as if rejoicing that his Kinswoman would do such an action; and that her Husbands other two remaining Wives would also take care of them. I insisted much upon the tender Age of her Children, to avert her from her purpose, by moving her to compassion for them, well knowing that no argument is more prevalent with Mothers then their Love and Affection towards their Children. But all my speaking was in vain, and she still answered me to all my Reasons, with a Countenance not only undismayed and constant, but even cheerful, and spoke in a such manner as showed that she had not the least fear of death. She told me also, upon my ask her, that she did this of her own accord, was at her own liberty, not forced nor persuaded by any one. Whereupon I enquiring, Whether force were at any time used in this matter, they told me, that ordinarily it was not, but only sometimes amongst Persons of quality when some Widow was left young, handsome, and so in danger of marrying again (which amongst them is very ignominious), or committing a worse fault; in such Cases the Friends of the deceased Husband were very strict, and would constrain her to burn herself even against her own will, for preventing the disorders possible to happen in case she should live; (a barbarous, indeed, and too cruel Law.) However, that neither force nor persuasion was used to Giaccamà, that she did it of her own free will; in which, as of a magnanimous action, (as indeed it was) and amongst them of great honour, both her Relations and herself much gloried. I asked concerning the Ornaments and Flowers she wore, and they told me, that such was the Custom, in token of the Masti's joy (they call the Woman, who intends to burn herself for the death of her Husband, Masti) in that she was very shortly to go to him, and therefore had reason to rejoice; whereas such Widows as will not die, remain in continual sadness and lamentations, shave their Heads, and live in perpetual mourning for the death of their Husbands. At last Giaccamà caused one to tell me, that she accounted my coming to see her a great good fortune, and held herself much honoured, as well by my visit and presence, as the Fame which I should carry of her to my own Country; and that before she died she would come to visit me at my House, and also to ask me, as their custom is, that I would favour her with some thing by way of Alms towards the buying of fuel, for the fire wherewith she was to be burnt. I answered her, that I should much esteem her visit, and very willingly give her some thing; not for wood and fire wherein to burn herself, (for her death much displeased me, and I would gladly have dissuaded her from it, if I could) but to do something else therewith, what herself most liked; and that I promised her, that so far as my weak pen could contribute, her Name should remain immortal in the World. Thus I took leave of her, more sad for her death then herself, cursing the custom of India, which is so unmerciful to Women. Giaccamà was a Woman of about thirty years of age, of a Complexion very brown for an Indian, and almost black, but of a good aspect, tall of stature, well shaped and proportioned. My Muse could not forbear from chanting her in a Sonnet, which I made upon her death, and reserve among my Poetical Papers.  
The same Evening Lights being set up in all the Temples, and 
XXIV.  the usual Music of Drums and Pipes sounding, I saw in one Temple, which was none of the greatest, a Minister or Priest dance before the Idol all naked, saving that he had a small piece of Linen over his Privities, as many of them continually go; he had a drawn Sword in his Hand, which he flourished as if he had been fencing; but his motions were nothing but lascivious gestures. And indeed, the greatest part of their Worship of their Gods, consists in nothing but Music, Songs, Dances, not not only pleasant but lascivious, and in serving their Idols as if they were living Persons; namely, in presenting to them things to eat, washing them, perfuming them, giving them Betlè-leaus, dying them with Sanders, carrying them abroad in Procession, and such other things as the Countrypeople account, delights and observances. In rehearsing Prayers, I think they are little employed, and as little in Learning. I once asked an old Priest, who was held more knowing than others, grey, and clad all in white, carrying a staff like a Shepherds crook in his Hand, What Books he had read, and what he had studied? Adding that myself delighted in reading, and that if he would speak to me about any thing, I would answer him. He told me, that all Books were made, only that Men might by means thereof know God, and God being known, to what purpose were Books? as if, he knew God very well. I replied, that all thought they knew God, but yet few knew him aright; and therefore he should beware that himself were not one of those.  
November the seventeenth, By Letters brought from Barcelòr, with News from Goa, we heard that the Prince of England was gone incognito into Spain to accomplish his Marriage with the Infanta; and that his arrival being known, and the King having seen him, preparations were making for his public Reception. That the Fleet was not yet arrived at Goa, except one Galeon; and that the News from Ormuz was, that Ruy Freyra was landed in that Island, and having entrenched himself under the Fort, held the same besieged with that small Armado he had with him: Whence 'twas hoped, that great supplies being to be sent to him from Goa, and the enmity of the English ceasing in consideration of the Marriage between the two Crowns, and consequently, their assistance of the Persians, Ormùz would shortly be recovered; and indeed, in respect of the abovesaid circumstances, I account it no hard matter.  
November the twentieth, In the Evening, either because it was the next night after Monday, or that 'twas their weekly custom, or perhaps, for some extraordinary solemnity, Tapers were lighted up in all the Temples of Ikkeri; a great noise was made with Drums and Pipes, together with the Dance of the Ministers of some Temples before the Gates, as is above described.  
Wherefore I went to the great Temple, where, being the principal, I thought to see the greatest and most solemn Ceremonies. 
XXV.  After the people were called together by the sounding of several Trumpets a good while without the Temple, they began to make the usual Procession within the Yard or Enclosure, with many noises of their barbarous instruments, as they are wont to do here every Evening: Which after they had done as often as they pleased, they went forth into the street, where much people expected them, carrying two Idols in Procession, both in one Palanchino, one at each end, small, and so decked with Flowers and other Ornaments, that I could scarce know what they were. Yet, I think, that in the back-end was Agorescuèr, to whom the Temple is dedicated; and the other Parveti, or some other Wife of his. First marched the Trumpets, and other instruments of divers sorts, continually sounding; then followed amongst many Torches a long train of Dancing-women, two and two, bareheaded, in their dancing dress, and decked with many Ornaments of Gold and Jewels. After them, came the Palanchino of the Idols, behind which were carried many Lances, Spears with silken Streamers, and many Umbrella's garnished with silken tufts and fringes round about, more stately than those used by others, even the King himself; for these are commonly the Ensigns of Grandeur. On each side the Palanchino went many rows of Women, either public Dancers or Whores; but because these were not to dance, they went barefaced indeed, (as the Pagan Women here little care for covering their Faces) but with a cloth bound about their Heads, and hanging down both behind upon their Shoulders, and before upon their Breasts. Some of them next the Palanchino, carried in their Hands certain little Staves, either of Silver, or Silvered over; at the end of which hung thick, long, and white tufts of the hair of Horses tails, with which (as 'tis the custom of great Persons in India to use them) they went fanning the Air, and either drove away the Flies from the Idols in the Palanchino, or at least performing this Office as a piece of Grandeur, as with us the same is done to the Pope, with fans made of the tails of white Peacocks, when he goes abroad in Pontificalibus. Neither were there wanting about the Idols many of their Priests or Ministers of the Temple who accompanied them; particularly, one who seemed the chief and Archimandrita of the rest; besides, abundance of Torches whose light dispelled the darkness of the Moon-less night. In this order they came into the Piazza, and there after they had made a large ring, the dancing began; first, two Ballatrici, or Dancing-women, one from one side of the circle, and another from another, yet both with their Faces always turned towards the Idols, walked three steps forward, and then three backward; and this they did innumerable times. I suppose, it was a way of saluting the Idols. After the said two Dancers alone had done thus, two others from the several sides joined with them, and they did the same again, three and three. This Salutation, or Preamble of the Ball, being many times repeated, they began to dance, namely, two that danced better than the rest, one on the right side of the circle, and the other on the left, both with their Faces, never with their back towards the Palanchino of the Idols, though often in the Dance they retired backwards as well as went forwards. Their dancing was high, with frequent leapings and odd motions, sometimes inclining their posteriors as if they meant to sit down, sometimes rising very high, and displaying the Coat wherewith they are covered from the girdle downwards, and almost holding one Arm stretched out before them, wherewith they now and then made as if they were thrusting or fencing; besides other mad gestures which were all accompanied with words which they sung, and sometimes with cries more apt to give horror then delight. Hence, while all the other Dancing-women, (that is, those who were uncovered and loose for dancing) danced all in a company together further distant from the Idols, snapping their little sticks and singing, being guided by a Man who danced with them and was their Master. But the other Dancers who were clothed, stood about the Idols, but danced not, nor ever moved from their place; only they accompanied the Show, very fine with Ornaments of Gold and Jewels, and some of them having Flowers, others, leavs of beetle, or other Odoriferous Herbs in their Hands. This Dance being ended, the Procession went forwards with the same Pomp, and a numerous Train of Men and Women of all sorts. They went round about the outermost walls of the Temple, which is surrounded with very large streets, inhabited for the most part by the said Dancers, or public Strumpets. The circuit of the Procession began from the right Hand as you come forth of the Temple, which comes to be the left as you enter in; and in the same manner I saw the Procession begin at the Temple of the Town Ahinelà, which I have described above; so that it must needs be one of their usual Ceremonies. This stopped at the several places of the streets through which it passed; and at every such stopping, the abovementioned Dance, Preambles, and other Circumstances were again repeated; whence the Show lasted a good while, and concluded at length with the last Dance in the Piazza before the Temple-Gate; which ended, the Procession with the Idols re-entered the Temple, where being replaced according to their accustomed Ceremonies, the solemnity ended, and all the people departed.  
I was told by one of the spectators, that this Ceremony was practised every Monday at night, and every New Moon, and 
XXVI.  every Full, as also upon certain other extraordinary solemnities with more or less Pomp proportionably to the Festivals: And he added, that the night following there would be a greater solemnity than this, because the New Moon, and another of their Feasts were then co-incident, and that the King himself would be there; Wherefore I resolved with myself to see it.  
November the one and twentieth, This night were an infinite company of Torches and Candles lighted, not only in all the Temple, but also in all the Streets, Houses, and Shops of Ikkeri, which made a kind of daylight over all the City. In each of the Temples was its Idol, which in some was a Serpent; and they had adorned the outward Porches not only with lights, but also with certain contrivances of papers, on which were painted Men on Horseback, Elephants, people a fight, and other odd figures; behind which papers, lights were placed in certain little Arches, like those which we make in our Sepulchers; these, with other gay Ornaments of Silk hung round about, made a sufficiently pretty Show. In the great Temple, not only the inside, in the middle whereof is a very high and slender Cupola, (which appears without too) but also all the outer walls, and all those round about the Piazza which lies before it, as also the Houses of the adjacent sides were all full of lights. The concourse of people of all sorts and degrees, both Men and Women was very great; and they appeared to go about visiting all the Temples. When it was very late, the King came to the great Temple, accompanied only with his two Nephews, to wit, Seda-Siva Naieka, (whom I had formerly seen) Son of one of his Daughters, and Vira-badrà Naieka, a young boy his Son's Son, and is he whom he designs for his Successor, if his other kindred elder than he, to wit, the abovesaid Sedà-Siva, and two other of Venk-tapà's Nephews by another of his Brothers whom he keeps prisoner, do not disturb him. The King came in a Palanchino a great pace, his two Nephews on Horseback, and so did Vitulà Sinai who road by the King's side, with appearance of a great Favourite. Likewise Putapaia came in a Palanchino, and other of his Grandees, some in Palanchino's, and some on Horseback, following him at a great distance, with some number of Soldiers and Servants on Foot; but, in sum, the whole train was not very considerable. The King stayed in the Temple about an hour, being entertained with Music, Dancing, and other things which I could not see, because I was without. At length he came forth, and with the same company, and running in as much haste as he came, returned home; the like did all the other people of whom the Piazza was full, some on one side, some on the other.  
After the King was come out of the Temple, they carried the 
XXVII.  Idols a while in Procession about the Piazza, but with small pomp and company; so that I cared not for staying to see them, but went to another Temple standing at the end of the Bazar, or Market, in the view of a large and goodly street, where, besides the show of lights which was gallant, I stayed a good while with my Companions, (for all the Ambassador's Family was come abroad this night to see the solemnities; the Padre Capellano not excepted, but disguised) to see two great companies of Dancing-women dance, they all being sent for thither by a great Captain, (who, perhaps, had the care of the solemnities of this Temple) after the King was gone from the great Temple, they danced here a good while, in numerous companies; after which, we returned home, it being after midnight.  
November the two and twentieth, Ven-tapà Naieka had already given our Ambassador an answer concerning the affairs which he negotiated, and the Ambassador had prepared a dispatch to be sent to the King of Banghel; also another for the Viceroy of Goa, giving him an account of his negotiation; when a Currier arrived from Banghel with new Letters, both for Venk-tapà Naieka and the Ambassador: Whereupon consultation was held, what Answer to return him, which was soon concluded on the part of Venk-tapà Naieka to this effect, (being no other than what he had before resolved upon) namely, that he would pay the King of Banghel 7000 Paygods yearly, according to the Treaty of the Peace, provided the said King would come and live in his Court, or in some other place of his Country, (excepting such Lands as were formerly his, for fear he might make new insurrections) or else in Goa, or any of the adjacent places, namely, in the Island of Salsette, or some place there without the City; but however, such wherein he may be subject to the Viceroy of Goa; so that Venk-tapà might be secure that the said Banghel would live peaceably without making new commotions. But in case (as he seemed to intend) he would live neither in Venk-tapà's Country, nor in that of Goa, but would continue in Cagnoroto where he was at present, (which is a place beyond Mangalòr Eastwards, and belongs to another small but free Prince, allied to Banghel, whither, being near to his quondam-Territories, he had betaken himself) or else would remove here and there like a Fugitive and Invader, disquieting these Countries; then Venk-tapà was resolved not to give him any thing at all. Therefore let him either accept the abovesaid Offer, or never speak more to him, for he would not hear him. That he hath been moved to make this offer of paying him the said sum, by the instance of the Portugals, who had interposed in his behalf by this Embassy: And that for Banghel's assurance that he would perform this, he gave the Ambassador (and accordingly he did so) a Copy of the Letter containing these promises, which he writ to the said King of Banghel, to the end the Ambassador might send it to the Viceroy, and be a witness of what he promised and was to observe. He has further told the Ambassador, that this King had formerly writ to him that he would come and live in his Dominion, and repent of what he had done heretofore through evil counsel; that yet, for the future, he would be at his devotion, receiving that Pension which he had promised him, and the like: Nevertheless he had now changed his mind, and refused both to come into his Dominion, and to go into that of Goa: That therefore seeing him so unconstant, he had much reason not to trust him, and, in short, would neither trust him, nor give him any thing saving upon the abovesaid terms; and that not for his own sake, but in regard of the instance which the Portugals made for him: That this was his last Answer, and that nothing more was to be expected or hoped from him. From Spain, they say, Orders are sent to the Viceroy to re-establish Banghel by all means in his State, and to make war upon Venk-tapà, unless he restore the same entirely. However, being that Country is remote, and in the time that is spent in the going and coming of dispatches, many things may happen which may render it necessary for the Viceroy in the present conjuncture to proceed in sundry particulars differently from what Orders he receives from Spain, and to have authority in this business of Banghel to deliberate of Peace or War, as shall to him seem most expedient, endeavouring to comply no less with the time and the State of things, than the advertisements from Spain: Therefore the King of Spain, in the Letter which he writ to Venk-tapà Naieka, making only general compliments to him, refers all matter of business to the Viceroy, to guide himself therein as he shall think most fit. Accordingly the Viceroy, though he knows the King of Spain's intention and order to make war upon Venk-tapà; yet it not seeming to him a fit time, whilst the Portugals are engaged in the war of Ormùz, and also in Malacca, (which is reported besieged either by the King of Acem, (which is Sumatra), or by him and the Dutch together) and much perplexed in a thousand other intricacies in India; hath therefore given Order to the Ambassador to seem satisfied with whatever Answer Venk-tapà Naieka gives, and to return without making further instance; it sufficing the Viceroy t● 〈…〉 ve made this compliment for the service of the King of Bangh●● and shown that he hath done therein what was in his power; as wellknowing that Venk-tapà would not be moved by the Embassy alone, and that the conditions he requires of the King of Banghel, upon which to give him what he had promised, are but excuses; being certain this King will not venture himself in his Dominions, (as neither is it reasonable) much less go and subject himself in the Territories of Goa, and so will not admit of the Proposals. Wherefore seeing 'tis not time now to constrain Venk-tapà Naieka to greater things by war, he dissembles till a better occasion, for fear of drawing this new Enemy upon him at an unseasonable conjuncture; and orders the Ambassador to depart with show of good Friendship. The Ambassador hath accordingly done so, and seeming satisfied with Venk-tapà's Answer, hath added other Letters to those formerly written to the King of Banghel, certifying him of Ventapà's Resolute Mind; that he must either accept of the Agreement, or must speak no more of any; and that he only expects at Ikkeri this his last Resolution before his return to Goa. He hath written the same to the Viceroy of Goa; and the dispatches being sealed, he hath ordered both Curriers to depart, and also a Brachman called Mangasa, together with the Currier, to the King of Banghel, sending likewise with them a Christian of Barselòr, named Lorenzo Pessoa, who was at Ikkeri with Montegro, that he might either in Mangalòr, Banghel, or other places thereabouts procure Mariners for a Ship remaining at Barselòr unprovided of Men; giving the said Pessoa a Licence to hire some, which he had obtained of the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka, to levy them in his Territories if need were. Being by this time sufficiently informed of remarkable things in Ikkeri, I am desirous of divers others, especially, to see the person of the Queen of Olaza, whose History and many valiant exploits I read, when I was in Persia; for which I have a fair opportunity by accompanying these Men sent from the Ambassador, of whom when I have taken leave, I shall (God willing) depart tomorrow.   

LETTER VI.  
From Mangalòr, Decemb. 9 1623.  
HAving already seen in Ikkeri as much as was there remarkable and being very desirous of seeing Barselòr, Mangalòr, 
I.  and also principally the Q. of Olaza, whose Dominion and Residence is contiguous to Mangalòr; as well for that she is Sovereign of those parts, (a matter in other Countries not ordinary) and a Princess famous in our days, even in the Indian Histories of the Portugals, as because she is a Gentile in Religion, as likewise all her Subjects are; (whence, I conceived, I might possibly see some considerable curiosity there) I laid hold of the occasion of going thither in company of these Men who are sent by the Ambassador, by whose favour, being provided of a good Horse, (in regard there were no Palanchinoes to be hired in Ikkeri) and a Man to carry my baggage upon his Head, I prepared to set forth the next Morning.  
November the three and twentieth, Before my departure from Ikkeri, I was presented from Vitulà Sinai, (of whom I had before taken leave) with a little Book written in the Canara-Language, which is the vulgar in Ikkeri and all that State. It is made after the custom of the Country, not of paper, (which they seldom use) but of Palm-leaus, to wit, of that Palm which the Portugals call Palmum brama, i. e. Wild-palm, and is of that sort which produces the Indian Nut; for so do those commonly in India, where Palms that produce Dates are very rare. In the leavs of these Palms they write, or rather, engrave the Letters with an Iron style made for the purpose of an uncouth form; and, that the writing may be more apparent, they streak it over with a coal, and tie the leavs together, to make a Book of them after a manner sufficiently strange. I being desirous to have one of these Books to carry, as a curiosity, to my own Country for ornament of my Library, and not finding any to be sold in the City, had entreated Vitulà Sinai to help me to one; but he, not finding any vendible therein, caused a small one to be purposely transcribed for me, (there being not time enough for a greater) and sent it to me as a gift just as I was ready to take Horse. What the Book contains, I know not, but I imagine 'tis Verses in their Language, and I carry it with me, as I do also (to show to the curious) divers leavs not written, and a style or Iron Pen, such as they use, together with one leaf containing a Letter Missive after their manner, which was written by I know not who to our Ambassador; of whom taking leave with many compliments, as also of Sig: Carvaglio, the Chaplain, Montegro, and all the company, I departed from Ikkeri a little before noon, going out at the same Gate whereat I had entered; and having no other company but a Veturino, or Hackneyman, and a Pulià who carried my luggage, without any other servant; for as for Galàl the Persian, alias Cacciatùr, I was constrained to dismiss him for some uncommendable actions, and send him back from Ikkeri to Goa. I will not omit to tell you, that this my brave Godson, (whom I had brought so carefully out of Persia, and trusted so much, and who alone of all my ancient servants remained with me) one day cunningly opened a light box or basket, (Canestri the Portugals call them) wherein I kept my Clothes, and which, after the fashion of the Country, was not of wood, but of hoops lined with leather, and closed with little Padlocks, like those which are used at Rome for Plate; and they are thus contrived that they may be of little weight, because in these parts, carriages and baggages for travel are more frequently transported upon men's shoulders then upon beasts backs; and one of these baskets or Canestri is just a Man's load. Now the good Cacciatùr having opened mine, without hurting the lock, or meddling with the linen which he found therein, took out only all the little money which I then had, and had put into it, to avoid carrying its weight about me; it was in one of those long leathern purses, which are made to wear round the waste like a girdle, and was full of Spanish Rials, a Coin in these parts, and almost in all the world current enough. His intention, I conceive, was to leave me (as they say) naked in the Mountains in the centre of India, and peradventure, to go into some Territory of the Gentiles or Mahometans, there to pass a jovial life upon my expense. But it pleased God, the theft being done in my Chamber, where none but he resorted, we had vehement suspicion of him; and therefore the Ambassador making use of his Authority, caused him to be laid hold on, and we found the theft in his breeches tied to his naked flesh; and thus I recovered my money. I was unwilling any hurt should be done to him, and withal, to keep him longer; nevertheless that he might not go into the Infidel-Countries, lest thereby he should lose his Religion and turn to his native errors, I sent him away with some trusty persons to Goa, giving him Letters also to Signora Maria, but such as whereby they might know that I had dismissed him, and that he was not to be entertained there, though otherwise indemnified. By this Story you may see how much a Man may be deceived in his trusting; how little benefits prevail upon an unworthy nature; and withal, you may consider to what misfortunes a Stranger is subject in strange Countries; so that if I had had nothing else, being thus deprived of all, I should have been left to perish miserably amongst Barbarians.  
But leaving him to his Voyage, I departed from Ikkeri, and 
II.  having passed the Town Badrapor, I left the road of Ahineli, and by another way more towards the left hand, went to dine under certain Trees near a small Village of four Houses, which they call Bamanen coppa. After dinner we continued our way, and forded a River called Irihalè, not without being wet, by reason of the smallness of my Horse; and having travelled near two Gau's (one Gau consists of two Cos, and is equivalent to two Portugal Leagues) we lodged at night in a competent Town, the name whereof is Dermapora. In these Towns I endeavoured to procure me a servant, as well because I understood not the Language of the Country, (for though he that carried my Goods could speak Portugal, yet he could not well serve me for an Interpreter, because being by Race a Pulià, which amongst them is accounted vile and unclean, they would not suffer him to come into their Houses, nor touch their things; though they were not shy of me, albeit of a different Religion, because they looked upon me as a Man of noble Race); as for that I found much trouble in reference to my diet: For these Indians are extremely fastidious in edibles, there is neither flesh nor fish to be had amongst them; one must be contented only with Rice, Butter, or Milk, and other such inanimate things, wherewith nevertheless they make no ill-tasted dishes; but, which is worse, they will cook every thing themselves, and will not let others either eat or drink in their vessels; wherefore instead of dishes they gave us our victuals in great Palm leavs, which yet are smooth enough, and the Indians themselves eat more frequently in them then in any other vessels: Besides, one must entreat them three hours for this, and account it a great favour; so that, in brief, to travel in these Countries requires a very large stock of patience. The truth is, 'tis a most crafty invention of the Devil against the Charity so much preached by our Lord Jesus Christ, to put it so in the heads of these people, that they are polluted and become unclean, even by touching others of a different Religion; of which superstition, they are so rigorous observers, that they will sooner see a person whom they account vile and unclean, (though a Gentile) die, then go near him to relieve him.  
November the four and twentieth, In the Morning before day, the Brachman Nangasà, and the Ambassador's other Men, being in haste, advanced before; but I, desirous to go more at my own ease, remained alone with my Pulià and the Hackney-master; as I might well enough do, since the Highways of Venk-tapà Naieka's Country are very secure. The road lay over pleasant cliffs of Hills, and through Woods, many great streams likewise occurring. I descended the Mountain Got by a long precipice, some of which I was fain to walk a foot, my Horse having fallen twice without any disaster, and by a third fall almost broke my Knee to pieces. I dined, after I had traveled one Gau and a half, in a good Town called Colùr, where there is a great Temple, the Idol whereof, if I misunderstood not, is the Image of a Woman; the place is much venerated, and many resort to it from several parts in Pilgrimage. After dinner, my Horse being tired, I traveled not above half another Gau; and having gone in all this day but two Gau's, went to lodge at a certain little village, which they said was called Nalcàl. Certain Women who dwelled there alone in absence of their Husbands, courteously gave us lodging in the uncovered Porches of their Houses, and prepared supper for us. This Country is inhabited not only with great Towns, but, like the Mazandran in Persia, with abundance of Houses scattered here and there in several places amongst the woods. The people live for the most part by sowing of Rice; their way of Husbandry is to overflow the soil with water, which abounds in all places; but they pay, as they told me, very large Tributes to the King, so that they have nothing but the labour for themselves, and live in great Poverty.  
November the twenty fifth, I traveled over great Mountains and Woods like the former, and forded many deep Rivers. Having gone three Cos, we dined in two Houses of those people who sow Rice, whereof the whole Country is full, at a place called Kelidi. In the Evening, my Pulià being very weary, and unable to carry the heavy load of my baggage further, we stayed at some of the like Houses which they called Kabnàr, about a mile forwards; so that the journey of this whole day amounted not to a full Gau.  
November the twenty sixth, I passed over cliffs of Hills and uneeven and woody places. At noon I came to a great River, on the Northern bank whereof stands a little village named Gulvari, near which, the River makes a little Island. We went to this Island by boat and forded over the other stream to the far side. Thence we came by a short cut to Barselòr, called the Higher, i. e. within Land, belonging to the Indians, and subject to Venk-tapà Naieka, to difference it from the Lower Barselòr, at the Sea-coast belonging to the Portugals. For in almost all Territories of India near the Sea-coast, there happens to be two places of the same Name, one called the Higher, or Inland, belonging to the Natives; the other, the Lower near the Sea, to the Portugals, wherever they have footing. Entering the Higher Barselòr on this side, I came into a fair, long, broad, and straight Street, having abundance of Palmetoes and Gardens on either hand. The soil is fruitful and well peopled, encompassed with weak walls and ditches, which are passed over by bridges of one or two very great stones, which show that there is good and fair Marble here, whether they were digged thus out of the Quarry, or are the remains of ancient Fabrics. It stands on the South side of the River, which from the Town Guluàn fetches a great circuit, seeming to return backwards; and many Travellers, without touching at the Upper Barselòr, are wont to go to the Lower Barselòr by boat, which is soon done; but I was desirous to see both places, and therefore came hither.  
Having dined and rested a good while in Higher Barselòr, I 
III.  took boat and rowed down the more Southern stream; for a little below the said Town, it is divided into many branches, and forms divers little fruitful Islands. About an hour and half before night, I arrived at the Lower Barselòr of the Portugals, which also stands on the Southern bank of the River, distant two good Canonshot from the mouth of the Sea; having travelled this day in all, one Gau and a half. The Fort of the Portugals is very small, built almost in form of a Star, having no bad walls, but wanting ditches, in a Plain, and much exposed to all sort of assaults. Such Portugals as are married, have Houses without the Fort in the Town, which is pretty large, and hath good buildings. I went directly to the House of Sig: Antonio Borges, a former acquaintance, who came from Goa to Onòr, together with us, and to whom the Ambassador at Ikkeri had recommended me. I found sitting before his House in the streets the Captain of Barselòr, called Sig: Luis Mendes Vas Conti. We discoursed together for a good while, and he seemed a gallant man, though but young. Here was an Armado, and a Cafila of Ships, which came from Goa, and went to Mangalòr and Cocin, or further; they were to depart the next day, and therefore I prepared myself to go with them to Mangalòr. This night I supped at the House of Sig: Antonio Borges, with some other Portugals who came in the Fleet; and went to lodge by his direction in another good House, together with some Soldiers of the same.  
November the seven and twentieth, That I might not go alone, without any body to serve me in the Ship, I took into my service a Christian of Barselòr, recommended to me by Sig: Antonio, and named Manoel de Matos, with whom alone I went aboard about noon, having first dined with many Portugals of the Fleet in the House of Sig: Rocco Gomes, the chief Portugal in Barselòr, who entertained us at his Gate in the street very well. Among others that dined with us, there was one Sig: Neittor Fernandez, by me elsewhere mentioned, who came from Goa to Onòr with us; the Captain Major of the whole Armado, Sig: Francisco de Lobo Faria, who commanded a Galley and six other Ships, besides the Cafila of Merchants. I embarked in the Ship of Sig: Neittor Fernandez, who in the street expressed much courtesy to me. Being gone a good way upon the Sea, and it being now night, the Captain Major of the Galleys sent our Ship back to fetch certain of his Men, and the other Ships which were not yet got out of the Port of Barselòr; whereinto we designing to enter in the dark, and not hitting the narrow channel which was to be kept, struck upon land, and, the wind growing pretty stiff, were in great danger of being over-set and lost; and the more, for that when we perceived it, and went to strike fail, we could not for a good while, because the ropes, either through moistness, or some other fault, would not slip; so that the Ship being driven forceably against the ground, not only became very leaky, but gave two or three such violent knocks, that had she not been new, without doubt she had been split. The Seamen were not only confounded but all amazed, nothing was heard but disorderly cries; the voice of him that commanded could not be heard, every one was more intent upon his own then the common safety; many of the Soldiers had already stripped themselves to leap into the Sea; some tied their Money at their backs, to endeavour to save the same together with their lives, making little account of their other goods; divers made vows and promises of Alms, all heartily recommended themselves to God; one embraced the Image of our Lady, and placed his hope in that alone. I could not induce myself to believe, that God had reserved me after so many dangers to such a wretched and ignoble end, so that I had I know not what secure confidence in my heart; nevertheless seeing the danger extreme great, I fail'd'not ●o commend myself to God, his most Holy Mother, and all the Saints. By whose favour at length, the sail being let down by the cutting of the rope, and the Sea not rough, (for, if it had, it would have done us greater mischief) the Mariners freed the Ship, having cast themselves into the Sea, and drawn her off from the ground by strength of Arm; the remainder of the night we spent in the mouth of the Haven, soliciting the other Ships out, and mending our own.  
The whole Fleet being set forth before day, we returned, 
IV.  where the Captain General with the Galley and the rest of the Ships stayed at Anchor for us; and thence we set sail all together.  
November the eight and twentieth, We sailed constantly Southwards, coasting along the Land which lay on the left hand of us. Half way to Mangalòr, to wit, six Leagues from Barselòr, we found certain Rocks or little desert Islands, which the Portugals call Scogli di Santa Maria; one of which we approached with our Ship, and many of our Men landed upon it to take wild Pigeons, (of whose nests there is great abundance) wherewith we made a good supper. Afterwards continuing our course, we passed by Carnate; and at night safely entered the Port of Mangalòr. This Port is in the mouth of two Rivers, one more Northern runs from the Lands of Banghel; the other more Southern from those of Olaza, which stands beyond the River Southwards, or rather beyond the bay of salt-water; which is formed round and large like a great Haven, by the two Rivers before their entrance into the Sea, whose flowing fills the same with salt water. Mangalòr stands between Olaza and Banghel, and in the middle of the bay right against the Mouth of the Harbour, into which the Fort extends itself, being almost encompassed with water on three sides. 'Tis but small, the worst built of any I have seen in India, and, as the Captain told me one day when I visited him, may rather be termed the House of a Gentleman than a Fort. The City is but little neither, contiguous to the Fort, and encompassed with weak walls; within which, the Houses of the inhabitants are enclosed. There are three Churches; namely, the See or Cathedral within the Fort; our Lady Del Rosario, La Misericordia, and San Francisco without. Yet in Mangalòr there are but three Ecclesiastical Persons in all; two Franciscan Friars, and one Vicar Priest, to whose charge, with very small revenues belong all the other Churches. I went not ashore because it was night, but slept in the Ship.  
November the nine and twentieth, Early in the Morning I landed at Mangalòr, and went together with Sig: Neittor Fernandez, and others of our Ship to dine in the House of Sig: Ascentio Veira, a Notary of the City. After which, I was provided of an empty House belonging to a Kinsman of his, by Sig: Paolo Sodrino, who was married in Mangalòr, and came for Goa, in our Ship. The next night the Fleet departed from Cocin, but I remained in Mangalòr with intention to go and see the Queen of Olaza.  
November the thirtieth, After hearing of Mass in the Church Del Rosario, I visited the Captain of Mangalòr, not in the Fort, but in a covered place without the Gate, which is built to receive the cool Air of the Sea, and where he was then in conversation. He was an old Man all grey, by Name Sig: Pero Gonies Pasagna.  
The first of December, in the Morning I went to see Banghel, by the Indians more correctly called Bangher, or Banghervari; 'tis a 
V.  mile or little more distant from Mangalòr, towards the South and upon the Sea; and the King that ruled there, and in the circumjacent lands being at this day driven out, 'tis subject to Venk-tapà Naieka. A Musket-shot without Mangalòr, on that side, is a small River which is passed over by a ruinous stone bridge, and may likewise be forded; 'tis the boundary of the Portugals jurisdiction. The abovesaid mile is through cultivated fields, and then you come to Banghel, which is a rich soil, and sometimes better peopled then at present; whence the Houses are poor Cottages of earth and straw. It hath been but one straight street, of good length, with Houses and Shops continued on both sides, and many other sheds dispersed among the Palmeto's. The King's House stood upon a raised ground, almost like a Fort, but is now wholly destroyed, so that there is nothing left standing but the posts of the Gate; for when Venk-tapà Naieka took this Territory, he demolished whatever was strong in it. The Bazàr, or Marketplace remains, although not so stored with goods as it was in the time of its own King; yet it affords what is necessary, and much Areca or Fofel, whereof they make Merchandise, sending the same into divers parts, that of this place being better than others; here are also in the Bazàr, some Goldsmiths who make knives and cizzers adorned with Silver very cheap, and other like toys, of which I bought some, and having seen all that was to be seen returned on foot, as I came, though somewhat late, to Mangalòr.  
December the second, This Morning I went to see Olaza, which is about the same distance from Mangalòr as Banghel is, but the contrary way towards the South, and stands on the other side of a great River, which was to be passed over by boat. The Queen was not here, and seldom is, but keeps her Court commonly in another place more within land; yet I would not omit to see Olaza, the rather because in the Portugal Histories it gives name to that Queen, as being that Land of hers which is nearest and best known to the Portugals, and perhaps, the richest and fruitfullest which she now enjoys. I found it to be a fat soil, the City lying between two Seas, to wit, the Main-sea and the Bay, upon an arm of Land which the Port encloses; so that the situation is not only pleasant, but might also be made very strong if it were in the hands of people that knew how to do it. It is all open, saving on one side towards the mouth of the Haven between the one Sea and the other, where there is drawn a weak wall with a ditch and two inconsiderable bastions. The Bazàr is indifferent, and besides necessaries for provisions, affords abundance of white and stripped linen cloth, which is made in Olaza, but course, such as the people of that Country use. At the Towns end is a very pleasant Grove, and at the end thereof a great Temple, handsomely built for this Country, and much esteemed. Olaza is inhabited confusedly, both by Gentiles who burn themselves, and also by Malabar-Moors. About a mile off Southwards, stands the Royal House or Palace amongst the abovesaid Groves, where the Queen resides when she comes hither sometimes. 'Tis large, enclosed with a wall and trench, but of little moment. In the first entrance it hath a Gate with an open Porch, where the Guard is to stand; and within that a great void place like a very large Court, on the far side whereof stands the House, whose inside I saw not, because the Court was not there; yet for this place, it seemed to have something of wild Majesty; behind, it joins to a very thick wood, serving both for delight and security in time of necessity. The way from the Palace to the City is almost wholly beset with Houses. Having seen as much as I desired, I stayed not to dine, but returned to Mangalòr; there being always a passageboat ready to carry people backwards and forwards.  
December the third, Arriving not timely enough to hear Mass 
VI  in the Church Del Rosario, I went to San Francisco, where I heard Mass, and a tolerably good Sermon, made by an old Father called Francisco does Neves. In the Evening, I prepared to go to see the Queen of Olaza at her Court, which was the design of this little peregrination. And not finding Sig: Paolo Sodrino my friend at Mangalòr, I was helped to a boat by Sig: Luis Gomes a Native of Cananòr, but who had lived long at Mangalòr. I went up the River which comes from the Territories of Olaza, but another more Northern, different from the abovementioned little one, over which I passed by a bridge to Banghel, and falling into the Port of Mangalòr. I took with me also a Brachman called Narsù, a Native of Mangalòr, to serve me for an Interpreter with the Queen, (although my Christian Servant spoke the Language well) partly, that I might have more persons with me to serve me, and partly, because the Bachman being a Gentile, known and versed in this Court, might be more serviceable to me in many things: than my own Servant; so having provided what was needful, and prepared victuals to dine with upon the River by the way, which is somewhat long, I determined to set forth the next Morning.  
December the fourth, Before daylight I took boat at Mangalòr, in which there were three Watermens, two of which rowed at the Prow, and one at the Poop with a broad Oar, which served both for an Oar and a Helm. Having passed by Bronghel, we entered into the great Northern River, in which on the left hand is a place where passage-boats laden with Merchandise pay a Tole to the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka, to whom the circumjacent Region is subject. Rowing a great way against the stream, the water whereof for a good space is salt, at length we stayed to dine at a Town called Salè, inhabited for the most part by Moors, and situate on the right bank as you go up the River. This Town with others round it, is subject to an Indian-Gentile Lord, called Ramo Rau, who in all hath not above 2000 Paygods of yearly Revenue, of which he pays about 800. to Venk-tapà Naieka, to whom he is Tributary. Nevertheless he wears the Title of King, and they call him Omgin Arsù, that is, King of Omgiù, which is his chief place. Having dined and rested a while, we continued our Voyage, and after a good space entered into the State of the Queen of Oloza, to whom the Country on either side the River belongs. The River is here very shallow, so that though our boat was but small, yet in many places we struck against the ground; at length about Evening we arrived at Manèl, so they call the place where the Queen of Olaza now resides, which is only a Street of a few Cottages or Sheds rather than Houses; but the Country is open, fair and fruitful, inhabited by abundance of little Houses and Cottages here and there of Husbandmen, besides those united to the great Street called the Bazàr, or Market; all which are comprehended under the name of Manèl, which lies on the left side of the River as you go against the stream.  
Having landed, and going towards the Bazàr to get a Lodging in some House, we beheld the Queen coming alone in the 
VII.  same way without any other Woman, on foot, accompanied only with four or six foot-soldiers before her, all which were quite naked after their manner, saving that they had a cloth over their shame, and another like a sheet worn cross the shoulders like a belt; each of them had a Sword in his hand, or at most a Sword and Buckler; there were also as many behind her of the same sort, one of which carried over her a very ordinary Umbrella made of Palm-leaus. Her Complexion was as black as that of à natural Aethiopian; she was corpulent and gross, but not heavy, for she seemed to walk nimbly enough; her Age may be about forty years, although the Portugals had described her to me much elder. She was clothed, or rather girded at the waste with a plain piece of thick white Cotton, and barefoot, which is the custom of the Indian-Gentile Women, both high and low, in the house and abroad; and of Men too, the most and the most ordinary go unshod; some of the more grave wear Sandals or Slippers, very few use whole Shoes covering all the Foot. From the waste upwards the Queen was naked, saving that she had a cloth tied round about her Head, and hanging a little down upon her Breast and Shoulders. In brief, her aspect and habit represented rather a dirty Kitchenwench or Laundress, than a delicate and noble Queen; whereupon, I said within myself, Behold by whom are routed in India the Armies of the King of Spain, which in Europe is so great a matter! Yet the Queen showed her quality much more in speaking then by her presence; for her voice was very graceful in respect of her Person, and she spoke like a prudent and judicious Woman. They had told me that she had no teeth, and therefore was wont to go with half her Face covered; yet I could not discover any such defect in her, either by my Eye or by my Ear; and, I rather believe, that this covering the Mouth, or half the Face, as she sometimes doth, is agreeable to the modest custom which I know to be common to almost all Women in the East. I will not omit, that though she were so corpulent as I have mentioned, yet she seems not deformed, but I imagine she was handsome in her Youth; and indeed, the report is, that she hath been a brave Lady, though rather of a rough than a delicate handsomeness. As soon as we saw her coming, we stood still, laid down our baggage upon the ground, and went on one side to leave her the way to pass. Which she taking notice of, and of my strange habit, presently asked, Whether there was any among us that could speak the Language? Whereupon my Brachman Narsù stepped forth and answered, Yes; and I, after I had saluted her according to our manner, went near to speak to her, she standing still in the way with all her people to give us Audience. She asked who I was, (being already informed, as one of her Soldiers told me, by a Portugal who was come about his businesses before me from Mangalòr to Manel, that I was come thither to see her) I caused my Interpreter to tell her, that I was Un Cavaliero Ponentino, A Gentleman of the West, who came from very far Countries; and because other Europaeans than Portugal's were not usually seen in her Dominions, I caused her to be told, that I was not a Portugal but a Roman, specifying too that I was not of the Turks of Constantinople, who in all the East are styled and known by the Name of Rumi; but a Christian of Rome, where is the See of the Pope who is the Head of the Christians. That it was almost ten years since my first coming from home and wand'ring about the world, having seen divers Countries and Courts of great Princes; and that being moved by the fame of her worth, which had long ago arrived at my Ears, I was come into this place purposely to see her, and offer her my service. She asked, What Countries and Courts of Princes I had seen? I gave her a brief account of all; and she hearing the Great Turk, the Persian, the Moghol, and Venk-tapà Naieka named, asked, What then I came to see in these Woods of hers? Intimating that her State was not worth seeing, after so many other great things as I said I had seen. I replied to her, that it was enough for me to see her Person, which I knew to be of great worth; for which purpose alone I had taken the pains to come thither, and accounted the same very well employed. After some courteous words of thanks, she asked me, If any sickness or other disaster had happened to me in so remote and strange Countries, How I could have done being alone, without any to take care of me? (a tender Affection, and incident to the compassionate nature of Women). I answered, that in every place I went into, I had God with me, and that I trusted in him. She asked me, Whether I left my Country upon any disgust, the death of any kindred or beloved person, and therefore wandered so about the world, (for in India and all the East some are wont to do so upon discontents either of Love, or for the death of some dear persons, or for other unfortunate accidents; and if Gentiles, they become Gioghies; if Mahometans, Dervishes and Abdales; all which are a sort of vagabonds, or despisers of the world, going almost naked, only with a skin upon their Shoulders, and a sttaff in their Hands, through divers Countries, like our Pilgrims; living upon Alms, little caring what befalls them, and leading a Life suitable to the bad disposition of their hearts). I concealed my first misadventures, and told the Queen that I left not my Country upon any such cause, but only out of a desire to see divers Countries and customs, and to learn many things, which are learned by travelling the World; men who had seen and conversed with many several Nations, being much esteemed in our parts: That indeed for some time since, upon the death of my Wife, whom I loved much, though I were not in habit, yet in mind I was more than a Gioghi, and little cared what could betid me in the World. She asked me, What my design was now, and whither I directed my way? I answered, that I thought of returning to my Country, if it should please God to give me life to arrive there. Many other questions she asked, which I do not now remember, talking with me standing a good while; to all which, I answered the best I could: At length she bid me go and lodge in some house, and afterwards she would talk with me again at more convenience. Whereupon I took my leave, and she proceeded on her way, and, as I was afterwards told, she went about a mile off to see a work which she had in hand of certain Trenches to convey water to certain places, whereby to improve them. I spoke to the Queen with my head uncovered all the while; which courtesy, it being my custom to use to all Ladies my equals, only upon the account of being such, I thought aught much rather to be used to this who was a Queen, and in her own Dominions, where I was come to visit and to do her Honour.  
After she was gone her way, I with my people entered into a 
VIII.  little village, and there took a lodging in an empty house belonging to a Moor of the Country, and near the Palace; but I caused my diet to be prepared in an other house of a neighbour Moor, that so I might have the convenience of eating flesh, or what I pleased; which in the houses of Gentiles would not be suffered. The inhabitants of Manèl are partly Gentiles, and partly Malabar-Moors, who have also their Meschita's there; which was of much convenience to me. The Name of the Queen of Olaza is Abag-devi-ciautrù; of which words, Abag is her proper Name; Devi signifies as much as Lady, and with this word they are also wont to signify all their gods; nor have they any other in their Language to denote God but Deù, or Deurù, which are both one, and equally attributed to Princes; whereby it appears that the gods of the Gentiles are for the most part nothing else but such Princes as have been famous in the world, and deserved that Honour after their deaths; as likewise (which is my ancient opinion) that the word [God] wherewith we by an introduced custom denote the Supreme Creator, doth not properly signify that First Cause, who alone ought to be adored by the World, but signified at first, either Great Lord, or the like; whence it was attributed to Heroes and signal persons in the world, suitable to that of the Holy Scripture, Filii Deorum, Filii Hominum; and consequently, that the gods of the Gentiles, though adored and worshipped both in ancient and modern times, were never held by us in that degree wherein we hold God the Creator of the Universe, and wherein almost all Nations of the world always held and do hold him; (some calling him, Causa Prima; others, Anima Mundi; others, Perabrahmi, as the Gentiles at this day in India:) But that the other gods are and were always rather but as Saints are amongst us; of the truth whereof, I have great Arguments, at least amongst the Indian- Gentiles; or if more than Saints, yet at least Deified by favour, and made afterwards Divi, as Hercules, Romulus, Augustus, etc. were amongst the Romans. But to return to our purpose, they told me the word Ciautrù, (the last in the Queen of Olaza's Name) was a Title of Honour peculiar to all the Kings and Queens of Olaza; and therefore possibly signifies either Prince, or King, and Queen, or the like. As for this Countries being subject to a Woman, I understood from intelligent persons of the Country, that in Olaza Men were and are always wont to reign, and that 'tis a custom received in India amongst the greatest part of the Gentiles, the Sons do not succeed the Fathers, but the Sons of their Sisters; they accounting the Female-line more certain, as indeed it is, than the Male. Yet that the last King of Olaza, having neither Nephews nor other Legitimate Heirs, his Wife succeeded him; and she also dying without other Heirs left this Abag-devi, who was her Sister to succeed her. To whom, because she is a Woman and the descent is certain, is to succeed a Son of hers, of whom I shall hereafter make mention; but to him, being a Man, not his own Sons, but the Son of one of his Sisters, hereafter likewise mentioned, is to succeed.  
Not to conceal what I know of the History of this Queen, I shall add, that after her Assumption to the Throne upon the 
IX.  death of her Sister, she was married for many years to the King of Banghel, who now is a fugitive, deprived of his Dominions, but then reigned in his own Country which borders upon hers. Yet, though they were Husband and Wife, (more for Honour's sake then any thing else) they lived not together, but apart each in their own Lands: in the Confines whereof, either upon Rivers, where they caused Tents to be erected over boats, or in other places of delight, they came to see and converse with one another; Banghel wanting not other Wives and Women, who accompanied him wherever he went. 'Tis reported, that this Queen had the Children, which she hath, by this Banghel, if they were not by some other secret and more intimate Lover; for, they say, she wants not such. The Matrimony and good Friendship having lasted many years between Banghel and the Queen, I know not upon what occasion discord arose between them, and such discord that the Queen divorced Banghel, sending back to him, (as the custom is in such case) all the Jewels which he had given her as his Wife. For this, and perhaps for other causes, Banghel became much offended with the Queen, and the rupture proceeded to a War: during which, it so fortuned that one day as she was going in a boat upon one of those Rivers, not very well guarded, he sending his people with other boats in better order, took her and had her in his power: Yet, with fair carriage and good words, she prevailed so far that he let her go free and return to her Country. In revenge of this injury, she forthwith raised War against Banghel, who relying upon the aid of the neighbouring Portugals, because he was confederate with them, and (as they say of many Royolets of India) Brother in Arms to the King of Portugal, the Queen to counterpoise that force called to her assistance against Banghel, and the Portugals who favoured him, the neighbouring King Venk-tapà Naieka, who was already become very potent, and feared by all the Neighbours, and under his protection and obedience she put herself. Venk-tapà Naieka sent a powerful Army in favour of the Queen, took all Banghel's Territories and made them his own, destroying the Fort which was there; he also made prey of divers other petty Lords thereabouts, demolishing their strength, and rendering them his Tributaries; one of which was the Queen of Curnat, who was also confederate with the Portugals, and no friend to her of Olaza: he came against Mangalòr, where in a battle rashly undertaken by the Portugals, he defeated a great number; and, (in short) the flower and strength of India, carrying the Ensigns, Arms, and Heads of the slain to Ikkeri in triumph. He did not take Mangalòr, because he would not, answering the Queen of Olaza, who urged him to it; That they could do that at any time with much facility, and that 'twas best to let those four Portugals remain in that small place, (which was rather a House then a Fortress) in respect of the Traffic and Wares which they brought to the benefit of their Countries: After which he came to a Treaty with the Portugals, by which he restored the Colours he had taken from them, and by their means Banghel surrendered the Fort, which Venk-tapà, as I said before, demolished; besides other conditions which are now under consideration, according as is abovementioned in my Relation of the Embassy to Ikkeri. This was the War of Banghel, in which the Queen got the better of him and the Portugals, of which she was very proud; yet withal, her Protector Venk-tapà Naieka who is very rapacious and little faithful, sufficiently humbled her, and she got not much benefit by him, saving quiet living; for besides his subjecting her to his obedience in a manner, she was necessitated, whether by agreement or violence I know not, to resign to him Berdrete, which is the best and richest City she had, together with much Land in those Confines of Venk-tapà, and of the inner part of her Country, which amounted to a good part of her Dominions; however, at present she lives and governs her Country in Peace, being respected by all her Neighbours. This Queen had an elder Son than him that now lives; he was called Cic-Rau Ciaue●ù, and died a while since. The Portugals say, that she herself caused poison to be given him, because the young man being grown up, and of much spirit, aspired to deprive her of the Government, and make himself Master: Which is possible enough: for divers other Princes in the world have procured the death of their own Children upon jealousy of State; so prevalent is that cursed enormous Ambition of ruling. Yet such an impiety not being evident to me concerning the Queen, I will not wrongfully desame her, but rather believe, that the young man died a natural death, and with regret to her. So neither do I believe what the Portugals incensed against her further report, namely, that she hath attempted to poison this second Son; but it succeeded not, he being advertised thereof by his Nurse who was to give him the poison; since I see that this Son lives with her in the same place and house peaceably, which would not be, if there were any such matter: Nor can I conceive, why she should go about to extinguish all her own Issue in this manner, having now no other Heir born of herself.  
December the fifth, The Queen of Olaza's Son, who though he 
X.  govern not, (for the Mother administers all alone, and will do as long as she lives) yet for honour's sake is styled King, and called Celuuà Rairù, (of which words, Celuuà is his proper name, and Rairù his title) sent for the Brachman my Interpreter in the Morning, and discoursing long with him, took a particular information of me, telling him that he understood I was much whiter than the Portugals who used to trade in that Country, and of a very good presence, and consequently, must needs be a person of quality. In conclusion, he bid him bring me to him when my conveniency served; for he was very desirous to see me and speak with me. This Message being related to me, I let pass the hour of dinner, (because, having no appetite, and finding my stomach heavy, I would not dine this day) and when it seemed a convenient time, I went (with my Interpreter) clothed in black after my custom; yet not with such large Breeches down to the heels, as the Portugals for the most part are wont to wear in India, in regard of the heat, (for they are very commodious, covering all the Leg, and saving the trouble of Stockings, so that the Leg is naked and loose) but with Stockings and Garters and ordinary Breeches, without a Cloak, (though used by the Portugal-Souldiers in India, even of greatest quality) but with a large Coat or Cassock, open at the sides, after the Country fashion. The Palace, (which may rather be called Capanna Real, a Royal Lodge) is entered into by a Gate like the grate or lattice of our Vine-yards at Rome, ordinary enough, seated in the midst of a field, which like them is divided by a small hedge from the neighbouring fields. Within the Gate is a broad Walk or Alley, on the right side whereof is a spacious plot sown, at the end of which, the Walk turns to the right hand, and there upon the same plot stands the Royal Mansion, having a prospect over all the said great green field. In the middle of this second Walk, you enter into the House, ascending seven or eight wooden stairs, which lead into a large Porch, the length of which is equal to the whole forepart of the House. This Porch was paved with Cowdung after their manner, the walls about shining, and painted with a bad red colour much used by them. The forepart of it, which is all open, is up-held by great square posts, of no great height, (for 'tis their custom to make all buildings, especially Porches, but low in respect of the breadth and length, with very broad Penthouses; which is, I believe, by reason of the great heat of the Country, where they have more need of shadow and coolness, than of air or light. Directly opposite to the stairs in the middle of the Porch, was another small Porch, which was all the entrance into the inner part of the building. Within the little Porch was a small room long and narrow, where the King sat near the wall on the left side; and he sat upon the ground after the Eastern manner upon one of those corpse clothes, which in Persia and Turkey are called Kielim, and serve for poor people; nor was it large, but only so much as to contain the Person of the King, the rest of the room being bare, saving that it was polished with Cowdung. Beside the King, but a little farther on his left hand, sat upon a little matt, sufficient only to contain him, a Youth of about fifteen or eighteen years of age, called Balè Rairù, who was his Nephew, and is to succeed him, being the Son of his deceased Sister, who was Daughter to the present Queen. The Father of this Youth was a neighbour Gentile Prince, whom they call the King of Cumbià, (or perhaps more correctly, Kunblè) called by his proper name Ramò-Nàto Ariosto; of which words, Ramò-Nàto is the proper name, and Ariosto the title. They said he was still living, though others at Goa told me afterwards that he was dead. But being this young Balè Rairù was not to succeed his Father, but had Right of Inheritance in Olaza, therefore he lived not in his Father's Country, but here at Manèl with his Grandmother and his Uncle. None other sat with the King, but three or four of his more considerable servants stood in the room talking with him; and in the great Porch, without the little one, stood in files on either side other servants of inferior degree, two of which nearest the entrance ventilated the Air with fans of green Taffata in her Hands, as if to drive away the flies from the King or the entrance; a Ceremony used, as I have said elsewhere by Indian Princes for Grandeur; and they told me, the green colour was a Ceremony too, and the proper badge of the King of Olaza, for the King of Banghel uses Crimson; other Princes, white, as I saw used by Venk-tapà Naieka; and others, perhaps other colours: A small company indeed, and a poor appearance for a King; which called to my remembrance those ancient Kings, Latinus, Turnus, and Evander, who, 'tis likely, were Princes of the same sort. Such as came to speak with the King, stood without in the Porch, either on one side, or in the middle of the little Porch; either because the room was very small, and not sufficient for many people; or rather, as I believe, for more State. The King was young, not above seventeen years of age, as they told me, yet his aspect spoke him elder; for he was very fat and lusty, as I could conjecture of him sitting, and besides, he had long hairs of a beard upon his cheeks, which he suffered to grow without cutting, though they appeared to be but the first down. Of Complexion he was dusky, not black, as his Mother is, but rather of an earthy colour, as almost all the Malabars' use to be. He had a louder and bigger voice than Youths of his age use to have, and in his speaking, gestures, and all other things he showed Judgement and manly gravity. From the girdle upwards he was all naked, saving that he had a thin cloth painted with several colours cast cross his shoulders. The hair of his head was long after their manner, and tied in one great knot, which hung on one side wrapped up in a little plain linen, which looks like a nightcap fallen on one side. From the girdle downwards I saw not what he wore, because he never rose from his seat, and the Chamber was something dark; besides that, the painted cloth on his shoulders hung down very low. His Nephew who sat beside him was not naked, but clad in a whole white garment; and his Head was wrapped up in a greater volume, white, like a little Turban.  
When I came before the King, his Men made me come near to the little Porch in the midst of them, where standing by myself, 
XI.  after the first salutations, the King presently bid me cover my head; which I forthwith did without further entreaty; though with the Mother, because a Lady, I was willing to superabound in Courtesy, speaking to her all the time uncovered: But with the Son who was a Man, I was minded to enjoy the privilege of my descent, and receive the favour which he did me, as due to my quality. To sit upon at first they offered me nothing, nor was it fitting to sit down upon the bare ground: Yet to show some difference between myself and the bystanders, after I had put on my Hat, I leaned upon my Sword, and so talked as long as I was standing, which was not long; the King, who at first sat side-wise, turning himself directly towards me, although by so doing he turned his back to his Nephew. He asked me almost all the same questions as his Mother had done; Whence I came? What Countries I had travelled through? What Princes I had seen? Whether I had left my own Country upon any misfortune? Or why? How I would have done thus alone in strange Countries, in case of sickness or other accidents? To all which I answered, as I had done to his Mother; and upon my saying, that I wandered thus alone up and down trusting in the help of God; He asked me, Who was my God? I answered him, (pointing upwards) the God of Heaven, the Creator of the Universe; whereupon certain Soldiers there present, (in all likelihood Moor) as if applauding me, said, Ah Chodia, Chodia, which in the Persian Tongue signifies Lord, and is meant of God; inferring that I worshipped the true God, whom they Moor's pretended to know, in opposition to the Idols of the Gentiles of the Country; And they used the Persian word Chodia, because that probably the Sect of Mahomet came into these parts from Persia, (which is not very remote from India) as also from Arabia; or perhaps, because the Indians of the Territory of Idal-Sciàh and Dacàn, being in great part Moor, use much the Persian Tongue which is spoken in the Courts of those Princes no less than their natural Language; whence these other Indians more inwards to the South have, by reason of neighbourhood, communication both in Religion and Speech. The King told me several times that he had very great contentment in seeing me, and that no European of my quality had ever been in his Country; that my person well showed of what quality I was: Nor was he mistaken herein; for what other would ever go out of Europe into his Country? unless some Portugal Merchantello of those who come hither for the most part to seek wood to make masts and sails for Ships; these Woods abounding with very goodly Trees. I told him, I was sorry I had nothing worthy to present to him; that in my Country there wanted not gallant things for his Highness; but it being so many years since my departure thence, and my Travels so far, I had nothing left as I desired; yet, as a memorial of my service, I should venture to give him a small trifle of my Country: Whereupon I caused my Interpreter, (who carried it) to offer him a little Map of the World, which I had brought with me out of Italy; telling him what it was, and how all the Countries, Lands, Seas, and Islands of the world were exactly delineated in it, with their Names set to each place in our Tongue, and all that was necessary to make him understand what it was. The King was hugely pleased with it, and desired to see several Countries, where they lay, and how great they were, ask me sundry questions about them; but being he understood not our Letters written therein, he satisfied himself with the sight only, and with showing it to all the bystanders as a curious and ingenious piece of Art. Then he asked me, whether I could eat in their Houses, or of their meats; for he desired to give me something to eat: I answered that I could, and that the purity of our Religion consisted not in the eating or touching of things, but in doing good works. He earnestly desired me, that I would stay a while till some meat were prepared for me; for by all means he would have me eat something in his House, and himself see me eating. I told him, that if his intention were only to give me meat, the time was already past, nor was I disposed to eat; but if it were to see me eat, I could not eat in that place after the fashion of my Country, not having there the preparations necessary thereunto, so that his Highness should not see what, perhaps, he desired; and therefore I beseeched him to excuse me: Nevertheless he was so urgent for it, that, not to appear discourteous, I consented to obey him. And, till the meat came, the King commanded some of his Servants to conduct me to sit down by them in the Porch, where I might sit after our manner, but not in the King's sight.  
Hereupon I withdrew with some of his Men to entertain me, and in the mean time the King remained talking with the rest of them concerning me, commending me much for several things, but above all, for a good presence, for speaking truly and discreetly, like a Gentleman, and for my civil deportment. But before I proceed further, I will here present you with a rough and unmeasured draught of the King's House, and the place wherein he was; so far as may suffice for the better understanding of what is already spoken, and is to follow after.  
1. At the foot of this design is the Gate of the Palace.  
2. The Walk leading to it, and included within the House.  
3. A great plain and sown field.  
4. The turning of the Walk before the House, where the short lines intersecting the outward line towards the field, re-represent the Trees planted at equal distances and in order.  
5. Seven or eight wooden Stairs leading up to the Porch.  
6. The Porch of the House, in which the little squares near the outer lines are the wooden pillars which support it, and the ambient lines the walls.  
7. The King's Servants standing on either side without the little Porch of the Chamber.  
8. I Pietro Della Valle, when I first talked with that King, standing.  
9 The Room wherein the King was.  
10. The King sitting on the ground upon a little coarse Cloth.  
11. The King's Nephew sitting on the ground upon a little mat.  
12. The King's Servants standing.  
13. I Pietro Della Valle sitting in the said room on the ground upon a little low Table, whilst I eat and discoursed with the King a very long time together; the place marked with the number 13, being that where they set the meat before me.  
14. A small open Court.  
15. A small mount or bank in the said Court, leading from the more inward Chambers to that where the King was.  
16. Inner Chambers and Lodgings, which, what they were, I saw not; but they were of very bad earthen buildings, low, and covered with thatch-like Cottages, that is, with Palm-leaus; which are always to be understood when I speak of Cottages or Houses covered with thatch in India.  
17. I Pietro Della Valle sitting between two of the King's Servants upon the side of the Porch, (after having spoken the first time with the King) entertaining me while the meat was preparing.  
The meat was not long in preparing, and being now in order, the 
XII.  King called for me again to enter into the room where it stood ready; and one of the brahmin's who spoke Portugal, and was wont to accompany me, asked me, Whether it would not be more convenient for me to ungird my Sword, and put off my Cassack? I answered, that my Cassack gave me no trouble, nor was there occasion to lay it off; but my Sword might be laid aside, and therewith ungirding it, I gave it him to hold: which I did, the rather because all Princes being commonly suspicious, I imagined the King would not like my entering in with Arms; and he that goes into another's House, to visit him and do him honour, is not to disgust, but to comply with him in all points. So I entered without a Sword, but yet with shoes and stockings on, though with them it be unusual; for none should enter into that place but barefoot, and the King himself is so there, according to their custum: Nor did I scruple their taxing me of uncleanliness, as undoubtedly they would have done in Turkey and Persia, if I had entered into their rooms with shoes or slippers on, because there all the rooms are covered with Carpets, but there was not any in these of the King, only the pavement was glossed with Cowdung. Wherefore as to have put off my shoes, (besides that they are not so easily slipped off as Pantofles, nor does it show well) would have been an exorbitant and unnecessary humility; so to enter with them on, was to me convenient and decorous, without any lyablenes, to be accused of uncleanliness, being the floor was not covered; if it had been so with Carpets or the like, as 'tis usualin Turkey and Persia, then, (to avoid seeming slovenly by soiling the place with my dirty shoes, and myself by sitting upon them, which indeed is not handsome) I should have caused my shoes to be pulled off; for which purpose, I had accordingly caused a pair of slippers of our fashion to be brought along with me, in case there should have been need of them; our kind of shoes being not so easy to be put off by shaking the foot alone without the help of the hand, as those which for this end are used by all the Eastern people. Entering in this manner, and saluting the King as I passed, I went to sit down at the upper end of the Chamber, (as 'tis above described) where they had prepared a little square board of the bigness of an ordinary stool, which might serve for asingle person, but raised no more than four fingers above the ground; upon this I sat down, crossing my Legs, one over the other; and that little elevation helped me to keep them out from under me, with such decency as I desired. Right before the seat upon the bare floor, (the Indians not using any Tables they had spread instead of a dish, (as their custom is, especially to us Christians, with whom they will not defile their own vessels; it not being lawful for them ever to eat again in those wherein we have eaten) a great Leaf of that Tree, which the Arabians and Persians call Mouz; the Portugals in India, Fichi d' India, Indian Figtrees; and upon the said leaf they had laid a good quantity of Rice boiled after their manner, only with water and salt; but for sauce to it, there stood on one side a little vessel made of Palm-leaus, full of very good butter melted. There lay also upon another Leaf one of those Indian Figgs, clean and pared; and hard by it a quantity of a certain red herb, commonly eaten in India, and called by the Portugals Brèdo, (which yet is the general appellation of all sort of herbs). In another place lay several fruits used by them, and, amongst the rest, seven of the Bambù, or great Indian Cane; all of them preserved in no bad manner, which they call Acciaò; besides one sort pickled with Vinegar, as our Olives are. Bread there was none, because they use none, but the Rice is instead of it; which was no great defect to me, because I am now accustomed to want it, and eat very little. The King very earnestly prayed me to eat, excusing himself often that he gave me so small an entertainment on the sudden; for if he had known my coming beforehand, he would have prepared many Caril, and divers other more pleasing meats. Caril is a name which in India they give to certain Broths made with Butter, the Pulp of Indian Nuts, (instead of which, in our Country's Almond Milk may be used, being equally good, and of the same virtue) and all sorts of Spices, particularly, Cardamons and Ginger, (which we use but little) besides herbs, fruits, and a thousand other condiments. The Christians who eat every thing, add Flesh or Fish of all sorts, sometimes Eggs, which, without doubt, make it more savoury, especially, Hens or Chickens cut in small pieces: With all which things, is made a kind of Broth, like our Guazzetti, or Pottages, and may be made many several ways; this Broth with all the abovesaid ingredients, is afterwards poured in good quantity upon the boiled Rice, whereby is made a well-tasted mixture, of much substance and light digestion, as also of very little pains; for it is presently boiled, and serves both for meat and bread together. I found it very good for me, and used it often, as also the Pilào elsewhere spoken of, and made of Rice boiled with butter and flesh fried therein, besides a thousand other preparations of several sorts which are so common to every body in Asia; and I account it one of the best and wholsomest meats that can be eaten in the world, without so many Artificial Inventions as our gutlings of Europe (withal, procuring to themselves a thousand infirmities of Gouts, Catarrhs, and other Maladies, little known to the Orientals) daily devise to the public damage. But to return to my Relation, the King told me, he would have given me a better entertainment, but yet desired me to receive this small extemporary one, and eat without any respect or shiness of those that were present; for thereby he should understand that I liked it. I answered, that the Favour and Courtesy which his Highness showed me, was sufficient: But as for eating, the time being now past, I did it only to obey him; and so, to comply with him, although I had little will to eat, I tasted lightly here and there of those fruits and herbs, wherewith my Hand was but little soiled, which upon occasion I wiped with my handkerchief, being they use no other Table-linnen, nor had laid any for me. The King seeing that I touched not the Rice, spoke to me several times to eat of it, and to pour upon it some of that butter which stood by it prepared. I did not, because I would not grease myself, there being no spoon; for the Indians eat every thing with the Hand alone, and so do the Portugals; I know not, whether as having learned so to do in India of the Indians; or, whether it be their own natural custom; but they too, for the most part eat with the Hand alone, using no spoon, and that very illfavouredly; for with the same Hand, if need be, they mingle together the Rice, the Butter, the Caril, and all other things how greasy soever, daubing themselves up to the wrist, or rather washing their Hands in their meat before they eat it; (a fashion indeed sufficiently corpse for people of Europe): and thought at their Tables, which are handsome enough, there want not knives, spoons, and silver forks, and some few sometimes make use thereof; yet the universal custom is such, that few use them, even when they lie before them. The truth is, they wash their Hands many times during one dinner, to wit, as often as they 〈◊〉 them, but they wipe them not first; for neither do they make use of napkins, whether they have any before them (as for the most part they have) or not; but besides the trouble of 〈…〉 g so often, in my judgement, there is but little neatness in w●●hing their anointed Hand after that manner; and, I know not, whether the washing cleanses or de 〈…〉 s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being inur'd to the neatness of Italy, could not conform to slovenliness: and, let them cover this barbarous custom with what pretence they please, either of military manners, or what else they think fit; 'tis little trouble for a civil Man to carry, even in the War and Travels, amongst other necessary things, a spoon, knife, and fork, wherewith to eat handsomely: The Turks themselves, as barbarous as they are, yet are so much observers of this, that amongst them there is not the meanest Soldier, but who, if he hath not other better convenience, at least carries his spoon tied to the belt of his sword. In short, the King frequently urged me to eat of the Rice, and I as often denied with several excuses; at last he was so importunate, that I was fain to tell him, I could not eat that meat in that manner, because I had not my Instruments. The King told me, I might eat after my own way, and take what Instruments I would, which should be fetched from my House. I replied divers times, that there was no need, and that my tasting of it was enough to testify my Obedience: However, by all means he would have what was necessary fetched from my House. So I sent my Brachman and my Christian Servant with my key, and they, the King so enjoining, went; and returned in a moment, for my Hou●e was directly over against the Palace. They brought me a spoon, a silver-fork and a clean and fine napkin, very handsomely folded in small plaits; this I spread upon my knees which it covered down to my feet, and so I began to eat Rice, pouring the butter upon it with a spoon; and the other things with the fork, after a very cleanly manner, without greasing myself, or touching any thing with my Hands; as 'tis my custom. The King and all the rest admired these exquisite, and to them unusual, modes; crying out with wonder Deuru, Deuru, that I was a Deuru, that is, a great Man, a God, as they speak. I told the King, that to eating according to my custom, there needed much preparation of a table, linen, plates, dishes, cups, and other things; but I was now travelling through strange Countries, and treated myself, alla Soldatesca, after the Soldier's fashion, leading the life of a Gioghi, and consequently, had not with me such things as were necessary. The King answered, that it sufficed him to see thus much, since thereby he easily imagined how all my other things would be; and that, in brief, he had never seen any European like me; and that it was a great contentment to him to see me. He desired me several times to eat more, perceiving that I rather tasted of things to please him, than to satiate myself. He caused divers other Fruits pickled with Vinegar and Salt to be brought me, by a Woman who came from the inner rooms through the little Court; as also for my drink, (in a cup made likewise of Palm-leaus) a kind of warm Milk, to which they are accustomed, and which seemed to me very good.  
Both before and after, and whilst I was eating, I had much 
XIII.  discourse with the King, who entertained me sitting there above two long hours; but not remembering it all, I shall only set down some of the most remarkable particulars. He asked me concerning our Countries, all the Christian Princes, with the other Moors and Pagan-Princes whom I had seen; concerning the power and Armies of each, and their Grandeur in comparison of others. On which occasion I told him, that amongst us Christians the prime Prince was the Pope my Lord, the Head of the Church, and the Highpriest, to whom all others gave Obedience; the next, was the Emperor, in dignity the first of Soldiers, or secular Princes; that the first Nation was France; and that for Territory and Riches, Spain had most of all; with many other circumstances too long to be rehearsed. Which discourse led me to tell him, as I did, that the King of Portugal, as they speak, that is, the King of Spain, so much esteemed in India, paid Tribute to our Lord the Pope for the Kingdom of Naples, which he held of his Holiness in homage; for which he had a great conceit of the Pope. Amongst the Moorish Princes, I said concerning the Moghòl, whom he much cried up to me, that we held him indeed for the richest in treasure, but otherwise had greater esteem of the Turk and the Persian; because though the Moghòl hath not an infinite number of people, and, without doubt, more than others, yet they were not people fit for war; and that Sciàh, amongst the rest, did not value him at all, as manifestly appeared in the late war. Of Sciàh Abbess, the King professed to account him a great Prince, a great Soldier, and a great Captain; and I related to him, how I had been for a great while together very familiar with him, and that he had done me many favours, having me with him in divers notable occasions: whereto he answered, that he did not doubt it, and that, being such a person as I was, there was no Prince but would highly favour me. He asked me also concerning the commodities of our Countries, and of those which are brought from thence into these Oriental parts; and (being that in India they are accustomed to the Portugals, who, how great Personages soever they be, are all Merchants, nor is it any disparagement amongst them) he asked me, whether I had brought from my Country any thing to bargain with all, either Pearls or Jewels, for I knew very good ones came from thence? I answered him; that in my Country the Nobles of my rank never practised Merchandise, but only conversed with Arms or Books, and that I addicted myself to the latter, and meddled not with the former. He asked me, how I was supplied with Money for my Travels, in so remote Countries? I answered, that I had brought some along with me, and more was sent me from time to time by my Agents, either in Bills or in ready Money, according as was most expedient in reference to the diversity of places. He asked me, whether I had either a Father or a Mother, Brothers or Sisters, Wife or Children, remaining by that Wife, who, I said, was passed to a better life? I answered, that I had not; whereupon he said, it was no wonder then that I pleased myself in wand'ring thus about the World, being so alone and destitute of all Kindred. And indeed, the King did not ill infer; for had any of my dearest Relations been living, as they are not, perhaps, I should not have gone from home, nor ever seen Manèl or Olaza; but since 'tis God's Will to have it so, I must have patience. The King told me, that if I could procure a good Horse out of my Country, he would pay very well for it, for the Indians have none good of their own breed; and the good they have, are brought to them either from Arabia or Persia, and the Portugals make a Trade of carrying them thither to sell, even the greatest Persons, as Governors of places, and Captains General, not disdaining to do the same. I standing upon the point of my Italian Nobility, which allows not such things, answered the King, that to sell Horses was the Office of Merchants, not my profession; that I might present some good one to his Highness, there being in my Country very good ones, and would gladly do it, if it were possible. The King was much pleased with this Answer of mine, and said to his Men, that I spoke like a right Gentleman, plainly and truly; and did not, like many, who promise and say they will do many things, which afterwards they perform not, nor are able to do. He asked me concerning Saffron, which is much esteemed among them; they use it mixed with Sanders to paint their foreheads withal, as also for Perfumes, for Meats, and for a thousand other uses. I answered, that I might be able to serve his Highness, that it was a thing that might be transported; and that in my Country, there was enough, and that, if it pleased God I arrived there alive, I would send him a Present of it, with other fine things of my Country, which perhaps, would be acceptable to him. And indeed, if I arrive in Italy, I intent to make many Compliments, with this and divers other Princes, whom I know in these parts; for by what I have seen, I may get myself a great deal of Honour amongst them with no great charge. Ever now and then, the King would talk with his Servants, and all was in commendation of me and my discreet speaking, and especially of my white complexion, which they much admired, although in Italy I was never counted one of the fair, and, after so many Travels, and so many sufferings both of Body and Mind, I am so changed that I can scarce acknowledge myself an Italian any longer. He prayed me once with much earnestness and courtesy, (out of a juvenile curiosity) to unbrace one of my sleeves a little and my breast, that he might see whether my body were correspondent to my face. I laughed, and, to please him, did so: When they saw that I was whiter under my clothes (where the Air and Sun had not so much injured me) than in the face, they all remained astonished, and began to cry out again that I was a Deurù, that I was a Hero, a god, and that blessed was the hour when I entered into their House, (I took myself to be Hercules, lodged in the Country of Evander) and the King being much satisfied with my courtesy, said, that he knew me to be a Noble Man by my civil compliance with his demands; that if I had been some coarser person, I would not have done so, but perhaps, have taken ill, and been offended with those their curious Questions.  
As for the Ceremonies of eating, I must not omit, that after 
XIV.  he saw that I had done eating, notwithstanding his many instances to me to eat more, he was contented that I should make an end; and because most of the meat remained untouched, and it was not lawful for them to touch it or keep it in the House, they caused my Christian Servant to come in and carry it all away (that he might eat it); which he did in the napkin which I had used before: for to fling it away, in regard of the discourtesy it would be to me, they judged not convenient. At length when I rose up from my seat and took leave of the King, they caused my said Servant to strew a little Cowdung, (which they had got ready for the purpose) upon the place where I had sat, which, according to their Religion, was to be purified. In the mean time as I was taking leave of the King, he caused to be presented to me, (for they were ready prepared in the Chamber) and delivered to my Servants to carry home four Lagne, (so they call in India, especially the Portugal's, the Indian Nuts before they be ripe, when instead of Pulp they contain a sweet refreshing water, which is drunk for delight; and if the Pulp, (for of this water it is made) be begun to be congealed, yet that little is very tender, and is eaten with much delight, and is accounted cooling; whereas when it is hard and fully congealed, the Nut remaining without water within, and in the inner part somewhat empty, that matter of the Nut which is used more for sauce then to eat alone, is, in my opinion; hot, and not of so good taste, as before when it was more tender.) Of these Lagne he caused four to be given me, besides I know not how many great bunches of Moùl, or Indian Figs, which, though a small matter, are nevertheless the delights of this Country; wherefore as such I received them, and thanking the King for them, (who also thanked me much for my visit, testifying several times that he had had very great contentment in seeing me) at length taking my leave, I departed about an hour or little more before night.  
I intended to have visited the Queen also the same time, but I understood she was gone abroad, whilst I was with her Son, to 
XV.  the abovementioned place of her Works. Wherefore being desirous to make but little stay in Manel, both that I might dispatch as soon as possible, and withal not show any disesteem of the Queen by visiting her, not only after her Son, but also on a different day, I resolved to go and find her where she was, although it were late; being also persuaded so to do by that Brachman to whom I gave my Sword when I went to eat, and who sometimes waited upon the Queen; and the rather, because they told me, she was little at home, but rising at break of day, went forthwith to her Works, and there stayed till dinner; and as soon as dinner was done, returned thither again, and remained there till night. By which action, I observed something in her of the spirit of Sciàh Abbas King of Persia, and concluded it no wonder that she hath always showed herself like him, that is, active and vigorous in actions of war and weighty affairs. Moreover, they said that at night she was employed a good while in giving Audience, and doing Justice to her Subjects: so that it was better to go and speak to her there in the field while she was viewing her Workmen, then in the house. Accordingly I went, and, drawing near her saw her, standing in the field, with a few Servants about her, clad as the other time, and talking to the Labourers that were digging the Trenches. When she saw us, she sent to know wherefore I came, whether it were about any business? And the Messenger being answered that it was only to visit her, brought me word again that it was late and time to go home; and therefore I should do so, and when she came home she would send for me. I did as she commanded, and returned to my house, expecting to be called when she thought fit; but she called not for me this night, the cause whereof I attributed to her returning very late home, as I understood she did.  
The same day, December the seventh, Being returned home before noon, I took the Altitude of the Sun at Manèl with an Astrolabe. I found him to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees; he was this day in the fourteenth degree of Sagittary. His Southern Declination was 22 degrees 30′. 34″. which substracted from 35 degrees, (the Altitude which I took, leave 12 degrees 29′. 36″. which is the Declination of the Aequinoctial, Southwards from the Zenith of Manèl, and also the height of the Northern Pole in that place. So that Manèl, where the Queen of Olaza now resides, lies 12 degrees 29′. 36″. distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At night, having waited all the day, and not hearing of the Queens sending for me, as she had promised, I thought not good to importune her further, but imagined she was not willing to be visited more by me. Wherefore I gave Order for a Boat to carry me back to Mangalòr the next day. Of the Queens not suffering herself to be visited more by me, certain Men of the Country who conversed with me, gave sundry Reasons: Some said, the Queen imagined I would have given her some Present, as indeed I should, which would require a requital; but, perhaps, she had nothing fit to requite me with in these wretched places, or was loath to give: So that to avoid the shame, she thought best to decline the visit. Others said, there was no other decent place to give Audience in, but that where her Son was; and for her to come thither, did not show well; as neither to send for me into some other unhandsome place, nor yet to give me Audience in the Street, when it was no unexpected meeting but designed, for which reason she avoided speaking with me. The Brachman, not my Interpreter, but the other who held my Sword, had a more extravagant, and (in my opinion) impertinent conceit, to wit, that there was spread such a Fame of my good presence, fairness, and handsome manner of conversation, that the Queen would not speak with me, for fear she should become enamoured of me, and be guilty of some unbecoming action, at which I heartily laughed. 'Twas more probable, that she intended to avoid giving people occasion to talk of her, for conversing privately with a stranger that was of such Reputation amongst them. But let the Cause be what it will, I perceived she declined my visit, and therefore caused a Boat to be provided, which (there being no other) was not rowed with Oars, but guided by two Men with Poles of Indian Cane or Bambu, which served well enough for that shallow River.  
The next day, December the eighth, A little before Noon, without having seen the Queen or any other, I departed from Manèl. In a place somewhat lower, on the left bank of the River, where the Queen receives a Toll of the Wares that pass by, (which for the most part are only Rice, which is carried out, and brought into her Country) I stayed a while to dine. Then continuing my way, I arrived very late at Mangalòr, where the Shops being shut up, and nothing to be got, I was fain to go supperless to bed. Occasion being offered for sending this Letter to Goa, whence the Fleet will depart next january, I would not omit it; so that wherever I may happen to reside, the Letter may at least arrive safe to you, whose Hands I kiss with my old Affection.   

LETTER VII.  
From Goa, January 31. 1624.  
IN this my excursion and absence from Goa, (which was short, 
I.  but the pleasantest three Month's Travel that ever I had) besides the Royal Seats of Ikkeri and Manèl, described in my last to you, I had the fortune to go as far as Calcutta, to the other Royal Seat of Vikirà, called by his proper Title, il Samorino, where I have erected the Pillars of my utmost peregrination towards the South. Now in my Return, before I describe to you the Court of this Samorino and his Princesses, following the Order of my Journeys, I shall first inform you of my going to the famous Hermitage of Cadiri, and visiting of Batniato, called King of the Gioghi, who lives at this day in his narrow limits of that Hermitage, impoverished by Venk-tapà Naieka.  
December the tenth, Being yet in Mangalòr, I took the Altitude of the Sun, whom I found to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees and 20 minutes. He was now in the 18 degree of Sagittary, and declined towards the South 22 degrees 55′. 28″. which, detracted from the 35 degrees 20′. wherein I found him, there remain 12 degrees 24′. 33″. and so far is Mangalòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North, and hath the Northern Pole so much elevated. At this time the heat at Mangalòr is such as it is at Rome in the month of june, or the end of August.  
December the eleventh, I went in the Morning about half a League from Mangalòr to see the Hermitage, where lives and reigns the Archimandrita of the Indian Gioghi, whom the Portugals (usually liberal of the Royal Title) style King of the Gioghi, perhaps because the Indians term him so in their Language; and in effect he is Lord of a little circuit of Land, wherein, besides the Hermitage and the habitations of the Gioghi are some few Houses of the Country people, and a few very small Villages subject to his Government. The Hermitage stands on the side of a Hill, in this manner.  
On the edge of the Plain, where the ascent of the Hill begins, is a great Cistern or Lake, from which ascending a pair 
II.  of stairs, with the face turned towards the North, you enter into a Gate, which hath a covered Porch, and is the first of the whole enclosure, which is surrounded with a wall and a ditch like a Fort. Being entered the said Gate, and going straight forward through a handsome broad Walk, bes●t on either side with sundry fruit-trees, you come to another Gate, where there are stairs and a Porch higher than the former. This opens into a square Piazza or great Court, in the middle whereof stands a Temple of indifferent greatness, and for Architecture like the other Temples of the Indian-Gentiles; only the Front looks towards the East, where the Hill riseth higher, and the South side of the Temple stands towards that Gate which leads into the Court. Behind the Temple, on the side of the Court, is a kind of Shed or Penthouse with a Chariot in it, which serves to carry the Idol in Procession upon certain Festivals. Also in two or three other places of the side of the Court, there are little square Chapels for other Idols. On the North side of the Court is another Gate opposite to the former, by which going out and ascending some few steps, you see a great Cistern or Lake of a long form, built about with black stone, and stairs leading down to the surface of the water; in one place next the wall 'tis divided into many little Cisterns, and it serves for the Ministers of the Temple to wash themselves in, and to perform their Ceremonies. The Gate of the Temple, as I said, looks Eastward, where the Hill begins to rise very high and steep. From the Front of the Temple to the top of the Hill, are long and broad stairs of the same black stone which lead up to it, and there the pla●e is afterwards plain. Where the stairs begin, stands a high, straight, and round brazen Pillar, tied about in several places with little fillets; 'tis about 60 Palms high, and one and a half thick from the bottom to the top, with little diminution. On this Pillar are placed about seventeen round brazen wheels, made with many spokes round about like stars: they are to support the lights in great Festivals, and are distant about three Palms one from another. The top terminates in a great brazen Candlestick of five branches; of which the middlemost is highest, the other four of equal height. The foot of the Pillar is square, and hath an Idol engraven on each side; the whole Engine is, or at least seems, all of a piece. The Temple, to wit, the inner part where the Idol stands, is likewise all covered with brass: They told me, the walls of the whole Enclosure, which are now covered with leavs, were sometimes covered with large plates of brass; but that Venk-tapà Naieka carried the same away, when in the war of Mangalòr his Army pillaged all these Countries; which whether it be true or no, I know not. The walls of a less Enclosure (wherein according to their custom the Temple stands) are also surrounded on the outside with eleven wooden rails up to the top, distant one above another little more than an Architectical Palm; these also serve to bear Lights in Festival occasions; which must needs make a brave Show, the Temple thereby appearing as if it were all on fire. This Temple is dedicated to an Idol called Moginàto; of what form it is I know not, because they would not suffer us to enter in to see it.  
Having viewed the Temple, I ascended the Hill by the stairs, 
III.  and passing a good way forward on the top thereof, came to the habitations of the Gioghi and their King; the place is a Plain, and planted with many Trees, under which are raised many very great stone-pavements a little height above the ground, for them to sit upon in the shadow. There are an infinite number of little square Chapels with several Idols in them, and some places covered over head, but open round about, for the Gioghi to entertain themselves in. And lastly, there is the King's House, which is very low built; I saw nothing of it, (and believe there is nothing more) but a small Porch, with walls round about coloured with red, and painted with Elephants and other Animals: Besides, in one place a wooden thing like a little square bed, somewhat raised from the ground, and covered with a Cloth like a Tent; they told me it was the place where the King used to reside, and perhaps also to sleep. The King was not here now, but was gone to a Shed or Cottage in a great plain field, to see something, I know not what, done. The Soil is very good, and kept in tillage; where it is not plain, by reason of the steepness of the Hill, 'tis planted with high goodly Trees, most of which bear fruit: And indeed, for a Hermitage so ill kept by people that know not, or cannot make it delightful, it seemed to me sufficiently handsome. I believe, it was built by the Kings of Banghel whilst they flourished, for it lies in their Territory, and that the place and the signory thereof was by them given to the Gioghi; who, as they have no Wives, so the Dominion of this Hermitage and the adjacent Land, goes not by Inheritance but by Elective Succession. I thought to find abundance of Gioghi here, as in our Covents, but I saw not above one or two; and they told me, they resort not together, but remain dispersed here and there as they list, abide in several places in Temples where they please, nor are subject to their King in point of Obedience, as ours are to their Superior, but only do him Reverence and Honour; and at certain solemn times great numbers of them assemble here, to whom during their stay, the King supplies Victuals. In the Hermitage live many Servants of his and Labourers of the Earth, who till these Lands, whereby he gets Provision. They told me, that what he possesses within and without the Hermitage, yields him about five or six thousand Pagods yearly, the greatest part whereof he expends in Feasts, and the rest in diet, and in what is needful for the ordinary service of the Temple, and his Idols; and that Venk-tapà Naieka had not yet taken Tribute of him, but 'twas feared he would hereafter.  
At length I went to see the King of the Gioghi, and found him 
IV.  employed in his business after a mean sort, like a Peasant or Villager. He was an old man with a long white beard, but strong and lusty; in either ear hung two little beads, which seemed to be of Gold, I know not whether empty or full, about the bigness of a Musket-bullet; the holes of his ears were large, and the tips much stretched by the weight; on his head he had a little red bonnet, such as our Galley-slaves wear, which caps are brought out of Europe to be sold in India with good profit. From the girdle upwards he was naked, only he had a piece of Cotton wrought with Lozenges of several colours cross his shoulders; he was not very low, and, for an Indian, of colour rather white than otherwise. He seemed a man of judgement, but upon trial in sundry things, I found him not learned. He told me, that formerly he had Horses, Elephants, Palanchinoes, and a great equipage and power before, Venk-tapà Naieka took away all from him, so that now he had very little left. That within twenty days after, there was to be a great Feast in that place, to which many Gioghi would repair from several parts; that it would be worth my seeing, and that I should meet one that could speak Arabic and Persian, and was very learned, who could give me satisfaction of many things; and extolling the qualities of this Giogho, he told me that he had a very great Head (to signify the greatness of which, he made a great circle with his arms) to wit, of hair, ruffled and long, and which had neither been cut nor combed a great while. I asked him to give me his Name in writing, for my Memory; since I was come to see him. He answered me, (as the Orientals for the most part do to such curious demands) To what purpose was it? and, in fine, he would not give it me; but I perceived 'twas through a vain and ignorant fear, that it might be of some mischief to him. Nevertheless at my going away, I was told by others that he is called Batniato; and that the Hermitage and all the adjacent places is called Cadirà.  
Having ended my discourse with the King, I came away, and, 
V.  at the foot of the Hill, without the first gate of the Hermitage, rested to dine, till the heat were over, in the House or Cottage of one of the Peasants, (there being a small Village there) whose Wife set before us Rice, Caril, and Fish, which themselves also eat, being of a Race allowed so to do. When the heat was past, I returned fair and softly, as I went, to Mangalòr; and arrived at home a good while before night.  
December the eighteenth, I prepared myself to go to Carnate to see that Queen; whose Territory and City is, as I have said elsewhere, two or three Leagues distant from Mangalòr, upon the Sea-coast towards the North. The City stands upon a River which encompasses it, and overflows the Country round about, it was wont to be very strong both by Art and situation; but during the war of Mangalòr, Venk-tapà Naieka coming with a great Army to subdue and pillage all these Countries, sent for this Queen to come and yield Obedience to him. The Queen, who, as I have heard, is a Lady of much Virtue and Prudence; being unwilling to render herself to Venk-tapà, summoned her Captains together, told them, that she was ready to spend and give them all the Money and Jewels she had, and not to be wanting on her part to her utmost power, if they would prepare themselves to defend the State: But these Ministers, either through Cowardice or Treachery, would not attempt a defence: Whereupon the poor Queen, who as a Woman could do little by herself, (her Son also being very young) seeing her people disheartened, resolved by their advice to surrender herself to Venk-tapà Naieka; and accordingly prepared to go to him with a good Guard of Soldiers. Which he hearing, sent to her to come alone without other company then her Attendants; which she did, not voluntarily, but constrained thereto by her hard Fortune, and the little Faith of others. Venk-tapà received her honourably, and took her into his Friendship and Protection; but withal he caused the City to be dismantled of the strong walls it had, to prevent her rebelling against him afterwards, and left her, as before, the Government of the State, tying her only to Obedience, the payment of a Tribute, and the professing of a noble Vassalage to him. When they dismantled the City, the Queen (they say) unable to endure the sight, retired into a solitary place a little distant, cursing in those her solitudes the Pusillanimity and Infidelity of her own people, no less than the unfortunateness and weakness of the Portugals her defenders, to whom she had been always a faithful Friend. At this time she lives with her young Son, either in Carnate, or some other place thereabouts.  
Being moved by the Fame of this Queen's Virtue, I was desirous to go and do her Reverence; for which purpose I had gotten a 
VI  Palanchino ready, and Men to carry me thither. But in the Morning of the abovesaid day, there put in to Mangalòr a Fleet of Portugal Ships, which they call l' armata del Canarà, because it coasts along the ruins of the Province Canarà; or else l' armata della Colletta, for that it is maintained with the Money of a New Impost laid upon, and collected by the Portugals in their Indian Plantations. The General of this Fleet was Sig: Luis de Mendoza, a principal Cavalier or Fridalgo, (as they speak) young, but of very good parts. The Captain of one of the Ships was Sig: Ayres de Siqueira Baraccio, formerly my Friend at Goa, whom I expected that I might return thither in his Ship. Whereupon hearing of his Arrival, I went to seek him, and finding him already landed, I understood by him that this Fleet was to go to Calcutta, in order to carry thither two Men of Samori King of Calcutta, (Samori is a Title given to all those Kings, like our Emperor or Caesar) which Men he had a little before sent to Goa in the same Fleet, in another Voyage which it had made upon those Coasts, to try the Viceroy about a Peace; (for he had been many years, if not at War, yet at enmity with the Portugals) saying, that if the Viceroy inclined to Peace, he would afterwards send Ambassadors with more solemnity, and treat of Articles. Now these Men were returning to Calcutta with the Viceroy's Answer; and, as Sig: Ayres said, the Fleet would depart from Mangalòr the same night, yet would return very shortly, because the General had Orders not to stay at Calcutta above four and twenty hours, only till he had landed these Men, and understood what Resolution the Samori gave in Answer, without giving him more time to think thereupon. That in their return the Fleet would touch at Mangalòr, and all the other Ports of that Coast, to take with them the Merchant's Ships laden with Rice, (which were now prepared, or a preparing) and convoy them according to their custom to Goa, where, by reason of scarcity of provision, they were much desired. Hearing this News, I was ●●ath to lose the opportunity of seeing Calcutta, (the King whereof is one of the most famous among the Gentile Princes of India, and is likely to be at Peace but a little while with the Portugals) and therefore resolved to go aboard the Ship of Sig: Ayres the same day, putting off my Journey to Carnate, whither I had hopes to go at my return. Accordingly dismissing the Palanchino, and the Men that were to carry me, together with the Servant I had taken at Barselòr, (because he was not willing to go further with me), I went aboard alone without any Servant, assuring myself I could not want attendance, and whatever else was needful in the Ship; wherein I found Sig: Manoel Leyton, Son of Sig: Gio: Fernandez Leyton, embarked as a Soldier (which course of life he was now first entered upon), besides many other eminent Soldiers, who were afterwards very friendly to me, and with whom I spent many days in good conversation.  
December the nineteenth, We departed from Mangalòr, and 
VII.  went foremost of all, because our Ship was Captain of the Vanguard. This day we passed by a high Hill discovered within Land, called Monte Deli; and the next day, (December the twentieth) by another, called Monte Fermoso. At night, we anchored under Cananòr, but entered not the Port, having sailed from Mangalòr hither always Southwards eighteen Leagues.  
December the one and twentieth, Once in the Morning, and once in the Evening, we met with Paroes', which are very light Ships of the Malabar Rovers, of whom this Coast was full; for at Mangalòr ends the Province of Canarà, and that of Malabar begins: We made ready our Arms both times to fight them, but they fled from us, and recovered the mouths of the Rivers, whereof that Coast is full, where by reason it was their own Territory, and well guarded in those narrow and difficult places, we could not pursue them to take them; only we discharged some Guns against them at distance to no purpose, which were answered from that Land with the like; we might easily have attempted, if not to take that which we saw in the Evening, yet at least to shatter it a far off with our Cannon, if the General had not had regard to the Land they recovered, which belonged to the Samori, to whom upon account of the Peace in agitation, he was willing to have respect. At night we came to Anchor under Calcutta, which is twelve Leagues Southwards beyond Cananòr.  
December the two and twentieth, Early in the Morning the Samori's two Men landed at Calcutta, and with them a Portugal common Soldier, but well clad and attended, whom the General sent to the King with the Viceroy's Answer, which was; That the Viceroy was contented to treat of a Peace, and would gladly conclude it; but on condition that the Samori made Peace too with the King of Cocin, the Portugals Confederate, whom it was not fit to léave out of the said Peace; and the rather, because the greatest differences between the Portugals and the Samori were touching the King of Cocin, whom the Portugals justly defended as their faithful Friend, and had always, to the damage of the Samori, his perpetual Adversary, much supported; That if the Samori were contented to make Peace with both, he should send his Ambassadors to Goa with power to treat of the conditions, and they should be received very well. Within a short time the Portugal returned to the Fleet; for the City of Calcutta stands upon the shore, and the Samori's Royal Palace is not far off: And together with the Portugal, the Samori sent to the General a Portugal Boy, eight or ten years old, called Cicco, who in certain Revolutions of Cananòr, had been taken Prisoner, and was brought up in his Court; he sent him well clothed, and accompanied not only with many persons, but also with Pipes and Drums, that he might visit the General in his Name, and give him a Present of Refreshments to eat, namely, Indian Figgs, Lagne, and other fruits. His Answer to the business was, that the Peace should be first made between himself and the Portugals, and afterwards the Interests of the King of Cocin should be taken into consideration; withal, desiring the General that he would vouchsafe to stay a while till he had better advised with his Ministers, and deliberated about sending Ambassadors to Goa in the same Fleet; with other Reasons, which were judged rather excuses to put off the time, and hold the Portugals in a Treaty of Peace, till some very rich Ships of his which he expected from Meccha were returned, lest the Portugals should molest them at Sea; than real intentions for a Peace, especially with the King of Cocin, with whom he hath long and intricate discords, not so easily to be terminated. The Portugals also demanded, that the Samori would remove a Garrison which he had placed in certain Confines, where they for their own security, and the defence of the King of Cocin, were fain to keep a Fort continually, with a great Garrison and at much expense: And because he showed not much inclination thereunto, it was not without cause judged that his Treaties were Artifices, to hold the Portugals in suspense; wherefore the General sent him word, That he had express Order from the Viceroy not to stay longer at Calcutta then twenty four hours, and so long he would stay: If within that time the Samori took a Resolution suitable to the Viceroy's Propositions, he would carry his Ambassador with a good will; otherwise, he intended to depart the next night, all the intermediate day being allowed his Highness to determine. With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco, honoured with some small Presents, and the other Men that came with him, without sending any of his Portugals on purpose, or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samori, as he was by him invited; the Viceroy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far, because these King's Samori had never been very faithful towards the Portugals. Nevertheless the General forbade not any Soldiers to land that were so minded, so that many of them went ashore, some to walk up and down, some to buy things, and some to do other business; as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats, partly, to sell things, and partly, out of curiosity to see the Portugals, who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samori, seldom used to be seen in Calcutta.  
The same day, (December the two and twentieth) whilst we 
VIII.  were aboard in the Port of Calcutta, I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe, and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes. The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary; whence according to my Canon of Declination, which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini, he declined from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees and 28 minutes, which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination; if it be not really so, the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours, if not more, that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calcutta than in any other Meridian of Europe, according to which my Canon of Declination shall be calculated; so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun, you subtract the 23 dgrees 28′. which I presuppose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South, the remainder is 11 degrees 22′. and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place; and consequently, the City of Calcutta lies 11 degrees 22′. distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. After dinner, I landed also with the Captain of my Ship, and some other Soldiers; we went to see the Bazar, which is near the shore; the Houses, or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's, being very low; the Streets also are very narrow, but indifferently long; the Market was full of all sorts of provision, and other things necessary to the livelihood of that people, conformable to their Custom; for as for Clothing, they need little, both Men and Women going quite naked, saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees, and covering their shame; the better sort are wont to wear it either all blue, or white stripped with Azure, or Azure and some other colour; a dark blue being most esteemed amongst them. Moreover, both Men and Women wear their hair long, and tied about the head; the Women, with a lock hanging on one side under the ear becomingly enough, as almost all Indian-Women do; the dressing of whose head, is, in my opinion, the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation: The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head, sometimes a little inclined on one side; some of them use a small coloured head-band, but the Women use none at all. Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets, their ears of pendants, and their necks of jewels; the Men commonly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers, or other Arms in their hands, as I said of those of Balagate.  
The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calcutta, and the Inland 
IX.  parts, especially the better sort, are all Gentiles, of the Race Nairi for the most part, by profession Soldiers, sufficiently swashing and brave: But the Seacoasts are full of Malabari, an adventitious people, though of long standing; for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since, makes mention of them; they live confusedly with the Pagans, and speak the same Language, but yet are Mahometans in Religion. From them, all that Country for a long tract together is called Malabar, famous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thiefs; whence in the Bazar of Calcutta, besides the things abovementioned, we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities, as Swords, Arms, Books, Clothes of Goa, and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels at Sea; which things, because stolen, and in regard of the Excommunication which lies upon us in that case, are not bought by our Christians. Having seen the Bazar, and stayed there till it was late, we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City, and the outside of the King's Palace; for to see the King at that hour we had no intention, nor did we come prepared for it, but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship. Accordingly we walked a good way towards the Palace, for the City is great, and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees, amongst the boughs whereof, a great many of wild Monkeys; and within these close Groves, stand the Houses, for the most part at a distance from the common Ways or Streets; they appear but little, few of their outsides being seen, besides the low walls made of a black stone surrounding these plots, and dividing them from the Streets, which are much better than those of the Bazar, but without any ornament of Windows; so that he that walks through the City, may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens, than of an inhabited City: Nevertheless it is well peopled, and hath many Inhabitants, whose being contented with narrow buildings, is the cause that it appears but small. As we walked in this manner, we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Viceroy; and because he saw us many together, and imagined there was some person of quality amongst us, or because he knew our General, he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace; and going before us as our guide, conducted us thither. He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming, and told us, we must by all means go to see him, because his Highness was desirous to see us and talk with us: Wherefore, not to appear discourteous, we were constrained to consent to his Request, notwithstanding the unexpectedness of, and our unpreparedness for, the visit.  
The first and principal Gate of the Palace opens upon a little 
X.  Piazza, which is beset with certain very great Trees, affording a delightful shadow. I saw no Guard before it, it was great and open; but before it, was a row of Balisters, about four or five foot from the ground, which served to keep out not only Horses and other Animals, but also Men upon occasion. In the middle was a little pair of Stairs without the Gate leading into it, and another within on the other side. Yet, I believe, both the Stairs and the Balisters are movable, because 'tis likely that when the King comes forth, the Gate is clearly open; otherwise it would not be handsome, but this is only my conjecture. We entered this Gate, ascending the Stairs upon the Rails, where we were met by the Messenger whom the abovesaid person had sent to the King, and who again invited us into the Palace by the King's Order. Within the Gate we found a great Court, of a long form, without any just and proportionate figure of Architecture; on the sides, were many lodgings in several places, and in the middle, were planted divers great Trees for shadow: The King's chief apartment, and (as I believe, by what I shall mention hereafter) where his Women were, was at the end of the Court, opposite to the left side of the Entrance. The Edifice, in comparison of ours, was of little consideration; but, according to their mode, both for greatness and appearance, capable of a Royal Family. It had a covered porch in that form, as all their structures have, and within that was a door of no great largeness leading into the House. Here we found Cicco the Portugal youth, become an Indian in Habit and Language, but, as himself told us, and as his Portugal Name, which he still retained among the Gentiles, demonstrated, no Renegado but a Christian; which I rather believe, because indeed the Indian-Gentiles admit not, nor care to admit other strangers to their Religion, as I have elsewhere noted; for conjoining so inseparately, as they do, their Religion to the Descents or Races of Men, as a Man can never be of other Race then what he was born of; so they also think that he neither can nor aught to be of any other Religion, although in Habit, Language, and Customs, he accommodate himself to the people with whom he lives. With the said Cicco we found many other of the King's Courtiers who waited for us, and here we conversed with them a good while before the Gate, expecting a new Message from the King, who, they told us, was now bathing himself, according to their custom, after supper. Nor was it long before Order came from the King for us to enter, and accordingly we were introduced into that second Gate; and passing by a close room like a chamber, (in which I saw the Image of Brahmà upon his Peacock, and other Idolets) we entered into a little open Court, surrounded with two rows of narrow and low Cloisters, to wit, one level with the ground, and the other somewhat higher. The pavement of the porch was also something raised above the plane of the Court, so much as might serve for a Man to sit after our manner. The King was not in this small Court, but they told us we must attend him here, and he would come presently: Whereupon we betook ourselves to sit down upon that raised pavement of the porch, the Courtiers standing round about us; amongst which, the Portugal Cicco, and another Indian Man, (who, as they said, was a Christian, and being sometimes a slave to the Portugals, had fled hither for Liberty, and was entertained in the King's Guard) served us for Interpreters; but not well, because the Man spoke not the Portugal Tongue so much as tolerably, and Cicco having been taken when he was very young, remembered but little of his own Language.  
No sooner were we seated in this place, but two Girls about 
XI.  twelve years old entered at the same Gate whereat we came in; they were all naked, (as, I said above, the Women generally go) saving that they had a very small blue cloth wrapped about their immodesties, and their Arms, Ears, and Necks, were full of ornaments of Gold and very rich Jewels. Their colour was somewhat swarthy, as all these Nations are, but in respect of others of the same Country, clear enough; and their shape no less proportionable and comely, than their aspect was handsome and wel-favoured. They were both the Daughters, as they told us, of the Queen, that is, not of the King but of his Sister, who is styled, and in effect is, Queen; for these Gentiles using to derive the descent and inheritance by the line of the Women, though the Government is allowed to Men, as more fit for it, and he that governs is called King; yet the King's Sister, and, amongst them, (if there be more than one) she to whom, by reason of Age, or for other respects it belongs, is called, and properly is Queen, and not any Wife or Concubine of the King, who has many. So also when the King, (who governs upon the account of being Son of the Queen-Mother) happens to die, his own Sons succeed him not, (because they are not the Sons of the Queen) but the Sons of his Sister; or in defect of such, those of the nearest Kins-women by the same Female line: So that these two Girls, whom I call the Nieces of the Samori, were right Princesses or Infantaes of the Kingdom of Calcutta. Upon their entrance where we were, all the Courtiers present showed great Reverence to them; and we, understanding who they were, arose from our seat, and having saluted them, stood all the time afterwards before them bareheaded. For want of Language we spoke not to them, because the abovesaid Indian-slave was retired at a distance upon their coming, giving place to other more noble Courtiers: And Cicco stood so demurely by us, that he durst not lift up his eyes to behold them, much less speak; having already learned the Court-fashions and good manners of the place. Nevertheless they talked much together concerning us, as they stood, and we also of them, and all smiled without understanding one another. One of them being more forward could not contain, but approaching gently towards me, almost touched the Sleeve of my Coat with her hand, making a sign of wonder to her Sister, how we could go so wrapped up and entangled in clothes as we seemed to her to be: Such is the power of Custom, that their going naked seemed no more strange to us, than our being clothed appeared extravagant to them. After a short space the King came in at the same door, accompanied with many others. He was a young Man of thirty or five and thirty years of Age, to my thinking; of a large bulk of body, sufficiently fair for an Indian, and of a handsome presence. He is called (as a principal Courtier, whom I afterwards asked, told me) by the proper name of Vikirà. His Beard was somewhat long, and equally round about his Face; he was naked, having only a piece of fine changeable cotton cloth, blue and white, hanging from the girdle to the middle of the Leg. He had divers bracelets on his Arms, pendants at his Ears, and other ornaments with many Jewels and rubies of value. In his Hand he carried a painted staff, (if it were not an Indian Cane) like a Shep-herd's staff, upon which fixed in the earth, just as Shepherds are represented in our Comedies, he stood leaning for a while. When he was saluted by us, he received us smiling, and with much courtesy; and whilst his two Nieces stood by him leaning against a high bank to sit upon, we stood orderly in the Court just before the King; and the whole Court and the Porches being full of other Courtiers who came in, partly, with the King, and partly, by some other little entrances. I will not omit the manner how those that entered saluted the King; for I saw more than one do it, and particularly, a Youth who entered a good while after the King by one of those little Gates; to whom in particular the King spoke much, and of whom he seemed to make great account. In his salutation he advanced his joined Hands over his Head, then parting them a little, so extended and exalted, he smote them lightly together twice or thrice, to wit, the palm of one Hand with the four longest Fingers of the other joined together; which whole action he repeated twice or thrice. Such as had weapons, lifted up their joined Hands above their Heads, with their Swords, Poniards, Bucklers, or other Arms in them; and instead of striking with their Fingers, as by reason of their Arms they could not, they bowed down their Hands so conjoined, and made the points of their Swords touch the ground. No less full were the higher Cloisters round about of Women, who stood there to behold us; amongst whom stood apart in the most eminent place the Queen, Sister to the King, a Woman of ripe Age, clothed in blue Cotton as to her lower parts, and abundantly adorned with Jewels.  
The King desiring to talk with us, caused the youth Cicco to 
XII.  draw near, and afterwards called for the Indian Slave abovementioned; because Cicco, either out of excessive Reverence, or for that he had forgotten the Portugal-Tongue, durst not undertake to interpret. He asked our Captain who he was, and how called? The Captain would not confess himself Captain of a Ship, and so become known, but counterfeiting another Name, said, he was a private Soldier, and Companion to the rest of us; which the King seemed not to believe. He enquired likewise concerning the other Soldiers present; and above all, very particularly concerning me, pointing at the pendant which I wore in my Ear, almost like their Custom of India, and looking upon me for it with some wonder, as a thing which he knew not-usual among the Portugals; whereupon I told him who I was, to wit, of what Country, and something I said briefly concerning the curiosity of my Travels; that I had run through so many Countries only to see the world, and was at length come to his Court, being no Portugal, but of Rome, a different and remote Nation from Portugal; with all which he seemed well pleased. He bid us several times put on our Hats; but our Captain, whose example 'twas fit for 〈◊〉 to follow, being resolved not to make himself known, not only would not do it, but refused it both by gestures and words, which I liked not well; for shaking his Head and smiling, he answered that he would not, that they should not cause him to commit that false Latin, what ever else he did; that indeed it was not a thing to be jested in, with other such gallantries; he conceiving, as I believe, that herein consisted all the punctuality of this Audience on his part: So that none of the rest of us covered himself; but it would not have been ill done, if the favour had been with better Answers then by saying, as the Captain did twice or thrice, (with greater Courtship, as he thought) that it was hot, and therefore he would not put on his Hat, which his smiling betrayed to be but an excuse; though he conceived he thereby showed himself an excellent Courtier, Then the King began to speak to our Captain, (whom he well perceived to be the Chief of the company) concerning the Peace; yet saying no more than what he had signified to our General, and desiring him to persuade the General not to depart so soon from Calcutta, but to stay till he had consulted better with his Ministers, and had time to give a better and more determinate Resolution. The Captain answered cunningly, that these matters did not belong to him, who was a private Soldier, and was come thither only to see the City and the Palace, whither he had been unexpectedly invited by his Highness; that as to the Peace, it was to be treated of with the General, who had already answered his Highness as far as he could, according to the Orders given him by the Viceroy; nevertheless that in Obedience to his Highness, he would deliver this Message to him in the Evening. The King saw that a Soldier of ours had one of those Harquebusses, which the Portugals call Baccamarti, which are very short, of a large bore, and with a Firelock after the English-fashion. He asked to have it brought to him to look upon; whereupon a Courtier taking it out of the Soldiers Hand reached it to the King, not giving it into his Hand, (for 'tis not lawful for them to touch a thing at the same time with the King) but (because it would neither have been handsome to have laid it down on the ground for the King to take it up) therefore he took this course; He set the butt-end of the Harquebuz upon the ground at a little distance from the King, and then giving the bore-end a gentle cast from himself, made it fall into the Hands of the King, who held them ready for that purpose. The King taking the Harquebuz in his Hand, presently shaked the powder out of the pan upon the ground, lest any disaster should befall him, (for he perceived it was charged) then lifting it up to his Eye, he looked through the sight, showing thereby that he was a good markes-man, as they told us afterwards he was. He looked much upon the Firelock as a thing unknown to them, for their Guns have only match; and being he seemed much taken with this piece, I told the Captain it would be handsome to present it to him, and indeed had it been mine, I should willingly have given it him. The Captain spoke to the Soldier, who, uncapable of such noble thoughts, answered that he would give it to the King if he might have forty Piastres for it, which was above twice the value. So that the King not offering to buy it, nor the Captain to lay out so much Money in order to present it to him, the pleasuring him therewith was waved; nor was it otherwise offered to him, as in my opinion Civility required. Nevertheless the King never let it it go out of his Hand so long as we were with him. Afterwards he showed us a little Parrot standing in an open Cage under the Cloister, he endeavoured to cause it to speak in our presence; and because our Interpreters were not very good, he sent to call an eminent Servant of his, who spoke the Portugal-Tongue better, to come and interpret in this Conversation.  
The Signori Portoghesi my Companions, little accustomed to 
XIII.  Prince's Courts, though otherwise well bred, gave me occasion to laugh within myself at two things. The first was, that it appearing to them unhandsome, that the King stood all the while he discoursed with us, as he did; or at most, leaned only on the wall or his staff; they took upon them to speak to his Highness to sit down, and not put himself to such trouble. I dissuaded the Captain from it by all means, because Kings are Kings, and sit or stand when they please, and do what they list, 'tis their part to command; nor are we to use those Compliments with them which we do to our equals, but always leave them to their own will and pleasure, for this is the breeding of the Court: But my counsel prevailed little, for the Captain was resolved to speak and desire him to sit down, as he did, not once, but twice or thrice; of which, nevertheless the King made little account, and answered only with a smile. The second thing that made me laugh, was, that when the King entered into the little Court, the door whereat he and we had entered before, was immediately made fast with an Iron bar, people also standing continually to guard it; and so likewise when any one came in, or was sent out by the King, it was presently shut with diligence. The Captain and the other Portugals did not like this shutting of the door, and began presently to mutter amongst themselves, and to suspect that the King intended to detain them prisoners there, or to put some trick upon them; and what would the General and others say in Goa; for their coming to put themselves in a Cage thus, without the order and leave of their General, only upon mere curiosity? I advised them to be quiet, telling them that it was not befitting a King to do such an act, nor was there any occasion why the King should be so treacherous; that we were not so many, nor so considerable that the doing thereof would be of any profit to him, or damage to the Portugal Nation. That it was fit the doors should be shut whilst the King was there in that manner giving Audience to so many strangers together, armed, and of so little confidence with him as we were: That on the contrary, he had done us much Honour in inviting and admitting us to his presence with all our weapons, there being no Ambassador, nor public person, or so much as known amongst us. This partly quieted them, although they very ill endured to see themselves shut up. I told them further, that it belonged to the King to dismiss us when he pleased, and that, should we be late, the General would excuse us for our delay, at least, if not for our too-great Curiosity, which yet was no high crime as the case stood, almost all the Soldiers being come a shore this day. Nevertheless they twice or thrice demanded of the King that he would let them go, alleging that it was already late to return aboard, as indeed it was; but the King always exensed it, and would not dismiss them, saying, That we must stay till the Man he had sent for was come, because he was desirous to talk a little better with us, and that he would send us aboard in his own Boats, at any time when it should be needful; for, there being no formed Harbour at Calecui, but an open shore, the Ships road at a good distance from the Land.  
At length came the expected Interpreter, who was a prime Brachman, and a Man of great Authority with the King; for I 
XIV.  observed, that he alone of all that were present, leaned upon his staff as the King did, and, as himself said, he had sometimes treated of weighty affairs on his King's behalf with the Portugals in the enterprise of Cognale, perhaps not in the days of this Samori, but of his Predecessor: So that he said, he was very well known to the Viceroy, and the chief Captains of Goa versed in those parts. Upon the entrance of this Man, the King called our Captain to come up to him upon the raised pavement of the Porch; he refused at first twice or thrice, but at length was prevailed with by the instances both of the King himself, and of this Brachman. Here the King fell largely to discourse with him, and with us about the Peace, about his desire to have the Fleet stay a while longer for establishing a firm Friendship with the Portugals, and about divers other things; many of which were the same that he had spoken before. In short, the Audience lasted till night, the two little Ladies his Nieces, being present almost all the time, (for they went and came now and then) and the Queen in the upper Cloister; in beholding of whom, to speak truth, I was more attentive than in all hearing these discourses, which I well saw were of little importance, and therefore I cannot relate more punctually. At length it growing dark, upon our Captain's importunity the King dismissed us, and the door being opened, we were suffered to go forth; but first he caused many branches of Indian Figs and Lagne, to be brought and presented to us; the Courtiers giving them to our Captain and the other Soldiers, not by stretching forth the Hand, but by tossing them in the Air, as their custom is, I believe, to avoid being contaminated by our contact. The King did the like, when at our departure he restored the Harquebuz to its owner; for he cast it after the same manner into the Hands of one of his Courtiers as it was cast to him, but gently, and with much care lest it should fall, bowing himself almost to the ground for that purpose, as it was necessary to do by reason of the shortness of the piece. These Ceremonies, of not being touched, and the like, of which in public demonstration they are so rigorous, yet in secret and when they please, they do not so exactly observe. And 'twas told us of this King, that he is a great drinker of Wine, though rigorously prohibited by his Religion, and that he hath sometimes eaten and drunk at the same Table with Portugals very familiarly; and that he is a Man of very affable humour, and a great friend to a jovial life, as also his carriage towards us demonstrated. Besides the Lagne and Figs which he appointed some of his Servants to carry for us even to the Boats, he gave our Captain a wild Pig alive, which he caused to be brought from some inner rooms of the Court, and being tied with a rope to be carried likewise to the Seaside, whither also he sent many, and some of the principal of his Courtiers, to accompany us. A little after us he sent again to the General, one of those two Men which had been at Goa, (to wit, he who conducted us to the Palace, and was present at the whole Audience) to visit the General in his Name, carry him new refreshments of Fruits, and desire him not to depart so soon. But before I proceed further, for the better understanding of what I have already written, I will here present to your view a rough and unmeasured Platform of the Samori's Palace, and the place where he gave us Audience.   numbered floorplan of palace platform 

1. The little Piazza without the first Gate of the Palace.  
2. The first Gate guarded with Balisters.  
3. A great Court within the first Gate, which should be longer in proportion to the breadth, but is drawn thus in regard of the scantness of the paper, it hath lodgings about it in several places.  
4. The King's House, and the Apartment of his Women.  
5. The Porch of the said House.  
6. The second Gate.  
7. A dark Room locked up  
8. A Door leading into the little Court.  
9 Several Lodgings.  
10. The little Court.  
11. The place whence the wild Swine was brought.  
12. The King denoted in several places, according as he moved whilst he was speaking.  
13. The King's two Nieces.  
14. A great Man of the King's, who served for Interpreter.  
15. The Queen in the higher Cloister.  
16. Our Company, with a greater number of Courtiers on each side of us, than the place allows to be here denoted.  
17. Our Captain in the close of the Audience, and when he received the Lagne.   
Being dismissed by the Samori, as is abovesaid, we returned to the Seaside to go aboard, it being now night; but because there were but two or three very small boats, in each of which not above two or three could go at a time, in regard the Sea was somewhat rough, and we were many, it came to be above one a clock in the night before we all got aboard. Our Captain was one of the first, and he went presently to give an account of what had passed this day between us and the Samori to the General, who was minded to depart forthwith; but understanding that the Soldiers were not yet all embarked, and particularly, the Captain telling him that I was still on shore, he gave order to move but slowly in expectation of me. In the mean time the Samori's Messenger went to him to desire him to stay a little longer; whereupon the General, though he knew it would be of little importance in reference to the Treaty of Peace, yet not to appear discourteous, and perhaps also upon account of some expediency in order to our Navigation, he determined to stay all this night in the Port of Calcutta. The Messenger returning ashore with this answer, found me alone of all the Fleer, still there, where some of the principal Nairi kept me company all the while, and left me not till they saw me in the Boat, using much diligence, to dispatch all others as soon as possible; and in the mean time that we waited, which was above an hour, holding me by the hand, and expressing many other caresses and demonstrations of kindness to me.  
Before I leave Calcutta, I shall here observe one strange custom of the people of these parts. The Gentil Nairi have no peculiar 
XV.  Wives; but all Women are common amongst them; and when any man repairs to visit one of them, he leaves his weapons at the door, which sign sufficiently debars all others from entering in to disturb him; nor does this course beget any disgust or jealousy. The Women are maintained by those men that have to do with them. The children neither seek nor many times know, who their Father is, but that descent by the Mother's side is alone considered, and according to that all inheritances are transferred. The same is observed among Princes and their Wives; the Queens, who are the King's Sisters, use to marry other neighbouring Kings, and go into their States to have children, who are to succeed in the Kingdoms of their Uncles, and by this means are of Royal blood both by Father and Mother. These Princesses are held in great esteem by the Kings their Husbands; yet if they are minded to try other men, they are not prohibited, but may and oftentimes do so, making use of whom they fancy for their pleasure, but especially of some brahmin's or other of their Husband's principal Courtiers, who with their privity and consent are wont to converse and practise with them most intrinsically in the Palace. The King, and all others, as I have said, commonly go naked; only they have a cloth wherewith they are girded, reaching to the leg. Yet when upon any occasion the King is minded to appear much in Majesty, he puts on only a white Vestment of very fine Cotton, never using either Cloth of Gold or Silk. Others also when they please may wear the like garment but not in the King's presence, in which 'tis not lawful for any to appear otherwise then naked, saving the Cloth abovementioned. The Arms which every one wears, must not be laid aside at any time, especially not before the King; and, as I have elsewhere noted, every one keeps to one sort of Arms, which he first takes to, without ever changing. When two Kings happen to war together, each Army takes great heed not to kill the contrary King; nor so much as to strike his Umbrella wherever it goes, which is amongst them the Ensign of Royalty; because, besides that it would be a great sin to have a hand in Royal blood, the party or side which should kill or wound him, would expose themselves to great and irreparable mischiefs, in regard of the Obligation the whole Kingdom of the wounded or slain King hath to revenge him with the greatest destruction of their enemies, even with the certain loss of their own lives if it be needful. By how much such Kings are of greater dignity among them, so much longer this obligation of furious revenge endureth. So that if the Samori should be killed or wounded by the Army of the King of Cocin, who is his enemy, but of greater dignity; the people of the Samori stand obliged to one day of revenge, (others say three days) during which, every one is obliged to act their utmost to the utter destruction of those of Cocin, even with the manifest hazard of their own. But if the King of Cocin, who hath a greater repute, for honour at least, if not for power, should happen to be slain or wounded, by the people of the Samori; the fury of revenge is to last in those of Cocin all the time of their lives, (others say once a year) which would cause a great destruction of both sides. They call this term of time, or manner of revenge, Amocò; so that they say, the Amocò of the Samori lasts one day; the Amocò of the King of Cocin lasts all the life, and so of others. Of the Malabars who live mixed with the Nairis in the Maritime Parts, and are Moors in Religion and all other Customs; I heard only this Remarkable, That by a received and universal practice amongst the Women, they will never lie under the Men in the Act of Coition; which, because a thing extraordinary, I would not omit to mention.  
December the twenty third, A good while after Sun-rise we 
XVI.  departed from Calcutta, but had the wind all day against us, and made but little way. At night we cast Anchor, because there is seldom wind enough for sailing in the night time; and being we coasted along the shore, we might cast Anchor at any time we pleased.  
December the twenty fourth, We had the wind contrary again, making very little way; so that we cast Anchor many times, and in the Evening, because it was Christmass-Eve, the Litanies were sung in all the Ships; and afterwards we had Collations of Sweetmeats, and celebrated the Feast as well as the place afforded. In our Ship, some Soldiers, who were employed to make a sort of sweet fritters of Sugar, for sport put into many of them certain powders which caused giddiness; so that almost all the Soldiers that ate of them, after the Collation seemed drunk, and were constrained to betake themselves to sleep, which they did all night much more than that time and place required; for, had Enemies come, the greatest part of the Soldiers being in this manner, I know not how we should have done.  
December the twenty fifth, By break of day we arrived at Cananòr, where we presently landed to hear the divine Offices. Cananòr is a little place upon the shore, but near a Promontory, which makes a kind of Haven. The City is surrounded with walls, not very strong and well made, but in some places I know not by what negligence decayed. It hath four Churches, to wit, La Sede, or the Cathedral; La Misericordia, which is a Confraternity, and much like our Monte della Pieta, Santo Spirito, and other such; it hath correspondence with an other: There are of them in all the Plantations of the Portugals, and they do many good works; for almost all the pious works, which amongst us are done by divers Houses and Societies, this one place of La Misericordia does amongst the Portugals; as, keeping of things Deposited; transmitting Bills of Exchange safe; relieving the poor, the sick, and imprisoned; maintaining exposed Children; marrying young Maids; keeping Women of ill Lives when converted; redeeming Slaves; and, in short, all works of Mercy, whereof a City or Country can have need. A pious thing indeed, and of infinite benefit to the Public; the rather because they are in all Territories of the Portugals, and hold correspondence together, even those of India with those of Portugal; so that they all seem but one body extending its members and influences incredibly profitable to several Countries. This pious Place is governed by Secular Confreres; to which Confraternity none are admitted but worthy Persons, upon certain decent Conditions, and to a set number. So that the good Works which they do, and the great sums expended therein every year, accrue to the benefit not only of the Confreres, but of the Public in general, with much Charity; so that I do not account my time lost in making this little Digression. The third Church of Cananòr is San Francisco, where the Friars of that Order reside; and the fourth, if I remember right, is Santa Maria della Vittorià. Without Cananòr is an entrenched Fort, contiguous to the walls of the City, and under the Portugals jurisdiction: But about a musket-shot distant, or more, is a great Village, which they call the Bazàr, where all sorts of Provisions and other Merchandizes are sold; the Building is like that of Calcutta, and perhaps better; yet this is under the jurisdiction of the Gentiles, (though the Inhabitants are in great part Malabar-Moors) and by derivative Authority from a King of this Country whom they call the King of Cananòr, and who resides far from the Sea; 'tis governed by a famous Malabar-Moor, named Agà Begel, whose House I saw, but not himself, having spent this whole day in walking up and down Cananòr, and the Bazar of the Gentiles; for I dined with our Captain on shore in the House of a Portugal married there: At night having viewed all, and bought abundance of dried Indian Figgs, and many Vessels of Conserves of the Pulp of young Indian Cane or Bambù, (which is very good to eat after this manner) of green Pepper, Citrons, and other Fruits wont to be pickled by them in Vinegar, and vendible here, very good, and in great plenty, at length we returned a Shipboard.  
December the twenty sixth, We set sail from Cananòr; but for three days together sailed but little by reason of the accustomed 
XVII.  contrary wind, and our casting Anchor frequently as well in the day time as the night.  
December the twenty ninth, We passed before Cagnarotto, whence some Men came in a Boat from the King of Banghel, (who lives there in Sanctuary with the King of that place his Friend and Kinsman) to visit and present our General in the Name of their Lord.  
December the thirtieth, About noon we entered the Port of Mangalòr. I had a desire to go to Carnate to see that Queen, and had already given Money for a Boat to carry me thither, being I might sooner and better go so then with a Palanchino; but this journey was disappointed as well as my former, I know not by what unhappy destiny; for I understood that the Fleet was by all means to depart from Mangalòr the next day, so that I could not have time to go and return; and if I lost the opportunity of this Fleet, God knows when I should have another of passing to Goa, whither other considerations of my business required me to repair as soon as might be. So I deferred my going to Carnate, but with no small regret; for being deprived of the knowledge of that Queen, who was reported to me for a Lady of great Worth and Valour. Whilst we stayed ashore, I went to the Church of San Francisco to visit those Fathers, where I found the General of our Fleet, Sig: Luis de Mendoza, whom I had never seen before. I found him a very complete and gallant Cavalier, and, having been bred in the Court of Spain the Queen's Page, a much better Courtier than other Portugal Cavaliers of India, who have not seen other Countries, are wont to be.  
December the one and thirtieth, I heard Mass in the forenoon and dined a shore with the Brother of Signior Tomè de Barrios, my Friend in Goa, at the House of the Padre Vicario of Mangalòr, named—, and known to me likewise at Goa. In the Evening I went aboard, and when it was dark we went out of the mouth of the Port to put ourselves before the whole Cafila, which here began to join with our Fleet, very numerous indeed, consisting of above a hundred and fifty Ships, laden with Rice, which were going to Goa, from whence all that Provision is dispersed abroad; of which Cafila, our Ship being Captain of the Vanguard, it behoved us to go first; but being the Cafila was so great, we cast Anchor just without the mouth of the Port, there expecting the day, and a sign to be given us by the General with his Canon: For it was requisite for all to keep as close together as possible, to the end that so many Ships of Merchandise, (disarmed and without Soldiers, saving the Convoy of the few Ships of our Fleet, some of which went before, some in the middle, and some always behind) might go secure from the assaults and surprises of Pirates; and indeed, to guard so many disarmed and laden Ships, that took up so much room at Sea, with so few armed Vessels, was no easy matter. But so it was, that we above all the rest were to take particular care that no Ship got before us, or separated from the Company, lest some disaster might befall them.  
On the first of january, 1624. We set sail from Mangalòr towards 
XVIII.  Goa, with the whole Cafila, which increased hourly; other Merchant Ships joining with us at all the Ports by which we passed, we giving them a sign with our Canon, and many times waiting for them till they came out. This first day we sailed not above three Leagues, and anchored under Carnate, but not in such a place and time that I could go to see the Queen as I desired.  
january the second, We set forth again very early, but a contrary North-West wind arising caused us to anchor among the Rocks, which they call Scogli di Santa Maria; whence some Men that went on shore, brought me some Jasmen, of a very goodly Scarlet-colour, of which sort I had never seen any Jasmen before, in any other place of the world; but for smell, it had little or none at all.  
january the third, We set forth again at our usual hour, and the wind began to blow from the land, which in that place is on the East. We passed by Barselòr, and, a League beyond, anchored at the Rock of Camboli, where we waited for the Cafila of Barselòr; we not entering there ourselves, that it might dispatch the sooner.  
january the fifth, Whilst we stayed at Camboli expecting the coming forth of all the Cafila of Barselòr, in the Morning we discovered twelve Ships coming towards us from the South; and knowing that they were not Merchants but Men of War, and having no News of any Armado that was to come from Goa at this time, we judged them to be Paroes' of Malabar-Pirats, as indeed they appeared; for the said Paroes' are almost like the Ships of the Portugals, but somewhat lighter. And because we saw them make directly up to us, we prepared for fight, and sailed forwards to meet them; assuring ourselves, that if they were Paroes', they came to assault us; since they could not but know that the Ships of our Armado, which alone were fit for fight, were fewer than theirs, and that the other Merchant's Ships of the Cafila, whom we convoyed, could serve for nothing else but either to fly away, if they were able, or to increase their booty in case our few armed Vessels should be beaten. The Ship wherein I was, being the Captain of the Vanguard, was far before the rest, and alone towards that part whence the abovesaid Ships were coming. Having betaken ourselves to our Arms, (which yet was not done without some confusion, because the things in the Ship were out of order, and the Soldier's unprovided of Powder, which was to be fetched out of the place where it was kept and distributed thus hastily in small quantities, being our store was but small) we consulted a while what to do, whether to wait for our other Ships which were behind, and so join all together in encountering the Enemy; or else to begin the fight, as we were, alone, till the rest came up to us. The first course seemed safest and most considerate; the latter was more magnanimous, but withal temerarious, because we were so distant from our company, that before they could come to succour us, our Ship might be wholly destroyed; as being but one it might very easily be by so many, especially in that extreme furious way of fight practised here, wherein there is great use of fireworks. Yet our Captain and the rest of us thought it was no time to demur longer and consult; because the Enemy was so near, that to wait for our Company would have little advantaged, but might much have prejudiced us, giving them thereby presumptions of our weakness and fear: Wherefore we all cried out to go on; that since we were come to this pinch, 'twas better to incur our loss alone with a valorous temerity by doing our duty, then to hazard the loss of the whole Armado and its Reputation, if the Enemy perceiving us timorous and weak should take heart against us from our imprudent fear: That as it was our duty to go forwards, so it was the duty of our Companions to follow us and succour us, and not let us perish alone; that this care belonged to them; that if they did otherwise, the fault would lie upon them, not upon us; that (in fine) let us give the onset, and leave Heaven to take can of the rest. Thus resolved, we desperately sailed forward. Our Companions that were nearest would have done the like; but the General, who was far behind in another place of the Cafila, shot off a Piece to command all to stay for him, reasonably conceiving it the best way to attaque the enemy altogether; whereupon all the other Ships of the Fleet which were behind us, stood still awhile; but we alone, seeing ourselves so far engaged and so near the Enemy, whatever the others did, would by no means stay but continued our course. Which Sig. Francisco Pesciotto Captain of one of the nearest Ships, beholding, and misliking that we should charge thus alone, and he quietly look on at a little distance, he lost all patience, and began again to make up after us, though a far off; the same did all the rest soon after, conceiving it the best way. We were now within Falconshot (for greater Pieces than Falcons these Ships carry not) but forbore to fire till a nearer approach might make the shot more certain; which seemed also to be the enemy's design: when being come so near as to speak and be heard, and standing ready to give fire both to the Ordnance and Musket, by the voices and cries on either side we found each other to be friends: for these Ships were an unexpected and extraordinary Fleet of Portugals sent to Cocin to convey securely from thence to Goa certain moneys of the Confraternity della Misericordia, and other Provisions. Hereupon the feud ceasing, the mortal thunder was turned into joyful salutations, with cheerful noise of Drums and Trumpets; at the sound whereof the Morning beginning to clear up, seemed also to hasten to rejoice with us and part our erroneous fray. I have mentioned this passage at large, to the end the successes, inconveniences, counsels and resolutions ensuing suddenly thereupon may be known; from all which, prudent advisoes for other occasions may be deduced; and also to make known to all the world the demeanour of the noble Portugal Nation in these parts; who indeed, had they but as much order, discipline, and good government as they have valour, Ormùz and other sad losses would not be now lamented, but they would most certainly be capable of achieving great matters. But God gives not all things to all.  
It being now broad day, we set sail with the whole Cafila; but 
XIX.  by reason of contrary wind, sailed no more than three leagues, and late in the evening came to anchor, in the place where we happened to be; the contrary Northwest wind beginning to grow more boisterous.  
january the sixth, We had the wind still contrary, and having sailed three other leagues, at the usual hour we cast anchor near the Rocks of Baticalà.  
On the seventh, the said wind blowing somewhat favourably, about noon we passed by Onòr, and without staying discharged only one Gun to give notice for the Ships to come forth of the port, if any were there that would accompany us; for greater diligence was not needful, because few come from thence. In the Evening the usual contrary Northwest wind arising, we came to an anchor, a little distant from Mirizeo. At the second watch of the night, a good stiff Southwind arose; and in the forenoon next day we passed by the Rocks called Angediva, and at night came to an anchor somewhat Southwards of Capo falso.  
january the ninth, the wind was contrary, our way short; and because we could not proceed forwards, we cast anchor near Rio deal Sale; also the next day, for the same reason we could get no further than an Enieda (as they speak) or Bay, called Mormogòn, in the Island of Salsette contiguous to that of Goa on the South, but greater and divided from the same only by a River. This Island of Salsette is full of very fair Towns, and abundance of Houses. Above all, the Jesuits have the goodliest places, and 'tis counted that perhaps a third part of the Island is theirs; for besides three good Towns which belong wholly to them, they have also dominion and government in all the other Towns too which are not theirs; they have Churches everywhere, Lands and store of Goods; and I believe all the Parishes are governed by them in Spirituals with supreme Authority; whence this people acknowledge more Vassalage (upon the matter) to the Jesuits then to the King himself. The case is the same in another Island called Bardeos, adjacent also to that of Goa, but more Northward, which is under the government of the Franciscans. Nor is it otherwise in almost all the other Territories of the Portugals; so that it may justly be said that the best and perhaps too the greatest part of this State is in the hands of Clergymen.  
Having anchored in the Bay of Mormogòn in good time, and knowing that we were not to depart the night following, our 
XX.  Captain with some others of us went ashore to see a Place and Church of the Jesuits called S. Andrea, which they told us was hard by: yet we sound it not so near, but that we walked about a league to get to it, because we knew not the right way, but mistook it, and were fain to leap over very broad and deep ditches of water, into one whereof one our Company happened to fall, to the great laughter of the rest, besides many other inconveniences. We found the Church large, neat and well built, with a fair square Court or Yard before it, surrounded with handsome Stonewalls, and within with some great Trees, under which were Banks raised to sit upon in the shadow. On one side of the Church was a very fair and well-built House for the Padre Rettore, who hath the present superintendency thereof; which Church and Building would be very magnificent not only for this place but for the City of Rome itself. We stayed a good while discoursing with the F. Rector, who told us sundry news from Goa, and invited us to Supper; but fearing to arrive too late at the Fleet if we stayed to sup here, we waved the Courtesy, and taking leave of him at Sunset returned to the place where we had left our Ships; and though we had a Guide to conduct us by the best and nearest way, yet we got not thither to embark till after two hours within night.  
january the eleventh, at our departing from the Port of Mormogòn this day, in which we were to arrive at Goa, the General, who was wont to go in the Rearguard, being now minded to go in the middle of the Armada, commanded our Ship, (hitherto Captain of the Vanguard) to remain behind all the rest for guarding the Rearguard: where great diligence was to to be used, both that no straggling Ship might be in danger of being surprised by Rovers, or any of the Merchant's Vessels slip aside to avoid paying Custom at Goa, and go to unlade in other places of Counterband. Wherefore having sailed the little remainder of the way, and caused all the other Ships to enter, which were in number more than two hundred and fifty; we at length entered the Bar or Mouth of the Rio of Goa, where we anchored under a Port hard by, without going further to the City; it being the custom for no Fleets to arrive in the City without the advice and Licence of the Viceroy. Here we found the Ship, which alone was to go this year to Portugal already laden and ready to sail; as also some galleons in readiness likewise, whether to be sent to Ormùz or elsewhere I know not. Sig. Ayres de Siqueida Captain of our Ship, having got leave of the General, went to Goa with a Manciva or Boat which came to him for that purpose; and I with Sig. Francisco Pesciotto Captain of another Ship, Sig. Manoel Leyera and some few Soldiers accompanied him. We arrived at Goa when it was dark night, because 'tis three leagues from the mouth of the Bar to the City, almost directly from South to North; so that there is a considerable difference between the altitude of the Pole at Goa, and the mouth of the Bar. Having landed, every one went to his own home; and I, who had no house ready for me, nor yet any servant, went alone, as I was, to lodge in the House of Sig. Antonio Baracio my friend, according as himself & Sig: Ruy Gomes his Brother had promised I should when I departed from Goa. As I was going thither I was unexpectedly met by the said two Brothers, who received me with their wont courtesy. My Bed and Goods which I had in the Ship were soon after brought to the same place by the procurement of Sig. Ayres. I understood here that my quondam servant the honest Cacciatùr coming hither from Ikkeri to Goa after his false dealing with me, had attempted to put a trick upon Signora Maria also, but it did not succeed. He feigned that I had sent him beforehand to take order for a house against my return, and was importunate for money to prepare and provide things necessary. My letter he ventured not to present but pretended a misfortune at Sea, whereby it was lost, with other such inventions. Hereupon Signora Maria suspected him, and, without my Letters, gave no credit to him, as neither did Signora Maria da Cugna. So that seeing his devices to get money from them, proved ineffectual, he came no more in sight; and we believe is gone into the Territories of the Moors amongst the Mahometans, having heard no more news of him.  
january the twentieth, a Proclamation was put forth by the 
XXI.  Viceroy for all Portugal Soldiers (they call all such as have not Wives, Soldati) and also all Dispacciati, though married, to prepare to go to Ormùr; it being given out that the Viceroy intended to pass thither in person with a great Armada and galleons. Amongst the Portugals, those are called Dispacciati, who having ended their services, which every one is obliged to perform for eight years, only with that small pay and maintenance which is given to Servants (which indeed is very slender), upon petition to the King in Spain and representation of the faithfulness of their services, according as the same are greater or less, are dismissed by the King with some honourable and profitable Charge, as Captain of a Fort, and the like; to enjoy the same for three years or some other determinate time. Which Charges they enter not upon as soon as the same are granted, but when it falls to them of course according to the time of their dismission: whereby it comes to pass that some never enjoy them as long as they live, nor yet their sons sometimes, unless very late, (in case the favour extend to their sons too) because all the said Charges or Offices go by seniority, every man ' time beginning from the day of their dismission; and oftentimes it happens that forty or fifty are dismissed at the same time with him, all who must first enjoy the same Office or else die to make way for him. In brief, 'tis an invention of the Kings of Portugal, much for their own interest; for not having much to give in recompense of services, they by this means pay the greatest part of those that serve them with hopes alone; which also prove very well to them; the men of this nation being of such an humour that they not only are contented with these bare hopes, and hold themselves well requited for many great and toilsome service, but make great account thereof; for these Reversions, which are to fall God knows when, are the estate and support of many, the portions of many Daughters, and in brief, in respect of the little other estates they have in India, one of the best and most considerable advantages that they possess, besides their being of much reputation and honour. Now to all such as were in this manner dismissed was this Proclamation directed, obliging them to go to Ormùz with the Viceroy under penalty of losing all their Reversions. But for all this, intelligent men did not believe that the Viceroy would undertake this Expedition, both because they did not hold him a man likely to take up such a resolution, and because there were not such preparations made in Goa for his voyage, as was requisite.  
january the two and twentieth, a Galeot under the command of Sig. Manoel de Paiva; our friend, arrived at Goa from Sindi, in 
XXII.  which were many persons that had come to Sindi with other Ships from Mascàt; amongst the rest there was a considerable Soldier belonging to Ruy Freira, who brought certain news of his own knowledge, how the said Ruy Freira having held Ormùz closely besieged for a long time, and brought the Defendants to great distress for want of all things; at length, no relief coming to him, no provisions wherewith to continue the Siege, (his Victuals failing him) was constrained to raise the Siege and return to Mascàt with all his Army; yet with intention to make new provisions, and get new succours and ammunitions, and then to return again to besiege the place; which in the mean time the Moors omitted not to supply with all sort of necessaries for a long time, to repair the fortifications and reinforce it with fresh Soldiers. All which considered, I hold the retaking of Ormùz very difficult, both in regard of the courage the enemy hath resumed by this action, and because the same scarcity of Victuals will happen frequently, and in a short time to the besiegers no less then to the besieged, being the Island affords nothing of itself, and our provisions must be fetched from greater distance than those of the enemies: wherein not much diligence being used on our part, I doubt not but it will be very difficult for them to hold the Siege long; and when they intermit the same never so little, as they have done now, that short time is sufficient to secure the place from famine; because having the Continent so near hand, and provisions there in much plenty, it may be in one day alone supplied for many months. As for taking it by battery or otherwise; the Portugals being so few and little skilled in such Arts, and on the other side the enemies so numerous and indefatigable in undergoing toil and pains, I hold it very difficult. The Viceroy of Goa, who had been so cold in sending succours to Ruy Freira; because he would not that he should take Ormùz, but only hold it straightened till himself went in person to reap the fruit of others labours; that so he might with the glory of this victory cover the passed neglect he had committed in the shameful loss of the Ships in the Voyage when he came into India: now hearing this news, and how Ormùz, which he thought he had in his clutches, was by the retreat of Ruy Freira (who would infallibly write into Spain of the wrong done him in not sending him any forces or succour during a year's time that he had been upon the attempt, and heinously charge the Viceroy for it) escaped out of his hands, and become very difficult to be taken, was infinitely troubled thereat; and indeed I know not how he can excuse himself to his Master for so great negligences; and some have heard him lament himself much, and say that it was his own fault. However it were, the talk of his going to Ormùz became very cold upon these news; and if it was not believed at first, after this it was held wholly desperate; although to encourage others to the expedition, he still kept up the report. The same Ship brought news, how Ruy Freira, whilst he was at the Siege of Ormùz with his few Ships, sent two to the straight of Mecha, to see whether they could get any booty which might serve to support his forces; another to Sindi to fetch provisions, and advertise the Mogul's Ministers there not to send any Ships into Persia, otherwise he should take them; yet neither those of Mecha, nor this of Sindi ever returned to him; neither did this Captain send him any thing from Maschàt: so that he was constrained to remove his quarters. Besides, during his being before Ormùz, he had sent some other Ships to fall upon the Country of those Arabians whom they call Nactrilù, living upon the Coasts of Persia in the gulf above Mogostàn; and that this enterprise succeeded well enough, they having made great destruction, and taken much spoil: but afterwards the Captains of the same Ships being greedy of prey, contrary to the order of Ruy Freira, and against the judgement of one of them who was the head of all the rest (little obedience is an ordinary thing among the Portugals, and causes infinite disorders) designed to set upon another place, whose Governor, who was an Arabian Sceich, at first attempted to make them forbear with good words, saying that he was their Vassal, etc. but when he saw, that courtesy prevailed not against their rapacity, he got his men together, and made head against them; so that assaulting them in a convenient place as they were out of order, he defeated them, killing many, and amongst those, divers Captains and Soldiers of valour; which was no small loss. It was further related, that during the Siege of Ormùz, the besieged being in great straits for all other things, and which was most important, of water also, which within failed them and was corrupted; yet Ruy Freira could not hinder them from ferching plenty of very good water as often as they pleased at a place of the Island without the Garrison, which they call Trumbàk; where, not through want of Soldiers, (for he might have had Arabians enough and others of those Countries) but for want of money to pay and support them, he could never place a guard to prevent the enemies from fetching as much water as they pleased. They said lastly, that Ruy Freira was at Massàt soliciting for aid, and preparing to return to Ormùz as soon as he should be provided of what was needful.  
By the same Ship a Jew came from Sindi who had lately dwelled 
XXIII.  in Ormùz and came to Sindi by sea from Guadèl, which is a Port of the Kingdom of Kic and Macran, and was come to Guadal by land from Sphahàn. He was a sagacious person, and affirmed to me for certain that the Prince of Kic and Macran was a friend and obedient to the Persians, and that there passed through his Country infinite Cafila's of Merchandise which came from India to Guadèl by Sea, and from thence were transported into Persia upon Camels; and that this way was not only frequented since the taking of Ormùz which was declined during that War, but was also very secure and afforded much profit to the said Prince of Macran, because at Guadèl he received divers Customs of the abovesaid Merchandizes; and before this pass was open, he had no profit at all. Yet this Jew could not tell me, whether this friendship and obedience of the Macranite to the Persian, was because the Prince, who reigned there, was dead and succeeded by his younger Brother, who many years ago had fled into Persia to this Sciàh, as I have elsewhere mentioned in this Diary; or else because the two Brothers ne'er agreed together, and that he who reigned still, either for his own interest upon account of the said pass of the Cafila's, or through fear since the taking of Ormùz, or perhaps forced by War or other like Accidents, had disposed himself to be friendly and obedient to the Persian.  
january the twenty fifth, The Jesuits of the College of Saint 
XXIV.  Paul, (this day being the Feast of their College) began to make part of their Solemnities, which were to be made for joy of the Canonization of their Saints Ignatio and Sciavier; the Celebration of which was deferred till now, that more time might be allotted for preparation. They came forth with a Cavalcade of all their Collegians divided into three Squadrons under three Banners, one of which represented the asiatics, one the Africans, and another the Europaeans; those of each Squadron being clothed after the manner of their respective Countries. Before the Cavalcade, went a Chariot of Clouds with Fame on the top, who sounding her Trumpet with the adjunction of Music, published the News of the said Canonization. Two other Chariots accompanied the Cavalcade, the hindermost of which represented Faith or the Church; the other in the middle was a Mount Parnassus, with Apollo and the Muses representing the Sciences professed in the said College; both which Chariots, were also full of very good Music and many people. Moreover, they removed from place to place amongst the Cavalcade five great Pyramids upon wheels, drawn by Men on foot, well clothed after the Indian fashion. Upon the first were painted all the Martyrs of the Order of Jesuits; upon another, all the Doctors and Writers of Books; upon another, figures of Men of all such Nations in their proper habits, where the said Order hath foundations, to represent the Languages in which the Fathers of it preach: Another had abundance of Devises relating to all the Provinces of the said Religion; and lastly, another had all the Miracles both of Sant' Ignatio, and San Francisco Sciavier. All of these Pyramids had Epitaphs, Statues, and other Ornaments both at the pedestal and at the top; so that passing in this manner through the principal streets of the City, they planted and left the said Pyramids in several places; one before the See or Archiepiscopal Church; one before the professed House of Giesù; one before the Church of San Paolo, where at first they kept the College; but by reason of the badness of the Air, removed it from thence, yet the Church remaining to them, which was sometimes much frequented and magnificent, but at this day is but meanly provided for; so that they are still in contest with the City about it, who unwillingly consent to this changing of the College.  
The last they left before the new College, the Church whereof they are wont to call San Rocco, and by the other Name also; but the Jesuts, resolute to keep their College by reason of the fairness of the place, notwithstanding the opposition of the Augustine Friars, who by long and intricate suits, use their utmost endeavour to hinder them from it; only to the end not to have them Neighbours, under pretext that they deprive them of the fresh Air, and the prospect of the Sea: The Jesuits, I say, resolute to abide there, prevailing hitherto, both against the City, which re-calls them back to Sàn Paolo Vecchio, for greater convenience of the Students, and against the Augustine's, and against the King himself, who hath many times ordained their removal and the destruction of their new College; nevertheless maintain themselves in possession of their new and sumptuous Fabric, which also they daily enlarge, and nominate San Paolo Nuovo; for in India they will have all their Colleges dedicated to Saint Paul, the Doctor of the Gentiles.  
january the nine and twentieth, I went together with the Signori 
XXV.  Baracci my entertainers and other friends, to see and spend a day at Guadalupe, which is a place of Recreation in the Island of Goa, distant from the City about two leagues, populous and full of Houses and Gardens of several Portugal Signori, who for pleasure go to dwell there some time of the year, as you at Rome do to Frascati which is the ancient Tusculanum. Guadulupe lies at the foot of a certain Precipice in a plain soil upon a spacious Lake, which at one time of the year is quite dried up and sown with Rice, so that the prospect is always very lovely; because the Lake is either full of water, in which grow abundance of pretty Flowers and aquatic Plants; or else 'tis all green with Rice, which is sown before the Lake is totally dry and grows up to maturity before the Water return; so that it makes a very pretty Show, and the more because this Water being collected in great rain, is fed also by a small but constantly running River; and though so kept there for many months, yet causes not any bad affection of the Air; but through the ' goodness of the Climate the Air is always better here then any where else. Nor is the Sea far distant, to wit the shore of the other more Southern River which forms the Island of Goa on the other side opposite to the City; and the mouth of that River which makes a secure and spacious Harbour, where sometimes even the greatest Portugal Shipsride, and in old time the City stood there, so that they call the place at this day Goa Vecchia, or old Goa. As we returned, we saw abundance of Villages and Palmeta's full of all sort of fruits, and many fair and well-kept Churches, as San Lorenzo, and others within a small distance; so that I had reason to judge this place to be held the most delicious of Goa.  
january the thirtieth, Being in Guadalupe, in the Garden of the House where we were, which belonged to Signior Simon Gomes our Friend, and Kinsman to the Sigg: Baracci, I saw a Canella, or Cinnamon Tree, of which some are found in Goa, but strangers. 'Tis as big a Tree as any, not a shrub as I imagined; some of the leaves, which have a taste of Cinnamon, and are pleasant to be masticated, I keep among my baggage, to show the same in Italy; as also some of the Tree Trisoe with its odoriferous Flowers, which blow every day and night, and fall at the approach of day, as I myself see and observed of one that was planted before the Gate of our House. This Flower is very like the jasmin of Catalonia, but the Canella— hath a yellow one, which is used by the Countrypeople instead of Saffron with their meats, and upon other occasions. Moreover, I saw and observed in the Lake two sorts of Flowers, one great, the other very small, both white, with something of yellow in the midst; the lesser hath no green leaves on the stalk to be seen, and the inner part of the white leaves is full of thick and long Down: The greater Flower hath smooth, long, and straight leaves, and grows on a Plant whose leaves are large, and almost perfectly round, swimming on the surface of the water, totally expanded almost like those of a Gourd. Both these Flowers have a strange property; in the night they are always closed, in the day always open, displaying themselves at the rising, and closing at the setting of the Sun; besides, that they are of a very excellent fragrant smell. I could not keep any to show, because they are so tender and so full of moisture, especially the lesser sort which is the fairest, that they fade presently upon being kept in papers, as the Custom is. The Indians call them— and tell a Fable of Brahmas being born of one of these Flowers, and afterwards re-entering into one again, wherein he hath spent ten-thousand years. You see what fine Stories we have here; I leave them with you and kiss your Hands.   

LETTER VIII.  
From Goa Novemb. 4. 1624.  
MY last I writ to you by the Ship which departed from 
I.  Goa to Portugal the first of February, and was the only Ship of that Kingdom that was sent hither this year: On which Day the Bells rung at Goa, and many rejoicings were made, particularly, in the Churches of the Jesuits, the Augustine's, the Dominicans, upon News brought of many Martyrs lately Martyred in japan, amongst which were many Religious of the abovesaid Orders; and particularly of Jesuits, were Martyred three Italians, to wit, F. Carlo Spinola, a Genoveses of principal quality: F. Camillo Costanzo, a Calabrese, or rather a Neapolitan, of a Family whose Estate lies in Calabria: And F. Pietro Paolo, a Neapolitan likewise, if I mistake not.  
February the eighth, A Council of State was held concerning the Vice-Roys going to Ormùz; in which, I know not what was resolved, because some talked one thing, and some another; but as for the Soldiers, it was determined that all should go, and he that refused was imprisoned, as some were to my knowledge.  
February the tenth, As a beginning of the solemnities for the Canonization, the Jesuits sung a Vespers in the Church of the Profest-house of Giesù. The night following, they caused a numerous Maskerade of young Students, not Collegians but Out-liers, to pass through the streets on Horseback, clothed in several rich habits, and following a Standard whereon was portrayed the Effigies of the Saints. The next day there was a solemn Mass in the same Church, and a Sermon made by the F. Visitor, Andrea Palmuro, at which the Viceroy was present. In the Evening upon a very great Theatre, erected without the Church in the Piazza, for representing many days together the Life of San Francisco Sciavier; they caused a Squadron of young men masked in the habits of Peasants, to dance many gallant Balls with Music.  
On the twelfth of February, in the presence of the Viceroy and of all the Nobility and People of the City, (for whose conveniency scaffolds and seats were erected in the Piazza round about the Theatre both for Men and Women) the first Act of the abovesaid Comedy or Tragedy, (as they said) of the Life of Santo Sciavier was represented. Of which Tragedy, which was represented by about thirty persons, all very richly clothed and decked with Jewels; the vast and no less extravagant Machine whereinto they entered to act the rare Music, gallant Dances, and various contrivances of Chariots, Ships, Galleys, Pageants, Heavens, Hells, Mountains, and Clouds, I forbear to speak, because I have the printed Relation by me.  
On the eighteenth of February, The Viceroy being indisposed, the proceedings were superseded. But in the three following days, by two Acts a day, the whole Tragedy was rehearsed. It comprehended not only the whole Life, but also the Death of San Francisco Sciavier, the transportation of his Body to Goa, his ascension into Heaven; and lastly, his Canonization.  
On the seventh of the same month, Mass was sung in the College of San Paolo Nouvo, and a predication made by F. Flaminio Calò an Italian, upon the Beatification of the Blessed Luigi Gonzaga, who was also a Father of the Society. In the Evening, the Portugals of quality passed about the streets in a Maskerade, accompanied with Chariots and Music; about twelve of us went out of the House of Sig: Antonio Baraccio, all clothed in the same Livery, which I took care to get made according to my Fancy, and I ordered it after the fashion of the ancient Roman Warriors, just as the ancient Emperor's use to be pictured; the colours were Carnation and White, with several Impresses on the breast, every one after his own Fancy; it appeared very well by night, and was the best and greatest Body of the whole Maskerade. I bore for my Impress a Blaze of Flames, with this Italian Word of Tasso, 
Men dolci si, ma non men called all core.  Which Impress I have been wont to use frequently since the death of my Wife Sitti Maani; the Work of my clothes was wholly together Flames, only distinguished here and there with Tears which showed my grief.  
February the eighteenth, In the Morning solemn Mass was sung, and a Sermon made upon the Canonization of the Saints in San Paolo Vecchio. In the Afternoon, Lists and a Ring being prepared before the Church of Giesù, many great Portugal Gentlemen richly clothed, came as to run Careers both at the one and the other, giving Divertisement to the Ladies who stood beholding them on Balconies and Scaffolds. The like they did afterwards in the street of San Paolo Vecchio.  
February the nineteenth, A very solemn Procession was made from San Paolo Vecchio to Giesù, through the principal streets of the City; which Procession exceeded all the rest, in number of Pageants, Chariots, and Ships, and other Engines filled with people who represented several things, and good Music, accompanied with several Dances on Foot, and many other brave devices: Of all which things I speak not, because I have a printed Relation thereof by me. In the end of the Procession, was carried by many of the Fathers in their Copes the Body of San Francisco Sciavier, enclosed in a fair and rich Silver Coffin, with a Silver Canopy over it made very gallant, and the Effigies of the Saint behind: Then came a great Standard with the pourtraytures of the Saints, carried likewise by some of the Fathers; and after that, all the Crosses of their Parishes of Salsette, and only one company of the Friars of Saint Francis. Of the other Religions that are in Goa, none appeared here; because they said they would not go in the Processions of the Jesuits, since the Jesuits went not in those of others. With this Procession, which ended about noon, ended also the solemnities for the abovesaid Canonisations.  
February the twenty fifth, This day being the first Sunday of 
II.  Lent this year, the Augustine Fathers, according to custom made a solemn Procession, which they call de i Passi, in reference to the steps which our Lord made in his Passion, being carried to several places. They carried in Procession a Christ with the Cross on his shoulders, and many went along disciplining themselves, being clothed with white sackcloth, gallant and handsome, very gravely, according to the humour of the Nation. In several places of the City certain Altars were placed, where the Procession stood still; and after some time spent in singing, the Christ turned backwards, representing that passage, Conversus ad Filias jerusalem, dixit illis, Nolite flere super me, etc. At which turning of the sacred Image, the people who were very numerous, and filled the whole streets, lamented and uttered very great cries of Devotion. At length, the Procession being come to the Church, Della Gratiae, whereit ended; after the Augustine Nuns (whose Covent stands near that of the Friars in the same Piazza) had sung a while, an Image of del volto Santo, of our Lord's Countenance like that at Rome, was shown to the people gathered together in the said Piazza, from a window of one of the Bell-turrets which are on either side the front of the said Church; and so the Solemnity ended. But the abovementioned Altars in the streets are every Friday during Lent adorned in the same manner, and visited by the people every day, and also many hours of the night; just as the Church of Saint Peter at Rome is visited every Friday of March; and they call this visiting, Corror os Passos, that is, going about and visiting the steps of our Lord; which serves the people, during this time of Lent, no less for devotion then for pastime.  
March the first, There was also another Procession in Goa of the Disciplinanti, which I went not to see; the like is made every Friday during all Lent, and therefore I shall not stand to describe it. I believe there is no City in the world, where there are more Processions made then in Goa all the year long; and the reason is, because the Religious are numerous, and much more than the City needs; they are also of great authority and very rich, and the People being naturally idle, and addicted to Shows, neglecting other Cares of more weight, and perhaps more profitable to the Public, readily employ themselves in these matters; which, however good, as sacred and parts of divine worship, yet in such a City as this which borders upon Enemies, and is the Metropolis of a Kingdom lying in the midst of Barbarians, and so always at War, and where nothing else should be minded but Arms and Fleets, seem according to worldly Policy unprofitable and too frequent, as also so great a number of Religious and Ecclesiastical persons is burdensome to the State, and prejudicial to the Militia. In the Evening of every Friday of Lent, there is a Sermon upon the Passion, in the Church of Giesù; and so likewise in other Churches, but upon other days and hours. At the end of these Sermons certain Tabernacles are opened, and divers figures, representing some passages of the Passion, (according to the subject of the Sermon) are with lighted Tapers showed to the People; as one day that of the Ecce Homo; another day, Our Lord with the Cross upon his shoulders; and the last day, the Crucifix; and so every day, one thing suitable to the purpose. Oftentimes they make these figures move and turn, as they made the Robe fall off from the Ecce Homo, and discover the wounded Body; at which sight the devout People utter prodigious Cries, and the Women force themselves to shriek out; and the Signore, or Gentlewomen, are so zealous, that they not only cry out themselves, but make their Maids do so too, and beat them even in the Church if they do not, and that very loudly, whether they have a will to it or no. Strange devotion indeed!  
March the third, Ten Ships of War were at length sent from 
III.  Goa to the bar or mouth of the Sea, in order to depart (as they did) within two or three days towards Ormùz to Ruy Freira; the General of which was Sig: Sancho de Toar, Brother to Veedor da Fazenda, who was Treasurer and Captain of one of the Ships. Our Friend Sig: Michael Pereira Boralho, who was sometimes Captain of the galleons, went also; his Brother Giovan Boralho, was killed under Ruy Freira, in the battle with the English at Giàsk last year, being Admiral of that Fleet, which next the General is the prime charge, having been many times before Capitan Maggiore, as they speak, or General, in the Straight of Ormùz; I make particular mention of him upon account of his relation to Sig: Michael our Friend. But such a succour for Ormuz after so long a time, is indeed a very inconsiderable matter. Yet, they say, other Ships are preparing to be sent after these.  
March the one and twentieth, I took the Altitude of the Sun at Goa with my Astrolabe, and found him decline at noon from the Zenith towards the South fourteen degrees, and forty minutes. He was this day in the thirtieth degree of Pisces, and consequently, in the Aequinoctial without any Declination; so that without making any Substraction or Addition to this number, Goa, that is, the City, will lie just so many degrees (14. gr. 40′.) from the Aequinoctial towards the North, and also have the Northern Pole elevated as many.  
March the eight and twentieth, News was brought to Goa how the great Moghòl had caused all the English that were at his Court to be slain, and imprisoned all the rest that were at Suràt. As for those that were slain, some say it was by the Moghòl's Order in way of punishment, and that they were hanged and otherwise executed; Others say, it was by chance, as they endeavoured to defend themselves by Arms, when he sent only to arrest them prisoners, as he did those of Suràt; and this seems most likely. Be it as it will, this Accident may easily disturb their Commere something in that Country. The occasion is reported thus. A few days, or months ago, the English in Suràt apprehending themselves aggrieved to a considerable sum by the Mogòl's Ministers, (whether by exaction of Customs, or in Accounts, I know not) to repair the loss by force, since otherwise they could not, made reprisal of some of the Moghol's ships, which were come abroad full laden; and being the Mogòl's people were not able to deal with the English at Sea, they were constrained for recovering their surprised Vessels, to grant the English every thing demanded, and satisfy them so far as they pretended to be aggrieved. Which thing coming afterwards to the King's knowledge, he caused all of that Nation to be apprehended wherever found in his Dominions, hereupon happened the slaughter abovementioned. For my part, I think the English have not managed their business discreetly in this case; for how is it possible for a few strangers and inmates to contestwith, and get the better of, a great King in his own Country? And upon rising of the like differences, I should account it the best course to accord them with good words, and amicably with the said King, by complaining of his Ministers, and procuring him to provide in such cases as well as may be; and this course may succeed happily: Otherwise, if redress can be obtained, then, before a manifest feud, 'twere best to get out of his power, and war upon him securely, not in his own Country where there are so many people, and the King, undoubtedly, hath more power than any other. I believe, the English made this attempt, upon supposition that the Moghòl hath great need of the Sea, and that to the end his Ships might have free passage therein, without being molested by the English, he would suffer what they pleased. But herein, in my opinion, they are grossly mistaken; because the Moghòl is a very great and wealthy King, whose Revenues arise from his own Lands, and not from the Sea; and to whom that little which is to be had from the Sea, (how great soever it may be) is nothing, and nothing he accounts it; because it accrues rather to some small Captain of his, as the Governor of Suràt, and the like, then to the King himself: So that, What is he concerned for it? But indeed he will be concerned for such an injury done to him in his own jurisdiction, as the English have done by making reprisal of Ships, which Princes much inferior to the Moghòl would not have suffered from any admitted as Friends into their Countries. Besides, the grievances alleged by the English were but pretences, and the Moghòl's Ministers had their Reasons for them; wherefore the case ought to have been heard before falling to violence; and let the matter be how it will, 'twas just for him to be Judge in his own Country, and that this respect should be shown him, if the English would have taken this course; if not, or if he would not do them Justice, they were always at liberty to go out of his power, and so make War against him by Sea upon better terms. Concerning the Affairs of the Moghòl with his Son, they said that Sultàn Chorròm having been twice routed, was at last retreated with some few followers into the Dominions of Cutab-Sciàh; and that his Father had given over pursuing him, and being retired to his own Court, left him there in quiet; that Cutab-Sciàh did not assist him out of awe to the Father, nor yet drive him out of his Territories out of respect to himself, but let him enjoy the possession of a certain small circuit in his Country to which he had retired.  
Concerning Persian affairs, we heard a while since, and it was 
IV.  verified, that not only the English Ships were gone thither according to their custom for the Trade of Silk, but also those of the Hollanders which come to Suràt; perhaps because the Hollanders are minded to set up a Traffic thither too, as I understood from a good hand last year at Suràt. In the mean time other Ships and galleons are preparing at Goa to be sent to Ormùz.  
April the tenth, Three galleons freighted with Victual departed from Goa to Ruy Freira for the war of Ormùz, as two other Ships had done a few days before besides the abovementioned ten; and order was given for three other galleons to go from Mozambique with people sufficient to arm all the six; because the former three of Goa carried no Soldiers but only Seamen. They carried also from Goa a Petard, wherewith they said they intended to attempt the little false Gate of Ormùz which stands towards the Sea; and several other preparations of War.  
On the twenty ninth of the same month, being the day of S. Pietro Martyr, who, they say, was the Founder of the Inquisition against Heretics, the Inquisitors of Goa made a Solemnity before their House of the Inquisition which is in the Piazza of the Cathedral, and was sometimes the Palace of Sabaio Prince of Goa when the Portugals took it, whence it is still called lafoy Piazza di Sabaio. After solemn Mass had been sung in the Church of San Dominico, as Vespers had been the day before, in presence of the Inquisitors, who coming to fetch the Friars in Procession, repaired thereunto in Pontificalibus; in the evening many careers were run on horseback by the Portugal-Gentry, invited purposely by the Inquisitors; and a day or two after (for this Evening was not sufficient for so many things) there was in the same Piazza a Hunting or Baiting of Bulls after the Spanish fashion; but the Beasts being tame and spiritless afforded little sport; so that I had not the curiosity to be present at it. This is a new Festival lately instituted by the present Inquisitors, who, I believe, will continue it yearly hereafter.  
May the tenth, a Packet-boat from Mascàt arrived at Goa with Letters dated April the twenty fourth, confirming what had some days before been rumoured, that the King of Persia had taken Baghdàd, and the Persians were about to go against Bassorà by Sea, but were diverted from their design by the Portugal Fleet which they heard was preparing to succour that City; besides some Ships of theirs which they continually keep there in favour of the Turks against the Persians to guard the Mouth of the River, which is Euphrates and Tigris joined together. The same Boat brought news also that twelve Ships were already departed from Mascàt under the conduct of my friend Sig. Michele Pereira to begin a new Siege of Ormùz; and that Ruy Freira waited for the galleons that he might go thither too with the greater Fleet. If it be true, that Sciah-Abbas has taken Baghdàd, I am confident that at the long run Bassorà will fall into his hands too: if the Portugals may hinder him by sea, they cannot by land; and 'tis a clear case, that if he hath Baghdàd, he intends also to have the port of Bassorà, which is of great importance. That he has taken Baghdàd may very well be true, during the present ill State of the Turkish Affairs, after the late tumults in that Court, and the death of Sultàn Suleiman who was lately murdered and his formerly deposed Uncle Sultàn Mustafà restored to the Empire, as I was lately assured here, by an Armenian who told me that he was at Constantinople in the time of these Revolutions; and that Sultàn Mustafà was very loath to reassume the Government by reason of the ill deportment of the Ministers; and that he would have no more Women or Concubines, but had married and dismissed all that were in the Seraglio; that, if any woman came into his presence, he ran at her with his Poniard, professing to lead a chaste and religious life, not meaning to have other Successors than his Brother's two Sons, the elder of which is Sultàn Mahomad Son of Sultanà Kiosmè, who, I always believed, would by his Mother's Arts one day come to rule, and now without doubt, whether she be living or not, (if the abovesaid relations be true) will at least reign after his Uncle Mustafà. Now forasmuch as in these violent mutations of Empires, the Government always suffers deterioration, because without some evil disposition of the Government such violences in Royal Families cannot arise; therefore, I say, perhaps this ill posture of affairs hath afforded the Sciàh occasions making himself Master of Baghdàd, especially if the Tyrant Bechir Subasci, who had in a manner usurped it to himself, have given it into his power; (which is an easy thing even in the good State of the Turkish Affairs) being perhaps afraid of Sultan Mustafà, who, they say, is very prudent and wholly intent to reform the Disorders of the Empire without caring to attend foreign enterprises; whence perhaps having an eye too upon the Disorders of Baghdàd, he was about to raise a strong Army for removing the said Tyrant, who by this means became necessitated to yield it to the Sciàh. Nevertheless in these matters I have some doubt, because the same Armenian told me, that Sultan Mustafa had made peace with the Persian for twenty years; and if the taking of Baghdàd be true, it is a breaking of the peace; which amongst the Moors, and considering the Customs of Sciàh Abbas is not impossible. At present I suspend my belief, and desire to have more certain and particular informations of these matters, of which in Goa there is little plenty.  
By the same Vessel came a Letter from Sig. Nicolao de Silua Veador da jazenda, or Treasurer at Mascàt, to one of the Inquisitors, 
●V.  wherein he signified to him that he understood by the Letters of the French Consul at Aleppo, that at Rome Gregory XV. was dead, and a new Pope already chosen, Card. Masseo Barberini, about fifty four years old, who had assumed the name of Urban VIII. The same Letter further advertised that in Spain the Marriage between the Prince of England, and the Infanta was celebrated upon the day of our lady's Nativity in September; and that the Infante Don Carlo was to accompany her into England, and from thence pass to his Government of Flanders; that in England the Catholics had public Churches open, and enjoyed Liberty of Conscience: That in Italy the business of the Valtolin had been referred to his Holiness; but Pope Gregory died without determining it: That the King of Spain kept a great Army ready in Milan about it; and that a League was made against him in Italy by other Princes; that some said Don Carlo of Spain was to marry the Heiress of Lorraine; and other like news, which being of things either uncertain or future, I makesmall account of, till I see the issue.  
May the seventeenth, By a Merchant's Ship from Bassora, we had more certain intelligence by Luigi Medici's, of Ramiro the Venetian Consul at Aleppo, that Pope Gregory X V. died on the twenty ninth of july 1623. having been sick only five days. The Relation of the Conclave saith that the Pope died on the eight of july, the Cardinals entered into the Conclave on the nineteenth, and that on the sixth of August Urban VIII. was created Pope. That Card. Montato died a little before the Pope, and Card. Ludovisio was made Vicechancellor in his stead; and the Chamberlainship, being vacant by the death of Aldobrandino, was conferred upon the young Cardinal of the same name. That the new Pope Urban was sick for some days after his Election; but afterwards recovering was crowned upon the day of S. Michael the Archangel. That besides the Pope, almost all the Cardinals fell sick through the inconveniences of the Conclave in so hot a season; and many of them died, as Pignatelli, Serra, Sauli, Gozzadino, and Sacrati; and the Card. Gherardi and Aldobrandino remaining still grievously sick; and that of the Conclavists there died about sixty; which indeed was a great number, for a Conclave that lasted so short a while. That Telli (Tilly) the Emperor's General, had given a great rout to Alberstat; and the Emperor's Affairs in Germany passed very well. That 'twas true, a confederacy was made against Spain about the business of the Valtolin between France, Venice, and Savoy, but that it will proceed no further, because Spain had deposited the Valtolin in the hands of the Pope. That the Prince of Urbino was dead, and consequently that State would fall to the Church; which is a thing of much importance. That at Venice the Doge Pruili was dead, and a new Doge already elected, one Contarini an eminent Person. That there was a great Plague, and that the King of France had subdued almost all the Garrisons of the Heretics, except Rochel, which he also hoped shortly to reduce to obedience. That the Espousals were passed between the Infanta of Spain and the King of England's Son, with hope that he is already a Catholic. That they have given her in dower the pretensions of Holland and Zealand, and money, on condition that Liberty of Conscience be granted in England and four Churches for Catholics built in London, which was already executed, public Writings thereof going about in print; besides divers other Affairs of Europe of less consideration.  
May the nineteenth, One Ventura da Costa, a Native of Canara 
VI  was married. He was a domestic servant to Sig: Alvero da Costa, a Priest and our Friend, Lord of a Village near Goa; for whose sake, who was willing to honour his servant's wedding in his own House, I and some other Friends went thither to accompany the Bride and the Bridegroom to the Church of San Blagio, a little distant in another Village, which was the Parish of the Bride, where the Ceremonies were performed in the Evening for coolness sake. The Company was very numerous, consisting of many Portugal Gentlemen, such, perhaps, as few other Canarini have had at their Marriages. The Spouses came under Umbrella's of Silk garnished with silver, & in other particulars the Ceremonies were according to the custom of the Portugals; only I observed, that according to the use of the Country, in the Company before the Married Persons, there marched a party of fourteen or sixteen men oddly clothed after the Indian fashion, to wit, naked from the girdle upward, and their Bodies painted in works with white Sanders, and adorned with bracelets and necklaces of Gold and Silver, and also with flowers and turbans upon their heads, in several gallant fashions and streamers of several colours hanging behind them: From the girdle downwards, over the hose which these Canarini use to wear short like ours, they had variously coloured clothes girt about them with streamers, or flying laps, hanging down a little below the knee; the rest of the leg was naked, saving that they had sandals on their feet. These fine fellows danced all the way both going and returning, accompanying their dances with chanting many Verses in their own Language, and beating the little snappers which they carried in their hands, after the fashion of the Country, formerly taken notice of at Ikkeri. And indeed the dances of these Canarini are pleasant enough; so that in the Festivities made at Goa for the Canonization of the Saints Ignatio and Sciavier, though in other things they were most solemn and sumptuous; yet, in my conceit, there was nothing more worthy to be seen for delight, than the many pretty and jovial dances which intervened in the Tragedy. The Married Couple being returned from Church to the Bride's House, we were entertained with a handsome Collation of Sweetmeats in the yard, which was wholly covered over with a Tent, and adorned with Trees and green boughs, the Company sitting round, and the Married Couple on one side at the upper end upon a great Carpet under a Canopy. After which we all returned home, and the Husband stayed that night to sleep in his Wife's House.  
May the twentieth, A Galley of the Fleet expected from Mozambique 
VII.  arrived at Goa. It brought Sig: Don Nugro Alvares, (sometimes General there, and Supreme Governor of all that Coast of Cafuria, comprising under his Government the Rivers of Coama, Mombace, and as much of afric as the Portugals have from Capo di Buono Esperanza, to the Straight of Meka) and with him a Jesuit that was a Bishop, one of those that were to go into Aethiopia. The Patriarch designed thither, being also a Jesuit, remained behind in another Galeot, as likewise did the Ships of the last years Portugal Fleet, which came on by little and little. They brought News of the miserable wrack of a Ship called San Giovanni, which two years before set forth from Goa for Portugal very rich; and meeting with the Dutch by the way, after a long fight being totally shattered, ran a ground upon the Coast of Cafuria; so that, saving the people remaining after the fight, and the Jewels, all was lost: Which people, after this disaster, refusing both the offer of good entertainment made them by the Lord of the place, who was a Friend to the Portugals, all upon advice sent to Mozambique they might have passage thither; and also his counsel to travel far within Land, where he said, they would have less trouble in passing many Rivers, which otherwise they would meet with, and find an unarmed, and more hospitable people; but unadvisedly after the inconsiderate humour of the Portugals resolving to go by land to Mozambique, and travel always far from the Sea amongst barbarous inhospitable people who eat humane flesh; and withal, not behaving themselves well with them in their passage, but out of a foolish temerity giving many occasions of disgusts, they were assaulted in many places by the said Cafiri, often spoiled and robbed, and many of them killed; so that of the Women that were with them, some were taken, others stripped naked, till, after a thousand inconveniences and sufferings, and, as some say, about eight months travelling on foot, during which they were fain to wade through abundance of Rivers, at last no more of the company arrived at Mozambique but twenty seven persons; all the rest being either slain by the way, or dead of hardships, excepting some few that were kept slaves by the Cafiri; amongst which, was a Portugal Gentlewoman of quality, whom they kept to present to their King, without hope, I believe, of ever being delivered. A misery indeed worthy of compassion. The Jewels sent from Goa to be sold in Portugal, were almost all saved and deposited at Mozambique in the Misericordia; some say to be restored to the owners, and others say, at the instance of the King's Officer, who pretends the King's Right to them as shipwrackt goods; yet most conclude, that the case will not be so judged, but that they will be restored to the owners, upon payment of some small matter to those that saved them.  
May the three and twentieth, I visited the abovementioned 
VIII.  Bishop now arrived in Goa, at the College of San Paolo Novo. He was called Dom joanno da Rocha, and nominated but not consecrated Bishop of Heliopoli.  
On the twenty sixth, I visited in the Covent of our Lady della Gratia, F. Fra: Manoel della Madre di Dio, formerly known to me in Persia, and now Prior of the Covent of Sphahan, who the day before arrived at Goa in a Shallop which had been long expected and judged lost, having been seven months in coming from Mascat. He said, he came about Affairs of his Order and the Covents of Persia, (for besides that which I left at Sphahan, they have since made one at Sciraz, and another at Bassora, and daily multiply) yet withal it was rumoured, that he was sent by the King of Persia, to treat with the Viceroy about According the matters of Ormuz; and I believe it, although he spoke nothing of it himself; otherwise, methinks 'tis not likely they would have let him come out of Persia without the King's express Licence, or that the King would have granted it in time of War, unless he had come about some particular business of his. He informed me that all my friends in Persia were well, and so did a Letter of F: Fra: Giovanni to his Provincial at Goa, wherein mention was made of me, giving me intelligence of the welfare of all my Friends, and how Sitti Laali my Cousin, had brought forth a Son whom she had named Avedik, from Chogia Avedik his Father's Uncle; which News was stale, for I knew it before my coming out of Persia; and indeed, all the Letters F. Manoel brought were of a very old date; to me he brought none, because my Friends there conceived I was gone out of India into Europe.  
May the seven and twentieth, A Ship of the Portugal Fleet that was coming from Mozambique, arrived in the Port of Mormogon; it entered not into the River of Goa, because the mouth of the River, by reason of the lateness of the season was unsecure, and began to be stopped; for every year all the mouths of the Rivers and Ports of this Coast are filled with sand during the time of Rain, wherein the West wind blows very tempestuously, and are opened again in September when the Rain ends. The Port of Mormogon, as I have elsewhere said, is in the same Island of Goa, in the other mouth of the more Southern River, where sometimes old Goa stood, by which goods are conveyed by Boat from the Ships to the City, but by a longer way, going behind round the Island.  
May the twenty eighth, In the Evening at the time of Ave Maria, the Bells of almost all the Churches of Goa, saving that of the Jesuits, were rung for the Beatification of two Friars, of the Order of San Domenico, whereof this Ship had brought News.  
May the twenty ninth, Another Portugal Ship of the Fleet arrived, and within two or three days after, all the other Ships expected from Mozambique; and in one of them, the Jesuit designed Patriarch into Aethiopia, whither he with two Bishops, whereof one was dead by the way, and many other Jesuits, was fent at the instance of the King of the same Country, who, they say, is called Sultan Saghed, and professes himself a Roman-Catholick already, with great hopes of reducing all that Kingdom to the Church in short time. As for the progress which the Jesuits affirm daily to be made in those Countries, being I know nothing of them, but by the information of others, I refer you to their Annual Letters; and it suffices me to have touched here what I saw concerning the same, to wit, the expedition of this Patriarch, Bishops, and many Fathers who were sent thither by several ways, attempting to open a passage into those Countries, lest such Commerce might be hindered by the Turks who are Masters of some of those Passes; So that the F. Visitor of the Jesuits told me, they had this year sent many people for Aethiopia, not only by the Arabian Gulf, and the Territories of the Turks bordering upon it, but also by Cascem a Country of Arabia governed by Arabians themselves; by Mozambique and Mombaza, Countries of the Portugals, in the Coast of afric; by Cafaria, Angola, and Congo; that so by these several ways they might send enough, being the King demanded at least two hundred of their Fathers. And 'tis manifest, that if the Conversion goes forward, as they presuppose, the Country is so large that there will be work enough for a greater number of Fathers and Religious Catholics.  
june the second, We accompanied, with a solemn Cavalcade, 
IX.  Sig: Andrea de Quadro, from the House of his Godfather Sig: Gasparo di Melo, Captain of the City, to the Jesuits College; where, by the hands of the same Fathers, was given him the degree of Master of Arts, that is, of Philosophy; the said Fathers having by Apostolical Authority jurisdiction in India to confer the said degree, and that of Doctorate; for which reason I here have taken notice of this action.  
june the seventh, I visited in the said College the Patriarch of Aethiopia one of the society, named Don Alfonso Luigi de Santi; he told me much News from Rome, and of several of my Relations whom he knew; but it was stale News. The Patriarch and his Fathers had been informed of me, both by the Fathers of Goa, and by a Portugal Soldier called Pero Lopez, whom I knew in Persia, and who went to Rome with my Letters, where he lodged many days in my House, from thence passed into Spain, and at length returned into India; and came from Mozambique to Goa, in the same Ship with the Patriarch. To gratify whose desires of seeing me, upon their informations, I visited him; he not only showed me many courtesies, and offers of serving me, with like ceremonious words, but himself and all his Fathers entered into an intimate Friendship with me, conditioned to hold mutual correspondence of Letters from Aethipia to Rome, and where ever else I should happen to be. We discoursed of many things, and he enquired of me concerning his Voyage, and how Fathers might pass at any time into Aethiopia from other parts, particularly, from Egypt. I informed him of the Aethhiopic Language, and some good Books for learning it, etc.  
june the sixteenth, If I mistake not in Computation, for which I refer myself to better diligence (which I shall use with their Ephemerideses of this year, in case I can procure the same) the Moors were to begin their Rasandhan or Fast of their 1633 year of the Hegira.  
june the twenty fourth, Being in a Window to see the careers of the Cavaliers who ran in the Street before the Viceroy according to the yearly custom in Goa upon S. John's Day, I happened to meet with Sig. Luis de Mendoza General of the Fleet wherewith I went to Calcutta, and Sig. Bento or Benedetto, or Freites Mascarenhas, in a Portugal Habit, who a few years before was taken by Pirates of Algiers, and carried a slave to Barbary; whence being redeemed and returned into his own Country, he was favourably looked upon by his King, and sent again into India Captain of a Galeon. This Cavalier, besides the relation of his own misadventures told me how Qara Sultan, (who in my time was sent Ambassador from the King of Persia into Spain in answer to the Embassy of Don Garcia de Silua Figueroa, and travailed in the same Ship, before it was taken by the Pirates) died by the way, having first substituted another of his company to perform his charge; which other Ambassador was taken with the said Ship, and carried a slave into Algiers; whereof notice being given to the Persian Ambassador at Constantinople, order was expected from thence what to do with him; which not coming before this Gentleman was delivered he could not tell what the issue was, but left him still a prisoner in Algiers.  
August the fifth, The Indians were to celebrate their 
XI.  solemn Festival of Washing and other Ceremonies accustomed to be performed at Narva, and mentioned by me in the last years relation to be celebrated on the seventeenth of the same Month. And because this year the Feast-day fell twelve days sooner in our year then in the last, I perceived that the Indian year must be Lunar; or if it be Solar, as I think I have heard, it cannot be just or equal, but to be adjusted requires some great and extravagant intercalation. I went not to Narva to see the Feast, because the place lies beyond the River in the Territory of the Moors, who at this time stood not upon good Terms with the Portugals. Neither did the Gentiles of Goa go thither, for the same reason; and if I was not misenformed, they expected a safe conduct from Idal-Sciah from Vidhiapor, to go thither another day.  
August the ninth, Two hours and forty minutes before Noon (if the Calculation and Observation of Christofero Borano or Boro be true) the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa, and began to decline towards the South.  
August the twenty fourth, On which day the Feast of St Bartholomew uses to be celebrated, certain Officers deputed for that purpose with other Principal Persons entrusted with the superintendency of the Fields and Agriculture, offered to the Cathedral Church, and afterwards also to the Viceroy, the first-fruits of the Fields, to wit, of Rice newly eared, which is the most substantial of the fruits of the Territory of Goa. I was told likewise that they made a Statue of an Elephant with Rice-straw, which I know not whether they carried about with them or set up in some Piazza. This custom is practised annually upon the said day, because at that time precisely the said fruit begins to ripen.  
August the twenty seventh, One Galeon (of four that were coming from Mascat, whither they had been sent last April with Provisions) arrived at Goa; they came, by the Viceroy's Order, to transport, if occasion required, new succours to be sent to Ormuz. This Ship related, that the other three were possibly returned back again to the straight of Ormuz, for fear of some Dutch Vessels which hovered thereabouts; but this being driven out to Sea, and having lost its company in the night, was forced to come directly forwards. It related further, that Ormuz had been again besieged a good while by the Captains of Ruy Freira, to wit, first by Michael Pereira Boraglio our friend, and afterwards by another, whom he sent thither by turns, because thereby the task would be easier to the besiegers: but that, at the parting of these Galleys from Mascat, Ruy Freira himself was upon the point to go to the said Siege with all the Men and Vessels with oars he had, which were about twenty or twenty five Galeots, and many less Morisco Vessels called Ternata's: a small preparation indeed to take Ormuz withal.  
September the second, a little before daylight, The safe arrival of the annual Portugal Fleet was congratulated by all the Bells of Goa. It consisted of two Merchant's Ships, lesser and lighter than the Carracks which use to come other years; one Galeon laden also with Merchandise, and ordered to return with the same Ships, in case it should not be necessary at Goa for the war; and five other galleons equipped for war which were to remain at Goa with all the Soldiery which was numerous and good, to be employed as occasion should require. The General of this Armada was Sig. Nugno Alvares Botelho; the Admiral Sig. Giovan Pereira Cortereal, to whose diligence the happy and speedy arrival of this Fleet is attributed; the like not having come to pass in many years, and that through the fault and greediness both of the Pilots and Merchants: for before, without keeping order or rule in the voyage or obedience to the General, every one endeavoured to have his Ship arrive first and alone. But this Sig. Gio. Pereira Cortereal having written and presented a printed Discourse about this matter to the King, his Majesty approved the same and gave strict charge that his Prescription should be observed with all exactness; and hence proceeded the good success of this Voyage. This Fleet brought news, that the Prince of England was departed from Spain without effecting the marriage between the two Crowns, because the Parliament of England would not consent to it: which considering all the preceding transactions seems to me a strange case, and perhaps the like hath scarce happened between Princes; unless possibly there be some unknown mystery in the business: That the Frosts having obstructed the mouth of a River in Holland had caused a great inundation, which broke the banks or dikes whereby they keep out the sea, and done much damage to the Country: That twelve Ships which set forth from thence for India, being beset by the Spanish Fleet of Dunkirk, were partly sunk and partly shattered, so that they could not come to India. That the Catholics, in August last, upon the precise day whereon Urban VIII. was created Pope, had obtained a signal victory in Germany against the Heretics. That great Fleets were preparing in England, Spain, and France, for unknown designs. That the King of Spain was at Sevil, and the Queen had brought him forth a Daughter who was dead; but the Daughter of the Conte di Vidigueira, present Viceroy here in India, had brought him forth a Son; at which the Queen was much displeased with the King. And that in Portugal it was expected that the Archduke Leopold should go to govern that Kingdom.  
September the fifth, the other three galleons, which I said were to come from Mascat, arrived at Goa. The cause of their delay 
XII.  was, as was rightly conjectured, that they had discovered an English Ship upon those Coasts, and spent some time in giving her chase, but in vain, through the fault perhaps of the Portugal Captain who was loath to fight her: for one of them made up to her, and fought a while with her Artillery, but perceiving her companions came not to do the like, gave over, and having given and received many shots, let her go without doing her hurt, and returned to her company. The English Ship showed much bravery; for seeing three Vessels coming against her, she waited to give them battle without flying. The abovesaid galleons brought Letters which signified that Mascat was molested with wars by the neighbouring Arabians; which, I conceive, may be upon some confederacy with the King of Persia, thereby to divert the Portugals from the Siege of Ormuz. That Ormuz was well provided with Men and Victuals; that nevertheless they hoped it would be taken, if good succour were sent from Goa, particularly of galleons to fight with the Dutch Ships which were expected to come to the Ports of Persia to assist Ormuz, and recruit it with fresh soldiers. Of the English there is no speech, because considering the late transactions in Spain, it is not known whether there will be War or Peace with them henceforward, though perhaps the Viceroy may know something in private.  
September the twenty ninth, A Jesuit, whose name I know not, was consecrated here in their Church of Giesu, Archbishop of Angamali, and as they speak in the Portugal Language, da Serra, that is, of the Mountain, where live the Christians whom they call di San Tome, of the Chaldean Rite, and sometimes subject to the Schismatical Patriarches of Babylonia, but now of late years (by the diligence of the Portugals) Catholics, and obedient to Rome; his residence is in Cranganor, five leagues from Cocin Northwards.  
October the one and twentieth, Proclamation was made by the Viceroy's Order for the Soldiers to come and receive Pay, in Order to their going to Ormuz. The Armada wherein they were to go, was very long in preparing through want of money; which the Viceroy was very diligent to raise, both from the Merchants, and also from the Gentiles, who consented to pay a certain Annual Sum, (or else a greater once for all) that Licence might be granted them to celebrate Marriages in Goa, according to their own Rite, which ordinarily was not allowed them: But all these courses were not sufficient to dispatch the Fleet with that diligence which was desired; and in the mean time it was said, that many Dutch or English Ships infested the Ports of Ciaul, Bassaim, and Dabul, without control; by all which it appears to me, that matters in India go every day from bad to worse.  
October the one and thirtieth, News came to Goa that Melik 
XIII.  Ambar, who a good while had successfully warred against Adil-Sciah, at length in a victory had taken one Mulla Muhhamed, General of Adil-Sciah's Army, and much favoured by him; who by his ill demeanour towards the said Melik, (even so far as to endeavour to get him poisoned) was the occasion of the present War, wherein Melik's chief intent was to revenge himself of the said Mulla Muhhamed: Whom being thus taken, they say, he beheaded and caused him in that manner to be carried about his Camp with this Proclamation; That this Traitor Mulla Muhhamed, the cause of the War, and present discords between Adil-Sciah and Nizamsciah, (to whom this Melik is Governor) otherwise Friends and Allies, was thus in the Name of his Lord Adil-Sciah, as a Traitor and disturber of the public Peace, put to death. By which act Melik meant to signify that he had no evil intention against Adil-Sciah, but only took up Arms for the mischiefs done him by Mulla Muhhamed, whom he desired to remove from the Government of Adil-Sciah and the world. Yet it was not known how Adil-Sciah received this action, and what end the business would have. In this War, they say, the Moghol favoured Adil-Sciah against Melik, and supplied him with 20000. Horse: but, be that how it will, Adil-Sciah hath hitherto always gone by the worst, and sometimes been in great danger; M●lik, who is a brave Captain, having overrun all the State almost to the Gates of Vidhiapor, which is the Royal City of Adil-Sciah, where he hath sometimes been forced to shut himself up as 'twere besieged. A few months before, Adil-Sciah put one of his principal Wives to death, for intelligence which she was said to hold with Melik, and for having been a party in promoting this War, out of design to remove Adil-Sciah from the Government, as one become odious to his own people, either through his covetousness or inability (being infirm) and place his Son in his room, who therefore was in danger too of being put to death by his Father, when the conspiracy was discovered. Further news came that Adil-Sciah had deposed from the government, and imprisoned the Governor of the maritime Territories bordering upon Goa, who had lately given the Portugals so many disgusts; which seemed to signify that he was minded to give them some satisfaction: that he had given the place to Chogia Riza or Rezeb a Persian, lately Governor of Dabul, who being in greater employments at Court will send a Deputy, and from whom being prudent, and formerly a friend to the Portugals, they hope better dealings.  
November the first, The Confraternity della Misericordia made a solemn Procession in the evening (as they use to do yearly upon this day) going with two Buyers from their own Church to the Church of our Lady de la Luz, to fetch the bones of all such as had been executed this year, and buried under the Gallows; which they carry in Procession, first to this latter, and then to their own Church to bury, where also they make solemn Exequys for them.  
November the second, In the Evening the Dominicans made their solemn Procession del Rosario with much Solemnity, and so also the next morning, having deferred the same from the first Week of October till now, because the rain uses to disturb it in October. This day news came to Goa, that a Ship belonging to the Mogul's subjects, at her departing for Gidda from the Port of Diu, had there given security to return to the same Port to pay the usual Customs to the Portugals which would have amounted to above five thousand Scierifines; but the Ministers of Diu contented with small security, which was no more than four thousand Scierifines: yet when the said Ship came back very rich, she would not touch at Diu, little caring to discharge the small security, but put in at a place upon that Coast belonging to the Mogul between Diu and Cambaia. The Portugals, understanding this, sent the Armada of Diu consisting of small Vessels with Oars, to fetch her in to Diu by force; and the Ship refusing to obey, they fell to fight. In the fight those of the Ship killed amongst others the chief Commander of the Portugal Armada; yet the Armada so beset the Ship that they first forced her to run on shore, and then burnt her. It was not true that the General was slain; the Ship was taken indeed, but empty; the Moors having had time to save most of their wealth upon Land, but however they suffered much damage. By this accident it may be doubted whether some disgust be not likely to ensue between the Mogul and the Portugals; and I know not whether it may not somewhat retard the Portugal Armada and Cafila which was ready to set sail for Cambaia.  
November the fourth, The Armada of Colletta departed from Goa to fetch provision; it was to go to Cocin, and therefore the newly consecrated Archbishop of Serra, embarked in it to go to his residence; so also did F. Andrea Palmiero, Visitor of the Jesuits, my friend, to visit that his Province; and F. Laertio Alberti an Italian, with many other Jesuits who came out of Europe this year to go and reside there. The same day, an Almadia or small Boat of Ciaul came to Goa with news of a Vessel arrived there from Mascat, and also a Ship from Bassora; both which reportted that Ormuz was in much distress by the Siege, so that many Moor's, soldiers, escaped out of the Town to Ruy Freira; after whose arrival, the Siege proceeded prosperously for us, with good order and much hope; yet in case the succours were sent from Goa, which Ruy Freira very importunately desired. At Bassora, they said, all was quiet. This will be the last that I shall write to you from Goa, being ready to depart out of India (if it please God) within a few days, and desirous to return to my Country, where I may see and discourse with you the first object that I propound to myself at my revisiting our dear Italy. However I shall not omit in my way to acquaint you with my adventures, to the end my Letters may forerun me, and be the harbingers of my arrival. I reserve many things to tell the Sig. Dottore, and Signior. Colletta, and those other Gentlemen my friends, who, I am confident, accompany my prayers to God for my prosperous arrival; from whom wishing of you all happiness, I rest, etc.   

LETTER IX.  
From Mascat January 19 1625.  
HAving determined to return to my Country, not by way of Portugal but by that of Bassora, and from thence by land to Aleppo, which seemed to me the best and shortest; and having accordingly obtained licence of the Viceroy, (who in this and other matters hath always done me many favours) which licence was necessary, because in Goa 'tis rigorosly prohibited to all to go into Europe by this way of Turkey; and being prepared with every thing necessary by the opportunity of the Cafila and Armada which went from Goa for Cambaia, in which there was one Ship which was to go from Ciaul to Bassora, I resolved to embark in a Ship of the Armada that was to go to Ciaul, intending there to go aboard that which was to go to Bassora. In order whereunto having taken leave of all my friends, and at last got the Viceroy's licence, who was then at Pangi, and gave me certain Letters of importance written to his King, which I was to consign to the Portugal Agent at Rome, that he might transmit the same to his Master; on the fifteenth of November about evening, I went down the River in a Mansina or Wherry to the mouth of the Sea, and there went aboard the Ship I had taken, whereof Francisco Gomez was Captain.  
In this Voyage there came with me Marian Tinatin, Eugenia Cingala her servant, a Venetian Merchant, my Friend named Marc' Antonio Lanza, whom I took for my company, with his servant named Giovanni, Michael a servant given me by Sig: Antonio Baracho, to accompany me to Rome, a trusty person, to whom he had therefore given liberty; and another servant of his named Giovan Borachio, who was to accompany me only to Ciaul, whither also his Master Antonio intended shortly to follow him.  
November the sixteenth, Before day we set sail, and met the Armada of Chebore, Diu Bossaria, and Ciaul, (Countries on the North of Goa) sailing to Goa; at night we cast Anchor short of the Rocks, called Los Ilheos quemadoes. Our course was always Northwards, the Land always winding from us on the Right Hand.  
November the twentieth, We set sail about daybreak, and at three a clock after noon cast Anchor a little short of Ciaul, because the wind was contrary, in a Bay, where there is a Village called Pascet; here we stayed three days in expectation of some ill-armed Vessels of the Cafila, which lagged behind.  
On the four and twentieth at night, We entered the Port of Ciaul, which is within the jaws of a fair River. I sent my servant to look for a House, and in the mean time remained for this night in the Ship, but the next day we landed with all our Goods.  
November the nine and twentieth, News came to Ciaul that Dutch Ships were gone from Surat to Ormuz, with intent to help 
II.  the Persians against the Portugals; it being suspected that they have made some agreement with the King of Persia, to have a share of that place, and to inhabit it. Some said the Ships were four; others, that seven more were preparing at Surat, with a Petache for the same design, either all Dutch, or Dutch and English together. Be it as it will, the arrival of Enemy-Ships at Ormuz, before the Portugal Armada, I account very prejudicial to the Portugals design upon the place; for 'tis difficult for Ruy Freira to hinder them only with an Armada of Oars from relieving it, which may be done in one day; and being done, 'tis sufficient to prolong the War and the Siege for another year. And if it be true, that so many Ships of those Heretics are going not only to Ormuz, but also to Mascat and all the Coasts of India, I look upon it as a matter of dangerous consequence; it being rumoured not without ground that they are agreed with the Persians to make War upon Mascat, and to do great matters against the Portugals, which God forbid.  
December the second, I went to view a Town of the Moors, subject to Nizamsciah, and his Governor Melik Ambar, and because near Ciaul, called Ciaul di Riba, that is, Upper Ciaul. The way leading to it is fair and handsome, amongst Groves of Palms and other Fruit-trees, and it stands on the same bank of the River more Northwards with Ciaul of the Portugals. 'Tis a large Town well inhabited both by Moors and Gentiles, especially near the Bazar or Market-place, where the Shops afford plenty of all things necessary for Food and Clothing, according to the fashion of the Country, as also very fine Cotton Clothes of several sorts, with other commodities which are brought thither from the more inward parts. Beyond the Bazar, the Houses stand not so close together, but scattered here and there amongst Gardens, or rather woods of Palms and other Fruit-trees, which are very thick, tall, and handsome, affording shadow to the streets all the way, which are broad, long, green, and very delightful. A little distant from the Bazar is a great Artificial Lake or Cistern, surrounded, as their custom is, with stone stairs; they call it Tanle Nave Nagher. The Moors for the most part dwell near the Bazar towards the River, which passes not far off, and is navigable seven or eight leagues upwards: Here also the Mahometans have their Meschita's, hot Baths, (which the Gentiles use not, because they wash themselves publicly in their Cisterns), and places of Sepulture; a Dogana, or Custom-house; and lastly, a Divan, or Court of Justice, and whatever belongs to their Government.  
Most of the Gentiles, who are the greatest part, live in Houses remote 
III.  from the Bazar, amongst Gardens and Trees, where in several places they have sundry Temples of their Idols, as one principal, which I saw, of Zagadanba a Goddess, who, they say, is the same with Leksemi, Wife of Visenu; another good one dedicated to Amrut Sure, who, they say, is the same with Mahadeu, and is figured by a round stone like him of Cambaia. Other Temples I saw of Neraiena, and others of their Idols; but the greatest and chiefest of all, both for esteem and devotion, stands remote from the Bazar upon the way to Ciaul of the Portugals, and is dedicated to Rami, or Ramisuer; it adjoins to a great Artificial Lake or Cistern, each side whereof is about 73 of my paces, environed after the usual fashion with banks and stairs of stone, leading down to the surface of the water; there are also round about it very broad walks shadowed with high, thick, and goodly Trees, which make the place opacous and very lovely. In the front of the Temple next the Cistern, under a Cupolet supported by four Pilasters, is the statue of an Ox or Bull sitting with all the four Legs gathered under it, being the same that I saw in Canara, called Basuana, but here Nandi; they told me, it was a Male, and different from Gaietry Vasca, which was the Wife of Rama. The head and breast of this figure looks towards the Gate of the Temple, the back and tail towards the Cistern; and the Gentiles who come to visit this Temple, first go down to wash their Face, Hands, and feet in the Cistern, and then come to kiss and touch with their Head in token of Reverence, (or at least with their Hands reverently bowed down after their manner) the tail of the said Nandi; after which they put off their Pantofles, and so enter the Temple barefoot to pray and worship after their manner; of which I have elsewhere spoken. Some go round about the Temple before they enter, beginning from the right side, and coming about to the left, as I said before they did also at Canara in their Processions and Ceremonies. Others offer Fruits and other things to the Idols, or else strew grains of Rice before them in Oblation: The like they do to the Statue of the Ox Nandi, and also to a Sprig of Basil, planted there upon a square Pedestal of earth, on one side of the little Chapel of Nandi. There stand also upon the Lake, and otherwhere about the Temple, many other little Chapels enclosed with walls, having several Idols in them. In one behind the Temple stands the Idol of the Scimione Haniment, in his usual and ridiculous Figure of an Ape, and sitting like a Man; and indeed, 'tis strange that these wretched people are not ashamed to worship such things. This Haniment was one of those Scimioni, or Apes which helped Rama to recover his Wife, for which service they merited Divine Honours; and therefore 'twas reason he should here have a place near the Temple of Rama, which resembles the subjoined Platform.   numbered floorplan of temple platform 

1. The Street or Highway.  
2. The Gate leading to the Cistern.  
3. The place about the same.  
4. Gardens and Groves about the said Street.  
5. The Cistern or Artificial Lake.  
6. Stairs about it.  
7. Another Gate leading out of the Street or Highway to the Temple.  
8. The open space where the Temple stands, enclosed towards the Street with walls, and elsewhere with Gardens.  
9 The Statue of Bue Nandi, under his Cupolet upon a pavement somewhat raised from the ground.  
10. A Pedestal with a sprig of Basil.  
11. The Entrance of the Temple.  
12. A little Porch of the same.  
13. The Temple-Gate.  
14. The Temple, empty within, saving that it hath a few wooden figures of Idolets, or other things.  
15. A walled Enclosure or Penetral within the Temple, which I saw not, wherein is the Statue of Rama.  
16. The little Chapel of the Idol Haniment.  
17. Little Chapels of other Idols, to which certain Gioghi, who stand there to beg Alms, sometimes repair.  
18. Other little Houses, perhaps, belonging to the Ministers of the Temple.  
19 A great Tree with a round bank of Earth about it, where oftentimes some Gioghi sit reading and contemplating after their manner; of which sort of Trees many are planted in this enclosed space.   
I was one day at this Temple, (whither I often went for Recreation) and I saw many Men and Women come to worship, 
IV.  and wash themselves in the Lake; some of the Women were young and handsome, yet shunned not being seen by any one that passed by. There came also many Mainatis, that is, Washers, both Men and Women to wash their clothes here, and, in brief, I took much pleasure, and sometimes dined and spent the whole day here, enjoying the shadow of the Trees, and the coolness of the Lake. It would be too long to speak here of the Idols of these Gentiles, how many, and what they are; perhaps I shall one day communicate something to the world about the principal of them in another Language.  
December the seventh, My Friend Sig: Antonio Baracho arrived at Ciaul as I expected; he came by the Viceroy's Order to make 
V.  provision for the Galeoons which were sending to Ormuz, being seven well armed Ships, daily expected to arrive there.  
December the ninth, Sig: Antonio having dispatched his business at Ciaul, and taken Order for my embarking in the above mentioned Vessel that was going to Bassora, whereof one Antonio Giovanni was Captain; and his much business which he had to do for the Armada at Bassaim, requiring haste in the Evening he departed in the same Almadia or Shallop wherein he came: Our separation was not without tears, and much regret on both sides; but I was something comforted, by his promise of visiting me at Rome as soon as he could get leave to go to Portugal about his other Affairs.  
December the fifteenth, The Galeoons of the Armada of Goa arrived at Ciaul; they were but six, and said that two more were coming after them, and that they had Orders, in case they understood the Ships of the Enemies were already departed from Surat to Ormuz, (as indeed they were) not to go after them, (because it would be a vain thing to think of hindering the supplying of Ormuz with Victuals, since it might be done if they arrived there but one day before the Portugals) but to go directly to Surat to try what damage they could do there. But in case the Enemy's Ship were not yet gone from Surat to Ormuz, then to go directly to Ormuz as speedily as they could, and get thither before them, and hinder the besieged place from being succoured; which 'twas impossible for Ruy Freira to do only with his small Vessels of Oars. Now according to these orders (the Dutch Ships being already gone from Surat to Ormuz, as is abovesaid) it was held fit at Ciaul that the Galeoons should without more ado go to Surat, and after they had there done what mischief they could to the Enemies, then sail to Ormuz.  
December the sixteenth, The Ship wherein I was to embark, being to set sail the night following, I put my Goods aboard, and having taken leave of my Friends, I was accompanied to the Seaside by Sig. Luigi Cabreira, from whom I separated with many embraces, and much regret on either side. As soon as I was in the Ship the Captain weighed Anchor, intending to set sail as soon as we should have a good wind, although the Captain of Ciaul sent a public Notary to the Captain of our Ship not to go out of the Port this night, the service of the King so requiring; I believe it was, that we might stay for some other Ships which were to go out the next morning, to the end we might go altogether more secure from the Malabars, the greatest dangers of whom is at the going out of Ports, about which they lie waiting, and near the Land where they ply up and down, more than in the main Sea. We had no wind in the night, and therefore went not out of the Port.  
December the seventeenth, In the morning we set out of the 
VI  Port with a small gale, and at the same time three or four other Ships set forth for several parts. We had not sailed far, but we descried some Vessels coming towards us, which we took for Pirates, and therefore prepared to fight them; but at length we lost sight of them, and hoist the great sail, directing our course almost Northwest; having first rehearsed the Litanies of our Lady, and invoked the Divine Assistance, and here's, propitious to our Voyage.  
December the twenty third, Having hitherto sailed prosperously, we came to the altitude of twenty three degrees and a half, under the Tropic of Cancer, leaving the Torrid Zone, under which I had been travelling in sundry parts for about a year and ten Months. Here the wind failed us, and we had as quiet a Sea as uses to be at the shores of Italy in the Month of August. We began to find the Sky, which hitherto we had seen constantly clear, (as it uses to be in India during these Months) now interstinguished with clouds: and, in short, the mutation of the Climate was manifest. The Coast of Arabia, for which we were bound, could not be far off; but we could not get to discover it for want of wind.  
December the twenty seventh, Having hitherto been becalmed, without advancing but rather being driven backwards by the contrary current of the water; the Portugals, as their custom is, after reciting the Litanies, and praying to God, and Sant' Antonio of Milan, (to whom they bear great devotion) to give us a good wind, intended to bind a little Image of the said S. Anthony which they carried in the Ship, as if to imprison it: for thus they use to do, when they would obtain any favour, as if they meant to force it, threatening not to lose it till he grant them what they demand. They intended, I say, to bind S. Anthony that he might give us a good wind; but forbore to do it upon the Pilot's instance, who passed his word for the Saint, telling them that he was so honest that without being bound or captivated, he would do what they desired. This manner of demanding of favours of S. Antonio of Milan, is much in use amongst the Portugals, especially the meaner sort of ignorant and superstitious Mariners; though amongst us 'tis a vain thing. A barbarous Superstition indeed; but yet such as sometimes, through the faith and simplicity of those that practise it, uses to be heard.  
December the twenty eighth, We had a wind sufficiently brisk and impetuous, yet not only not favourable but altogether contrary; so that we could neither bear up against it, nor yet cast anchor because we were in the main Sea, which growing rough and tempestuous, we were forced to furl our sails, and suffer the Ship to be driven whither the wind pleased, which was Southwards, not without fear falling upon Mombaza, or some other remote Coast of afric, and consequently suffering shipwreck, and a thousand other Dysasters.  
December the twenty ninth, The Captain, with the others of the Ship resolved at length to bind S. Anthony, and as chance would have it, it proved well; for the wind changed, and we sailed prosperously in our right course all day, and part of the night. A little before midnight we discovered the Coast of Arabia so near that we cast anchor in haste for fear of the Shallows which are thereabouts. In the morning we saw the Land naked both of Trees and Grass, but rather stony in appearance and Desert, although it was part of that Arabia which they call Happy.  
December the thirtieth, We began to move forward East Southeast, having the Land on the left hand; but a sudden contrary wind arising forced us to cast anchor again in the place where we were, not without danger; for in the furling of the sail, through the negligence of the Seamen, it wrapped about the Mast, the wind blowing very furiously against the fore-deck; so that had the Vessel been less sound and strong-sided, or some of the Passengers less diligent to help, it had been overturned and sunk, like the Ship of Orontes in the shipwreck of Aeneas, which Virgil describes to have been lost by the like casualty. At night, the contrary wind ceasing, we proceeded in our intended course.  
Dece●●●r the one and thirtieth, The wind failing, we cast anchor, but in an unsecure place, not without danger of being split upon the shore, whither in spite of our anchors the wind hurried us; but tacking about, we got to a more secure place, near that from whence we had moved the day before.  
On the first of january, and of the year 1625, We stood at 
VII.  anchor till night, and then made a little progress; but all the next day we stood at anchor again, and took very good fish; and at night a little wind blowing from the Land, we went forwards now and then, but very little.  
january the eighth, Having all the preceding days been about the Coast of Arabia, casting anchor every day, and weighing again at night; (during which, a Boat of Arabians brought us much fresh fish, and an Arabian came swimming to us a great way only to beg a little Rice and Biscuit, which we gave him) at length having a good wind this day afternoon, we passed a Cape which they call Capo falso, because 'tis near and resembles the Cape Raselhhad, but is not it. At night we passed by the True Cape called by the Arabians Raselhhad, that is, the Cape of the Confine, because 'tis the last and most Southern Cape of Arabia, being, as they say, in the latitude of twenty two degrees and a half from the Aequinoctial Northwards, and distant from Mascat, whither we were going, forty leagues; the Portugals call it corruptly Capo di Rosalgate. Having passed this Cape, we steered Northwest, still upon the coast of Arabia which lies all the way on the left hand, and entered the Persian Gulf, but saw not the opposite Continent of Persia, because for a good way inwards the Gulf is very broad.  
january the seventh, Having in the night foregoing had a good wind, by daylight we were got eighteen leagues beyond the Cape, near the place where the City of Calatat, which Albuquerque destroyed, sometimes stood, upon a good River, at the foot of certain little Mountains, of which almost the whole coast consists. Here the wind failed us, and having laboured with the oar all day, we got no further than Teive, a place inhabited by Arabians. At night we were troubled with rain, which passing through all covers, wetted us sufficiently, and kept us from sleeping. The next day we hoist sail, and had scarce dried our Clothes, but more rain surprised us; and through want of wind all the day, we did not get so far as Curiat, which lies eight Leagues forward, and twelve short of Mascat.  
On the eleventh of the same Month, having no wind, we made use of Oars, till we came to an Anchor a little beyond Curiat; and the next day hoising sail, we passed by an Island called Scoglio di Curiat, sailing through a narrow arm of the Sea which divides it from the Continent, which is all stony and full of Cliffs, like the fair Mountain Posilippo near Naples in Italy. Before night we cast Anchor a little beyond; for our Oars helped the Ship but little; being only serviceable to such heavy Vessels to surpass a Cape, or get into a Port, or the like, in case of 〈…〉 d for a short way. At night we weighed Anchor, and soon afterwards cast it again, having made but little way.  
january the thirteenth, Having sailed all day, and passed the Tropic of Cancer, we entered the Northern Temperate Region, and towards night arrived at the Port of Mascat, which is well closed and encompassed about with little Mountains, but lies open to the Northwest, whereby it receives much damage. The Town, whereof the least part are walled Houses, and the greatest only sheds made of Palm-boughs, stands directly in the innermost recess of the Port, surrounded behind with Mountains; amongst which, nevertheless, there want not ways of access to it from the inland parts; so that, to secure their Houses from the incursions of the Arabians, they had in my time begun to raise an earthern wall, but plain and weak, with a few Bastions, very distant one from another; which wall, drawn from Mountain to Mountain, encloses and secures their Houses on that side, as the Sea doth on the opposite and inaccessible little Mountains on the two other sides. On the top of one of these Mountains, on the right hand as you enter the Port, stands the Castle, difficult indeed to be taken by assault or otherwise then by Famine, if well defended; for though the wall be not very strong, yet the natural situation secures it, and it hath a Platform levelled to the Sea, whereby it defends the Port with Artillery, and is descended to from the Castle by a covered Ladder, which is very good. On the other side of the Port, upon another Mountain stands another Port of less consideration, having been anciently the Castle; yet it hath Artillery, and may be of some advantage. The Town is small, but for its bigness sufficiently peopled, especially since the loss of Ormuz, from whence many repair hither. The people is mixed of Portugals, Arabians, Indians, Gentiles, and jews. It hath only two Churches; one which is the See of the Vicar, who is no Priest but an Augustine Friar; one of their Covent, always coming to officiate there, and to discharge the place of Vicar and Parish-Priest: the other is of Augustine Friars, where live about four of that Order, and both are dedicated to our Lady, with several Titles; to wit, that of the Friars Della Gratia; and the other, Del Rosario. The Captain lives not always in the Castle by reason of the inconvenience of its situation, but only during the hotter months of Summer for coolness; for upon the lower ground the heat is insupportable, both because the Climate is of itself hot, and because the dwellings lie in a low and enclosed place, encompassed, as I said, with Mountains, which keep off all wind, and reverberate the Sun more strongly; besides that, the Soil is dry and saltish, which consequently increases the heat. The Captain whom I found there, was called Sig: Martino Alfonso de Melo. I also found dwelling here a Nephew, or Brother's Son of the Captive King of Ormuz, whose Father was also King of the same place before this Brother of his, who is at this day prisoner in Persia. This Nephew, they told me, was called after his Uncle's Name Muhhamed-Sciah; and the Portugals make him be acknowledged Prince in Arabia by all the Arabians that were lately subject to the King of Ormuz, and are now exempt from the oppression of the Persians or Rebellion, as nearest Kinsman and lawfullest Heir (of any now at liberty) to the imprisoned King. At the same time of our Arrival, there was also at Mascat upon his journey Hhabese-Chan, Ambassador of the King of Dacan, Nizamsciah, who was returning to his Master from Persia, where he had been many years with Sciah-Abbas. It being night when we arrived at Mascat, we went not ashore; only the Captain of the Ship was sent for by the Governor to speak with him, and give him account of his purposes.  
january the fourteenth, Having procured a Lodging, about noon I landed with my people, and went to possess it. In the Evening I visited the Veador de Fazenda, or Treasurer, Sig: Nicolo da Silua my Friend, and known to me many years in Persia; who at first not knowing me, was afterwards much pleased to see me here safe and sound.  
january the fifteenth, I visited the Captain or Governor of Mascat, in whose House I found lodged Sig: Don Francisco Contigno Covacio, my Friend, at Goa, who upon some disgusts between himself and the Viceroy, came in the same Armada that I did to Ciaul, and from thence hither, in Order to go to the siege of Ormuz.  
january the seventeenth, I was visited by the F. Provincial of the Augustine's in Manil, whom I had seen, but not conversed with at Goa, and who was going only to Bassora. His conversation was very pleasing to me, because he was a person of much and various Erudition, both in Mathematics and History; besides that he was also an excellent Preacher.  
january the eighteenth, At noon I took the Altitude of the Sun, whom I found forty four degrees distant from the Zenith, being this day in the 27th degree of Capricorn, according to Origanus, and declining from the Aequinoctial towards the South 20 degrees 23′. 53″. which taken from 44 degrees, leave 23 degrees 36′. 7″. So that Mascat lies 23 degrees 36′. 7″. distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North; and consequently, hath the North-Pole so much elevated. The same day a Petache arrived from Ormuz, bringing News of the Arrival there of ten Ships from Surat, namely, six European Men of War, and four Merchant Ships of Moors and other people; so that with those formerly arrived, there were at Ormuz between English and Dutch ten Ships of War, and the Portugal Armada not yet arrived. This Petache, they say, Ruy Freira sent to Mascat, to avoid falling amongst so many Enemies, being alone. He stayed still there with his Vessels of Oars, yet with no hope of hindering Ormuz from being relieved both with Men, Ammunition, and Victual at their pleasure.  
january the nineteenth, I went to see a Village of the Arabians, a little distant from Mascat, and called Kelbuh; it lies without the Mountains that encompass the Castle and Houses of Mascat on the side towards Sohar; the way that leads to it, is a narrow passage, and because dangerous for the letting in of Enemies, the Portugals have wisely guarded it with a rampart, and some few pieces of Artillery. The Town is small, consisting only of cottages or sheds made of Palm-boughs, and so low that one cannot stand upright in them, but only sitting upon the ground after the manner of the Moors: yet for its bigness, it hath people enough; because this miserable sort of Men very wretchedly, but easily accommodate themselves to their own mode in any little place.   

LETTER X.  
From Bassora, May 20. 1625.  
OUr Ship being ready to depart for Bassora, and being to 
I.  touch by the way about Ormuz, in order to consign some things to the General Ruy Freira, pertaining to the service of the Armada; after all the rest that were to go were embarked, (amongst which were Don Francisco Contigno Covacio, who intended for Ormuz; two barefooted Carmelites, who were for Bassora; and the F. Provincial of Maniglia in the Philippine Islands, who was passing into Europe) I went aboard with my people at night, january the six and twentieth. Yet the Vessel went not off till the next day, and with no favourable wind we sailed about six Leagues, casting Anchor at night not far from the shore.  
january the eight and twentieth, Having sailed a while, a contrary wind forced us to Anchor again; and indeed in this Persian Gulf, the wind is so inconstant, and withal so strong, that if it happen to be contrary, there is little good to be done by contesting against it in this narrow Sea, but those that sail in it must in such case either cast Anchor, or be driven backwards. We anchored so near land, and in so little water, under a place called Sibo, about seven Leagues from Mascat, that the contrary wind increasing, and the Anchor not sufficing to retain the Ship, we were in great danger of being split upon the shore, to the loss of all our goods and perhaps lives too, the Coast being very craggy, and the Sea extremely rough. We were so near being lost, that the Ship almost touched the ground; but a small sail, hanging on the rope which runs from the top of the Mast to the Stern, and is called by the Portugal's Sabaco saved us; which sail alone we could make use of, to keep off the shore; though it being small, and the Vessel heavy, it sufficed not to move it much. The Arabians were already gathered together in great number upon the shore to get the booty, and perhaps also to take our persons in case the Ship should be split; for in these troublesome times of war they were here but little friends to the Portugals of Mascat. But at length, as it pleased God, by the help of Oars and the diligence of Sig. Franc. Contigno Covacio (who in many things supplied the ignorance or negligence of other Officers of the Ship) we turn'd-about the Stern of the Ship to the Sea, and being delivered from imminent danger, had time to hoist the Trinket to the wind, as before we could not, because it was on the other side of the Mast, which they call Under-the-wind, and could not be brought about without more time than our sudden and present danger permitted. After which, because the wind so required, and it was dangerous going ashore for water among the Arabians, we determined to return to Mascat; and having passed the Island della Vittoria, (so called from a notable Victory obtained by the Portugals against an Armada of Turkish Galleys which came to make war upon Mascat) about evening we reentered the port of Mascat; where our Ship falling foul upon another Ship that road there at anchor, we became in a new danger of suffering shipwreck or at least, some considerable damage. Many went ashore to sleep there all night; but being our departure was to be speedily, I only sent my servants to fetch me some refreshment.  
january the thirtieth, The Ship having taken water, and all our company embarked, at four a clock afternoon we set sail again from Mascat, and about Ave-Mary-time repassed the Island della Vittoria (which lies only two leagues from Mascat) sailing between it and the Continent: as we had done before.  
january the one and thirtieth, As we were sailing with a small wind, we descried a Sail a far off, which seeing us, discharged a 
II.  Gun, as a sign for us to stay till it came up to us: whence we understood it to be one of Ruy Freira's Fleet; for by custom the Ships of war in India do thus, and other Merchant-Ships are obliged to stay and obey; if not, the War-ship may sink them. Accordingly we stayed, and by the help of Oars it presently made towards us. Wherein I observed the little Military Discipline, and good order practised by the Portugals in India; for there was all the reason in the world, that, if we stayed the coming up of this Ship, according to the custom, yet we should not have trusted it till we knew what it was; for it might have been an Enemy or a Rover, as there are many in these Seas, who being Portugals by Nation, and banished for some misdemeanours, betake themselves to carry Pepper, Arms, and other prohibited things to the Territories of the Moors. Wherefore to secure ourselves from all deceit and damage, which such a Ship feigning to be of Ruy Freira's Armada might have done us, we should have stayed indeed, but it ought to have been with our Arms in our Hands, Falcons, Corchabuses, and Muskets loaden; and, in short, in a posture of defence and fight, as occasion required. On the contrary, this good Discipline was observed neither on our part, nor by the Vessel which came to see who we were; which imprudent confidence, though it succeeded well in this case, yet was undeniably a great and perilous error; and had the event been ill, it could not have been excused otherwise then by saying, Nonputaram, a word) (according to Cicero, very little befitting Prudent Men. This Vessel of the Armada demanded of us water and Mariners. Now amongst the Portugals, 'tis a custom for these War-ships to take from Merchants which they meet what they please, either by fair means or by foul; although 'tis but a disorderly thing, and many inconveniences happen by it. Of water we gave them two barrels, but no Mariners, because we had few enough for ourselves, and they took them not by force, (as they would perhaps have done from others) out of respect to Sig: Coutigno, who was in the Ship with us; and the rather because we told them, we were going to carry Provisions to Ruy Freira, who, they informed us, was retreated into the Island of Larek, and that the Armada of Goa was not yet arrived, and also that themselves were going to Mascat for Provisions. In the Evening, we met a Terrada, or Bark of Ruy Freira's Fleet, going likewise to Mascat, by which we understood the same News.  
February the first, The wind turning contrary, we cast anchor at distance from land for more security, the shore being all the way on our left hand.  
February the second, Though the wind became somewhat favourable, 
III.  we weighed not anchor, because we were to land an Augustine Friar at Sohar, of which place he was Curate; and neither we nor the Pilot knowing whether we had passed Sohar, or not; nor yet what Land it was where we were, therefore we sent our Boat ashore to inquire; it brought word that Sohar lay a little more forward, and thereupon it was remitted to carry the said Friar on shore, that so he might ride thither on a Camel by Land. This business took up all the day. At night we set sail, but with no favourable wind, so that we were constrained to anchor again a little further; till about midnight, the wind rising a little in our favour we set forwards. The land in this place is a low Plain, as the word Sohar signifies; yet we saw abundance of hills at a great distance from the shore. Sohar is four and twenty leagues from Mascat.  
February the sixth, Having by the help of Oars with much difficulty come to Chursakan, which is twelve leagues beyond Sohar, in the morning we sailed under Doba which lies three leagues further. The Portugals had not so much confidence in the people as to think fit to enter into the Port, but resolved to go three leagues onwards to a secure place of friendly Arabians called Lima. The coast of Doba is mountainous, and the Town stands behind a Promontory which runs far into the Sea. Here we first discerned the opposite coast of the Persian Gulf, from whence rather rowing then sailing, by Sunset we came to an anchor under Lima. Many of our Ships went ashore, some to fetch provisions, of which they found but little store, and others to refresh themselves.  
I was not in a condition to do the like, being in bed under deck by reason of an Ague; as also was Mariam Tinatim; so that neither of us could so much as look up to behold the Land.  
February the seventh, We passed by the Cape of Mosendom, at the point of which stand two or three Rocks one further than another into the Sea. That nearest the Cape is greatest, and the remotest is the least, which they call Baba Selam; the Moorish Seamen when they pass by it, salute it with many shouts of joy.  
Having passed by this Cape, (which is, as I believe within ten 
IV.  or twelve leagues of Ormuz) leaving Ormuz and Bender di Kombra on the right hand, (because we presumed the Dutch and English Ships to be there) we directed our course towards Larek, hoping to find Ruy Freira there, as we had understood by the way; but a little after, we descried two Ships of Ruy Freira's Armada (as we supposed) in two several places towards the Land; each of which gave us a Gun; whereby we apprehended that they intended either to receive or give us some necessary Advertisement. Wherefore quitting our course to Larek, we turned the Stern to the coast of Arabia, towards which one of the said Ships about Sunset seem to be retired. We approached near the Land about Evening, and passing amidst certain Rocks, went to cast anchor within a little bay which was there; but in the narrow straight between a Rock and the Continent, a most impetuous current of the Sea hurried us away so furiously, that without giving us time to let down the sail, it had almost dashed us against the foot of certain high Rocks, where, if we had touched, without doubt our Ship had been split in a thousand pieces, nor had any one of us escaped with life unless by miracle: nevertheless by plying our Oars stoutly, and at length letting down the sail, by God's mercy we were delivered from this imminent and manifest danger. Yet not so fully, but that we had like to have been cast upon another Rock, not so much through the violence of the Current, as the negligence of the Seamen who did not govern the Sails and Helm well. But at length, being by the Divine Assistance freed from both dangers, we got to the place we designed, and there found one of Ruy Freira's Ships which had given us a Warning-piece in the preceding day; and also an armed Bark of that sort which they call Terrankim, and are almost such as our Caichi or Shallops; which Bark Ruy Freira sent to the Rock Baba Selam there to wait for the Armada of Goa, and advertise him when it arrived. In the Ship was Sig. Sancho di Toar, who the last year had been sent from Goa General of certain Ships to assist Ruy Freira, and being weary of the war, now with his licence (obtained, as may be thought, by importunity) was returning to Mascat, and so to Goa, with seventy or eighty soldiers that accompanied him. After we had cast anchor, although it was very dark, yet some of the said soldiers, and the Captain of the Terranquim came to our Ship to speak with Don Francisco Cavacio; so also did the Captain of the Ship, the abovesaid di Toar, next morning. Don Francisco dissuaded the soldiers from deserting the war in a time of so great need, and of so fair an occasion as would be at the coming of the Armada of Goa, which was approaching hourly; telling them that at Goa it would be held an action little honourable, and that the Viceroy would severely punish whoever returned thither abandoning Ruy Freira: In short, he said so much to them, that being assured of the coming of the Fleet of Goa, which before they disbelieved and accounted only a report to keep the soldiers in suspense) almost all of them changed their purpose, and resolved to continue at the war, after they had been at Mascat only to provide themselves some necessaries. Of such moment to the public good is the authority and prudent discourse of a worthy person amongst people. We had news from them, that Ruy Freira had quitted Larek, because the English at the instance of the Persians had gone thither with their Ships to drive him thence; whereupon having first destroyed certain Shops of Provision, which he had made there for convenience of the soldiers, and a weak Trench, he removed with his Armada of Oars to a desert station of Arabia a little beyond the place where we were, and there we should find him; that if we had gone to Larek, we should have incurred the danger of falling into the enemy's hands; and therefore, as soon as they saw us, they shot off a Warning-piece to recall us from that bad way. They told us moreover, that before the Portugals were driven from Larek, Ruy Freira going one day with the greatest part of his Ships to make an appearance about Ormuz, a great Tempest arose, by which four Ships which he left at Larek, were driven upon the Rocks of the Island, and lost, with the death of many people; and that it was a great mercy of God that Ruy Freira was not there with his other Ships, because they would have been all lost, although they wanted not a share of trouble too by the tempest in the place where they were. Hence I concluded that misfortunes every day increased upon the Portugals in India, so that I know not what good judgement can be made of their affairs for the future.  
February the eighth, in the morning, We departed from the place where we were, and coasting along in less than an hour, we arrived at a little Island which they call delle Capre or delle Gazelle, near the Continent of Arabia, almost within a Bay which affords an ample and secure Port for small Vessels. This place lies almost directly over against Ormuz, so that Ormuz will come to be sixty leagues distant from Mascat, and consequently eighteen from Lima. Here we found Ruy Freira with part of his Ships, of which some were mending; I say, Part, because he had sent some to the Cape of Giask to wait for the Armada of Goa, some to Mascat for Provision (of which he had but small store) and some to the Port of Guadel to scout, and some about other services. Assoon as we had cast anchor, Ruy Freira came in person to our Ship acompani'd by some of his Captains, and stayed there between two and three hours receiving and distributing amongst them certain small provisions of Victual and Arms which were brought him; reading the Viceroy's Letters and many other which came to him from Goa, and discoursing with Don Francisco Contigno Cavacio, and others, giving them account of all his successes, and enquiring concerning the Armada and other things which we knew. And because we assured him, the Armada could not be long before it arrived, since we came all together from Ciaul at the same time; he sent forth another Ship to meet it, with order to inform them where he was, and presently to return and advertise him of his arrival, that he might go out and join with it. I could not be present at all the Conversation, because I had my Ague and was in bed. Yet upon his coming, I arose and dressed myself to wait upon him, as I did so long as I was able; but at length I was forced to retire, and only returned to take leave of him when he departed. He made many compliments to me, telling me that he had long since had knowledge of my person by fame, and should always be ready to serve me upon any occasion; with other like Civilities. I offered him to show him the Pass I had from the Viceroy, because I had heard him say in discourse how strictly the Viceroy had charged him not to let any one pass into the Territories of the Turks without his licence; but he would not look upon it, and told me it needed not for me, re-iterating that he was ready to serve me; to which civil language I answered in the best terms I could, signifying to him how great a while I had been desirous to see his person, and to serve him; The fame of his actions testified to me by the mouths of his very enemies, and how he was spoken of at Goa both by the Viceroy and all others; all which he received as kindly as I did his obliging expressions. At length he returned to his own Ship, taking with him Don Francisco Contigno Cavaccio, the F. Provincial of Maniglia, and divers others, to be entertained there with him all the day; but I remained in bed with my Ague.  
February the ninth, Having taken a Persian Pilot which Ruy Freira gave us, (because the Portugal Pilots are not very skilful in 
VI  the Persian Gulf, by reason of the multitude of shelves, and the inconstancy of the winds, which make it needful to have a Pilot of the Country) at night we put off from the abovesaid Island steering our course outwards. Almost at the same time Ruy Freira went with some of his Ships, leaving order for the rest to follow him as soon as they should be repaired; and by the inner way, to wit, by the channel between the Island and the Continent, went I know not where to take in water, intending afterwards to see how matters were at Ormuz, where there road ten Ships of War, Dutch and English, partly under the Castle, and partly in Bender di Kombru, having already put what relief they pleased into the place.  
February the tenth at evening, We arrived at a Bay which they call the ' i Limoni, from the multitude of Lemons growing in a Village hard by. And on the fifteenth of the same Month, having passed the Island called Tombo, another called by the Portugals Piloro, that is, the Ball; and lastly that which they call Cais, once famous for its competition with Ormuz, both in War, and the Traffic of India, but now altogether desolated by war, we whereby a contrary wind forced to return somewhat backwards, and cast anchor under the said Island Cais, which is forty Leagues from Ormuz. Some of our people went ashore to refresh themselves, but found nothing except a few Herbs, and a fruit like Goosberries; which yet to us that were ill furnished with Provision were not unwelcome. I must not omit here, that when we passed by the Bay of Lemons, we left the Coast of Arabia, and crossed over to sail along the opposite Coast of Persia, which is the better way from from thence forward.  
February the sixteenth, We departed from Caiss, and at night certain Armenians who were in our Ship, were set a shore on the Persian side, in order to go to Nachilu, which was not far from thence, to meet certain companions of theirs who had gone before Mascat in another Ship with much common Merchandise.  
February the seventeenth, A contrary wind repelled our course backwards, so that we anchored under an uninhabited Island called Andreve, where we stayed till the twentieth of the same Month, when the abovesaid Armenians, not finding their companions at Nachilu, returned to the Ship, and brought two Letters from the Governor of that place; one to the Captain and all the rest in general, offering the Ship a free Port, and desiring us to sell our Merchandise there, because they had suffered much by war; that they would show all good usage to the Portugals as Merchants; and in case we trusted him not so much as togo a shore, we might ride at Anchor in the open Sea, and they would send people and money to buy many things. The other Letter was directed to the Religious that were in the Ship, some of whom he had understood were minded to go to Sphahan; and therefore he promised them good and secure passage with all courtesy. But neither did the Ship stay to sell any thing, nor the Religious think good to land in that place, for all those promises.  
February the two and twentieth, Being at Anchor in a certain place, at night we descried some Vessels afar off, which we knew not what they were; and therefore weighing Anchor, and putting ourselves in a posture for fight, we rowed up to them. When we came near, we found them to be of those Persian Vessels, which they call Terrats', (a kind of great bark, frequent in these Seas) laden with Dates and Victuals. Yet because they neither stayed for us nor obeyed, we discharged some Falcons and many Muskets at them, without doing any hurt, because of those that shot none knew how to do it as they ought, but all was done with great confusion and disorder, as is usual amongst the Portugals, especially in our Ship, which was a Merchant and not a Man of War. So that the Persian Terrats' went away untouched, and we not only took them not, as we might easily have done, had our Ships been well armed and well-governed; but it seemed also, that, had those Vessels had armed people, and a mind to assault us, they might easily have taken us, considerng the little order and preparation for fight that I saw in our Sihip.  
February the seven and twentieth, The wind not being good, our Mariners, who were Indians, but of the Mahometan Religion, 
VII.  tied a bundle of clothes, which they said was the Old Man (but I know not what Old Man they meant) to one of the Ropes of the sails, and there fell to beat it vehemently, crying out to it, to give them a good wind; in the mean time, other Mariners desired him that beat it, to desist, saying that it would give them a good wind. This superstitious Ceremony, not unlike that abovementioned of the Portugals binding S. Anthony of Milan, I was willing to insert for its strangeness; although through the ignorance of the Mariners themselves, who could give no other reason for it but that the custom was so; or because they would not tell us; I could not understand what Old Man it was that they beatt, under the figure of a bundle of Clothes, or from whom they demanded a good wind.  
February the eight and twentieth, We were minded to take in water in the Country of Verdistan (a part of Persia), of which we had great need; but the people of the place prohibited us, repelling the boat from the shore with many Musket-shots. And being we had not Soldiers to land and take water by force, it behoved us to have patience and depart without.  
March the first, We put out to Sea, to avoid certain shelves that were near the Persian shore, which here we found low and flat, whereas hitherto it had been all mountainous; at night, we came under Riscel, a Port of Persia in the state of Siraz, but no good one.  
March the second, A little before night we came to an Anchor under the Island of Charge, which lies distant from Caiss 24 Giam. (A Giam is a measure used by the Arabian and Persian Pilots in the Persian Gulf, containing three leagues; so that from Cais to Charge we had sailed 70 Leagues.) From Charge to Bassora, they told us, there remained eight Giam; and as many from Charge to Bahhaerein: The part of the Continent nearest Charge, is Bender Rich, belonging, as I conceive, to the Country of Loristan, from which this Island is distant two Giam. We cast Anchor between Charge and another little Island which lies to the Northwest, and is called Chargia. Charge is a little Island having a Town of forty or fifty Houses, wherein there is a Meschita with the Sepulchre (venerated by the Moors) of one Muhhammed Anefia, who, the people of the Island say, was one of the Descendants of Muhhammed. Because the Sea was very rough we did not go a shore; but a Portugal Ship belonging to the Captain of Ciaul and bound for Bassora, put in at the same Island.  
March the fourth, We went on the other side of the Island to get water, of which we stood in great need; and my Ague having left me, I landed with the rest upon the Island, where I saw little besides the abovesaid Sepulchre, and others less venerable, which they said were of some of the familiars of him that was buried in the greater; there was also a Grotta cut out by hand in stone, which by some carved work of the Frontispiece, and the form within, seems to have been made for a Temple or place of burial, but now 'tis used only as a stall for cattle. The Island itself is low and plain; the Peasants sow it with Corn, Onions, and a few other such things; but 'tis poor enough, the wealth of the Inhabitants consisting for the most part in the fish which they take. They speak the Persian Language, and indeed are Vassals of Persia, though by reason of their poverty they pay no Tribute to the Persians. They told me, that they are governed by a Chief, called, according the custom of the Arabians, Sceich, which dignity descends from Father to Son; that in the war between the Persians and the Portugals, the former had intended to have built a Fort here, whereby to hinder the Portugal Ships from watering here as they passed by; but the Inhabitants excused themselves from it by their poverty; and by treating all parties alike friendly, they have escaped unmolested by any, and enjoy their sweet Liberty upon no other account but their poverty. They told me also that free Trade was granted to all the Inhabitants of this Persian Coast between Charge and Bassora, both by the Portugals and the people of Bassora, so that they were not molested by any party; the ground of which I take to be, because Bassora hath not sufficient Victuals, the greatest part being brought thither from these Lands of Persia; and on the other side, the Portugals need Provision for their Fleet which they keep at Bassora, to assist the place against the Persians. At night we returned aboard, having exchanged the Persian Pilot, which Ruy Freira gave us for one of Charge, it being the custom so to do. It reigned in the night, and the Sea grew high; wherefore for more security, we put off from the land further to Sea.  
March the sixth, Very early in the Morning we departed from Charge, together with the other Ship of Ciaul, yet each taking its own way; and we proceeded coasting along Persia, which lay on the right hand: The next day the wind failing we cast Anchor, so far from the Persian shore that it was out of sight; yet we found no more water than about ten fathom; and indeed, we were fain to sail when the wind arose, with plummet constantly in hand, by reason of the shallow which are hereabouts.  
March the eighth, We sailed still out of sight of land, yet had but four fathom of water; and because the shallow is equal in this place for a great way together, the Persian Pilots call it Meidan, that is, the Plain. The next day we sailed a little, but most of the day lay at Anchor, because the Pilots could not find the mouth of the River of Bassora, although it seemed to us to be very near; and indeed, 'tis no easy matter to find it, the shore being so low that it is not discerned, unless very near hand; and to approach so near the shore as to discern the River, is not safe by reason of the shallows.  
March the eleventh, In seeking the mouth of the River, opinions 
VIII.  were so various, and consequently the Ship governed with such confusion, that the rudder struck on ground, not without some danger; but at length with much diligence we freed the Ship, and got into more water (the Ship of Ciaul, which, as lighter, drew less water, going before us as guide, and entering into the River's mouth before we knew it.) The River of Bassora (which is Euphrates and Tigris joined together) is called by the Arabians Sciat d' Arab, that is, the Arabian River, and falls into the Sea with two great Mouths about twelve Leagues distant one from the other. The most Easterly, which is the biggest and securest, lies on the side of Ormuz and Persia, whose name it borrows: The more Westerly, and less frequented by great Ships, lies on the side of Buhhreim, or Cutifu of Arabia, from whence it assumes a name. And because the division of the River into two Branches happens within the land a little below Bassora, I know not how many leagues from the Sea; hence it forms a no small Trianguler Island, called at this day Cheder; which I hold to be the gift of the River (like the Delta of Egypt) and that it will increase every day by the sand brought down by the River, considering the many flats and shallows, which as I said above are found in these places. Now we being entered by the Eastern mouth, and having sailed a good way against the stream, at length came to the place of the division; and leaving the more Westerly branch on the left hand, continued our course amongst the verdures of Date-trees and cultivated Fields, which on both sides the River down to the Sea are very fertile. At length we came to the place from whence up to the City of Bassora, (which lies on the west bank a good way from the River) is drawn an artificial Dike capable even of Portugal Galliots, which pass up to the Dogana or Custom-house, where a bridge of planks laid upon boats, and fortified with Iron chains crosseth the Dike; on the South-part of which bridge stands a Castle, and strong Bulwark for guard of the City and passage. The water of this trench ebbs and flows with the Sea, and at high Tide runs up I known not how far beyond the bridge; yet Ships go no further than the bridge, where they ride as in a secure Haven. From this trench are derived some other little channels on either-side to several places of the City; and in some of them they make use of small Boats, which they call Donec, with great convenience to the houses; besides that they want not little bridges upon the said channels to walk over on foot.  
The City of Bassora is large and populous, but ill built, and till of late without walls; for by reason of these wars with the 
IX.  Persians they have almost enclosed it with an earthen Rampart; within which is the Bazar of Goldsmiths, and for linen Cloth, and all the best things that are sold. Before the Castle is an indifferent large Piazza, where there are some great Pieces of Ordnance, amongst which we saw certain Portugal Pieces which had been taken many years ago by the Turks of Bassora from Mascat when they infested the seas with their Galleys, which afterwards were destroyed by the Portugals. Another Piazza there is before the Bassa's House, which is always full of heaps of Corn, Rice, and other Fruits, which are to be sold here; being kept night and day without other shops or enclosure then ordinary mats, without fear of stealing in regard of the strict justice exercised by the Turks in matter of Theft. The people are Arabians with some Turks intermixed, so that the Arabian Language is most spoken, although the Turkish and Persian are not unfrequent. As for Religion, the Moors are partly Sonai's, and partly Scinai's, with Liberty of Conscience to both; yet in the Meschita's the Service is after the manner of the Sonai's, and also all public Ceremonies are performed after the Rite of the Sonai's, which is that which the Great Turk, who is King of this Country, observes at Constantinople. There are also some Houses of Chaldean Christians, called Christians of S. john, or Sabeans; though I believe they have little more besides the name of Christians; for they have no Church except the House of one single Priest, who was there in my time, and he a very Idiot; nor could I learn that they ever assembled there to be present at any Divine Service. They have no Fast or abstinence from Flesh, but eat every day alike. Nor have they any Sacraments, except some shadow of them; and 'tis a question whether their Baptism be such as it ought to be, and not rather the Baptism of S. john then of Christ. And because in this, and many other things, they observe S. john Baptist more than any other, and have him in greatest Veneration, therefore they are called Christians of S. john, with no small suspicion of being the remainder of those Jews whom S. john baptised with the Baptism of Repentance, and who, without caring for any thing else, have continued in that Rite ever since. The Gospels, and other sacred Books, 'tis not known (at least) in Bassora, that they have or use; but they have a Book which they call Sidra, according whereunto they govern themselves in matters of Religion; but who is the Author of it, I know not. They speak a harsh Chaldee, besides Arabic which is generally in use; which Language of theirs they call Mendai, as also for the most part amongst themselves they are styled Mendai, besides the two other names of Christians of S. john and Sabeans, by the first of which they are known to us Europaeans, and by the latter to the Moors. What Mendai signifies, and whence it is derived, I could not learn. They have also particular Characters different from the ordinary Chaldaick and Syrian, both ancient and modern, wherewith they transcribe their sacred Books, but commonly none can either read or write this character besides the Priest, who byan Arabic word is usually styled Sceich, that is, Old Man. I could not learn any thing more concerning them, because they are few and very Idiots; only I think they may be those Sabean Heretic mentioned in Histories, and particularly in the Elenchus Alphabeticus Haereticorum of Gabriel Prateolus, who relates their Original and Rites. Besides these of Bassora, there are other at Hbaveiza, which is near Bassora, at Durec, Sciuscter, and many other places of Persia; amounting, as they say, to many thousand Families: yet in Hhaveiza there are more than in any place else, where they have a place inhabited only by themselves, called Kiumalava, or, as themselves pronounce it, Chiumalava, reading the Letter K with the sound of Ch. Here live certain of their chief Priests, Monks, and Bishops, whom they all Chanzaba, and by whom they are governed in Religion. I believe they have there some kind of Church, Sacrifice, and all other things better than at Bassora; yet because I cannot speak either upon my own knowledge, or any sufficient & credible information, I shall not relate any thing more of them; although I had once a servant of the same Nation, born in Kiumalava near Hhaveiza, who amongst them was called Roheh, but being afterwards rebaptised by our Religious, was named Giovanni Robeh. I shall only add concerning Bassora, that of late days the City hath been more frequented with the trade of the Portugals of India, (to wit, since the loss of Ormuz) five of whose Ships at my being there continually rode in the River to defend the place from the attempts 〈◊〉 the common enemy the Persian. Upon the conflux of many European Christians hither, the barefooted Carmelite-fathers' of Persia first, and afterwards the Portugal Augustine's of Goa have built two Churches, either Order one, wherein the Catholic and Roman Rite is publicly observed. That of the Carmelites, the Seat whereof was partly given them by the Bassa, and partly bought by themselves, I found already finished with a small Cloister, and some Cells for the Fathers that live there: of its Dedication which happened in my time, I shall speak below. The Church of the Augustine's had not its foundation yet fully laid, and they were in suspense whether to go on with the building or no, for fear lest the Persians should one day take Bassora in these wars which were on foot. So that in my time the said Fathers lived in an hired house, which the Bassa paid for; yet they had a Church, or rather an Oratory there, wherein Mass, and all Divine Offices were publicly celebrated. Of Augustine's, there were two at Bassora; one with the Title of Prior, was also Vicar to the Archbishop of Goa; likewise an Augustine Friar, who, for the sake of the Portugals that resort to the City of Arabia, pretends to a Jurisdiction, which he usurps not without some intrusion upon the barefooted Carmelites, notwithstanding the Briefs of most ample Authority which they have obtained of the Pope for that purpose; insomuch that in my time the said Augustine-Vicar published an Excommunication against all such as should not confess at Easter in their Church, although they did it in that of the Carmelites; and published his Church to be the Parish-Church, and not the other, besides other like contentions between them; not without some prejudice to the Affairs of Religion. The Bassa, who for the assistance which he had of the Portugals in the war, used not only them, but all Europaeans that came thither, very well; gave a Pension or Alms to either Church every Month sufficient for Provision; and he also well paid the five Portugal Ships which lay at Bassora for his service in the War.  
Having entered the abovementioned Like, and cast anchor for fear of being carried back again by the violence of the ebbing water; we met with two of the said Portugal Ships at anchor, in one of which was the General himself: the other three were abroad in the great River near the place where the Bassa had pitched his camp to make head against the Persian Army, which was upon the Confines, and was rumoured to intend an attempt against Bassora.  
Marcch the twelfth, Early in the morning, before we stirred, I was visited in the Ship by F. Basilio a barefooted Carmelite, and by F. Fra. Paolo di Giesu an Italian Franciscan whom I had known at Goa, and who was now in his passage to Italy, lodged at Bassora by the Carmelites. At night, upon the coming in of the Tide, we towed the Ship up to the City. On either side of the Dike, were abundance of Houses and Gardens, which render the passage very delightful. Having cast anchor within the City, near the Southern bank, which is most inhabited, I went ashore after dinner to seek a House; but not finding one to my mind returned back to rest all night in the Ship.  
March the thirteenth, Not finding a House to my content, upon further search, I got one to speak to Chogia Negem, the chiefest Christian of S. john then amongst them, being also Scibender of the Dogana; who, as a Christian and a Person of much humanity, contracting an intimate friendship with me, did me a thousand courtesies whilst I stayed at Bassora. In the morning his Wife in person went about seeking a House for us; and at night I accompanied her to see one adjoining to her own, which for that reason, and because it was somewhat better than the rest, although far from good, I made choice of, and she promised to get it prepared for me against the next day; whereupon I returned aboard this night also. This day Proclamation was made in Bassora for every house to send out a man with Arms to the camp to aid the Bassa in the War against the Persians, who were said to approach.  
March the fourteenth, I took possession of the House prepared for me, and afterwards visited Sig. Consalvo Martino da Castelbranco, chief of the Portugals in Bassora, to deliver him a Letter which I had brought from the Viceroy of Goa, the effect whereof was only an earnest recommendation of me; upon which and other letters of friends which informed him of me, he very courteously offered me all his service. He told me good news (being one that might well know the same) of the affairs of Bassora, Persia, and ●haveiza; namely, that Mansur, Brother to the deceased Mubarek, being some years ago sent by Sciah-Abbas to Hhaveiza as Prince thereof, after he was well possessed of the State, became not well affected to the King of Persia, though his Benefactor, (and indeed the Arabians cannot endure to be subject, but desire liberty above all things.) Now in order to recovering his Liberty, he held much correspondence with the neighbouring Bassa of Bassora, the Turk's Vassal, and of a contrary faction to the Persian, who was then Efrasiab Bassa, who from Aga of Segmeni, as he was at first in the same City his native place, had made himself Bassa by force, and endeavoured to establish the dominion of that State in his own House, being tolerated, and indeed favoured by the Turk, although half a Rebel; both because he carried himself well in the Government, and because he might not proceed to deny him that little obedience which he gave him in words: Nor was it easy to chastise him in these Confines of the Enemies at such a distance from Constantinople, or to make any other change in the City of Bassora, where he was so powerful. The Persian, understanding the friendship which Mansur held with him, contrary to the custom of the other Princes of Haveiza, who used to make war against Bassora, and that (in short) Mansur was not obsequious and devoted to him as he desired; when he went upon the Expedition of Baghdad, he sent for him to come with his people to the Persian Camp to that war, and appointed Imamculi Chan Sciraz to march to Baghdad by Hhaveiza, and by all means to bring Mansur with him. The Chan performed the command of the Sciah, and coming near Hhaveiza, stayed many days for Mansur, importuning him frequently to come forth and go along with him. Mansur put him off so long with words and promises, that at length the Chan thought good to go away without him; yet arrived at Baghdad so late, that the Sciah had taken the City before; but, in conclusion, Mansur stirred not. Thereupon the Sciah, after his return from the enterprise of Baghdad to Sphahan, sent several Messengers to Mansur to come to his Court; to all which Mansur answered that he would go speedily, but never went: Wherefore the Sciah being incensed against him, sent him word to come speedily by all means, otherwise he would send to take off his Head. To which Mansur answered, that if the Sciah were minded to cut off his Head, he might come in person to do it; That he knew very well how to defend it with his sword; That he was resolved not to go into Persia; and, That if the Sciah was King in Persia, himself was King in Hhaveiza; and that he did not value him. Hereupon the Sciah commanded the said Imamculi Chan to march into Hhaveiza with a great power, taking with him Mubhammed the Son of Mubarek, who had been educated in the Persian Court, and establishing him Prince there, either to bring away Mansur Prisoner, or else to kill him: Accordingly, a little before our arrival at Bassora, the Chan entered Hhaveiza with an Army, and the said Muhhammed. Mansur apprehending that most of the Grandees and the People would obey the Sciah, and accept of Muhhamed for their Prince, to avoid being taken or slain, fled with about 500 that were faithful to him to Bassora, where Ali Bassa the Son of Esrasiab, (who had succeeded his dead Father, or rather intruded into the Government by force before his Father expired) received him courteously, and gave him a piece of Territory belonging to the jurisdiction of Bassora, in the Confines of Hhaveiza, where he might live with his followers. The people of Hhaveiza in the mean time agreed with the Chan, and received Muhhamed for their Prince, being ready to obey the Chan in this, and whatever else he should command; yet upon condition that no Qizilbasci should enter into Hhaveiza, whereunto the Chan assented. Concerning Occurrences since our arrival at Bassora, News came that the Chan, after he had established Muhhamed in Hhaveiza, was advanced forwards with his Army towards Bassora, and was already entered into the State by a place which they call Qarna; intending, perhaps, to take certain Garrisons in those borders, and also to make further progress: Whereupon the Bassa went out against him with all his Forces, and three of the five Portugal Ships, which, as I said, he kept in Pay; the City of Bassora in the mean while being in great fear of the Persian Army.  
As for other things more particularly pertaining to the State 
XI.  of this City, he told me, that after the taking of Ormuz, the Sciah sent an Embassage to the then Bassa of Bassora Esrasiab, to tell him, that he required no more from Bassora but only to have his Coin stamped there, his Name used in the Acclamations of the People, and in the Prayers of the Meschita's, as King of the Country, instead of that of the Great Turk; and that the People of Bassora should wear their Turbans after the Persian manner; that as for the rest he should leave Esrasiab to rule in that State as absolute Lord, have the same confirmed to his Issue, and be protected against the Turk or any other, without paying any Tribute, but remaining in perfect Liberty. Esrasiab, who was a prudent man, well knowing the ways of the King of Persia, made no account of these offers, and thought not fit to adventure the safety of the State which he possessed, upon uncertain hopes; but trusting in the aid of the Portugals, whose Ships might be of great use to him in that place, which the Persians in order to offend Bassora must pass by force, namely, either the Sea, or at least the great River, (the Persians having no Vessels fit to contest with such Ships) he rejected the Proposition of the Sciah, and presently re-manded the Ambassador with a strict Order immediately to depart both the City and the State, lest he should secretly corrupt some of the Grandees, who might afterwards pervert the people, who are half Sciani's, of the sect of the Sciah; telling him in brief, that he was the Great Turk's Vassal and so would die, and that he was prepared for War, is the Sciah pretended any thing from him. The Sciah finding he could do nothing upon Bassora by fair means, commanded the Chan of Sciraz, as his nearest Minister to that Country, and the most potent, to march thither with an Army, and attempt to take the same by force. Accordingly the Chan's Army came, (in which I know not whether himself was in person, or some other General) and by the way of Sciuscter, and other places belonging to the Sciah near Hhaveiza, entered into the State of Bassora; which entrance was the year before my arrival there, to wit, 1624. Yet he did not besiege the City, (as it was reported at Goa) nor yet come near it, but only besieged a Garrison in the Frontiers called Qaban, which was in danger of being lost, to the great hazard of all the rest of the Country, and the fear of Bassora itself; for the Persians fought valorously, and slew many of the Defendants; but at length, by the help of the Portugals, who from the adjoining River did great mischief with the Artillery of their Ships to the Persian Camp, the Qizilbasci were repulsed with loss, or rather, of themselves, (being wearied with the length of the attempt, or else recalled into Persia for other services) they drew off and departed. Nor did they return again till the following year, as I have said, about the time of my arrival at Bassora, upon the occasion of displacing Mansur, and establishing Muhhamed the Son of Mubarek, Prince of Hhaveiza; when I found the new Ali Bassa abroad with his Army, and three Portugal Ships to withstand them, and the City of Bassora not without fear, because the Persian Army much exceeded theirs, both in number and quality of Soldiers.  
March the sixteenth, News came to Bassora that the Armies were very near, and almost faced one another; and Sig: Consalvo 
XII.  de Silveira, Chief Commander of the Portugal Squadron of Ships at Bassora, told me, that having heard that the Persians intended to bring seven pieces of Artillery by Sea to Durec, (a neighbouring Port of theirs to Bassora) to be employed in the War, he had sent forth two of his Ships, and one of those lighter Frigates which they call Sanguisei, to meet and intercept those Guns, which would be a notable piece of service.  
March the seventeenth, Chogia Negem, (who might well know things, as he that was employed in much business by the Bassa) informed me that the Persian Army consisted of 30000 men, and that there were seven Chans in it; which to me seemed not probable, because if the Chan of Sciraz with his people was not sufficient, 'twas possible his Brother Daud Chan, whose Government is near him, and the Chan of Locistan, might be come; but that others more distant should be there for the sole war of Bassora, there was no necessity, and consequently, no ground to believe. He told me further, that now the waters were high there was no danger, nor could the Persians make much progress, by reason of the great River which they were to pass, and many overflowed Lands and Trenches full of water, wherewith Bassora was now fortified: But when the waters came to be low, as they would be within three months, than Bassora would be in danger: that as for defence by the Portugal Ships, the Persians might pass over the great River by a Bridge much higher and further from Bassora, either at Hhella, which is in their Hands, or at Baghdad itself, or some where else, without the Portugals being able to hinder them; that if they came but with Provision for a few days, the Country on the West side of the River on which Bassora stands, was not so desert but they might have forage enough for a great Army: If this be true, as it may be, then considering the power of the Persians, their manner of warring, the situation, strength, and forces of the City of Bassora, I am confident, that at the long run it will not scape the Persians Hands, so long as he holds Baghdad, although in case of need the Grand Emir of the Desert (who is now Mudleg, surnamed as all his Predecessors were, Aburisc, that is, he of the Plume or Feather) should come to assist the Bassa; who can now hope for no aid from the Turk, since the taking of Baghdad. He also related to me concerning Baghdad, that the place was betrayed to the Sciah by Bekir Subasci, called otherwise Dervise Mahhammed, whose Father (who pretended to render himself Tyrant thereof) the Sciah caused publicly to be slain upon his entrance into it, but kept the Traitor with him, and used him well: That besides Baghdad, he took Kierkuc and Mousul by his Captains, and marched beyond Hhella into the Country of Emir Aburisc, even to Anna and Taiba, within a little way of Aleppo, which was thereupon in great fear; and that he left a Garrison at Anna. But after the Sciah, and the main of his Army was retired into Persia, Emir Aburisc, who was always confederate with the Turk, making an excursion with his People about the Desert, recovered Taiba and Anna, killing seventy Qizilbasci whom he found there in Garrison; after which he turned his arms against Emir Nasir ben Mahanna, Lord of Mesched Hussein, (but not so great a Prince as himself) and made great destruction of his People and Country. Finally, He added, that a potent Army of Turks had since fallen upon Persia and Baghdad, and had already recovered Mousul and Kierkuc; which last News I rather suspect to be dispersed to animate the People of Bassora, then hold for true; because, on the other side, it was reported for certain, that the Sciah was reposing his Forces at Ferhabad, which could not consist with the so near approach of the Turks against him.  
March the nineteenth, An eminent man of Bassora, named 
XIII.  Scaich Abdassalam, mustered a great company of his kindred, friends, and followers, with whom he intended to go to the assistance of the Bassa. Amongst them were mustered about ●00 Christians of S. john, armed with Arquebuzes, and other weapons like the rest; but all, in my judgement, as much Moors as Christians, little Soldiers, and of no esteem in comparison of the Qizilbasci.  
March the two and twentieth, In the Piazza before the Bassa's House, I saw a wild Ass, or little Onager, which was kept there for pleasure. It was of the shape of other Asses, but of a brighter colour, and had a ridge of white hair from the head to the tail, like the mane of a Horse; in running and leaping, it seemed much nimbler than the ordinary sort of Asses.  
March the three and twentieth, A Portugal came from the Bassa's Camp to Bassora, bringing News that the Qizilbasci were returned home to their own Countries, and that in such haste that they had left much cattle, Goods, and Meat ready dressed in the Camp where they had quartered: Which so unexpected departure of the Persian Army, could not happen through any disturbance given them by that of the Bassa; but, perhaps, they were recalled for some other war, or service of greater necessity, as that of Ormuz, or against the Turks, or against the Moghol at Candahar, which the Sciah had lately taken.  
March the four and twentieth, I took the height of the Sun in Bassora at noon, and found him decline 28 degrees 48 minutes from the Zenith. He was this day, according to the Ephemerideses of David Origanus, in 4 degrees, 4 minutes, 57 seconds of Aries, and according to the Meridian of the said Ephemerideses, declined from the Aequinoctial North-wards— degrees; but according to our Meridian of Bassora, calculating by proportional parts, 1 degree, 38 minutes, and 32 seconds, which, added to the 28 degrees 48 minutes of the Sun's Declination from the Zenith, amount to 30 degrees, 26 minutes, 32 seconds. So that the Zenith of Bassora is distant from the Aequinoctial 30 degrees, 26 minutes, 32 seconds, to which the Elevation of the North-Pole at the same is equal.  
March the one and thirtieth, Returned the two Portugal Ships abovementioned to have been sent abroad by the General to intercept the Persian Artillery; of which design they failed, because the Persians having notice thereof, stirred them not of the Port. Yet they took three Persian Barks called Terrats', with much wealth in them; and a rich Moor, who offered a thousand Patacches for his Ransom, but they would not accept it. All the other Moors in the Vessels they killed, with two young children, lest, as they said, if they should have carried them into a Country of Moors, the Bassa would have released them: However, in seemed to me a great Cruelty, although it be no new thing among the Portugals, who upon all occasions commit the like and greater in India.  
April the seventh, The Bassa returned with all his Army to Bassora, the fear and danger of the war being now over by the departure of the Persians. He entered into the City betimes in the Morning with great pomp, and the salutations of the Artillery.  
April the thirteenth, F. Basilio di San Franceso, a barefooted Carmelite, having finished the building of the little Church and Covent of his Order which he had founded at Bassora, made a solemn Feast, adorning both the Church, and the whole Oratory of the Covent very sumptuously: and with a great concourse of Christians both Europeans and Orientals of several Nations, he celebrated the dedication of the said Church, intitling it Nostra Signora de ' i remedii: The evening before, he had caused many Bonfires to be made, all the Portugal Soldiers contributing to the joy with many volleys of Arquebusses. Moreover, to honour the said Father, the Bassa sent about five hundred Moorish Soldiers to the Covent to do the like, and caused many great Pieces to be shot off at the Castle; so that the Feast was celebrated generally by the whole City, both Christians and Moors, with great concourse and applause. The next night, the Bassa himself with all his Court went to see the Church and the Covent, where also at his departure he left an Alms; the Father received him with all due honour, and gave him a sumptuous Banquet; with which, both as to the manner and ceremonies according to the fashion of the Country, both the Bassa and all the rest were much satisfied. The General of the Portugals, with all the Captains of Ships, and most principal Persons of the Fleet, and (in short) all the Europeans then in Bassora, were present at this entertainment: only I, by reason of an indisposition, had the displeasure to be absent. Mass was sung by the F. Prior of the Augustine's, who assisted all the day to honour the feast; and the F. Provincial of Maniglia, who was a Passenger with us, preached. The same day there came to Bassora, to the Bassa a Capigi from the Serdar or Ve●ir of Constantinople newly created (whose Predecessor was said to have been put to death by the Great Turk for having used little diligence in the affairs of Baghdad.) The said Capigi brought the Bassa a Robe or Vest-ment (as their custom is) as a Present from the Vezir, and news that the Turkish Army was already moving towards Baghdad, and was very near it, having retaken Monsul and Kierkuc, which are open places, and exposed to the force of any Attempter. But that this should happen so soon, to me seemed very strange; especially, if the new Serdar was sent from Constantinople the same year, as he could not be before May or April at the soon; and being of necessity to pass by Aleppo, and get together not only much provision, but also Soldiers from very remote Countries, and wait for them (besides, providing grass and hay for the horses, as every year they are wont to do in May) it was not possible that he should be so foward by this time. Considering too, that in all the Expeditions of late years, it hath been seen that the Turkish Army never arrives at the Confines of Persia the same year that it is dispatched from Constantinople, but must always winter the first year either at Aleppo, or in Mesopotamia, or, at most, when it is nearest in Erzirna; the second year it arrives at the confines of Persia to make War; yea it oftentimes arrives there so late in the year, and so near Winter, that it scarce does any thing. Now that this new Serdar was dispatched from Constantinople the same year, and not the preceding, seemed credible, because I never heard of his wintring at Aleppo, or any where else; 'twas likely that the new Serdar lately created at Constantinople (as he uses to be in March, and sometimes sooner) understanding the danger of Bassora, presently dispatched the said Capigi to confirm the mind and courage of the Bassa; which Capigi travelling by the shortest ways, and with great speed, as the business required, might well arrive at Bassora from Constantinople by the time abovementioned. In brief, I suspected the credit of so near approach of the Turkish Army, waiting till effects should manifest the truth of the matter.  
April the twenty third, News came to Bassora, that the King of Persia had straight charged the Chan, who governs Bagdad for 
XV.  him, and also his friend in the Desert Emir Nasir, by all means to intercept the Cafila which was preparing at Bassora to go to Aleppo, or at least to hinder its going. This intelligence so terrified the Merchants who were upon the point to depart, that they deferred their journey, and in their own name dispatched a Messenger to Emir Nasir, to know whether it was true, and whether he would permit them secure passage or no. That it was true, on one hand I conceived not unlikely; for it being of great importance to the Sciah to have the trade of India by Sea brought into his own Country, (which, since the taking of Ormuz, he hath lost) and the said trade being diverted to Bassora, where (for want of Ships to contest with the Portugals) he cannot hinder it (which is the reason why he was so desirous to take Bassora, namely, that so the Portugals might be deprived of all ports and passes, and be necessitated to come with the traffic of India to some place of his Territories, without his rendering Ormuz to them) I say, it seemed likely that he should endeavour to hinder the traffic of Bassora to Aleppo by land, which would amount to the same thing: for the Merchandises of India cannot be all absumed at Bassora, but remaining there little or nothing must be from thence dispersed to Aleppo and elsewhere: Upon this account the Sciah raised a great War both against the Portugals and the people of Bassora, whose chiefest subsistence is from this trade. On the other side I conceived it might not be true, because Emir Nasir draws great profit from the Cafila's which pass from Bassora to Aleppo, and though at the taking of Bagdad he sided with the Sciah for some end of his own, yet I believe, that as an Arabian and a free Prince he is not so devoted to the Sciah as to serve him with the prejudice of his proper interests; and the rather because at the same time he keeps some Agents and Ministers at Bassora to receive the said Imposts, and without the Emir's assistance the Sciah can do nothing in those Deserts. Moreover, this Emir Nasir hath lately been much mortified by the losses he received from Emir Aburisc, and 'tis likely would rather endeavour to re-ingratiate with Aburisc and the Turk (from whom he may suffer much) for avoiding a total' ruin, than expose himself to new dangers for the Sciah, from whom he can hope little good or hurt so long as he is not Master of all as far as Aleppo; which is not a thing to be brought to pass suddenly or easily. But of this also time will show the truth.  
May the ninth, Another Capigi arrived at Bassora from the Serdar, 
XVI.  and was received with great solemnity and salutations of Artillery. He brought a Robe to the Bassa, and intelligence that he had left the Serdar at Mardin, which lies within a few day's journey of Baghdad, confirming the recovery of Mousul and Kierkuc; (whereof, supposing the Serdar at Mardin, I made no scruple) and adding that the Serdar was then upon removing from Mardin, and by this time had marched much forwards. This is what was given out; for more intrinsic and secret news I could not know, having no acquaintance with any considerable Turk from whom to learn the same: nor was any more than this signified to the chief Commander of the Portugal Ships. Only I judged that the Turks well considering the danger wherein Bassora was of being lost, might possibly by these successive Messengers, and good tidings endeavour to confirm the minds of the Bassa, and the people, as much as they could.  
May the eleventh, The Cafila designed for Aleppo, which had many days waited some leagues, without the City, at length set forth and departed; either because they had received a good answer from Emir Nasir, or rather, (as I believe) because they relied upon other fresh tidings, how that Emir Nasir was reconciled to Emir Aburisc, and returned into the favour and devotion of the Great Turk, so that the Desert was all in peace; and perhaps also they trusted to the common report of the nearness of the Turkish Army. I purposed to depart from Bassora the same way and upon the same day (though alone, and not with the Cafila) having hired Camels and certain Beduni Arabians to conduct me. But Ali Aga, the chief Captain of the Militia, gave notice to my Camelier that I must not depart within three days. Whereupon being desirous to go with all speed by reason that the hot weather came on, I got Sig. Consalvo martin's, a Portugal Father, to speak to the said Aga to know wherefore he detained us, and if there were no cause, to dispatch us and let us go. The Aga answered that I must by all means have patience for this week, that so the Cafila might have time to get a little more onwards; and that he did this because he mistrusted my Camelier as a Beduin Arabian (although he had a House and Wife at Bassora) lest for some interest of his own, departing at the same time with the Cafila, he should outgo it, and by other ways of the Desert (wherein he was well skilled) give notice thereof to Emir Nasir, or else to some other Beduin Arabians who might rob it, or perhaps also to the Qizilbasci themselves. Wherefore since my going so soon might prove to my own damage, he desired for my security, and the public good of the Cafila, that I would stay those few days; to the end that the Cafila advancing before out of all suspected places, my Camelier might not have time to do any villainy either to it or to me. The truth is, I did not conceive my Camelier likely to do any such thing, having had good information and assurance of him from Chogia Negem, to whom he was well known, and who recommended him to me: Nevertheless, since he that governed would have it so, I had patience to wait as long as he desired. Yet from hence I gathered that the abovementioned news, now that the Persians and Emir Nasir conspired against the Cafila, was not altogether vain; being Ali Aga, a man of so great place in Bassora, had such apprehensions about it. And it might consist well enough with the Cafila's departing; for perhaps it went out upon a venture, the Merchants being unwilling to suffer longer delay, (for it was above eight months since this Cafila began to unite) I say, at a venture; because the Desert is like the Sea, where 'tis a chance to meet or not meet enemies; and as men forbear not to sail upon the Sea through fear of Pirates or Enemies, so neither do they cease to pass through the Desert. The F. Provincial of Maniglia with his Companion, (a Castilian too but not a Friar of his Order) Marc' Antonio Lanza a Venetian (who came with me from Goa to Bassora) and I know not how many other Europaeans, went along with the Cafila: I alone would not, but stayed with my Servants to go by myself, and to travel more hazardously indeed, but yet with more speed, and undoubtedly with more convenience than they.  
May the thirteenth, Another Capigi sent from the Serdar to the Bassa arrived at Bassora, bringing a Robe and a Scimitar as Presents, and the confirmation of the Government of Bassora in his person, which hitherto he had not had. As for news, 'twas dispersed amongst the people that the Turkish Army was very near, and almost upon Baghdad; yet Letters from our Aleppo Merchants to the Carmelites brought by a Moor of the company of the said Capigi, informed us for certain that according to my abovementioned Prophecy the Serdar was not yet come to Aleppo. 'Tis true, they writ that perhaps to make his voyage more compendious he would not come to Aleppo, but march directly to Mesopotamia and Baghdad by another way; which yet was uncertain when the said Letters were written: whence 'tis clear that one way or other he could not be further than Aleppo, and perhaps, according to my opinion, was scarce departed from Constantinople. So that it was not possible for Baghdad and Persia to have wars this current year 1625; since it would have been no small Summer's work to have marched to the Frontiers: yet that war will follow the next year, unless some other chance intervene, I no-wise doubt. The said Letters further told us news from Turkey, mamely that the Emir of Saida, anew rebelling against the Turk, had taken and sacked Tripoli, driving away the Bassa that was there: but afterwards the Bassa of Aleppo marching out with his people, had recovered Tripoli, and restored the said expelled Bassa to the government. From Christendom, That Italy was all in wars about the Valtoline, which the French had surprised out of the hands of the Pope's Officers, wherewith his Holiness was much offended. That the Prince of England was to marry a Sister of the King of France: That the Dutch had taken an important City from the Portugals in Brasile: That Marquis Spinola had laid siege to another considerable one of the Dutch in Flanders; that the Emperor's affairs in Germany proceeded very prosperously; and other particulars of less moment, which for brevity I omit.  
May the twentieth, Upon the return of Emir Zambar, owner of the House where I lived, I resigned the possession to him, and withdrew to the Covent of the Carmelites, till my departure, in which the Capigi intends to accompany me, we having provided us arms and resolutions not to fear meeting Arabian Thiefs. I declined the Cafila, not only that I might go as I pleased, but also to avoid prolonging the voyage by the slowness of the Carriages in the Desert, which affords nothing but bare earth, void of water and grass. If it please God, I will write to you again at Aleppo, from whence you shall receive the next.   

LETTER XI.  
From Aleppo, August 5. 1625.  
HAving obtained licence of the Aga to depart, on the one and 
I.  twentieth of May, in the Evening I caused my goods to be carried to a Field without the City, called Mascraqa, where the Camels were to take their burdens; and having ordered a little Tent to be pitched there, I repaired thither with Marian Tinatim, and all my servants.  
May the twenty second, Having in the day dispatched some small business which remained for me to do in order to my departure, and paid a Custom, usually demanded of such as go out of Bassora; about midnight I departed the City, and travelled all night (having presently entered into the Desert, which is altogether level) first in clayie and something dirty ways, and afterwards in dry with very little grass for Camels.  
May the twenty third, After we had travelled about six leagues, we arrived at a Town of the Arabians called Cuvebeda, where an Arabian Sceich resides, who receives a Gabel of the Caravans and Burdens that pass that way; at my time he was called Sceich Abdullah. Here we pitched a tent in a field without the Town in expectation of our chief Camelier, who was to follow us with one of those Capigi's that had been sent from the Serdar to the Bassa of Bassora. But on May the twenty fifth, because he came not, and it was tedious to me to abide longer in that place where the wind and the dust much molested us; in the Evening I dispatched my servant Michael to Bassora, with Letters to F. Fra: Basilio, Sig: Consalvo martin's de Castelbranco, Factor of the Portugals, and Chogia Negem, earnestly entreating them to procure that the chief Camelier might come away forthwith; or, in case he must stay yet longer for the Capigi, that he would give order to his under-Cameliers to conduct us forwards, and I would go without him; if not, I would return to Bassora. Two days after, my Servant returned from Bassora with this account, That the Capigi would come away the next day without fail; and that F. Fra: Gregorio Orsino, a Dominican, formerly known to me, and Vicar General at Constantinople ten years before, was arrived at Bassora from Armenia, (where he had been Apostolical Visitor) in order to go speedily into Italy; and hearing of my being upon the way to Aleppo, intended to come along with the chief Camelier: Which last News was so welcome to me, that I accounted all the time of my passed, and yet future, waiting at Cuvebeda well spent; for I imagined the Capigi would not come so soon as they said, because the Moors never speak truth.  
May the thirtieth, At dark night the abovesaid F. Fra: Gregorio Orsino arrived with the chief Camelier Hhaggi Ahhamed. I received him with such contentment as you may imagine; and, though he civilly declined it, caused him to lodge with me in my Tent. The Capigi came not; and though they said, he would come presently after, yet I conceived we were to wait for him yet a good while, and, perhaps, till the New Moon; it being the custom of the Moors almost ever to begin their journeys at the New Moon.  
june the third, Early in the Morning the Capigi arrived at the place where we waited for him; whereupon, in order to our further progress, we discharged such duties of Gabels or Customs as were to be paid at this Town.  
You must know that in the whole way of this Desert, we were 
II.  to pay four Tolls or Customs, (if he that conducted us did not deceive us) namely, to Sceich Abdullah, Lord of Cuvebeda, for every Camels' load of fine Merchandise, valued at the rate of Indian Cloth, five Piastres; for every like load of any other Goods whatsoever, valued at the rate of Tobacco, a much lesser sum, but I know not how much. Another Gabel was to be paid to a Chieftain of the Arabians of the Desert, whom they call Ben Chaled; he takes for every load, be it what it will, five Lari, which amount to one Piastre and a Sciahi besides, of which eight and a third part go for a Piastre at Bassora, but at Aleppo only eight. The third Gabel was to be paid to another Head of the Arabians, surnamed il Cieco, who takes for every load whatsoever, six Sciahi; and lastly, six other Sciahi, were in like manner to be paid for every load to another Captain of Arabians, Cousin to the foresaid Cieco. Scich Abdullah, Lord of Cuvebeda, said, he would take nothing of me, in regard of two Letters which I brought him; one from the Bassa of Bassora, and the other from the Factor of the Portugals his Friend; both of them having much recommended me to him. The other three were not themselves at Cuvebeda, but had their Agents or Officers there, to whom we paid what they said was due; and they gave us an Acquittance for it, that it might not be demanded of us again by any other of their Officers in the Desert.  
june the fourth, Sceich Abdullah, it seems altered his mind concerning the Gabel which he had remitted, and required the same of me, taking for my two Trunks ten Piastres; which was a most rigorous rate. I mention this to give notice of the manner of proceeding, and little punctualness observed by these Barbarians.  
june the fifth, We departed very early from Cuvebeda, and before noon arrived at certain Wells or Pits, which they call Ganemiat, (importing their use for cattle) where we found many Arabians lodged. At a distant view of them, we betook ourselves to our Arms, against whatever should happen; but upon nearer approach, we perceived them to be poor peaceable people; whereupon we lodged all together in that place. Yet here we had News that a band of Arabian Thiefs had way-layed us at another Pass a little further off, with intent to assault us. For discovering the truth whereof, our chief Camelier went to Cuvebeda, where the Spies of these Thiefs use to reside; and at night he brought us word that it was true, and that therefore it behoved us to go back again. Whether it was true, or only an Invention of his for some end of his own, I cannot affirm; but the next day early we returned to Cuvebeda, and lodged without the Town at somedistance from the place where we had been before. Two days after, we were persuaded to lodge within the Town, for more security from the Thiefs, and to deceive their Spies, by making show as if we resolved not to go further, which might divert them from their design. The same did the two Capigi that were with us; for, besides the former, whose Name was Scervanli Ibrahim Aga, there came another with him called Mahhmad Aga, who had been sent by the preceding Serdar to Bassora, Lahhsa, and divers other adjacent places, and had not dispatched his business in order to his return before now.  
june the thirteenth, After a long contest with our chief Camelier, about hiring certain Arabian Guides, which he pretended necessary, (to get money of us) and I refused as superfluous; since we knew the way without them, and they could do us no good against the Thiefs: At length, the business resting half undecided, being, I said, if he would not go without those Guides, I would return back to Bassora, (which he was loath to hear of, because of restoring my money) without speaking a word more about it, he determined to proceed from Cavebeda; and travelling all night we passed by the Pits of Ganeniat.  
june the fourteenth, Three hours before noon, (having travelled till then) we rested a while near certain Pits; and setting forwards again in the Evening, travelled till midnight, and then we rested. The next day rising early, we travelled till about noon; till coming to a little bitter water, we stayed there to repose. Here the great wind, which blows continually in the Desert, allaying the great heat of the Season, having before much shattered our little Pavilions, now broke them all in pieces, so that we could no more make use of them: Which indeed, was a great inconvenience; but for the future, we had no other remedy but when we rested, to ward off the Sunbeams with little sheds made of our clothes, fastened upon three Chairs wherein the Women and I were carried, though they scarce sufficed to cover three or four persons: Yet in the night, when there was no need of shadow, we slept more pleasantly and coolly under the fair Canopy of the Starry Heaven. After noon, we proceeded further till an hour before night, and then took up our lodging near another water.  
june the sixteenth, Having travelled from break of day till noon, and then rested two hours, we proceeded again till night, lodging in a place where the multitude of Gnats suffered us to sleep but little. The next Morning early, we passed by a great dry Lake, (which yet seemed to have water in it at some time of the year) and an hour before noon rested in a place full of Hornets, very troublesome both to Men and beasts. At the usual hour we set forwards again, and journeyed till night.  
june the eighteenth, Rising before daybreak, we passed by, at a distance (leaving it on the right hand), a place inhabited by 
III.  Arabians, which they call Argia, governed by one Hhasan Aga Curdo, a Fugitive from his own Country, and, by Alliance with the Arabians, become great amongst them. The Capigi Ibrahim Aga, had a Robe to present to him from the Serdar; but being we could not go to Argia, by reason all the Passages were then overflown with water, and the Cameliers had no mind to it in regard of a Gabel which would be required there of us, we reposed ourselves about noon in the place where we were. Having passed Argia a good way, the Capigi got one to swim over the waters, and to advertise Hhasan Aga of the Serdar's Present which he had for him, and would have delivered himself, had the way been passable; he also desired some Arquebusiers to accompany us over the Desert. In expectation of an Answer, we stayed in this place all day, where I saw upon the ground abundance of Sea-shels, shining within, like Mother-of-Pearl, some whole, and some broken; I wondered how they came there so far from Sea. I saw also many pieces of Bitumen scattered up and down, which is produced in that brackish soil by the overflowing of the water at some time of the year: I have a piece of it by me to show.  
Being suspicious of some Arabian Maedi's, that is, Vagrants or Vagabonds, (so called because they abide with Droves of Buffles, 
IV.  sometimes in the Deserts, and sometimes in Cities, and are different from the Bedavi; or Beduvi, that is, Deserticolae, who are the noblest amongst them, never residing in walled places, but wand'ring about the Fields with black Tents; as also from the Hhadesi who live in Cities and Stable-houses, and are therefore accounted by them the ignoblest and meanest, but indeed are of a middle condition between both the other sorts) for mo●e security we removed a mile further, and took up our station under a little Hill near some ruins of building, which we discovered afar off, and I walked on foot to behold near hand. In the revolutions of Baghdad, the abovesaid Hhasan Aga Lord of Argia, was visited by the Persians, the Sciah sending a Tag to him, as he uses to do to great Persons whom he intends to invite to be, or declare themselves of his Party: and he carried himself in such sort that his fidelity became something suspected to the Turks; insomuch that a Bassa had an intention to kill him, but did not do it, perhaps because he knew not how to effect his purpose: wherefore to keep him still faithful, as I believe, since it was not possible to punish him, the Serdar sent him by this Capigi the abovementioned Present.  
june the nineteenth, Our removal hence being still deferred in expectation of the answer of Hhasan Aga, I went in the forenoon to take a more diligent view of the ruins of the abovesaid ancient building. What it had been I could not understand; but I found it to have been built with very good Bricks, most of which were stamped in the midst with certain unknown letters which appeared very ancient. I observed that they had been cemented together in the Fabric, not with lime, but with bitumen or pitch, which, as I said, is generated in these Deserts: whence the Hill, upon which these ruins are, is called by the Arabians, Muqeijer, that is, Pitchy. In the evening two men came from Hhasan Aga, to the Capigi with Letters and an Answer that he would send him some provisions; but they departed discontented because the Capigi gave them nothing.  
june the twenty first, We set forth by daylight, and journied till Noon, and after two hours' rest, continued our way till night over Lands sometimes moorish with abundance of little canes, sometimes whitish with salt, and sometimes covered with thickets of Shrubs.  
june the twenty second, We travelled again till Noon; and as we were reposing in these Plains which were all covered with small dry grass, a little sparkle falling from some of the Cameliers, who, according to their custom, stood sucking the smoke of Tobacco, set this grass on fire, and the flame increased so suddenly that we had much ado to save our Goods from burning; but at length we extinguished it by casting clothes and thick cover upon it; for water the place afforded none, and we had only enough for drink. Departing thence two or three hours before night, we quartered in another place called Ehathuer, where two or three men whom we met with their laden Camels, informed us that the great Cafila, which went so many days before us from Bassora, had encountered many difficulties, and was stopped by Emir Nasir, who, besides taking a great sum of money from them, also constrained many of the people to go to Mesched Hhussein to fight with the Qizilbasci, with whom he was now at enmity; in which conflict, which proved little successful to the Arabians, the chief Leader of the Cafila was slain, his Son succeeding him in his Charge; with other like news, which made me doubt of the good estate of our Francs who went along with that Cafila.  
june the twenty third, the twenty fourth, and the twenty fifth, We traveled and rested at our usual hours, during which days, 
V.  we had the Island Gevazir of the Chaldean Lake on our right hand; and on the last of them, we reposed at a place wherein grew certain low and thin plants, which to me seemed to be Juniper.  
june the twenty sixth, We traveled from daybreak till two hours before Noon, and then rested near certain Pits, where we had on the right hand afar off Mesched-Ali, the place where anciently stood the City of Kufa, and where Ali the Son-in-law of Mahhammed was slain; the name Mesched-Ali signifying the place of the Martyrdom of Ali, whom they hold a Martyr. And though the City of Kufa is no longer in being, yet, upon account of the said Sepulchre, venerated by Mahometans, and adorned with a noble Fabric, the place is frequented and inhabited: when we passed by, it was in the power of the Qizilbasci, whereas it used to be in that of the Turks whilst they were Masters of Baghdad. From hence we continued our Journey till two hours within night.  
june the twenty seventh, We set forth by daylight, and at Noon rested near a water, which rising out of the ground, runs under a thicket of Canes, where we stayed all day. The next day setting forth, and resting at our accustomed hours, we passed over many dry Lakes, which seemed to have had water in them at some time of the year.  
june the nine and twentieth, Two or three hours before Noon, we rested by a water near the ruins of an ancient great Fabric, perfecty square with thirteen Pillastres, or round Columns on each side without, and other compartments of Arches; within which were many Chambers, with a Court of no great bigness, and uncovered. The Arabians call this Fabric Casr Chaider. I could not conjecture whether it had been a Palace, or Temple, or Castle; but I incline to believe it a Palace rather than any thing else. In this place we had within half a day's journey on the Right Hand Mesched-Hhussein, which signifies the place of the Martyrdom of Hhussein, and where Hhussan the Son of Ali and Fatima, Muhhammed's Daughter, was slain, and buried by his Emulators; which place, in the Country called Kierbela, being inhabited and adorned with the said Sepulchre, which the Moors visit as Holy, (a very sumptuous Fabric after their mode) was now in the Hands of the Qizilbasci, into which it fell with the other Territories of Baghdad, which is but a little distant from thence. Here we stayed to pay a Gabel to Emir Nasirben-Mahhanna, Lord of these Deserts, or rather, to Sceich Abitaleb his Son; for Sceich Nasir being now old, and devoted to a Spiritual Life, (as he that had been in pilgrimage at Meka) had resigned the Government to his Son; and both of them were now remaining in Tents about a League from the place, where we rested towards the North-East.  
june the thirtieth, In the Morning the two Capigi's that were 
VI  in our company, went separately to carry their Letters and Presents from the Serdar to the Sceich; namely, Ibrahim Aga to the present, and Mahhmud Aga to the preceding Serdar; who, as they said, was poisoned either by others, or by himself for fear of worse, because he had not been diligent enough in the war of Baghdad; yet this his Capigi, having been sent to several other places, could not come hither sooner to the Sceich. After dinner, in the absence of the Capigi, the Sceich's Men came to demand a Gabel; and after I had paid them as much as they required, to wit, twelve Piastres, for only two Chests, and two or three more Piastres of free-gift; nevertheless they opened all my Trunks, breaking some for haste, turning all things topsy-turvy, and taking away for the Sceich and themselves some things of value which they liked, a rich Persian Turban of Silk and God, a piece of fine chequered Silk to make Cassocks withal, after the Persian Mode; many dishes of rare Porcelain, beautified with Gold and colours; an Harquebuse belonging to my Servant; much curious Paper of japan and India; besides, many other toys which I rememb●r not, telling me that they would buy them; notwithstanding that I told them that they were not things to be sold, but only such as I carried for my own use and service. Moreover, they made me by force (that is, refusing to hear any of my Reasons to the contrary, but saying, that the Sceich commanded so, though, in truth, I ought not) pay twenty Piastres to my chief Camelier their Friend, alleging that the same were for the Guide which he would have hired at Cuvebeda; which Guide, I neither hired nor made use of; and if I had, I ought to have paid only half at most, the said Camelier having other Carriages besides mine, and all of Merchandise. But they were resolved to do a kindness to the Camelier, who was an Arabian, and a Thief like themselves, and gave not this money to any Guide, but kept it for his own use. Hereby the Readers may observe, how we Christians are used by these Barbarians in their own jurisdictions. At length, they would have taken for the Sceich a Sword, and Changiar or Arabian Poniard, the hilts and garniture whereof were Silver-gilt, and which belonged sometimes to Sitti Maani my Wife: Whereupon being no longer able to suffer so many insolences, I resolved to go to the Sceich myself, and present him a Letter from the Bassa of Bassora, which he had writ to him in commendation of me. Accordingly leaping upon a Mule of Ibrahim Aga's, who was already returned, and highly angry with the proceeding of the Arabians, both towards me, the rest, and himself; I rid in haste with the Notary of the Sceich, and our cheating Camelier, (who was partly the cause of this bad usage, although I dissembled my resentment thereof to him.) By the way I found many black Tents of his Arabians dispersed in several places, and an hour within night I came to the Tent of Sceich Abitaleb, a little distant from that of his Father Sceich Nasir; which Tents differed from the rest, neither in colour nor stuff, (being all of corpse black Goatshair) but only in bigness, which showed them to be the principal. We entered not into the Tent, because we saw many of his chief Arabians sitting in a round on one side thereof, upon certain coloured and corpse woollen clothes spread on the ground; and the Sceich was not there. Yet he came presently after, and we all rising up at his coming, he went and sat down in the midst of the circle, and so also did we in our places round about him. Then a Candlestiks with a light being placed before him, he performed his Orisons according to their manner; after which, sitting down again, he began to read and subscribe certain Letters, giving dispatch to several businesses; and, amongst others, to the Capigi Mahhmud Aga, who was there, and waited for Licence to return. These things being over, I arose and presented him the Bassa's Letter. He asked, whether I was the Frank, (or Christian) of the Cafila? Whereupon the Camelier answered that I was, and declared to him the cause of my coming; whereunto I added in Arabic what I thought fit. He desired to see my Hat nearer Hand, and caused it to be brought before him; and being informed that I understood the Beduin-Language, he told me; that I must excuse what his Officers had done, for he had great need of Arquebuzes for war; that the Turban and piece of Silk much pleased him, but he would pay for them; whereto I answered, that I did not value his payment, but would give him both the one and the other. Then he called for the Turban, and having viewed and highly commended it, though I told him it had been used, (as indeed I had worn it several times in Persia) he entered into the Tent with it where his Women were, and from whence was heard a great noise of Hand-mils, wherewith to make Meal for Bread; it being the custom amongst the Arabians, for even the noblest Women to do such services: By and by he came out again with the Turban upon his Head, whereupon his people congratulated him for his new bravery, saying to him, Mubarek, that is, Blessed, to the same purpose with our Ad multos Annos. Then they set before him a brass dish full of Grapes, and we being all called about him, he began to eat and give us some of the said Grapes, which were very sweet and good, and the first that I had eaten this year. This ended, we retired to our places, and after a short stay, I took leave and departed with Mahhmad Aga to the Cafila; one of his servants and the Camelier remaining behind by the Sceich's Order, who said he would send a dispatch for his own and my business the next day by them.  
july the first, The Camelier returned with an Answer, that the Sceich would not take the Sword, and the Changier or Poniard from me; and for the Turban and piece of Silk, he sent me 29 Piastres, whereof the Camelier said he had expended five; to wit, two to the Officer that paid him, and three to I know not who else, so that he brought me but 24; which were not a third part of what the things were worth. However I took them, because the barbarous dealing of the Sceich deserved not that I should correspond with him with better courtesy. I have related this Adventure, that thereby the dealings of these uncivil Barbarians may be known.  
july the second, We departed from this Station early in the 
VII.  Morning, continuing our journey, but were detained near two hours by certain Arabian Officers of a Brother of Sceich Nasir, who also would needs extort some payment upon each Camel. We arrived late to bait near a water, where we found many Arabian Tents, from which, and a neighbouring Village, we had plenty both of sweet and sour Milk, and also of Grapes. Here we stayed all day, and upon a hasty quarrel between Batoni Mariam, and Eugenia my Indian Maid, at night the said Maid ran away from us in these deserts, yet was so honest as to leave even all her own things and ornaments behind; so that it was rather despair than infidelity that occasioned her flight. I had much ado to recover her again, and was in great danger of losing her, in case she had fallen into the hands of any Arabian, who, undoubtedly, would have hid her; and, perhaps, carried her afar off, and made her a slave for ever. I mention this, to the end Masters may learn not to drive their Servants into despair by too much rigour, which may redound to the prejudice of themselves, as well as of them.  
july the third, Setting forth early, we baited before noon near a Lake of Water, streaming there amongst certain Reeds 
VIII.  and verdant Fields, about which flew many Assuetae ripis Volucres, some of which we took and eat. F. Gregorio Orsino, who was with me, bathing himself here, (as he was wont often to do for the heat) and being unskilful of swimming, was in great danger of being drowned; happening unawares to go into a much deeper place of the Lake than he imagined. We travelled no further this day, but only at night went to join with the Capigi's, who had pitched a Tent a little further from the Water, to avoid the Gnats there, which were very troublesome both to Men and Beasts. The two next days we travelled but little, because of some difference between the Arabians and the chief Camelier, who went back to the Sceich about it.  
july the sixth, We travelled this day over Landsfull of a white and shining Mineral, which was either Talk, or Salt-petre, or some such thing. I brought a good quantity of it away with me.  
july the seventh, We travelled from daybreak till noon, passing over a clayie and slippery ground, where the Camels went with much difficulty. We rested at a place full of prickly shrubs, the leavs whereof are less than a Man's nail, and of the shape of a heart; the fruit was round and red, like small coral-beads, of taste sweet, mixed with a little sharpness, having little stones in them; it was very pleasant to the taste, and afforded no small refreshment to us in these Deserts. The Mahometans celebrated their Bairam, the Fast of Ramadhan being now ended.  
july the eighth, We came to several places of stagnant waters, and baited at one, two or three hours before noon; but the water was sulphureous and ill-tasted, as most of the rest were also, in regard of the many Minerals wherewith the Earth of the Desert abounds. We departed not from this place at night, because we were to pay a Gabel to Emir Mudleg Aburisc, whose Territory hereabouts begins. Emir Aburisc is the greatest Prince of the Arabians in Arabia Deserta; and this Prince, (whose proper name is Mudleg) succeeded his deceased Uncle Feiad, who was living and reigned when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad nine years before, having usurped the Government from Mudleg, who was very young at the time of his Father's decease. At night we were visited by some pilfering Arabians, who finding us prepared with our Arms, betook themselves to their heels, and escaped unhurt from us, though we pursued them a while.  
july the ninth, The Morning was spent in paying Gabels: I paid for my part for a load and half of portage, as they reckoned it, fifteen Piastres, and two more towards the abovementioned Gabel of the Camels to Emir Nasir's Brother, besides other fees. They opened my Trunks, and took away two Velvet Caps, much good Paper, and several other things; and had it not been more for the Capigi Ibrahim entreaties than authority, they would also have broken open the Chest, wherein I carried the Body of Sitti Maani my Wife. Three hours before night, we put ourselves upon the way, and travelled till about an hour before night, when we came to a place of water.  
july the tenth, We travelled till Noon, and rested in a great Plain surrounded with certain Hills, in the midst whereof stands erected a Stone, fashioned at the Top like the bowl of a Fountain. After which, we proceeded till an hour after Sunset, and came to a place where we found good water between two little Hills. Here we stayed to refresh ourselves and our Camels till three hours before night; the Capigi's, who were to go by the way of Anna to find the Serdar at Mardin, or elsewhere, departing before us: but we, who intended to go to Aleppo without touching at Anna, for compendiousness of the way, and for avoiding payment of some kind of Gabel there, left the way to Anna on the right hand, and took that within the Desert more Southward. We travelled all the remainder of this day, and all the night, with part also of the next day, without staying; to the end we might the sooner arrive at water, of which we had no less desire than need.  
july the twelfth, About three hours after Sun-rise we baited, being weary, at the foot of certain little Hills, without finding water; so that we were fain to drink that little which remained in the Goatskin borachoes which we carried with us. About three hours before Sunset, we proceeded again till almost Noon the next day, when we arrived at water, to wit, the famous River Euphrates, lighting upon a place of the ordinary way to Aleppo, where I had formerly passed when I went from thence to Baghdad, and where the road between the River and certain little Hills full of that Talk or shining Mineral is very narrow. Our further stirring at night was prevented by the supervening of some Soldiers, sent by the Officers of Anna, (whom the Capigi's had informed of our passage) to demand those Tolls or Gabels which we had sought to avoid, although we passed not through that City.  
july the fourteenth, Most part of this day was spent in paying the said Gabel. I paid for my part six Piastres, and gave two more as a gratuity to the Soldiers; besides which, I was obliged to pay twenty to the chief Camelier, whose money was all gone; and in this manner I was constrained both to profit and pleasure him who never did me other than disprofit and displeasure. But for all this, they afterwards opened the two greatest Trunks I had, and tumbled all my Goods about, treating me with all rigour and discourtesy. Only I took it well (and upon that account willingly pardoned them all the rest) that seeing the Chest wherein the body of Sitti Maani was, and understanding what it was (for I was glad to tell them, lest they should have broken it open) they not only gave me no trouble about it, as I thought they would, (being a thing contrary to custom and their Laws) but rather accounted it a picce of piety that I carried her with me to bury her in my own Country, both pitying and commending me for it: which happening beyond all expectation I attributed to God's particular favour, and to her own effectual prayers, which undoubtedly helped me therein.  
This being over, about three hours before night, We set forth 
IX.  and travelled till night. Some of the abovementioned Soldiers returned to Anna, but others, who were carrying I know not what moneys to their Emir Mudleg, accompanied with us. In the Evening the Leader or Chieftain of these Soldiers made me open my Trunks once again, (namely the two little ones which they had omitted in the day) and putting all my Goods in disorder, took away many things, as a Mantle of Sitti Maani of deep azure silk, according to the mode of Assyria, a Ball of Amber, an Alabaster Vessel curiously wrought, and consigned to me in India by Sig. Antonio Baracho, to present in his name to Sig. Francisco del Drago at Rome; many exquisite Porcelain Dishes miniated with Gold; an Arabic Book, though of little importance; a great watchet Cloak or Mantle to keep off rain after the Persian mode; much paper besides other such things. At night we stayed to rest, but the Soldiers went onwards; before their going, I redeemed from them the Mantle of Sitti Maani, and Sig. Francesco del Drago's Alabaster Vessel, giving them in exchange two Abe's, or Arabian Surcoats which I bought of one of our company for seven Piastres; the Amber and other things I could not recover, but they carried them away; for they would neither restore them freely, nor take money for them, and our Cafila was so small that I could find nothing to give them instead thereof which pleased them. It was no small good luck that I saved the Sword and Poniard of Sitti Maani, with many of her jewels, bracelets, & other ornaments of Gold from their rapacious hands; hiding them under a trunk: for, if they had seen them, 'tis ten to one but they would have taken them from me. I relate these things that it may be known what Tyranny these Barbarians exercise in their own Countries towards us, who in ours very often, with ill-employed courtesy, are wont to be undeservedly caressed and honoured when they come thither.  
july the fifteenth, We travelled from daybreak till Noon, and three hours after till night, when we took up our Station not far from the River, amongst many shrubs which to me seemed to be Juniper, or else that plant which in Persia they call Ghiez. The next two days we travelled and rested at our usual hours, and on the latter, we rested near a Pit or Well of bitter and stinking water in a mineral Soil, all full of Talk, of which I brought away a pareel with me. In like manner we proceeded the two next days; and on the twenty first, we passed by a ruinous Castle called Hheir, which I had formerly seen only by night when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad. I took a better view of it now, and found it to be a great Building, all of good and large white Marble Stones; the form of it is a long Square, with walls round about, here and there distinguished with small round Turrets; within are many contrivances of Rooms, all likewise of white stone, but so ruinous that it cannot be known what they were. From hence we travelled about three hours further, and at night arrived at Taiba, a Town which I had formerly seen, and lodged in a by-place amongst the walls of the Houses near the Gate.  
july the twenty second, This day was spent in paying the usual Gabels, which every day are enhanced in these Countries, and are now become insupportable. Though I had nothing of Merchandise, but only goods for my own use; yet I could not come off under twenty Piastres between Gabels and Donatives to the Officers, which they demanded as equally due. Here I found an Arabian named Berekiet, who spoke a little Italian, and passed for Factor or Procurator of the Franks, saying, he had authority so to be from the Consuls of Aleppo. He presently offered himself to speak to the Officers in our behalf, gave us an Entertainment, and invited us to lodge in his House, and, if we had been so minded, would have conducted us thither; but his services tended only to get some money of us, and by his speaking with the Officers to make us pay more than perhaps we should otherwise have done.  
july the twenty third, Two hours after Sun-rise, we departed from Taiba, whence the said Officer sent an Arabian with us, to conduct us first to Emir Mudleg (who they said was at Hhamah, between Aleppo and Damascus) and afterwards to Aleppo; they having done the same to the great Cafila of Bassora which had passed by Taiba a little before us. This going to the Emir, was a troublesome thing, both in regard of the great diversion out of the way, and the inconveniences we imagined the Emir himself would put us to, after all the Tyrannies we had hitherto met with in the Desert. We travelled till past Noon, and after a short rest till Sunset, having a continued ridg of little Hills always on the left hand.  
july the twenty fourth, We travelled again from daylight till past Noon, and two hours more in the Evening, taking up our Quarters an hour before Sunset.  
july twenty fifth, We set forth an hour before Sun-rise, travelling till Noon, when the Arabian, assigned to us by the Officers of Taiba to conduct us to the Emir, being so persuaded, as I believe, by the Cameliers, who alleged that the Camels were very weary (as indeed they were, and ovet-laden, in regard that many of them died by the way, so that they could travel but gently) resolved to go alone before us by a nearer way over the mountains, and leave us to follow him leisurely, as the Cameliers said they would. I was glad of his going, and intended to take a different course from what the Cameliers imagined; but because it was not yet seasonable, I held my peace. After two hours' rest, we travelled till an hour before night, when we took up our Station near certain Pits, a little distant from the relics of certain ancient Fabrics called Syria by me formerly seen and described in my journey to Baghdad.  
july the twenty sixth, Setting forth by daylight, we came to rest after Noon near a water which springs up in a place full of small Canes, whence we removed not this night, partly, that ourt ired and over-laden Camels might recover themselves a little, and partly, because the Cameliers were minded to eat a Camel there conveniently, which falling lame of one leg they knocked on the head in the morning; and indeed they had eaten all the others which failed by the way, either through Disease or otherwise. Of this, which was not infirm, I was willing to take a trial, and liked the roasted flesh well enough, only it was something hard.  
july the twenty seventh, Setting forth early, we waved the directest way to Aleppo, (which was by the Town of Achila) and took another more Southwards, and to the left hand, which led to the place where the Emir resided; intending to leave the Camelier at a certain Town upon the way, from whence he was to go alone to the Emir, to carry him a Present, and excuse our going to him by alleging the death and weariness of our Camels. Hereby we endeavoured to avoid (if possible) the troubles and disgusts which we were likely to meet with from the Emir and his Arabians, in case we should have gone to him ourselves. At Noon, we came to the designed Village, called Haila; they account it a Mezar, that is, a place to be visited, and of devotion, in regard of some perfons buried there whom the Mahometans hold for Saints: yet it consisted only of four poor Cottages, and those un-inhabited and abandoned, as is credible, by reason of the Tyrannies which the Arabians of the Desert, especially the Soldiers, exercised in these troublesome times upon the poor Peasants. The Camelier, because he could not leave us here, by reason the Village was without people, purposed to carry us to the Emir; doubting, lest if he did otherwise, it might turn to his prejudice. Whereupon, considering what disgusts and perhaps dangers too I might meet with there, both by reason of the women whom I carried with me, and of whom the Mahometans use to be very greedy; and also by reason of the body of Sitti Maani, and upon other accounts; I set my foot against the wall, and resolutely told the Camelier, that I would by no means go to Emir Mudleg, with whom I had nothing to do, now I had paid all his Gabels; I would go directly to Aleppo; whither if he would not carry me with his Camels, I would go on foot with my people, leaving all my Goods there on the ground to his care; of which, if any were lost, he should be responsible to me for the same at Aleppo: And, indeed, had the Camelier been obstinate, I was resolved to do as I said, having little heart to trust to the mischievousness of the Emir, (which was very infamous); or to expose to so great danger, not only the few goods I had, but also the body of Sitti Maani, our lives, and the Woman's both Liberty and Souls (which was a great consideration); and little caring to present to the Emir the Letter which I had for him from the Bassa of Bassora in my recommendation, because I had found by experience what little good the two former did me, which I had presented to Sceich Abdullah at Cuvebeda, and to Sceich Abitaleb the Son of Nasir in the Desert. The chief Camelier tried a good while to prevail with me to go with him to the Emir; but at length seeing me obstinate, and some other Cameliers of his companions of the same mind, he resolved at last to leave the Camels with me to carry my Goods directly to Aleppo, together with some few other companions of the journey, and to go himself alone with all his loads to the Emir, purposing also to tell him, that we by force, and against his will, had freed ourselves from going to him; with which I was very well contented.  
After he was gone his own way, we took ours directly to 
XI.  Aleppo, and after two hours' travel, took up our station in a bare champain place, where night had over-taken us.  
july the eight and twentieth, From Sun-rise we travelled almost till noon, but the Camels being few, weary, and over-laden, made no great progress. After three hours baiting, we journeyed again till almost night, and lodged by a water near the Tents of some Arabian Beguin shep herds who were there.  
july the nine and twentieth, Setting forth early, we saw some number of Horse cross the way before us at a good distance, and finding the place a Plain enclosed with Hills, and consequently, fit for Ambuscades and Treacheries, we suspected that they were Thiefs, and that they went to wait at some Pass to assault us. Wherefore we put ourselves in order, and marched a good while on foot with our Arms ready to defend ourselves by fight: But at length these suspicions vanished, and we met no body; and, peradventure, they were people that were afraid of us, and fled. Such encounters we frequently had in the Desert, and many times betook ourselves to our Arms; some times too in the night we were visited by Pilferers, who attempted to steal something clandestinely; but, God be thanked, no mischief ever befell us, and the Thiefs finding us upon our guard, went away always frustrated; and sometimes too, either hurt or terrified by our Arms. On this occasion I will not omit, (now we are near the end of this journey), that the Desert between Bassora and Aleppo, is a great Plain with very few inequalities; and some of the soil is dry, some saltish and full of other Minerals, little stony, and less moorish with Reeds; but the greatest part was green with grass at the time of my passing through it, yet with grass most commonly thorney, and good only for Camels to eat. The heat, even in these Summer-months, was always supportable, and, provided a Man were sheltered from the Sun, the wind was continually so great and constant that it caused coolness, though sometimes it molested us with the dust. The nights were always sufficiently cool, and, to avoid catching cold, it was requisite to be very well covered. But to return to my purpose, on the day abovesaid, a good while before noon we stayed to rest in a little Village of Arabians, (not subject to the Emir, but Vassals of Aleppo) called Ludehi, lying in a fertile Valley irrigated with a running water. From hence I dispatched my Servant Giovanni Rubehh with a Camelier to Aleppo, which was about a League off; and I writ Letters by him to the most Illustrious Sig: Aluyse damn Ca, the Venetian Consul in that City; and also to Doctor Luigi Ramiro his Physician, a Roman both by Birth and Education, (upon which account I hoped, that though I was unknown by sight, he would nevertheless be favourable to me) giving them account of my coming, and desiring the Doctor to provide me a convenient residence for myself and the Women with me. The Consul sent some of his servants to introduce us into the City, without disturbance from the Turks or Custom-Officers; which to me, in regard of the Coffin wherein I carried the Body of Sitti Maani, was a great happiness; for if it had been seen, I might have found much trouble from the Turks; as also by reason of the Books which I had in their Language, some about matters of Religion, which, (as it had happened to some others at Aleppo) 'tis likely would have been taken from me. After my Servant was gone, we followed him till within a mile of Aleppo, where we stayed his return in a Meschita or Sepulchre, upon the way, of one Sceich Saadi, venerated for a Saint; and because either the Consul's Servants missed of me and took another way, or else my Servant arrived there late; therefore hearing of no Answer, we remained in this place all night.  
july the thirtieth, In the Morning I writ again to the Consul, and to Sig: Giovan Maria de Bona, his chief Interpreter, and 
XII.  my ancient Friend, to whom I had not written the day before, because I believed him dead, as was falsely reported at Bassora; but understanding in the said Meschita by certain Women that he was alive and well, I would not omit to write to him also. I gave account both to the Consul and to him where I was, and desired of both the same favours of being met and provided of a habitation, as I had done the day before. As soon as my Letters arrived at Aleppo, the Consul sent several persons to fetch me, who the Evening before had sought me a good while, but in vain, and went to look for me at the Town of Ludehi, whence I sent the first advice. There came from the Consul's House Sig: Andrea Buonanimi his Factor, some Janissaries, and other servants; with whom came also some Officers of the Daganier, or Chief-Customer Abedik, an Armenian Christian; the Consul intending by their means to render my entrance more facile, and less suspected. All of them conducted us to the Consul's House, where by all means he would have me lodge, having invited me so to do by a most courteous Letter, which he had written the day before, and his Factor presented to me before my entrance, with many good Reasons now urging the same; whereunto I knew not in civility how to gainsay. The Customers came to search my Goods, and to see whether we had any jewels concealed; which they did civilly enough: As for the Chest wherein the Body of Sitti Maani was, and the Books; partly, by the authority of the Consul, and the good management of my Friend Sig: Gio van Marra de Bona his Interpreter; and, partly, by a Present to the Doganier Abedick of fifty Piastres, and a vestment of Damask, worth thirty Piastres more to the Searcher, (who only opened the outward Chest, wherein the Coffin lay under many Indian medicinal Herbs, and saw nothing else but them) and above thirty Piastres to several other Officers, it was brought about that the Turks knew not what it was, and nothing was spoken of it. The Consul at first intended to receive my Women into his House; but afterwards being told that it was not convenient by reason of the churlishness of the Turks, who were now become more exorbitant than ever, he thought to lodge them in another decent place; but Sig: Giovan Maria de Bona, was pleased to take them to his House, wherewith I was very well contented, because they could not go to a better place whilst separated from me: They were received there, and treated by the Women of Sig: Giovan Maria, with very great kindness. F. Orsino and I remained in the Consul's House, being entertained with the greatest Love and Courtesy imaginable: And indeed he hath been extremely obliging to me, not only in this particular, but in all other matters occurring about my departure from Aleppo; which we have determined to be, shortly, in some of the Dutch or French Ships, which are now in the Port of Alexandretta, ready to set sailupon the next fair wind; and, perhaps, together in consort: which, in regard of the many Pirates now infesting the Medeterranean, would be the securest way.   

LETTER XII.  
From a Shipboard in the Port of Della Saline of Cyprus, Sept. 6. 1625.  
DUring my stay at Aleppo, from whence I writ my last to 
I.  you, on the seventh of August I took the Altitude of the Sun with an Astrolabe, and found him decline Southwards from the Zenith, 19 degrees, 20 minutes. He was that day, according to the Ephemerideses of David Origano, which I much esteem but have now with me in the— deg.—  
August the twelfth, The great Caravan of Bassora arrived at Aleppo; it set forth a considerable time before us, but had encountered so many difficulties in the Desert, that our sufferings were pleasures in respect of theirs.  
August the sixteenth, I was informed by Sig. Gio. Maria de Bona, of many passages of the Turkish affairs, which as appertaining to things before, or hereafter to be mentioned in these Letters, and to the full knowledge of the history of things in my time, I will not omit to relate in this place. He gave me certain intelligence how Sultan Mustafa, Brother of the deceased Sultan Ahmed, who reigned in Constantinople at my being there, reigned, and was deposed for an Idiot (as really he is) twice; namely once before, and once after Sultan Othman. How Othman, who was a Prince sufficiently odd humoured, being ill-bent against the Christians, and very desirous to make an Expedition against Rome after the bad success befallen him in Poland, was slain by his own Grandees, who would not suffer his government, which was somewhat rigorous and violent: and that, as a sign of his being slain, he that slew him carried one of his ears to Mustafa's Mother, who was yet living, and was likely to be well-pleased therewith. That it was not true that the said Othman in the beginning of his Reign had put to death Qizlagarasi of so great authority in the time of Sultan Ahmed his Father, because he had too much power, having been the man that deposed Mustafa, and placed Othman himself in the Throne; but indeed he banished him from Constantinople, sending him into a kind of exile to live privately in Egypt; from whence he was afterwards recalled by the present Emperor, and restored to his ancient favour, and at length died of a disease at Constantinople. How the present Emperor was Sultan Murad, Son of Sultan Amed, and Sultana Chiose, of whom in the time of Amed I have elsewhere in these made long mention; And that Murad was not the eldest Son of Chiose, who was seen at Constantinople in my time, and was of the same age with Othman; but was a Son much younger, that elder having been put to death by Othman, when he designed to go into Poland. How the said Sultana Chiose was still living, and of more authority than ever, her Son Murad now reigning since the death of Othman, (wherein perhaps she had a hand, because he was not her Son but the Son of another Woman) after the second deposition of Mustafa; and indeed I foresaw many years ago, that the said Chiose, having one day removed all other pretenders would at length by her wisdom and the power she had in Court bring the Sceptre into the hand of one of her sons, as accordingly she hath done. How the Government of the Turks was very ill-managed in this nonage of the Emperor and all their affairs grew worse and worse; because there being no head, there was likewise no obedience; all the Ministers did what they pleased, every one more or less according as he had more or less power, without any regard of the Prince, whom as a child they not only esteemed kept remote from the Government, but endeavoured to keep always so by educating him only to delights and pleasures. Lastly, how the Serdar or Grand Vizier lately sent to the War of Persia, was Hhapidh. Mahhammed Bassa; that he was not sent from Constantinople, but created Serdar or GrandVzier whilst he was at Amid or Diarbekir, as Bassa or Governor; from whence, without being seen to pass by Aleppo, or spending much time by the way, he happened to be the same year in Mesopotamia; which, I said above, that I much wondered at, and could not believe, in case he had come from Constantinople, as ordinarily it uses to be. He told me, that indeed he was still at Amid, and had not passed further, because he continually waited for the coming up of the Army, which was not yet gathered together. Whereby it appears to be true what I had always affirmed at Bassora; namely, that nothing would be done this year in the War of Baghdad, because it would scarce suffice for the uniting of an Army, the expedition being begun, and the same year, and the Serdar who was to be General being newly created. Sig. Giovan Maria added to these relations concerning the Turks some news about the affairs of the European Tartars, pertaining also to the former; namely, that the Tartarian Princes of Cafa were three Brothers; Chan, who first reigned, a man of spirit and valour; Chan who was a hostage at Constantinople; and a third Chan, an enemy to the two others but a Vagabond from his own Country, and a fugitive at the Court of the Persian, on whom he depends, and where he was seen by me in the year 1618. when we marched against the Turkish Army. Now of late years I know not upon what occasion the first Chan being sent for to Constantinople, was there detained Prisoner, and his Brother Chan their Hostage, a person of little valour and age established in his stead; under whom the affairs of his State proceeded very ill, and the forces were very feeble; by which occasion the Chan that was in Persia being invited, by the help of the Persian, and many Tartars of the same Stare devoted to him, he entered with an Army into his paternal Territories, and driving his Brother from the Throne, made himself Lord thereof by force; continuing also to possess himself of all that Country by the help of the Cossacks of Poland with whom he confederated in despite of the Turks; a thing indeed of very prejudicial consequence to them.  
August the second, I saw at Aleppo a Mahometan of the Country, 
II.  who writing in the right hand of a Child or Woman of any Age whatsoever, certain words and characters, (which again he presently defaced by making a great blot of Ink in the palm of the hand, and pouring Oil over it) caused by the power of enchantments and words which he spoke fast and bravingly, that the said Child or Woman saw in the Oil in their hands whatever was desired; yea certain Spirits spoke to them, and answered to questions, although the Bystanders heard and saw nothing but only the Woman or Child related what he or she saw and heard. He also caused two persons to sit upon the ground one opposite to the other, and giving them four Arrows into their hands, which both of them held with the points downward, and, as it were, in two right lines united one to the other. Then a question being put to him about any business, he fell to murmur his enchantments, and thereby caused the said four Arrows of their own accord to unite their points together in the midst (though he that held them stirred not his hand) and according to the future event of the matter, those of the right side were placed over those of the left, or on the contrary. I know well that such things are not difficult to be done by the art of the Devil, nor yet to gain belief, the Devil being naturally a Liar; but because the severity in our Countries makes such pranks very rare, I therefore mention these here.  
August the ninteenth, Being ready to depart from Aleppo to Alexandretta, there to go aboard a small French Ship which was ready to set sail (the great Dutch Ships being already gone before I could be ready), though I hoped to find them in Cyprus, and perhaps to embark in a Elemmish Ship called the Neptune for more security with a Caravan of the same French. When I sent my Goods aboard, I hid the Coffin of Sitti Maani in a great Ball of Cotten Yarn; and as such it passed at the Custom-house, being sealed wit this mark P † V, N 6. the Letter denoting my Name, and the figure signifying the number of trunks and bundles that I carried with me, being set upon every one of them, after the Mercantile fashion. By this means the said Coffin was happily conveyed both in and out, without being understood what it was either by the Turks, or Mariners of the Ship, who otherwise would undoubtedly through their vain Auguries have scrupled to carry it.  
August the twenty second, I was visited in the Consul's House by Metran Iscivaiab or Isciva-jahab, Archbishop of Mufarquin, a Syrian Nestorian, who had been sometimes a great intimate to F. Fra. Tomaso de Novara, and joined with him in the reduction of that Nation to the obedience of the Catholic Church. He told me, he was very desirous to go to Rome, and in a manner offered himself to accompany me, though I was to depart the next day: but because he said, he had not his Patriarch's Letters for that purpose, but expected them shortly, therefore (according to the prudent judgement of other persons who had informed me of his affairs, namely, that there was little likelihood of his having Letters of much importance from the Patriarch, and that his desire of going to Rome was chiefly upon hope to get something there) I counselled him by no means to get to Rome, without his Patriarch's Letters, inasmuch as the same would render his reception undoubtedly more favourable. He came to be of my opinion, and said he would follow me as soon as his Letters arrived; but in the mean time he desired me, that I would carry with me two men of his Nation, who were honest persons, and would serve me in the voyage. Whereunto I readily consented, both to do him a kindness, and because I wanted Servants, having but two; and not knowing where to get others that were trusty and fit for my purpose. I offered him also my House at Rome, and my Person likewise in whatever it might be useful to his service; remembering the Obligation I had to his whole Nation for the sake of Sitti Maani Giecride, my dear and esteemed Wife, who was of it. With these and other the like Compliments to him and the Priest Rezqallah who brought him, and who was Son of the Priest joseph Elbani, a Maronite, (who read Arabic to me when I was before at Aleppo) he departed, giving me many benedictions after their manner, and leaving a great Friendship established with me.  
August the third, In the Morning I went to see the Synagogue 
III.  of the Jews at Aleppo, famed for fairness and antiquity. Their Street is entered into by a narrow Gate, and lies so much lower than the rest, that it is descended to by a considerable number of steps. After I had gone through many of their narrow Lanes; which they contrive so, purposely to hide the goodness of the Building from the Turks, I came at length to the Synagogue; which is a good large square uncovered Court, with covered Walks or Cloisters round about, upheld by double Pillars disposed according to good Architecture. On the right hand of the entrance, is a kind of great Hall, which they make use of for their Service in the Winter, when it is cold or reins; as they do of the Court in Summer and fair weather. In the middle of the Court four Pilasters support a Cupoletta, under which in a high and decent place, like our Altar, lies the volume of the Law, and there also their Doctor and principal Rabbi stands reading in a kind of musical tone, to whom all the people alternatively answer. They stand in very great number dispersed in the Court, Cloisters, and Hall, with their bonnets on their Heads, and promiscuously like us in our Churches, Men and Women together; (though I have sometimes seen it otherwise in Italy); yet they are mixed in such order that those of one family Men and Women stand all together; and, I believe too, they have their peculiar places and benches to sit upon. Moreover, the right fide of the Synagogue was filled with Jews origiginaries of the Country from ancient time; but the left with European Jews, who although inhabitants, and married at Aleppo, yet are originally adventitious; and these are all Spaniards, and speak Spanish for their natural Language; yea, many of them were born and bred up if not Spain or Portugal, at least in Italy, Germany, or other Countries of Christendom. I was carried to see this Synagogue by a Jew named Baruch, or in our Language Blessed, whom I had known at my last being at Aleppo; He was born and bred in Mantua, a man well qualified, danced, played, and sung competently well; and upon these accounts came to my familiarity. We sat together a good while in the Synagogue amongst his fellow-Jews, beholding their Ceremonies; and, after I had seen enough, I went away and left Baruch at his devotions. As I went home I passed by the Carvanserai, (or Market) of Silk, as they call it, because in times past, Silk and other Persian Commodities were brought thither more than to other places, but now it is little frequented. Here buying some few things of certain Uzbeghi Tartars, newly come to Aleppo with a Caravan; I enquired concerning their Countries, and they told me, that no Tartars are called Uzbeghi, but those of the Countries of Balch, Buchara, and Sarmacand, who, at this day, are divided under two Princes, Brethren; one whereof hath his Seat at Balch, and is called Nedhir Muhhammed Chan, on whom depends an inferior Prince, named Bahadar, (which signifies Gallant or Stout) and surnamed, jelan Tusc, from his spoiling and killing his Enemies in war; for in their Language jelan signifies to Spoil, and Tusc to Kill. The other Brother named Imanculi Chan, hath under him Buchera, Sarmacand, Tosc-Kiend, Endigian or Endigan, with other Territories, and both of them border upon those of the Persian Empire, and reign in the Countries, anciently called Sogdiana, Bactriana, and perhaps also Hyrcania; but by the Moderns, Giagata, Maurenucher, and Turkistan. The same day after dinner I took leave of the Consul, with all my other Friends, and was by his Servants, and many others of the Italian Nation, accompanied out of the City.  
Before we mounted our Camels, I was desirous to see, in the 
IV.  Suburbs of Aleppo, the Churches of the Oriental Christians, which stand in a Street called Giudeida, not from the Jews, as some who skill not of Languages erroneously imagine, but from the Arabic word Gedida, which signifies New; perhaps, because this place of he Suburbs was built more lately than others. Here, a little out of the Street on the right hand, I found four Churches all together, led unto by one Gate only from the Street, but (the place being spacious enough within) conveniently divided and separated about the Court or Yard: Two of them belonged to the Armenians, the greater (a fair one indeed) called Santi Quaranta, or the forty Saints; and the less, Della Madonna, or our Lady. One of the other two called San Nicolo, belonged to the Greeks; and the other, which is the least of all, to the Maronite Catholics, called Sant' Elia. In another place a good distant from this, I saw alone by itself another Church, handsome and large for the Country, built after our manner, with three Naves or Ifles upon Pillars; it belonged to the Syrian Jacobites, and was called Sitaa Assedi, or Santa Maria. This Church hath adjoining to it a good House, with a little Garden and other conveniences according to the use of the Country, wherein lives the Patriarch of the Jacobits, called Heda, for whom I had brought from Bassora a Letter of F. Basilio di San Francisco, a discalciated Carmelite, wherein he invited him to a mutual friendship and correspondence, from which he might draw some benefit to the service of God, by reason of his skill in the Arabic, and his residence here in behalf of the Christians of the Country. This Letter I had gotten presented to the Patriarch, and transmitted his answer to F. Basilio, but had never visited him as the Father desired me in order to second his Letter, and settle a friendship between them; because he lived far from the Venetian Consul's House where I resided; and all the while I remained in Aleppo, I was lame of one foot by a hurt caused by walking in ill shoes that day when we were in danger of being assaulted by thieus; so that I could not walk, and was not wholly cured when I departed. Nevertheless happening to be so near his Church now, I would not omit to visit him. I found him a very complete, civil, and courtly man according to the mode of the Country: he had not the fame of being learned, but yet was accounted wise and generous. He told me, he was glad of F. Basilio's Letter, and residing at Bassora, and building a Church there so peaceably, and with so much favour of the Turks, as he advertised him; and that he would continue correspondence with him. He also showed me two fair Books of the Gospels written in large Parchment-sheets, with excellent Syrian Characters, one of them, (as I remember) written four hundred years ago; the Letters whereof were all either of Gold or Silver: and this Book, they say, was found by the Turks in Cyprus when they took the Island, and carried to Constantinople, from whence it was afterwards redeemed with money, and brought hither. Indeed no Manuscript could be more goodly or rich with gold and miniature; it had also a velvet Cover adorned with Silver gilt, but made by themselves; the ancient Cover, which they said was set with jewels of great value, being taken away by the Turks. 'Tis the custom of the Orientals to make great account of Books so fairly written and richly adorned, as likewise S. jerom reports they used to do in his time; though himself, being a Scholar, was better contented, as he saith, with his schedules of a less fair Character, but correct. The other Gospel which the Patriarch showed me, was more ancient, namely, four hundred and fifty years old, but written with ordinary ink and few miniated Figures; this, he told me, they bought lately at Cyprus for two hundred Piastres. He added, that the Church of Aleppo was not his Patriarchal See, although under his jurisdiction; but it was near the City of Mousul, which is in the place of the ancient Niniveh. After much more discourse, he caused very good Sherbets of Sugar with snow, to be given us to drink as the custom is; and offered us a Collation of fruits, which we received not because it was already late and time to be gone. At last, at my taking leave, he prayed me to do reverence to his Holiness in his name; and so when he had given me many benedictions, as their manner is, I left him and departed.  
Being come to the place where the Camels with the Women 
V.  waited for me, I took leave of all those friends that had accompanied me thither, and chose not the direct way to Alexandretta, which the Caravans commonly use, but one somewhat longer hard by Antioch, out of a desire to see the remains of that ancient City, which I had not yet seen. After a short travel, we rested till the Moon arose, and then proceeded all the remainder of the night in bad and uneven ways.  
August the twenty fourth, We passed by some Villages and places cultivated with Olive-trees, which I was joyful to see, not having beheld any for many years. About Noon, we rested amongst certain ruins of Stonebuildings which had once been very magnificent, and seemed to be the remains of some noble City in ancient times. Here the Archbishop Isciva-jahab's men, the one named Abdisciva, and the other Hendi, overtook me with his Letter: I received them, and carried them with me as I had promised. The said place is called Hhalqa, which signifies a Circle, because 'tis a great Plain almost surrounded with Hills. Three hours after Noon we set forth again; we passed by another Village belonging to the Territory of Hhalqa, and at night took up our Quarters near a running Water under another Village called Harta. At midnight the Moon rising, we set forth again, and travelled all the remainder of the night.  
August the twenty fifth, Continuing our journey we came into a great Plain, and travelling along the River Orontes according to the stream, (which we had found at daybreak) we crossed over the same upon a good Stone-bridge. Here the Plain is contracted, being straightened on the right hand with high, and on the left with lower mountains; travelling in which Valley about Noon, we arrived at Antioch, which is fronted with high mountains almost on the North beyond the River Orontes, and backed with lower toward the South, the walls of the City being extended over the same. We entered at the East-gate, and took up our Quarters near a great Cistern which is on the left hand of the Gate, divided only by a wall from the Street, and paved round with white Marble: it is filled by a running-water, and stands in a shady retired place, very delightful and convenient for travellers to rest in. On the right side of the said Gate, in one of the Towers of the wall, was a large and fair room, as high as the wall, with few windows besides low and half-filled loopholes for defence; so that it was very cool, and would not be inconvenient in hot hours, were it in good repair; but 'tis now all ruinous without a pavement, being made only a Stall for Cattle. The walls of the City were still standing, all of Stone, magnificent, and built with Turrets after the ancient mode. At the Gate where we entered, began a Street not very broad but of great length, extended within the City, and paved all with white Marble. Antioch is now inhabited by few people, who live in little cottages patched out of the ruins amongst Gardens, of which the City is all full; for of the ancient houses and structures, saving the walls of the City, there is none standing. Near the place where we lodged, The Turks showed us I know not what, which they called Paulos d'ye Christiani, which perhaps had been some Church of Saint Paul; but every thing was so destroyed, that I neither saw nor understood it well. There being nothing else remarkable to be seen, we went away three hours before night, by the same Gate we had entered at (perhaps because the way was better without then within) going about the City on the outside towards the plain on the North. But re-entering afterwards at a breach of the Wall, we walked a good way within the City, which I found full of Gardens and Orchards, with few dwellings, saving at the end. At length we went out at a Gate which stands in the more Western part of the City, though not full West, where we passed over a fair Stone-bridge which lies upon the River Orontes, taking our way to Alexandretta on the Northern bank; for, they that go directly thither from Aleppo, never see this River, but leave it much South. We travelled along its banks till night, contrary to its stream, and took up our lodging by the Riverside, almost directly against the Eastern Gate, at which we entered, and which we beheld afar off on the other bank: Antioch is almost square, about a mile long, and hath many Gates; on the South, it is terminated with Mountaius, which, they said, were seven, like the seven Hills of Rome, but I could distinguish no more than five, that is, not five Mountains, (for the Mountain appears but one continued ridg) but five tops of it. These Mountains are very steep, and therefore I think could not be built upon; but only, that part of them was included within the wall for strength, and that the same might not be prejudicial to the City by being left without, in case of War. That which remains of the City at the foot of the said Mountains, is of small circumference; so that the City appeared to me much less than I imagined it. Within, as I said, there is not any Fabric standing, but infinite ruins, and the earth is everywhere strowed with great and goodly stones. Only the Walls are almost all sound and entire, with little decay. After midnight the Moon arising, we also got up; and leaving this Station, proceeded on our way.   numbered ground plan of Antioch 
A Platform of ANTIOCH.  

1. The Eastern Gate, at which we entered.  
2. The Cistern.  
3. The Street paved with Stone and extending within the City.  
4. A few Habitations in the end of the City.  
5. A Bridge over Orontes without the City, and contiguous to the Gate.  
6. The River Orontes.  
7. A Turret with a room within it.   
August the twenty sixth, Continuing our Journey, at daybreak 
V.  we came to an end of the Plains, and began to ascend the mountains which we were to cross over in order to get to the Sea; and, if I am not mistaken, they are part of the Mountain Amano, which, because at a distance it appears black, is called by the Turks Cara Aman, that is, Black Aman; whence also they now corruptly call the Province which is comprehended in the said Mountain, (and was, according to some, the ancient Cilicia) Caramania. We refreshed our weary Camels with two hours' rest in a place amongst the Mountains, where, though there were no Houses, yet we wanted not Water and wild Figs. After which being arrived to the highest part of the Mountain, and re-entered the common road from Aleppo, we discovered the Mediterranean Sea afar off, which to me was a welcome sight, in regard I had not seen it since my departure from Gaza in the year 1616. We descended down by a way where the Precipices are secured with good breast-works of earth sometimes for a Mile together; and at length came to the Town of Beilan, from whence the mountains are here denominated Montagne di Beilan. A little beyond this Town, we reposed in a by-place near a running-water, and under the shadow of abundance of Nut-trees; for the Town itself and places adjacent were all taken up by a great Caravan which came from Aleppo to Constantinople by land.  
August the twenty seventh, An hour before day we began to descend amongst the straits of these Mountains, where we met a great Caravan of Merchandise which had lately come in two Venetian Ships, and was going to Aleppo: After two or three hours' travel we came to Alexandretta, called by us Europaeans Scanderoon, but more correctly in Turkish Eskander, that is, Alexandro Graeco, because they will have it denominated from Alexander the Great. It was sometimes a noble City, but by reason of the bad air (for it is situated upon the Sea in a Moorish Plain, and enclosed with Hills which keep off the wind) it was never much inhabited; and the year before my being there, it was al-wholly destroyed by the Pirates of Barbary, who spare none either of a different or of their own Religion, nor yet bear any respect to the States of the Great Turk himself, though their Lord; so that I found only four small Houses, scarce re-edified this year, wherein the Lieutenant of the place (for the right Governor remains at Aleppo) the Vice-Consuls of such Europaean-Nations as trade into Soria, and a very few other people resided. Sig: Antonio Grandi, the Venetian Vice-Consul, having notice of my coming by a Messenger whom I sent to him from Beilan, received and lodged us in his own House with much Courtesy, upon the recommendation of his Consul, from whom I presented him a Letter. And when I had acquainted him with my desire to depart as soon as possible, and shown him the Governor's Pass for myself, goods, and people, which I brought with me from Aleppo, together with other commendatory Letters to his Lieutenant and other Ministers; the said Sig: Antonio went presently to present the same, and, by the authority he had here obtained, much more easily than I expected, that I might embark when I pleased; yet upon promise, according to the custom of Turkey, of a small Present to the Governor, and also to a Jew his Minister; which was afterwards given to them both. After dinner Captain Fort, Commander of the French Ship S. Anne, wherein I was to embark, came a shore, and I agreed with him to go aboard that night, though he puposed to stay two or three days longer, in expectation of more lading before he set sail. Accordingly after I had written to Aleppo, and supped in the House of Sig: Antonio Grandi, I was carried aboard by the said Captain with all my people, and only those few goods which I had brought with me from Aleppo; leaving all the rest to be first received by the said Sig: Antonio, and then conveyed to me by Sea more at leisure. Thus after many years I quitted the Continent of Asia, with a certain Resolution never to set foot upon it again unless armed, and began my Voyage towards my desired Italy; there being with me of Women, Batoni Mariam Tinatin, a Giorgian Virgin, and faithful Companion of most of my Peregrinations; Eugenia an Indian Maid of Scilan; and of Men, F. Fra: Gregorio Orsino, Vicar General of Armenia; and my Servants, Michael di Bengala, commended to me at Goa by Sig: Antonio Barraccio, Giovan Robehh, a Chaldean of Kiumalava, and the two Syrians recommended to me by that Archbishop, namely, Abdisciva, and Hendi, Nestorians.  
August the nine and twentieth, All my other goods, together with the Coffin of Sitti Maani, (concealed in a ball of Cotton yarn) were embarked, (thanks be to God) without any disturbance. The next day I took the height of the Sun in the Port of Alexandretta, and found him decline at noon from the Zenith 28 degrees. He was that day in the— degree of Virgo. The same day, by the advice of Sig: Antonio Grandi, to prevent all further troubles which might arise from new searching of my goods, and payment of half Gabels, in case I should exchange the Ship wherein I was, for a Flemish Vessel called the Neptune, as I had formerly intended to do at Cyprus; I determined to continue in the same Ship till I came either to Malta or Sicily, and the rather because the Captain was a Person to my liking, and all his people honest Catholics, with whom I promised myself most satisfaction. Besides, though the Flemish Ship was greater, better armed, and accompanied with two others, and consequently, as to danger of Pirates, more safe; yet 'twas known too that the Flemings were at Truce with the Pirates, and sometimes will not fight with them, but being secure not to lose any thing of their own, use to submit to them, and let them take all the goods of other people that they have in their Ships without the least contest: So that I had some reason not to trust myself with them, (although much persuaded thereunto by the Master of the Ship) because, perhaps, in such case they would not have much cared for securing me, whom they hated upon the account of Religion. On the other side, though the French Ship wherein I embarked was small and unprovided of Artillery, yet it was an excellent Sailer, and safe enough from being overtaken by any Pirate, provided it descried him first at a little distance, and had but the least advantage: For which purpose a Man was constantly placed upon the mainsail to make discoveries; and as for being surprised by the Pirates without foreseeing them, as 'twas possible we might be in a Morning at daybreak, falling among them unawares; so, we hoped, God would preserve us from such misfortune. Of this change of my Resolution, I gave account in my Letters to Aleppo; and I mention it here, to the end, that it may appear that my passing into Italy in so small and disarmed a Ship, was not folly or rashness, (as, perhaps, it may otherwise seem) but a considerate determination prudently made upon weighty and important Reasons. Accordingly, after Sig: Antonio Grandi had presented us many refreshments for the Voyage, the same Evening a little before night we set sail.  
September the first, In the Evening we passed by Capo Chanzir, 
VI  or, as 'tis now commonly called, Capo Porco, lying thirty miles from Alexandretta, and the next Evening we discovered the Island of Cyprus, where we were to touch and stay some days.  
September the third, In the Morning we doubled the Cape of S. Andrea, on the South of the said Island, being to put in at Porto della Saline, or the Port of the Salt-pits, which is now the principal and most frequented landing-place of Cyprus.  
September the fourth, We entered the said Port, which lies on the South part of Cyprus in a large Bay, surrounded with Land, spacious and secure enough for all sort of Ships. It lies two hundred miles from Alexandretta, and is the Port where the Turkish Army landed when they took the Island. As soon as we had entered, we were visited in the Ship by Sig: Dimitrio Todorini, a prime Greek Merchant, but not a Cypriot, who offered me his House; and Sig: Giovan Francisco Parent, a Venetian, my ancient Friend and correspondent in Aleppo, (from whence, upon certain discontents befallen him there, he had betaken himself hither) who visited me not only upon his own account, but also in the Name of Sig: Alessandro Goneme, the Venetian Consul in that Island, who excused his not coming in Person, for that he was just then called away by the Cadhi, upon a certain business.  
September the fifth, The said Venetian Consul with Sig: Parent, and some others of his House visited me in the Ship: And though I intended not to go ashore notwithstanding all his entreaties and invitations, yet he resolutely refused to depart till I went with him. Wherefore I obeyed him, and went only with one servant, leaving F. Orsino, and the Women in the Ship. On the seaside I found some few dwellings, and magazines or storehouses, which are those that they properly call delle Saline, from the Salt-pits hard by; where the Turks have a small square Castle, with a Platform, and Artillery to guard the Sea, but of little importance. Here taking Horse, we road a little mile within Land, to another Village called Larnaca, where the Franks live for the most part, and there we alighted at the Consul's House. And because it was yet early, after a little repose, we went to the Franciscan's Church, called Santa Maria, and there heard Mass, which was sung with the Office pro mortuis, for the Soul of Sig: Giovan Maria Parent, Brother to Sig: Francisco, who the day before passed to a better Life. In the Evening, I visited Sig: Dimitrio Todorini in his own House, and lodged in that of the Consul. I will not omit that the Venetians have always a Consul at Cyprus, who is not of the Nobility, but of the Order of Eminent Citizens, whereof many Secretaries of the Republic use to be; so that though the Consul of Cyprus be not dependent upon him of Aleppo, as Vice-Consuls are; yet he of Aleppo, as noble, and a more principal Minister in these parts, hath something of superiority over this of Cyprus.  
September the sixth, This Morning I am returned a Shipboard, 
VII.  where I conclude this Letter, and commit it to F. Fra: Giovanni di Segovia, a Spanish reformed Franciscan, who came hither in the same Ship with us from Alexandretta, and is the same Person who, disguised in a secular and Soldierlike garb, for fear of being hindered in his passage by the Portugal Ministers, came (in company of F. Fra: Roderigo di San Michele, a Discalceated Augustine, and Provincial of Manila) in the same Ship with us from Mascat to Bassora, passing under the name of l' Alfiere, or Ensign, till he arrived safe at Aleppo, where laying off his disguise, he resumed his proper name and Fryer's habit; and because the Provincial of Manila, with whom he came into India, could not dispatch his affairs but stayed behind at Aleppo; therefore he being desirous to arrive speedily at Rome and Spain, in order to the affairs of his Religion, is just now departing, and hath promised me to deliver this to you, and to salute you in my name, as I do most heartily.   

LETTER. XIII.  
From Malta, November 4. 1625.  
WHen I was thinking of finishing the small remainder of 
I.  my Travels, with the same Prosperity which God had hitherto afforded me; and speedily arriving at those desired shores, I have been here arrested at Malta by a little kind of misadventure, sufficient to temper the course of so many good Fortunes. In regard of the formidable Pestilence still continuing in Constantinople, and other places of Turkey, we have not been able to get admittance to anchor, and land in this Island without undergoing a Quarantine. Wherefore finding myself at leisure enough here in a House assigned me, as a favour, by the Lords of the Council, and separated from the little Island whither all the rest are sent, I have thought fit to pass my time in writing to you what Adventures have befallen me since my last, which was dated from a Shipboard at Cyprus, September the sixth. Be pleased therefore to know, that on September the seventh, I went ashore again to hear Mass; after which, I returned a visit to Sig: Rocco Andreani, a Venetian Merchant, in whose House I saw a live Camelion, which a Boy of the family, kept very tame, tied with a little string for his Recreation. They are frequent in India, and are seen leaping amongst the Trees; but I never saw any but at distance, and so did not well observe them. Here therefore holding it in my hand, (for 'tis a gentle and pleasing Animal) I observed it to be as big as a Lizard, and almost of the same shape, but more unhandsome to behold, having an ill shapen head, divided feet, and two paws, in the middle whereof the leg ariseth; each of which paws, is divided into two toes or nails, yet so as the fissure is very small. It's colour was grey, but with some variety, like a dapple. They told me, that it sometimes changed colour, (not, as is vulgarly reported, according to that which is laid before it, but) according as it hath more heat or cold, takes pains or reposes, with other like Accidents: Which event I saw not, though I tried several ways to procure it.  
September the eighth, The Consul carried me to another Village about two leagues, or six miles distant from Larnaca, and called to this day, Kiti and Citium, anciently a City and Bishopric, but is now all destroyed saving a few Cottages. We went, particularly, to visit a Greek Doctor, named Sig: Aluise Cucci, who lived there, and had the fame of much knowledge, and spoke Italian well; as also to see his Garden, which, though half ruined, (as all things are in the Island, since it fell into the Turk's hands) is yet one of the goodliest places in those parts. Here died Cimon the most valorous and virtuous Athenian Captain, Son of the no less famous Captain Miltiades. You may see Aemilius Probus in the Life of the said Cimon, where he saith, In Oppido Citio est mortuus, after he had conquered most part of the Island Cyprus. Two or three hours before noon, we passed by the place where the Salt-work is, which, though through the negligence of the Turks, who do not cleanse and empty it well, it decays and fills up every day; yet in my time it yielded yearly about 10000 Piastres, and almost all Ships make ballast of Salt; particularly, those of Venice are all obliged to take as much as will serve for that purpose; and many times they take more, which at Venice is a good commodity, and a Trade reserved to the Prince. Then we passed through a Village called Bromolaxaia, and at length arriving at Kiti, which lies a little distant from the Sea, (the Coast of the Island running Westward from the Saline) we visited Sig: Aluise Cucci, whom (indeed like a Philosopher, as he professes to be) we found living in a House, which had sometimes been great and fair, but was now half ruined; the Garden had a small Brook, with structures of Fountains and such like things, but all out of order, and reserving no other beauty besides a great number of Orange-Trees, planted regularly, and of equal height, and making a goodly and delicious Grove. I discoursed with the said Sig: Aluise, and he seemed an intelligent Person; but because he was sick, or at least recovering, and so weak that he could scarce speak, I could not benefit by him as I desired. I asked him concerning Cadmia and its species, and other Minerals, which you writ me word that you desired from Cyprus, and I accordingly sent to Nicosia, (the chief City of the Island, and the place of the Bassa's residence); as also concerning the Book of Galen. He told me, there was some at this day, but 'twas hard to meet with any that knew it, or could tell where to find it, the people being very Idiots, and the Mines intermitted heretofore by the Christians, for fear of alluring the Turks thereby to invade the Island, as also since by the Turks through ignorance. After this and such other Discourse, we returned to Larnaca by a different road, about the midst whereof we found another Village, called Menego; but all these Villages in former times well peopled, are now almost wholly destroyed and uninhabited.  
September the ninth, Being returned to the Ship, the next day I took the height of the Sun with my Astrolabe in the Port della 
II.  Saline of Cyprus, and found him decline Southward from the Zenith 29 degrees, 29 minutes, 50 seconds. On which day he was in— degrees of—.  
September the thirteenth, I went ashore in the Morning to Larnaca again, from whence, upon the Consul's instance, I was accompanied by Sig: Gio Francisco Parent, two other Venetians, a Greek named Meser Manoli, my servant Michael, and a Janisary for our guard, to a delicious place of Devotion, called by the Greeks, Agia Nappa, that is, Holy, about eight leagues from Larnaca, upon the Eastern Sea-coast near Capo della Greca, where there is a Church built in a Grotto, wherein a miraculous Image of our Lady was found. Having rid all day almost continually by the Seaside, we lodged at the Village Ormidia, and the next day early, passing through the Village Xylofago, and the Cape di San Georgio, where many Ships, especially Pirates, use to put in for water at a River which falls into the Sea on the East of the said Cape, we arrived at the Village Agia Nappa. We found it like all the rest that I saw in Cyprus, almost wholly destroyed; partly, by the ordinary tyrannies of the Turks, partly, by the Pestilence which a few years before had swept away most of the people. The Church being built almost like a little square Castle, (perhaps for fear of the Pirates) is still standing; and being under ground, is descended into by many stairs. A Papas, or Greek Priest, who officiates there, hath charge of it, together with certain Calogrie, or Nuns, who having renounced the world, have addicted themselves to God's Service, and are modestly clothed in black, though they be not Recluses. In the middle of a great Court or Yard, stands a marble Fountain not ill built, over which they have lately built a great Cupola, upon four Pilasters with seats round about, where we not only entertained ourselves all day, but slept at night; the murmur of the water rendering the place sufficiently pleasant. The next Morning, Mass was sung in the Church after the Greek Rite, and I was present at it till the end of the Gospel. On one side of the Church in a place apart, is an Altar, where our Latin Priests say Mass when any comes thither. In sum; the Church is an indifferent large Grotto, the Image ancient, and the Altar adorned after the Greek manner, without any thing else remarkable. Here we eat a great quantity of Becca-fichi, or Fig-snappers, (a sort of Birds called by the Greeks Sicalidia) which are so plentiful in Cyprus, that abundance of them are sent soused in Vinegar to Venice and elsewhere; but those at Agia Nappa sometimes are not good, by reason of their having eaten Scammony, which is not known to be found thereabouts, but probably, they feed upon it in some other place.  
September the sixteenth, We departed from Agia Nappa to return to Larnaca, and passing through the Village Xylofago, we alighted there to see the Church of San Giorgio, wherein amongst other Saints, I saw one painted whom they call Agios Mapeas, that is, San Mama, much venerated by the Greeks; who say, He was a Martyr, and buried in Cyprus; but I know not according to what History, they paint him between a Horse and a Lyon.  
September 17th Returning a Shipboard, by the way I visited a Church of the Greeks, (but heretofore of the Armenians) called, S. Lazaro, some of the stones whereof I observed engraven with Armenian Letters: 'Tis a very ancient stone-structure of an extravagant form, though used by the Greeks in sundry places, namely, consisting of 3 Nave's or Isles, supported only by 4 Pilasters, with three Cupola's on a row in the middle Nave; the place within amongst the Pilasters serving for men, and that round about for women by themselves. Behind the Altar they show a Subterranean Sepulchre, like a little Grotto, and entered into by a square hole like that of a Tomb; they say it was the Sepulchre of Lazarus raised by Christ, and that he built the Church whilst he was Bishop here, and at last died here; from whence his Body was afterwards transported first to Constantinople, and then to Marseilles: The truth whereof, they affirm, is proved by the Miracles done every day in the said Sepulchre, as healing the sick, and the like; but this is repugnant to the History we have in the Breviary, martyrology, etc.  
September the twentieth, The Consul gave me a piece of Ladano-Vergine, that is, pure, without any other mixture, as it comes naturally; whereof there is plenty in Cyprus: and some intelligent persons of the Country whom I consulted purposely, told me, 'tis generated of the Dew which falls from Heaven, just as Manna is, and that 'tis gathered off the leavs of a plant no higher than a span and half, or two spans; which matter they boil, and being viscid like wax, form into rolls like little Candles, which they wrap afterwards round together. The said Laudanum is black, hath a good quick Aromatical Smell; and, in our Countries, mixed with other things, makes a good Perfume; and, perhaps, serves for Medicinal Uses, as you know very well.  
September the one and twentieth, Sig: Cicach gave me some of the stone Amiantus, a sort of stone that may be spun, of which the Ancients made the Cloth which, they say, was incombustible, and the fire only cleansed it, as water doth other Linen; in which Cloth they burned dead bodies, and so preserved the ashes thereof from being mingled with those of the wood. At this day none knows how to make the Cloth, or to spin the matter; although a whitish matter like Cotton is clearly seen to issue out of the stone, not uncapable of being spun. The colour of the Stone, when entire, is greenish, inclining to black, but shining enough, almost like Talk; yet when 'tis broken or spun, the matter that issues out of it is white. I remember I once saw some of this Stone, and the Cloth woven thereof, in the Study of Ferrante Imperato at Naples, amongst other Curiosities.  
September the twenty fourth, The Consul invited us to dinner in the Venetian Ship Cacciadiavoli, where we stayed not only to dine, but also to sleep all-night, being entertained with Music, and the good conversation of Sig: Parent, Flatro, & Rocco Andreani, who were there. The next day, we returned to our own Ship, and the Evening following I went ashore again. A new man was expected to come to govern the Island, the old being already departed upon the arrival of an Officer of the new, who, as their custom is, was come with the Title of Musselem, to prepare the place for his Master: But before this New Elect arrived at his Residence in Nicosia, News came that by a fresh command of the Grand Signior at Constantinople, the new Bassa was recalled, and deprived of his Office before he possessed it, unto which the old was restored; besides the changing of the Defecodar, and other Officers. These sudden and unexpected changes of Ministers, have many years ago begun to be practised in the Court of Constantinople, occasioned chiefly by the ill Government, and the selling of those Offices, without any limitation of time, to whoever gives most; which disorders are more prevalent now then ever: Which I mention, that it may be known in what an ill State the Commonwealth of the Turks is at this day, which indeed seems to be tending of its accord to manifest ruin.  
September the eight and twentieth, After another treatment given us by the Consul in the Ship of Viaro, he accompanied us in the Evening to our Caravel, which was to set sail forthwith, and there, with many Compliments and expressions of Courtesy, we took leave one of another; the Consul returning ashore, and we remaining in the Ship.  
About three hours after Sunset, we hoist sails towards Limiso, 
IV.  another Port of the Southern Coast of Cyprus, but more Westerly, where we hoped to find, and join company with the Dutch Ships. We had but little wind in the night, and the next day no good one; so that it was but a while before midnight when we arrived at Limiso, where we anchored at a good distance from Land, because for so short a time as our Ship was to stay there, it would not be subject to pay Anchorage.  
September the thirtieth, Sig: Gio: Francisco Parent, who arrived at Limiso the night before by Land, came in the Morning to invite me ashore in the Name of Sig: Pietro Savioni a Venetian, who hath a House at Limiso, and is Vice-Consul in Cyprus for the Dutch; he received me with very much Courtesy. And being it was yet early, I walked about the Town, which is of indifferent bigness, where I saw a great Meschita of the Turks standing in a goodly street near the shore, where I saw great plenty of Carrubes, or Capers, wherewith whole Ships are laden from hence for Venice and other parts. More within the Town, I saw the Castle which is small, of a round form, representing rather a low thick Tower or Turret then a Fortress; yet it hath some small pieces of Artillery, and is built of stone. Then I came to the Church of the Bishopric; for Limiso hath a Greek Bishop, who commands four Eparchats, (as they speak) to wit, this of Limiso, that of della Saline, and two others; the whole Island being divided only into four Bishoprics, each of which hath several Eparchats under them. This Cathedral Church is small, and dedicated to our Lady S. Marry; of Building, like the rest of the Country; and because 'tis the Cathedral, they call it, according to custom, La Catholica, i. e. Universal. Here I found one Didascalo Matteo a Greek Monk, who spoke Italian well, as he that had lived many years at Venice, and professed skill in Minerals, Chemical matters, and the like. To him, whilst he was at Nicosia, I had gotten a friend to write from Larnaca, to desire him to procure me the Cadmia and other Minerals which you desired. But the Letter found him not in Nicosia, for he was departed from thence to go to Mount- Sinai. Finding him here, and ask him about the business, he told me, There was to his knowledge abundance of those Minerals, particularly, Sori, Mysi, Melanteria, and Cadmia, to be had in some places of Cyprus, and that he would have procured me some, had he known my desire in time; but now he could not by reason of his present departure, and the place where to have them was very remote. He gave me certain little pieces of Silver and Gold found in Cyprus, and promised me to use exquisite diligence for the rest at his return from Monte Sinai, which would be within three Months; whereupon, I writ to the Consul of Larnaca, that at his going to Nicosia, where he was shortly to salute the new Bassa (for by virtue of a third command from Constantinople, the new Bassa was once again confirmed, and the old again deprived, with more strange inconstancy of government then ever) he would consult by the way with a renegado German, who practised Physic there, and, as Didascalo Matteo told me, knew where to find the said Minerals for me. Whilst I was discoursing thus in the Churchyard with Didascalo, the Bishop an ancient man with a white beard passed by, together with another Monk, who was going to Church to rehearse his hours. ay, understanding who he was, saluted him, and passed many compliments with him in the Greek Tongue; for he understood not Italian.  
October the first, The Hollanders invited me a Shipboard to see their Ships which were in the Port: whereupon, after dinner, I went accompanied with Sig. Parent aboard of two, the Neptune, and the S. Peter, in both which we were obliged to drink several healths, particularly, that of their Prince Henry-Frederick of Nassau; every Cup we drank being solemnised with a Great Gun, and also at our departing from the Ships, they discharged three Pieces, which were answered by those of all the rest.  
October the second, By Letters from Constantinople to certain Greek Monks, the news I had heard at Aleppo, concerning the progress of the Tartar of Cafa, united with the Cossack's of Poland against the Turks, was confirmed, and that about seven hundred of their Ships sailing to the Confines of Constantinople, had done inestimable damage, and put the City itself in fear. They said also that a violent Pestilence raged at Constantinople, and that the Grand Signior had been grievously sick, having had in his own person seventy Plague-sores, of all which notwithstanding he was cured: which indeed is a strange thing, and happens but rarely.  
October the third, The Dutch entertained us at a dinner in their greatest Ship which was bound for Venice, and called Il-Naranciero, or the Orange, where many healths were drunk to the Doge of Venice, and the Prince of Nassau; each Cup, as also our departure out of the Ship, being honoured with many Guns. Which ended, I would not go ashore any more, being our Ship was to depart the night following, but ●●pair'd to it; the Dutch continuing their drinking and shooting all night in augury of a happy voyage.  
An hour after midnight we all set sail, five Ships together, 
V.  namely four Dutch, the Orange, S. Peter, the Neptune, and the Unicorn; and our French Caraval, S. Ann, wherein I was embarked. I will not omit, that being our French Ship did not pay anchorage at Limiso, though person alone were suffered to go ashore, yet they were not permitted to buy any thing there to carry aboard; for had it been known that we had shipped the least thing, even but a little Water, or a single Lemon, they would have demanded the whole Anchorage-money; wherefore I was fain to get a few fruits and refreshments conveyed into the Dutch Ships, without being known that they were for us.  
October the fourth, We continued sailing Westwards along the South coast of Cyprus, our Caraval which was swifter than the rest, having but half the sails displayed, whilst they spread all.  
October the ninth, Having hitherto hovered about the shores of Cyprus, and advanced little, a more favourable wind now carried us out of sight of the Island, and we sailed directly on our voyage with various winds till the thirteenth day, when we discovered the gulf of Settaglia. The next night, some rain laid the contrary wind and rough Sea; but we remained almost in a calm, with great trouble of the Ship, which by the weight of the sails was made to rock to and fro continually like a cradle. On the fifteenth day at night, we were surrounded with thick clouds, and amongst them with many spouts of water, called in Latin (if I mistake not) Typhones Vortices, but we passed through them without any hurt or damage.  
October the twenty first, After many days of contrary wind 
VI  which driv us in vain about the gulf of Settaglia, at length it becoming favourable, the Pilot, and other Mariners said they descried land afar off, which some took to be Candia, other● Rhodes; but, whatever it was, we soon lost sight of it again, and the same night the wind growing strong, we were separated from the other Ships which were in our company. Nevertheless we continued our Voyage alone, and at evening descried land on the Northwest, which the Mariners said was the Island Scarpanti subject to the Venetians, and that, the good wind continuing, we should soon discover Candia: but about midnight the wind fell, and we remained becalmed.  
October the twenty third, The Wind turning favourable, we discovered land, which they said was Candia, at the prow of the Ship: but at night, lest the increasing Southwind should drive us too much to Land, we put forth to Sea Southwards, and left Candia on the right hand Northwards, so far that we could not see it. The next day, the Sky being very cloudy, we discovered Malta whilst we were at dinner, very near-hand, (the thick Air having intercepted it before) and, a good while before night, we cast anchor just without the Port of the said Island, soon after which a Guard-boat came to see who we were, and whence we came (in order to inform the Grand Master thereof:) the Officer demanded our Bill of Health, which we had from Cyprus, but would not touch it till it had been first dipped in Vinegar, in regard of the great suspicions there were here of the Plague, which raged much at Constantinople, and other parts of Turkey. But he not returning that night to us again with an answer, we remained all aboard, being suffered only to send for water without the City.  
October the twenty ninth, Early in the Morning, the same Officer, named Sig. Desiderio Montemagni, returned and told us, 
VII.  that the Knights made a little difficulty concerning my Bill of Health made at Cyprus by the Venetian Consul, which was not so plain as that of the Ship which was made at Cyprus also the same day by the French Consul; wherefore he made an excuse to me in their name for the delay of expediting me so suddenly. I took all well, commended the diligence of the Knight, thanked them for their courtesy, and professed myself obedient to their commands. After which, I delivered the Messenger a Letter for Monsig. Visconti, Inquisitor Apostolical there; wherein I gave him account of my rrrival, and desired him to favour me in order to a speedy exepetion. F. Orsino writ another to him, both which bathed likewise in Vinegar Sig. Desiderio promised to present with his own hand. The same day after dinner, the Sig. Commendator Fra. Marcantorio Brancaccio, a prime Neapolitan Cavalier, my ancient friend at Naples, and Sig: Fra: Mandosio Mandosti, a Roman Cavalier, both of the Religion of Malta, came to visit me in a Boat, which yet stayed a little distance from our Ship (as the Guard-boat also did) and they offered me their persons to serve me with much courtesy. I received much news of them concerning some of my friends at Naples and elsewhere; after which they departed, giving me hope, that in a Council to be held that day about other weighty affairs of the Religion, my Expedition should be taken into consideration.  
In the Evening, Monsig: Visconti sent me a Present of some refreshments, and signified to me that he had earnestly moved the Grand Master concerning the business of my expedition; and when the Council broke up, I should hear the result thereof by his Secretary. A while after, the Secretary brought me word that the Council held very long, having determined a difference between two Spanish Knights, who pretended to the Priorate of Navarre, by giving it to one of them; and also created a new General of the Galleys, which charge was also pretended to by divers, but fell to the Prior della Roccella, Son of the Prince della Roccella, who had a new instituted that Priorate in his Father's dominion; insomuch that by reason of so many and long businesses, ehiter the Grand Master had forgot or forborn to propose any thing else, to wit, our Expedition: but that he having spoken to him as he came out of the Council, the Grand Master told him that within two days another Council should be held purposely for our business, because it could not be done without a Council; and that in the mean time he gave order that our Ship should not depart from the Port, to the end I might have the convenience of waiting the resolution concerning Landing, without being carried away to my inconvenience to Marseilles, whither those of our Ship intended directly to go; and therefore we must have a little patience in the interim. I returned my thanks to Mons Visconti, and sent him word that I should have patience, being secure of receiving all favour from his great courtesy. Soon after which Sig: Desiderio came to signify the order to our Ship that it should not depart out of the Port.  
October the thirty first, Besides a Present of refreshments sent me this day from the Sig. Commendator Brancaccio, and frequent visits of Sig: Desiderio, ane also of divers others, partly known, and partly unknown to me; a little before night, the Commissarii della Sanita (Commissioners of Health) came to see me, and to inquire what goods I carried with me; they told me, the next day a Council would be held for dispatch of my business; but hearing of the goods I brought, particularly of the Ball of Cotten-yarn (though they were not told what was within it; for then without doubt the difficulty would have been greater) they told me that by reason of the said goods I must have a little more patience; for they should give me the Quarantine a little longer than if we had had nothing besides our persons.  
November the first, After dinner, the Captain of the Port brought us licence to go ashore, to wit, for me and my company, the Knights of the Council vouchsafing me this favour; yet upon condition that I should pass my Quarantine not in the Isoletto, whither all others are sent, but at the Port where we were in the house of Sig: Don Francisco Ciantar near his Church of S. Saviour; which house the Inquisitor procured for me, and the Council as a particular favour granted me for my better convenience. They prefixed no time of the Quarantine, but reserved it at their own arbitrement; however I resolved it should not be very long. The Caravel S. Ann, which brought me, desired to undergo the Quarantine also, that they might afterwards have Prattick, and sell their commodities perhaps more advantageously at Malta; but it would not be granted, but the next day the Vessel was dismissed away for France. The reason whereof I suppose was, either because the Isoletto where Ships pass the Quarantine was already full of other people, or because the Island was scarce of provision, and therefore they would not admit other new Passengers to consume it. However we, according to our licence, landed all our goods at the abovesaid place; and we were no sooner got ashore, but My Lord, the Inquisitor came in a Boat to visit me at the Seaside. We discoursed together above half an hour; he in his Boat, and I upon the bank. He enquired of me several things concerning the affairs of the East, and informed me of many of Europe; and at last offering me his favour in all things, particularly, in getting the Quarantine shortened, which he intimated would last forty days or more, (including those which had passed by the way from Cyprus hither) departed, and I repaired to the house, which the owner of it, and the Captain of the Port, Desiderio, came to assign to me; where all our Goods were spread abroad to be aired in a large open room belonging to the said house; which indeed I found very handsome, and well provided with convenience of water, and other things, having a delicate prospect upon the Port, the Sea, the Country, the Town, the new City; and, in short, being the best, most convenient and delightful that we could have had for that purpose. By the Council's order a man was assigned to guard the House, and a Boat both to guard us, and to supply us with provisions; both at our charge, as the custom is. Nor doth the Captain of the Port omit to visit us frequently, and to discourse with us at a distance. God be thanked, we are all well, and free from all contagious suspicion; so that I hope to surmount this difficulty happily, which I acknowledge to proceed from the Divine Providence, to which I heartily commend you.   

LETTER. XIV.  
From Syracuse, Decemb. 4. 1625.  
AFter two and twenty days confinement upon suspicion, behold me, my dear Sig: Mario, now at liberty and in health, 
I.  ready to come to kiss your hands, having no other impediment to detain me. What things I have noted in the mean time, and what befell me at Malta, and how I am safely arrived at Syracuse, I shall now give you an account, in continuation of the Narrative of my Travels.  
November the seventh, Early in the Morning four Galleys belonging to the Religion of Malta, arrived in the Port from Sicily; the new ones, which they were providing instead of two lost a few Months before, not being yet finished. They were coloured all black in token of sadness for the death of their General, who died of a Disease a few days before at Naples.  
November the eleventh, The Commissioners of Health came to visit us, and entered into the House to see our Goods, whether we had used such diligence as was requisite in opening them to the Sun and Wind, that they might give account thereof to the Council.  
November the thirteenth, My Lord the Inquisitor came to visit me, and discoursed with me about an hour without the Gate; for seeing we had no Licence of Prattick, it was not lawful for me to give him so much as a Chair out of my House. He promised me to speak to the Grand Master the same day, and to procure our expedition.  
November the sixteenth, In the Morning before day, three of the said Galleys set sail from Malta towards Licata, or Alicata in Sicily, to fetch Corn, whereof there was great penury. The fourth Galley was so old that it could go no more to Sea, and the new which were preparing at Malta, Palermo, and Naples, instead of those that had been lost, were not yet finished. After dinner, the Commissioners of Health returned again to see my Goods, bringing with them a Physician to view and make relation of the Coffin wherein they understood I carried the Body of Sitti Maani; but because the ball of Cotton yarn wherein it was wrapped, was not quite loosened for fear of spoiling, though I had opened and aired it, they not only refused to give me Prattick, but would not suffer the Physician to touch or view the said Coffin, and told me, I must first loosen and air the Cotton yarn well, and then they would return to us another day to resolve about Prattick. After which they made many excuses to me for this strange treatment, alleging that the subsistence of Malta depending upon other parts abroad, they were forced to use the most rigorous courses in case of suspicion of Infection; to the end Sicily and the other Countries, on which their subsistence depended, might not deprive them of Prattick, as they would easily do, were it known that they proceeded otherwise, and were too easy in admitting suspected things which came from the Levant. Whereupon I knowing that they had reason for what they said, caused the Cotton Ball to be wholly unwound, as they desired, though I did not so at first, to avoid spoiling it, and the hazard of not making it up again so well as before.  
November the twentieth, The Grand Spedaliere, (or Master of the Hospital) and two other Great Crosses came accompanied 
II.  with many people to give us another visit; and after many preambles, with majestic words in praise of their Order, and concerning the observance and respect justly due to it from all, upon the account of Malta's being the Bulwark of the Territories of the Catholic King and of all Christendom, he fell to blame me, (though civilly) in the Name of the Grand Master, that I had not at first declared my having my Wife's Body with me, (a very jealous thing, as they said, in times of suspicion) and asked me the reason of it. I answered, that whilst I was yet a Shipboard, I was asked only in general, What Goods I had? And I truly answered, that I had one Ball, five Trunks, and some other bundles of goods for my use; and being not more particularly questioned, I did not specify what was within the Trunks and the Ball, conceiving it not necessary; and the rather, because I being yet uncertain, whether I should stay at Malta, or depart in the same Ship, I did not think fit to speak of the said Body in the presence of the Mariners, lest I should be troubled with the vain Auguries they are wont to conceive about carrying such things, in case I had been to go with them: That after I was landed, upon the first more precise demand concerning my goods, I forthwith declared it plainly, and afterwards used all diligence in opening the Cotton to the Wind and Sun, as those that had frequently visited me could testify. The Knights remained satisfied with my Answer, and also with my proceeding, which was not so bad as at first they apprehended. Then they viewed the Coffin, and caused the Physician to consider it, ask me Questions concerning all the particulars relating to it; which done, they consulted apart amongst themselves what to do, and the result was: That if I meant to have a clear and full Bill of Health, I must be contented to let the Coffin be opened and aired, not only outwardly, (as had been already done) but also what was within it; otherwise, they would let the Coffin alone as it was, but could not give me a full Bill of Health; whence, perhaps, I might meet with more trouble in other places. Wherefore they desired me to consider of the business, for they left me to my choice: I remained in some suspense, and took time to think of it, as they courteously offered me; and so they departed without giving me Prattick, or resolving upon any thing. On one side I was unwilling to open the Coffin, because it was secure and could not be opened without spoiling both it, and, perhaps, what was within it; and having brought it so far with me with so much diligence, only to keep it entire and sound, I was very loath to lose my passed pains. On the other side, to go from Malta without a good Bill of Health, and so incur a greater trouble elsewhere, was no safe course: Wherefore I recurred to the wont favour of my Lord the Inquisitor, giving him account in a Letter how the case stood, and earnestly entreating him to find some little shift how the Knights might be contented, without opening or spoiling the Coffin, to make me a good Bill which might serve me elsewhere; for which purpose I urged him with many good Reasons. The Inquisitor, according to his accustomed courtesy, undertook the business, and I remained in the same House without Prattick expecting the issue.  
November the two and twentieth, Early in the Morning we saw the Galleys of Malta already in the Port, being returned the Night preceding with some provision of Corn, but not much. The Council required of me a punctual Relation of the time, place, and manner of my Wife's Death; which I accordingly sent them in writing, attested by the Journal of my Travels, my Book of Expenses, and a Latin Treatise of the Country's subject to the modern Empire of Persia; from which Books, wherein mention is made thereof, I extracted the said Relation. It was read in the Council, and they being satisfied with it, at length sent in the evening to give me Prattick; causing us first to swear that we knew not of any dead of the Pestilence in any place where we had been, nor yet in our Ship. Which truth we swore to; whereupon they granted us Prattick, and promised us a good Bill of Health at our departure.  
November the three and twentieth, In the Morning my Lord the Inquisitor sent to congratulate with me for my Prattick, and 
III.  to invite me to dine with him. After dinner, I went with his Secretary to the new City, called, La Valletta, and there in the Palace I did Reverence to the most Serene Grand Master, called, Frat' Antonio de Paula, a Frenchman, who received me with much courtesy, and offered me his utmost favour, both in order to my departure, or any other occasion. After which I accompanied his Highness to Vespers in the Church of S. john, together with all the other Knights, and back again to the Palace; and after much conversation with the Commendator Brancaccio, at night I returned to my own House, waving the favour of my Lord the Inquisitor who invited me to lodge in his; because I would not leave my own people alone.  
November the four and twentieth, I dined with my Lord the Inquisitor according to his invitation, and in the Evening accompanied the Grand Master to the Church of S. Catherine, where because the said Saint is their Patroness, and her Church is used for the Italian Tongue, the Knights of Italy solemnised a Festival.  
November the five and twentieth, I went to hear Mass in the new City at the said Church, where I saw the Relic of the said Saints Ring, wherewith she was married by our Saviour; 'tis a Gold Ring, of very plain, antique, and corpse work, having a green stone, which, probably, is an Emerald, (a stone in those times much in request) but, whether it be ill polished, or be decayed by time, 'tis a great Table for a Ring, but appears no very fair Jewel of itself.  
December the second, Two Galleys of Malta, being ready to depart from Messina, I would not lose so good an opportunity of passing the channel securely; but having gotten my Bill of Health ready, (wherein though they mentioned my wife's Body which I carried, yet they made it to my satisfaction, and full enough to prevent trouble elsewhere) and dispatched all things that needed; in the Evening I put all my goods aboard the Galley Santa Maria, whereof Sig: Gio. Francisco Geronimo Salvago, a Genovese was Captain. But because it departed not this night, I repaired to lodge at the House of my Lord the Inquisitor, and left the Women in that of Sig: Don Francisco Ciantar, our Friend and Patron of the Benefice and House del Salvadore.  
December the third, In the Evening we all went aboard the abovesaid Galley, after we had taken leave of the Inquisitor and all other Friends, with many Compliments and demonstrations of true kindness; a little before midnight we set sail, being accommodated with the other Galley, called, S. john, and four Ships of the Order laden with Flax; all which went under the manned of our Captain.  
December the fourth, This Morning we found that we had already passed the channel, and were come to Capo Passaro, which 
IV.  is the ancient Promontory Pachinum. Before dinner, we entered the Port of Syracuse, where Sig: Fra: Marc-antonio Pericontato, Receiver of the Order of Malta, came presently to our Galley to visit the Captain, and take his Letters and Orders of business. By this Knight, without making myself known to him, I understood that my great Friend, Monsignor Paolo Faraone, Bishop of Syracuse, being lately returned from a visitation was now in the City; of which I was very joyful, through the great desire I had to see him. Wherefore after dinner I went ashore as all others did, and with Sig: Frate Antonietto Costa a Roman, presently repaired to his Palace to visit him: But understanding he was saying the Office, and would not be disturbed, I stayed in the Antichamber till he had done, being entertained in the mean time by Sig: Paolo Faraone his Nephew, whom I had seen at Messina, in the year 1611, than a very Youth, but now grown a complete young man; yet I did not discover myself to him. When the Bishop had ended the Office, we entered to kiss his hands; At first view, he said, he thought he knew me, but remembered not who I was; and, indeed, he knew me not by my voice after I had spoken to him; although I knew both his voice and person, he seeming to me little or nothing changed from what I left him at Rome about twelve years ago when he was an Abbot. But when I discovered myself to him, he seemed amazed, and with much joy, for seeing me here at a time when he thought I was far enough off; and, perhaps, (as he said) not in this world, (for 'twas four years since he had heard any News of me) he received me with extreme kindness and gladness. After we had given one another account of many things, and I had been complemented by Sig: Paolo his Nephew, and others that were with him, I told him that I had in the Galley Batoni Mariam Tinatin, my spiritual Daughter, and should be glad that before we departed, (as I thought to do with the same Galleys for Messina) that she saw the Church and something of Syracuse. The Bishop presently sent Signora Maria (his Brother's Wife, and Mother of Sig: Paolo) with two of her Daughters to fetch my Women from the Galley in a Coach; and Sig: Paolo, the Receiver of Malta and myself, went in another Coach to fetch them on Land. After these Gentlewomen had received them with many Compliments, we all went together to the Nuns Church of S. Lucy, where we stayed till evening; the Nuns being much delighted to behold the strange habits of my Women, and to discourse with them by Interpreters. In the mean time many people flocked into the Church to see them, and several Cavaliers came to compliment me, and make themselves known to me. It being late, we were accompanied by many Gentry and people to the Palace, where my Women were received by the Bishop with much Courtesy. And being the Galleys were to depart for Messina this very night, I desired leave of the Bishop to return aboard again, but he would by no means grant it; saying that since I was come to see him, it was not fit that I should embitter his joy with so sudden a departure, much less when S. Lucy's day was so near at hand, for which those that are remote use to go to Syracuse; and that I was the more obliged to stay, because I had once promised him by a Letter, (as indeed I had) to come to Syracuse, and spend a S. Lucy's day with him; so that since chance had brought it thus to pass, I must needs make my word good. I answered many things, and did all I could to get away, but to no purpose; for the Bishop sen the Receiver to get all my goods out of the Galley, for which end was necessary for the gate of the City to be kept open a good part of the night contrary to custom: and besides, having caused a very noble Apartment to be got ready for me in the new building of his Palace, he would by all means have us all lodge there. Wherefore, seeing his pleasure was such, I thought fit to obey him, and accept the favour. The Gentlemen and Gentlewomen after some discourse departed, and we were conducted to our apartment, where, because the Bishop eats not at night, he left us to sup and rest. The two Galleys which brought us, depart this night for Messina, and with them F. Orisno my late Fellow-traveller, who will deliver you this Letter which I conclude this Evening, not omitting to acquaint you with my tarrying here for some days, to the end you may understand my deliverance, and the good issue of my health; and so praying God for the like to you, I very heartily kiss your hands.   

LETTER XV.  
From Messina, January 24. 1626.  
IN continuation of my last to you concerning the favours I received 
I.  from my Lord the Bishop of Syracuse, I must tell you in the first place, that on the fifth of December we were conducted by a great company of Gentry of both Sexes out of the City to several relics of ancient Syracuse. We saw the Artificial Echo reported to have been made by Dionysius in a Prison where he kept many slaves, to hear what they talked within; and, if I mistake not, Archimedes seems to have been the contriver of the Fabric. 'Tis indeed one of the goodliest pieces of Art that I ever saw in the world, and perhaps was ever invented, imitating nature so exactly that the Echo returns words, sentences, sounds, and songs most entire and perfect; as was proved in our presence with sundry Instruments. If a man strike a thick extended cloth with a wand, it renders a sound like the shot of Artillery: which to be done so well in a Grotto formed not by Nature, but by Art, is indeed a strange thing, and shows a prodigious wit in the Contriver. I must not omit, that the roof of this grotto is hollowed in the form of a man's ear, from which probably the Artificer borrowed the Invention; since just as the voice striking the ears which are so shaped renders the sound audible; so 'tis seen by experience, that this great artificial Ear cut by hand in hard stone, being struck in like manner produces the same effect of augmenting a sound; although we know not but other Natural Echoes in Caves are framed after the same manner. Near the place of the Echo, we saw the subterranean Cavities wherein the slaves were imprisoned, and over them the place of Dionysius' Palace, in a very goodly situation, with a Prospect extending far both on Land and Sea. And near the Palace we beheld many remainders of his great Theatre, which was not built up like other Structures, but cut and hollowed out of the hard stone, all of a piece, very large and of excellent Architecture. As we returned home, we saw contiguous to the City on one side the Port which they called Marmoreo, or the Marble Port, from its being built all of Stone, and differing from the other great one which lies under the City on the other side; for at this day the City stands wholly in the Peninsula Ortygia, which is almost surrounded by the Sea, saving where it joins to the Land by a narrow Euripus.  
December 8th, I accompanied the Bp to the Church of S. Francis, whither because it was the Feast of the Conception he went to 
II.  hear Mass, being attended by the Senate, and all the Nobility of the City. After which, I went with divers Gentlemen my Friends to see the Church of S. Lucy without the City in the place where she was martyred; which Church, though sometimes it belonged to Priests, yet is now possessed by reformed Franciscan Friars. Under the Church we saw certain grottoes extending to a great distance every way under ground and made I know not whether for Sepulchers of the Ancients, or for places of Refuge in times of danger.  
December 9th, Two Galleys of Malta, which came from Messina with Provisions for the Island, entered the Port, in one of which was their present General Sig: Don Francisco Caraffa Prior della Roccella, and Son of the Prince della Roccella, who had lately founded this Priorate della Roccella at his own charge, always to remain in his own Family; though after his death, if I am rightly informed, it shall be no longer a Priorate or Grand Cross, but only a Commendum.  
December the tenth, Accompanied by Sig. Paolo Faraone, I visited the said Prior della Roccella in his own Galley; having seen him several times, and contracted Friendship with him whilst I was at Malta, in which time he was created General of the Galleys upon the vacancy of the charge by the death of the former General.  
December the twelfth, Being S. Lucie's Eve, Solemn Vespers were sung in her Church, whither the Bishop with the Senate and all the Nobility repaired. At night bonfires were made, and a Cavalcade of many Cavaliers road about with Torches, but clothed in their ordinary habits; after whom followed the Senate likewise on Horseback.  
December the thirteenth, Being the day of S. Lucy the Patroness of Syracuse, a solemn Procession was made, wherein the Images of the Saint in Silver, as big or bigger than the life, were carried through the chief streets upon a goodly Pedestal of silver, all the Clergy and Nobility accompanying the same. The Procession set forth from the Cathedral, and as the H. Image came out of the Church-Gate, a certain man placed purposely on the top of the Steeple, came flying down (as they speak) upon a rope and fell in the midst of the Piazza, which was thronged with people assembled to see the Show. The Procession ended at the Church of S. Lucy without the City, where a solemn Mass was sung; after which in a little Chapel hard by, called Sant' Agata, I saw under ground the Sepulchre of S. Lucy, where She was buried first; for now her Body is not here, but was translated to some other place long ago.  
December the fourteenth, Many Races were run both by Footmen, Mules, ordinary Horses, and Barb or Ginets as they call them in Syracuse, with the usual circumstances of throngs of people, Ladies at the windows, Gentlemen on Horseback, and in Coaches about the streets.  
December the fifteenth, A Mascherade of twelve Cavaliers on Horseback, clothed by couples after several fashions, went about the City. In the Piazza before the Bishop's Palace they ran all Saraceno, (i. e. at a wooden stock made like a Man; we call it a Turk) and at the Ring, making many Caracols (or quick Turns) at the end. Which divertisement continued till night; when the Maskers were entertained with a sumptuous Supper by the Bishop, together with the Senate and other Cavaliers.  
December the sixteenth, In the Morning I went to view the Fountain Arethusa, which I had seen imperfectly many years 
III.  before at my first being in Sicily. 'Tis in a Grove within the walls of the City, where issuing out of a cavern of a Hill, it descends to the Seaside, forming an indifferent Pool before its going out of the walls, where the Syracusian Women use to go to wash their Clothes. In the afternoon going out of the City, to see many courses at the Ring in the field of S. Lucy, we went to hear an excellent natural Echo between the Sea and the Walls, which returned the sound of a Trumpet once or twice very pleasantly.  
December the eighteenth, The General of the Maltese-Gallies set sail for Malta, and the next Morning two other Galleys of Malta arrived from Messina in the Port of Syracuse. This day we went to see the Capuchins Covent without the City, in whose Gardens are seen extreme deep cavities and precipices; for the Soil being all stony, was in ancient times digged in that manner for stones; and one may see where goodly Pillars have been cut out all of a piece, as others might still be: nevertheless in those dark valleys and cavities there are Gardens and Trees planted, which bring forth goodly fruit; at which I wondered the more, because some of them are never seen by the Sun, the Soil is so low and closely surrounded with high Rocks. These are Lapidicinae, or Stone-Quarries, where the Athenian Prisoners were put, who after the loss of many battles both by Land and Sea, at last yielded at Syracuse, as Thucydides relates.  
December the twentieth, The Bishop made an Ordination according the custom of Four times of the year, and this Morning ordained above two hundred persons of several Orders; for this Diocese is sufficiently populous; and many, to avoid the numerous grievances imposed upon the King's people, willingly put themselves into the Church.  
December the one twentieth, Another Procession like the former was made in the Evening, wherein the sacred Image of S. Lucy was carried from her own Church, where it had been till now, to the Cathedral, in which it is usually kept in a little Chapel well guarded, and locked with many keys. When the Image was come thither, and the Bishop standing at the Altar, first showed the Magistrate, and then the People the Relics of the Saint, (to wit, a dark blue Mantle, and a Slipper like that of the Pope) holding the same to them to kiss, and distributing Cotton to them which the said Relics had touched. After which the Bishop entertained the Senate with a Supper.  
December the two and twentieth, The two Maltese-Gallies departed for Malta, and the next Evening the General of Malta returned to Syracuse for more provision; the Island of Malta being in great want thereof.  
December the four and twentieth, The said General shipped all the Corn he could possibly, as well by stealth as openly, (because he had not Licence for so much) and in the Evening set sail for Malta. He informed us that the Prior of the Church was coming Ambassador extraordinary to the Pope, in order to pacify his Holiness who was much offended at certain things which they had lately done ill at Malta: Whereof I shall give you this brief account.  
A while since two or three Commendams of Malta becoming void by the death of a Commendator, who held them all together, 
IV.  the Pope joined them into a new Priorate, and gave the same to Sig: Don Antonio Barberino his Nephew. Hereupon the Order took distaste that the Pope should give these Commendams to his Nephew, in prejudice of the Ancients who pretended to them, and making a great stir (as if the Pope were not Patron of their goods, as well as those of all other Orders) they tumultuously resolved to send Ambassadors to the Emperor, and to the Kings of France and Spain to complain thereof, and to entreat the said Princes to undertake their Protection that the Pope might not do them such Prejudices. This coming to the Pope's Ears, he commanded Monsig: Visconti his Inquisitor at Malta, to endeavour the hindering of those Embassies; and, in case of obstinacy, to prohibit them by a Public Act in the Name of his Holiness, admonishing the Order that they had no other Superior besides the Pope, and ought not to recur to any about their affairs but to him. The Inquisitor used his utmost diligence, but seeing it prevailed not, he caused the Pope's Prohibition to be signified to the Ambassador's Elect, by a fit Minister. One or two of them made no stir, but another fell into such a rage that he drew a Poniard to assault the Inquisitor's Officer that gave him the Intimation: After which all the Knights banded together, and went tumultuously to the Grand Master, who was then in the Church at Vespers, and by furious menaces of a notable sedition, caused him to send some Grand Crosses to desire the Inquisitor to revoke the said Prohibition, otherwise a very great tumult and the ruin of the Order would ensue. The Inquisitor, moved with this and other effectual Instances which they made to him not without tumult, said; He had no Authority recall a Prohibition made by the Pope; but, to prevent further mischiefs, he condescended to revoke the said Order, so far as his own Authority (which he judged none at all in this matter) could extend: Whereupon the Ambassadors presently departed. The Pope understanding this sequel, gave the Maltese-Ambassador residing at Rome a great check, and testified so great displeasure with the Order, that the Ambassador himself, who, perhaps, had been the first cause of these Tumults at Malta, by writing to the Knights there to defend their causes resolutely; that he now writ after a different manner, and so represented both to the Grand Master and the Order, the Pope's displeasure, and what mischief he might do them; That being terrified therewith they sent Posts after their Ambassadors to return, without negotiating at all with the said Princes. Some of them, who were not yet arrived at the places whither they were sent, upon this Order returned back without doing any thing; others, who were arrived at the Courts of the designed Princes, obtained their Letters of recommendation to the Pope, which were of little moment; but ever since this business, the Pope hath had but little good will towards the Order, and hath frequently declared a purpose to reform it in sundry things: As, that no Women should live in the new City, called il Convento, their Simoniacal Elections of Grand Masters, and other things, of which the Knights were much afraid. To these old disgusts, another hath lately been added: Upon the loss of their Galleys taken by the Turks a while ago, with the slaughter of many Knights, the Order, for repairing the same, thought, (and, I believe, had already resolved) to lay a Gabel, (whether perpetual or temporal, I know not) upon the Commendams and Possessions of the Order; which, without the Pope's leave, could not be done. The Pope extremely disliked this course, conceiving no necessity of attempting it for that loss; since they had lost nothing but two pieces of wood; and as for the Knights, they might be recruited by the income of moneys which are paid upon the admittance of others to take the Cross; besides that as to interest, they had rather gained then lost, having by the death of so many Knights, gotten spoils enough to pay the charge pretended, without burdening the possessions of the Order with any imposition. All which Reasons considered, the Pope hearing that they were resolved to impose the said Gabel without addressing to him, became extremely displeased with the Knights, threatening them with Excommunications and other punishments: Whereupon the Order dispatched this Prior of the Church, (who is also a Grand Cross and a Priest) Ambassador extraordinary to his Holiness, to pacify him.  
December the twenty sixth, We had news at Syracuse, that an English Fleet had landed some Forces at Cadiz upon the Coast of Spain, which were valorously repulsed by the Spaniards. They are great amplifiers of their own Exploits, and writ word that the said Fleet consisted of eighty Ships, and landed twelve thousand men.  
December the twenty ninth, Being desirous to visit some Cavaliers of the Family of la Valle in the City of Catania, where 
V.  there lives many, by all circumstances, derived from the same Root with us of Rome; I set forth thither this Morning in the Bishop's Coach, accompanied by Sig: Paolo Satalia a Syracusian. We travelled not far from the Seaside, leaving on the right hand a little fruitful Island, near the Continent of Sicily, now called Manghesi, but by Virgil with good reason Tapsumque jacentem; for it is all plain and very low. A little further we left on the right hand also towards the Sea, the City Augusta, sometimes called Megara; whence Virgil, making mention of it, saith Megarosque Sinus. In the Evening, we passed through Carlo Lentini, built upon high cliffs, and so called as if it were Lentini di Carlo, because Charles the Fifth, Emperor, built it, with intent perhaps to transfer the City of Lentini (which lies hard by) thither for better air. At length having travelled twenty four miles from Syracuse, we took up our Lodging in Lentini at the house of Sig: Flaminio Mollica Baron of Bagnara; who a few days before had sent to visit me in Syracuse, and received me here with extraordinary civility.  
December the thirtieth, Having heard Mass in Santa Maria di Giesu a little without the City, we went to the Church of the Saints Alfio, Philadelfo, and Cirino, three French Brethren, Martyrs and Protectors of Lentini; which City is styled Faecundissima Lentinorum Urbs, and gives for its Arms a Lion Rampant, the ancient badge of the Leontines, as appears by their ancient Medals, and I observed by the Bill of Health which they gave us; for by reason of the Contagion at Palermo, without taking a Bill of Health at every place, etc. After dinner we departed, and not far from Lentini, passed over a little River which they call il fiume di Lentini, and probably is the Pantagia of Virgil. Before night, we arrived at Catania, which lies but eighteen miles from Lentini, and lodged in the house of Sig: Don Angelo Campochiano di Calatagironi, who was then Vicar General to the Bishop of Catania, and upon the recommendation of the Bishop of Syracuse, received and treated us here with much respect, being also something allied to the Sig: della Valle of Catania.  
December the thirty first, I was visited by all the Sig: della 
VI  Valle, and many other Eminent Gentlemen of several Families, their Alliances. They were so many that I shall not particularly name them; only I shall intimate that at this day there are in Catania five Chiefs of the Family of la Valle, all derived from the same stock; namely, first Sig: Don Franc. della Valle Baron of Miraglia, who being newly come from abroad, was put upon his Quarantine in a Church without the City; secondly, Sig: Don Gutteres della Valle, Brother of the abovesaid Baron, who was absent at Palermo; thirdly, Sig: Don Diego della Valle, whom I knew many years ago at Messina; fourthly, Sig: Don Vincenzo della Valle, Baron of Schisi, which they hold to be the ancient Naxus; and fifthly, Don Franc. della Valle who was in an Ecclesiastical Habit: with many of these Gentlemen, who did me the honour to accompany me, I went this morning to see the Mother-Church, where in a close Chapel the body of S. Agatha is kept. After which I was conducted to see the Benedictine's Monastery of S. Nicolas, (which is a handsome building,) and the Relics kept there in the Sacristie; amongst which was shown me a Nail of our Saviour's Cross, an Arrow of S. Sebastian's, a piece of S. George's Coat of Mail, some of S. Peter the Apostle's beard, and some of the beard of S. Zaccharias Father of S. john Baptist. I saw also the ruins of the Amphitheatre and the Cirque, the Fountains without the Walls of the City by the Seaside, which being so many Spouts on a row, make a pretty sight, near the place where S. Agatha was put into the fire.  
january the first, 1626. Accompanied by the same Gentlemen, who did me that honour at all hours, I went to see the prison of S. Agatha underground, and her Sepulchre, where there is also another Church, and in that the place where S. Lucy appeared to her; and a little further a little Chapel apart where her breasts were cut off. After which, I spent the day in visiting such Gentlemen as had visited me, as also such Gentlewomen of the Family of lafoy Valle as had sent to visit me. The next day I went to S. Francis' Church to see the Chapel and Tombs of the Family of la Valle, in whose arms I found some difference from my own as to the colours, (which was only the Error of the Painter) they giving the Lions and Stars, Or, in a field gules; but we at Rome, the Lion's azure, and Stars, gules in a field Or. And being Arms are commonly taken from old Stone-monuments which have no colours, 'twas no hard matter for some Modern Painter to mistake, and put one for another. In the Evening, I was visited by the Magistrates of Catania, whom they call Guirati (Jurats); and news came that a Proclamation was published at Palermo, whereby as many as were obliged either by Tenure, or otherwise to military service in Sicily in in times of need, were commanded to appear forthwith in the field, in order to a General Muster, and then be distributed into several places, for fear of an invasion by the English Fleet, which they said was entered into the Mediterranean upon designs of mischief.  
january the third, I returned the Visit to the Magistrates in the City-Palace, being received by them with much honour, and at my departure accompanied almost to the Gate. After dinner, having visited Sig: Don Francisco della Valle, Baron of Miraglia, who was upon his Quarantine in the Church of the Infirm without the City, I took leave of all my honourable Friends, and departed from Catania towards Syracuse, arriving at Lentini two hours after Sunset, where I lodged in the House of the Baron of Bagnara.  
january the fourth, Having heard Mass in the Church of the 
VIII.  Saints Alfio and his Brethren, and dined early, we departed from Lentini, and at night arrived at S. Cosmano, a place twelve miles from Syracuse, famous for making Sugar. It being late, we took up our Quarters in a House, where we saw the Machines', Furnaces, and other contrivances for that Work.  
january the fifth, About Noon, we arrived at Syracuse, being met without the Gate in a Coach by Sig: Paolo Faraone, Sig: Don Diego Landolnia his Cousin, Sig: Don Gasparo Diamante, and others of the Bishop's House.  
january 10th, We went abroad a shooting in a boat upon the famous River Alfeo, which falls into the Port of Syracuse, just opposite to the walls of the City, passing first under a bridge of one arch, exactly according to the printed figure of the Pastoral of Cavalier Guarini called i'll Pastor fido, wherein the River Alfeo speaks the Prologue.  
january the eleventh, I saw the subterraneous Grottoes of S. John's Church without the City; they are many, great, and handsome, contrived almost like a Labyrinth, and appear to have been intended for Sepulchers; in some places the light is admitted a little by Cupola's, which probably served for the people to assemble in, either to the Obsequies or Funeral-suppers. Yet certain Figures of ancient Saints, and other Tokens argue them to have been used by Christians; 'tis a goodly Fabric for a work underground, being all cut out of the natural stone by hand.  
january the thirteenth, Four Maltese-Galleys arrived at Syracuse; and because they intended for Messina, and one of them for Naples, and perhaps further, to carry the Prior of the Church, who, as I said, was going extraordinary Ambassador to Rome, and was here embarked; I desired to take the opportunity of these Galleys to Messina: and accordingly went to speak with the General, who was gone a hunting with the Prior of the Church near the River Alfeo. The General courteously granted me passage in his own Ship to Messina: but as for going to Naples in the Galley with the said Prior, I could not obtain this favour from him: and though his excuse was, that but one Galley went thither, and that with many Passengers, and my people and goods were not few; yet I perceived that the Prior, on whom the courtesy depended (although he had been my Friend at Malta, and showed himself such here also) was unwilling to grant me the same, because I lodged in the house of the Bishop, with whom the Prior was displeased, because the Bishop had neither visited him, nor yet the General of the Galleys, as they pretended he ought to have done: but the Bishop pretended the contrary, namely, that they ought to have visited him first; so that between the punctilios of both sides, I was fain to suffer an inconvenience, as it commonly happens in such cases. However I resolved not to decline the General's offer of passing to Messina in these Galleys, and accordingly taking leave of the Bishop, and all other Friends after supper, I went aboard of the General's Galley with my people, and at the second watch we set sail. The winds being contrary we could not pass further than Augusta, where we anchored a little without the Port; but because we did not salute the City, (in regard we stood off from it, and were upon departing) a great Gun was discharged from thence against us with a bullet. Which though the General was offended at, yet because there was nothing else to be done, he sent a Spanish Gentleman of his Order to make excuse to the Governor for not having saluted him, (as not being the custom in such occasions) and to complain of his shooting with a bullet in that manner. The Governor answered courteously, yet (like a Spaniard) held his point, and advised the Galleys to have patience; thereby implying, that if they would ride in that Port, they must salute the Royal Standards, otherwise they should be sunk.  
january the fourteenth, The weather proving foul, our Galleys made into the Port of Augusta, where we saluted the Blockhouses, and received the like salutations from them again. There are three Blockhouses or Forts at Augusta, one within the City upon a high situation, another upon the mouth of the Port which is very large within, and another also within the Port divided into two, and standing upon two little rocks. Divers of our people went ashore the same day, but I did not, till the next: when after I had heard Mass said by the F. Provincial of the Jesuits in Sicily, in a Church called Our Lady delle Gratie, I went to see the Capuchins Church, the Streets of the City, the Castle, and whatever was remarkable, which was very little.  
january the sixteenth, The weather continuing foul with snow, the Captains upon consultation resolved to return back to Syracuse, because the Galleys had not provision enough for a longer stay. Wherefore after dinner, we set sail back again, and arrived before night at Syracuse; whereof the Bishop being advertised, sent Sig: Paolo Faraone to fetch me, and Sig: Maria to conduct my women to his House.  
january the nineteenth, The weather becoming good, the General sent us sudden notice that he would depart immediately, as accordingly we did, and at night entered the Port of Augusta, because it was again become somewhat tempestuous. The next Evening we departed from Augusta, and sailed all night with a bad wind, which forced us to make use of our Oars.  
january the twenty first, At daybreak we came before Capo grosso, about twenty miles from Messina, and continuing our course, arrived at Messina before Noon. At the mouth of the Port we were questioned by the Commissioners of Health, who were very rigorous here, and indeed were to be commended for it; since, had it not been for the exact diligence of Messina in this matter, the present Pestilence of Sicily might easily have infected all Italy: for Card. Dona and others that governed at Palermo, to avoid damnifying that City by loss of Trade, have hazarded the safety not only of the whole Kingdom (as is manifestly seen) but also of all Italy by concealing the Plague of Palermo as much as they could, instead of remedying the Infection by such severe and rigorous courses as was fit, namely, by burning infected Goods and the like; yea, they rather maintained that the Plague was not there when it was there, and required prattick to be given them everywhere, procuring Orders from Spain for that purpose: by which means many other places of Sicily, are become infected, and the Plague, which, had fit means been used, perhaps would soon have been extinguished, hath continued above two years, and continues still; the Orders of the Viceroy and the Court of Spain, promoting the spreading thereof in despite of all. Only the City of Messina hath the glory of withstanding so great mischief for the public safety. Whilst we were under examination, expecting Bills for Prattick against night, I advertised Sig: Francisco Faraone, and Sig: Don Palmieri di Giovanni, my ancient Friends, of my coming, who, in the Evening when Prattick was granted us, came with other Gentlemen and Gentlewomen in Coaches to the shore-side to receive me, and Sig: Maria. After I had taken leave of the General, and all the Knights of the Galleys, I went ashore and was accompanied by the said Gentlemen to the House of Sig: Francisco Faraone, where taking up my Residence, I have been visited by most Persons of quality in the City, as also Sig: Maria hath been by many Ladies; we also returning visits to all to whom we owed them.  
january the five and twentieth, Sig: Don Giou. Bisogni, a Cavalier of Messina, Cousin to the Bishop of Syracuse, and Husband of Donna Margarita Faraone, (whom I left at Catania with three of her Sons) dying at Messina, his Son Don Francisco, (who alone was here at his Father's death) according to the custom of this City, as soon as his Father expired, went out of the House, leaving it and the Body yet unburied, to the care of other kindred, and retired to the House of Sig: Franc. Faraone (wherein I lodge) as his nearest Kinsman; and here he receives condoling visits, and remains till his Father's Body be buried, and the House purified and fitted with mourning; which I mention as a custom not practised by us at Rome. We have been to see the Bodies of San Placido, and other Saints, with all the other Relics of Messina, which were shown us near the High Altar, where they are kept very conveniently. I have also heard one of the Moral Lectures of Sig: Antonio Mazzapinta, a Famous Philosopher, and Public Reader in Messina: Which Lecture, as also many others, he read in his Extraordinary House for his own pleasure, and that of the Curious. Here I arrest my Pen, this Letter being the last of my Oriental Voyages. If it please God, I shall shortly entertain you viva voce; in the mean time I commit you to his Providence, and kiss your Hands.  

An account of my Arrival and Residence at Naples, in the House of Sig: Maria Schipano.  
JAnuary the thirtieth, Having hired two Felluca's for Naples, 
I.  and embarked all our goods with good Bills of Health, (which in regard of Sitti Maani's Body which I carried with me, were more than necessary, and my Friends at Messiva had procured to my satisfaction) in the Morning we set sail from Messina with a good wind, being accompanied to the boat by many Persons of quality of both Sexes, from whom we separated with much tenderness. We passed the Pharo between Charybdis and Scylla, the Sea being sufficiently rough, though the wind favourable. On the left hand, at a good distance we left the Island of Strongile, Vulcano, and other places; at night arriving at Trupia, where, because they refused to give us Prattick, alleging that this was no Landing-place in these infectious times, and that certain Landing-places were appointed for Passage-Vessels upon the Coast of Calabria, where alone Prattick was to be had; we kept out at Sea all night, and passed il Pizzo.  
january the one and thirtieth, We passed by Mantea and other places, at noon arriving at Paola where I went ashore. A little without the City, amongst the little Hills we saw the Church of S. Francis of Paola, which is delicately seated amongst goodly Trees and Brooks which run between the Hills. We saw the Relics, the Chapel of the Marquis, Lord of the place, and his Sepulchers; the Limekiln where S. Francis did a miracle; the Fountain and the Grotto wherein he lived, with all other things remarkable; after which we lodged in an Hostery or Inn upon the shore.  
February the first, Having heard Mass in a little Church there, we left Paola, and passing by Scoglio del Marchese and other Islands; in the Evening we supped at Sea under Belvedere, and sailing all night, the next day we dined on Land at Camerota; from whence we sailed and came to an Anchor in the Port of Palinuro; which place I beheld with pleasure, through the delightful remembrance of Virgil's Verses, which relate the misfortune of the Pilot Palniurus, and withal, give immortal fame to the place.  
February the fourth, We departed from Palinuro, and lodged on shore at Acciaruolo, where Passengers are notoriously abused, by being constrained to lodge in a lewd Inn there, and pay the Host what he pleases to demand, who is also to pay the Lord of the place what Rent he desires. The next day we passed the Gulf of Salerno, and bocche di Capri, arriving late in the Port of Naples, under the Dogana of Corn; but because it was so late that we could not get Prattick, we slept all night in the Felluca's.  
February the sixth, Sig: Andrea Pulice my Comrade, being by me advertised of my coming, brought Sig: Mario Schipano, and many other Friends to visit me in my Felluca; which interview, after so many years, was as pleasant as can be imagined. As soon as the Officers negotiated for Prattick they obtained it; but, for less trouble, and because I intended to stay little at Naples, I dispatched one of my Felluca's wherein was the Body of Sitti Maani, and other goods, immediately to Rome. Upon Sig: Schipano's invitation, I lodged in his House, together with all my people. At Naples I received the first Letters from Rome after above four years, wherein I had not received any, nor heard any certain tidings of my Relations. These advertised me of the death of Sig: Valerio della Valle, which happened four years before, and also of that of Sig: Tomasso della Valle, my Uncle, which fell out about a year before my arrival. At whose deaths I also being no longer accounted living, certain Pious Places seized upon part of my goods and revenues, and would have gotten all the rest with the writings, (as they attempted to do) had not my kindred, and, particularly, Sigra Laura Gaetana stoutly withstood them, making it apparent that I was alive, by showing some of my Letters which she had lately received; whereto nevertheless they would by no means give credit. I found entertainment for many days in reading abundance of Letters from Rome, which almost all my kindred and friends writ to me, and in answering the same; as also in receiving and returning the visits of many Neapolitan Cavaliers and Titoladoes; and, indeed, I am much obliged to all the Nobility of that City for the Civilities they showed me in this my Return.  
February the tenth, I sent to Rome authentical Certificates of my survivance, attested by many Persons of Naples, who acknowledged 
II.  me for what I was twelve years before when I departed thence; as also Letters of Attorney and other writings, to the end my Relations might make use thereof to my benefit against whoever at Rome attempted to molest my Estate.  
February the three and twentieth, A brave Tournement was publicly made at Naples with great splendour in the Piazza of the Palace, for the Birth of the Princess of Spain, the King's firstborn Daughter; to behold which, there intervened with the Duke of Alva, the Viceroy, the Duke of Alcala, newly arrived from Rome, where he had been extraordinary Ambassador about the troubles of Italy. The Tourneyment was gallant, consisting of abundance of Squadrons and Cavaliers, but without any Inventions, and nothing near so brave as that which I saw here in the year 1612. upon the Marriage of France and Spain.  
February the four and twentieth, Which was the day of Carnival, a Mascherade was made in Naples, and Balls in the Palace for an entertainment to the Duke of Alcala; as also the next day, (although it was Lent) another Mascherade was made on Horseback with a Tilting, and at night Balls in the Palace.  
March the ninth, About seven a clock at night, a very great Earthquake happened in Naples, which shook the strongest walls as if they had been but of paper; but it lasted little, and was very short, so that (God be praised) it did no considerable hurt, although for the small time it continued, it was sufficiently dreadful.  
March the tenth, The Abbess and other Nuns of San Marcellino, and, particularly, Donna Feliciana, and Donna Beatrice d' Avalos, (to whom I have always had great respect) did me the favour to cause a Mass to be sung in their Church, whilst I was present, in thanks to God for my safe return into Italy; where twelve years before I had begun and took the Ensigns of my Peregrination.  
March the thirteenth, The fit time for my departure by Sea to Rome, being come, I took leave of Sig: Mario Schipano, who had entertained us nobly all the time of my stay at Naples, (during which, we frequently reviewed our Letters and Travels with much Curiosity and Pleasure) and also of all other Friends, and after due thanks to Sig: Angelo Crescentio, and Sig: Andrea Pulice who accompanied us to the Scoglio di Euplea, vulgarly called Gaiola, I went aboard and departed.    

LETTER XVI.  
From Rome, April 4. 1626.  
AT length I am come to Rome, the place of my Nativity; 
I.  but though I walk upon the banks of Tiber and the seven Hills, yet my mind runs wand'ring through Turkey and Persia, hoises sail again to the wind, and roams as far as the Indian shores, reviewing Ikkeri, Manel, and Calcutta. Whence embarquing again in the great Dolphin, it reconducts me over Seas and Lands, to my recent and late Peregrinations, and even to the Rock of Euplea, whither now I return both with my Thought and Pen. Being divided there, from Sig: Angelo, Sig: Andrea, and the rest with expressions of much affection, whilst they in another boat returned towards Naples, I with my Felluca's set sail, and, 
Post varios casus, post tot discrimina rerum  
Tendimus in Latium.  In a few hours I came to Procida, where I was entertained by Sig: Antonio d' Antonii in his Garden; and not only dined there, but in expectation of a fit hour to depart, (because I would not touch at Gaeta, but intended to go directly to Terracina) I also lodged there all night. The Judge of Procida being informed, whether by the Mariners or others I know not, of the Coffin of Sitti Maani which I had, according to the cheating tricks used in the Kingdom of Naples, thought to get something from me upon this occasion; and to make the case more heinous, he waited till midnight when we were all asleep, (notwithstanding he might have done it in the daytime when I walked up and down the whole Island with the Women) and at that unseasonable time came with many armed people to disquiet us in the House where I was, saying, that he would see my goods, and stop the Coffin; with other such Language. ay, who was prepared for such encounters, showed him the good Bills which I had brought from Naples, and, in short, made him take as a favour a small pittance, which I gave him out of respect to the Master of the House where I lodged.  
March the fourteenth, I left Procida before day, and putting to Sea arrived with a pretty rough Sea at Terracina, where Horatio Pagni, Steward of my House, to whom I had written from Naples to wait for me here, had been some days expecting me, with another manservant to Sigra Faustina Alberina my Aunt. As soon as he saw our Felluca's afar off, and conjectured who we were, because the Tide was so boisterous that we could not easily get to shore, he caused certain men to wade into the Sea naked, who with ropes presently drew both the Boats to Land in safety, where Horatio and his Companion received us with much gladness and many tears, and conducted us to a Lodging already provided for us in one of the Inns upon the Seaside. Sig: Paolo Heltori, Governor of Terracina, sent to invite me to his House, and to excuse himself for not coming in Person to fetch me, for that he was taken up with the Prince of Venosa Ludovisio, who lodged with him in his passage to Naples, whether almost all the Roman Barons, Vassals of Spain, were summoned by the Viceroy, (as 'twas believed) about some disgusts which he had with them about matters of Titles, and the like Compliments; and the Prince of Venosa was now at Terracina upon the Way. I thanked the Governor, but declined the favour; partly, to avoid giving him more trouble at such a busy time; and, partly, because I intended to depart forthwith.  
March the fifteenth, A Captain came from Sezze, to invite me 
II.  in the name of Sig: Francisco della Valle Governor there, (whom I knew already by fame of his Books of Poetry, and desired much to know personally) that I would lodge with him in my passage to Rome, adding, that he would wait for me at Case Nuove, an Inn upon the way, subject to his jurisdiction. Whereupon, after I had heard Mass in a Church near the shore, I embarked with all my people and Goods, and, at night, arrived at Case Nuove, where I found the said Sig: Francisco della Valle, who entertained us nobly, and, upon the like desire which he had of knowing me, we established a great and perpetual friendship.  
March the sixteenth, I dispatched Horatio with part of my servants and carriage to Rome, particularly, with the Coffin of Sitti Maani, ordering him to get it into Rome secretly before the day of my arrival, for preventing all difficulties that might arise either from the guards of the Gate, or the Toll-house, or otherwise: to which purpose I also writ Letters to Sigra Laura, with orders what was to be done. ay, with the Women, and only two Servants, leaving the rest of my Goods in charge with the Host, because there wanted Mules to carry them, went with Sig: Francisco to Sezza, there to wait for a Coach, which I had writ for to Rome. In the Evening, the Prince of Rassano Aldobrandino passed by Case Nuove towards Naples, whither he was summoned with the rest.  
March the twenty second, The Prince of Salmona Borghese, who was going likewise to Naples, entered Sezza with a solemn Cavalcade, being met at the foot of the Hills by the Governor, all the Militia of horse and foot, the Bishop, and a company of all the Gentlemen of the Town. Which honour I believe was done him by the procurement of Sig: Girolamo Muti, a Servant to the Card. Borghese, who was allied by marriage to many in Sezze, and accompanied him hither. I visited the said Prince as soon as he was alighted, and he expressed much civility to me, and satisfaction with my Visit.  
March the twenty third, In the Morning before I was up, the Prince of Sulmona sent Sig: Baldassar Pignatello, Gentleman of his Chamber, to visit me, and to bid me Adieu, being he was just ready to depart. I dressed myself in haste, and went to wait upon him before he took horse, as he did presently after. In the Evening, Horatio returned to Sezze, but without a Coach, for at Sermoneta, the people being advertised of the Coffin which he carried with him, refused to let it pass without particular licence, but (which was worse) would have it carried about the Town. Horatio would not put it into the hands of the Priests, as they importuned him, but left it in a handsome chamber in the Inn, under the care of one of my servants, and went directly to Rome, where he stayed till he had got Licences both from Sermoneta, Velletri, and Rome, for the free carrying of it. And because he knew I wished this business done before I entered into Rome myself, he brought no Coach, as he might have done, but came with these dispatches to see what I intended to do. When I saw the Bills were good, and proof against all difficulty, I dispatched a footman purposely to Rome for a Coach to carry me thither.  
March the twenty fifth, A Messenger whom I sent to carry the 
III.  Coffin from Sermoneta to Rome, arrived there, and without being seen or stayed by any person, consigned the same to Sig: Laura, who placed it in my chamber, as I had appointed.  
March the twenty sixth, In the Evening the Coach which was to carry me to Rome, arrived at Sezze, from whence, bidding adieu to Sig: Francisco della Valle, I departed the next day, and by night got to Velletri.  
March the twenty eighth, Departing from Velletri, in the Morning we passed by Genzano in sight of its Lake, which was sometimes the famous Lacus Triviae; afterwards by Riccia, where the Sig: Savelli have a goodly Palace. We stayed to dine at Albano, beholding castle Candolfo afar, off, and the place where Alba longa sometimes stood. In the Evening we arrived at Rome as privately as could be, because being a Widower, I was unwilling to admit of the congratulatory meeting which divers intended to me; and going to the Holy Stairs, I there, according to my appointment, entered into another Coach, which carried us leisurely through the longest Street of Santa Maria Maggiore, and about other Streets also, till it was more late and dark. At length we entered my House by the back-gate, and I presently caused all the doors to be locked, to the end the news of my arrival might not bring any to disturb me before I had spoken a little with Sig: Laura, as I desired. I was no sooner entered, but I found Sig: Francisco Maria della Riccia, who waited for me, and with Sig: Laura his Mother, did me the favour to dwell in the house, as also Sig: Gaspara Salviano my Friend. Sig: Laura, scarce recovered of a great sickness, which had endangered her life whilst I was at Naples, yet walked down into the Court as well as she could with a staff to receive me there; and accordingly I was received with a joy suitable to the great desire they had of us, and to the long absence of so many years. We ascended all together, and after some conversation amongst us, and a long discourse between me and Sig: Laura, who informed me of sundry things, it being about three hours within night, I sent to to advertise Sig: Faustina Alberina my Aunt, and also the Sig: Crescentii, of my arrival; excusing myself that I went not in person to see them, because it was too late. Sig: Faustina came immediately to me, and with her my Daughter Silvia, who was so grown that I did not know her; as also Sig: Antonia Ruggieri, Mother of Sig: Tiberio Alberii, whom likewise I did not know at first. We supped all together very joyfully, and after a long conversation, Sig: Faustina with her company retired home. Sig: Gaspare remained with me that night; and, before I went to bed, I caused the Coffin of my Sitti Maani to be delivered to me. Hitherto I have been continually visited by almost all the Nobility of Rome, and also by many Ladies, Kindred, and Friends, who after so many years' absence see me again, and receive me a stranger and pilgrim in my own Country with exceeding pleasure. This is an account of what hath occurred within the few days since my departure from Naples, and arrival at Rome. At present, I am preparing to repay Visits, and to kiss the feet of our Lord Pope Urban VIII, whereof, and all other occurrences, I shall advertise you. I kiss your hands, and humbly salute all my Friends. From Rome, April 4. 1626.   

LETTER XVII.  
From Rome, July 11. 1626.  
HAving begun to go abroad, and to perform the respects I 
I.  owe to all, on the eighth of April, I first kissed the feet of our Lord Pope Urban VIII, who received and honoured me with extraordinary courtesy, holding me in discourse with himself almost an hour about several things. I was introduced by the Privy Stairs by Card. Magalotti, who menages almost all the affairs of his Holiness, and discoursed with me a long time exceeding courteously.  
April the eleventh being my Birthday, I dated therewith the Dedicatory Epistle of my Treatise, De Regionibus subjectis recentiori Persarum imperio, which I intended to publish; and on the nineteenth of the same Month I presented to the Pope, The Information of Georgia written in our own language, to the end to persuade him to send a Mission of Priests thither in order to reduce those people to the union of the Roman Church. The Pope was mightily well pleased with it, and upon this occasion I spoke to him, and informed him of many other businesses.  
April the twentieth, Card. di sant' Onofrio, the Pope's Brother, sent for me to the Palace, and there told me that his Holiness had made me his Chamberlain of honour; which was a thing I never sought, nor thought of. I thanked him, and professed myself ready to serve his Holiness in this and every thing else he should command me.  
May the fourth, The Pope having upon my informations spoken of the business of the Georgians in the Congregation de propaganda Fide, a Decree was made in the said Congregation for sending thither a Mission of Theatine Fathers under the care of F. Don Pietro Avitabile of Messina, who had offered himself for that purpose, and was proposed by me, which Fathers were enjoined to receive instruction from me concerning what was fit to be done; in regard his Holiness had made a great encomium of me in the Congregation, and ordained that nothing should be done, either as to this Mission of the Georgians, or any affairs of the East, without consulting of me first. Of this Decree, a Copy was sent me subscribed by Sig: Francisco Ingoli, Secretary of the Congregation, which I keep by me: and accordingly I have prepared Instructions for the said Fathers.  
june the fifth, The Ensign-bearer Caterina d' Arcuso, a Biscainer, being arrived at Rome the day before from Spain, came to my house. She was a Lass between thirty five and forty years old, and had in her Childhood been bred up in a Monastery of Biscay her own Country, and, I believe, wore a Nun's Habit when she was grown up. But repenting of this life before she made profession, she went away; and fancying to live like a Man, fled disguised from her Father's House, and went to the Court of Spain, where for some time she served in the Habit of a Page. Afterwards she was minded to go to Sevil, and from thence to the West- Indieses, where at first she served as a manservant to certain Merchants; but within a little time upon occasion of a quarrel which befell her, she was fain to fly, and betook herself to the life of a Soldier, being naturally much inclined to arms and martial affairs. This course she followed a great while in those parts, being engaged in several Actions, wherein she always gave good account of herself as a soldier; as also in sundry civil quarrels; so that she got the repute of a gallant man; but because she wanted a beard, they believed and called her Eunuch. Among other battles, she was in a dangerous one, wherein her Company being routed, and the Ensign left to the enemies, she effected by her valour, that she stayed her companions flight, re-encouraged them against the enemies, and leading them on valorously, recovered the lost Ensign with her own hand, killing him that had taken it; for which service she remained Ensign-bearer of that Company. At length, suspicions arising that she was a woman, the matter came to be discovered in a great quarrel which she had, wherein after many proofs of her courage, she was mortally wounded, and to save herself from the Court of justice which persecuted her, she was constrained to put herself into the Bishop's hands, to whom she confessed the former passages of her life, saying that she was a Woman, and what she had done was not out of any evil end, but only through an inclination which she had to a military life: and for proof hereof she desired the Bishop, he would cause her to be searched. Which was accordingly done, and the Matrons and Midwives found her a Woman. The Bishop put her into a Monastery; and because 'twas known that she had been a Nun, but doubtful whether she was professed or not, he kept her there till certainty came from her own Country that she was not: Wherefore being set at liberty, and unwilling to become a Nun, but rather inclined to a military life, she returned into Spain, where petitioning the King for a reward of her military service, (her case being examined, as the custom is, in the Council, and by the way of justice) she obtaied of the King eight hundred Crowns of yearly Revenue, there in the Indies, being styled in the Patents L' Alfiere, or Ensign-bearer, and having liberty given her to live as a man, and to serve in the Wars in any of the King's Dominions without molestation. Hereupon she came into Italp, running several adventures by the way, to beseech the Pope for some favours in reference to her course of life, which by the mediation of many principal Persons she hath obtained. I had heard of her in the East- Indieses, whither her fame was arrived, and many times desired further information concerning her. Wherefore my friend F. Roderiga di San Michele, a Discalceated Carmelite, being now arrived at Rome by the way of Venice, many days before me, and acquainted with my desire, brought her to my house; where she hath related to me many strange accidents befallen her in the course of her life, of which I here mention only the most important and certain, as of an extraordinary person in our times. I have since brought her into the company of several Ladies and Cavaliers, whose conversation she loves much more than that of women. Sig: Francisco Crescentio, who is well skilled in painting, hath drawn her picture with his own hand. She is of a large and portly stature for a Woman, and cannot thereby be known for other than a man. Her breast is but like a young Girl's, and she told me she had used I know not what kind of Remedy to dry it, and make it almost plain, which Remedy was a Plaster given her by an Italian, which at first put her to much pain, but afterwards without doing her other hurt, or corroding the flesh, produced the effect sufficiently well. Her Visage is not deformed though not fair, but somewhat worn with age; and her black short hair, cut after the fashion of Men with a little lock, as the mode also is at this day, represents rather an Eunuch then a Woman. She wears Clothes, and a Sword after the Spanish manner; and is well trussed at the waste, only she carries her Head somewhat low, and is a little thick shouldered: In brief, she rather resembles a weatherbeaten Soldier than a fine Amorous Courtier. Nothing but her Hand discovers her a Woman; for it is somewhat plump and fleshy, although strong and robust, and she moves it after a womanish manner.  
june the eleventh, After dinner F. Don Pietro Avitabile came to visit me, and to receive instruction from me, according to 
III.  the command of the Congregation, in order to his sudden Voyage.  
june the fourteenth, I visited the said Father in the Church of S. Silvester at Montecavallo, and gave him the said Instruction in writing, of which I also delivered another Copy to the Congregation De Propaganda Fide, to the end they might supply the Father with many things which I judged necessary, particularly, with Briefs from the Pope to those Princes, and with Letters of Recommendation to such Ambassadors of Catholic Princes as were at Constantinople, through which he was to pass, and to others who might help him upon the way.  
june the five and twentieth, F. Avitabile began his Voyage for Georgia, together with one of his Companions, named F. Don Francisco april, intending to take F. Don Giacomo di Stefano, and others, at Messina; five or six Fathers being designed for this Mission: but, by my advice, they divided into two Companies, because I thought it best for the others, either to follow these first, after they should be advertised by them from Constantinople of the easiness of the passage, or else take another way. Those that went first carried his Holiness' Briefs to the four present Georgian Princes, namely, of Imeriti or Basciaive, of Dadian or Odisci, which is Mengrelia, of Guriel, and of Kacheti. They also carried Letters from the Congregation to two Metroplitans, to whom because it was not evident that they were Catholics, but rather suspected Schismatics, it was not convenient for the Pope to write. Sundry fine things they carried likewise to present to the Princes and Metropolitans, and to whoever else it should be needful. Their allowance from the Congregation was five hundred Crowns, as much more being reserved for the other company of Fathers who were to follow; besides that, they were to collect many Alms for this purpose, both of money and things, to present at Rome, Naples, Messina, and all the way they passed. I took leave of them in the Evening at their own Church, with many embraces, and an appointment that they would continually communicate all Occurrences to me by Letters.  
june the eight and twentieth, The Pontifical Vespers being ended at S. Peter's, the Pope in his Cope and Mitre was carried from the Church in his Chair to the Palace; but before he came out of the Church-Gate, the Spanish Ambassador, Count d' Ognate, (who was arrived a few days before, in place of the Duke of Pastrana) presented himself according to the custom (for of late years this Ceremony has been performed on S. Peter's Eve, and not on the Feast day itself, as formerly) to give his Holiness a Jennet for the accustomed Tribute of the Kingdom of Naples. But before the Ambassador came to the Pope, (near whose Chair I stood, and saw all very well) the Treasurer of the Chamber came running to his Holiness, and told him, that the Ambassador brought not a Bill of so many thousand Crowns as use yearly to be presented, together with the Jennet. I know not whether they said, it could not be made timely enough, but should be done afterwards; or whether it was made but not subscribed, with those Cautions that were requisite; but, in sum, the money was not ready. And although they alleged that this happened through negligence, by reason of the new arrival of the Ambassador, who was not well informed, yet 'twas believed, that they designed only to try whether the Pope would let the business pass thus, that so by degrees they might introduce a custom of paying no more money hereafter. The Pope, as I conceive, apprehending their drift, presently answered, that without a good Bill he would not accept of the Jennet, nor do that prejudice to the Apostolical Chamber; wherefore if the Bill were not in order, they should return back with the Jennet, and bring both together the next Morning. The Ambassador made suit to have the Jennet received presently, promising that the Bill should be ready speedily. The Pope replied, that if Sig: Marcello Sacchetti, Brother of Card: Sachetti, who kept the public accounts of the Exchequer, and was then near the Pope, would take security from the Ambassador, he would be contented; but he neither commanded the said Sig: Marcello to take it, nor would have him take it for his sake; but he might do it, if he pleased at the Ambassadors request. The Spaniards, perceiving there was no other way, presently desired Sig: Marcello to make the security, which he very readily and courteously condescended to; and thereupon, by the Pope's Order, made a public writing in good form, and his Holiness was contented to receive the Jennet, which the Ambassador presented to him with the usual Ceremonies. I was willing to relate this passage as a thing extraordinary, which happened in my time and presence. So I humbly kiss your Hands. From Rome, July 11. 1626.   

LETTER XVIII.  
From Rome, August 1. 1626.  
ON Saint James' day, the twenty fifth of july last passed, Intending 
I.  to bury the Body of Sitti Maani Gioerida my Wife (which I had brought with me so many Voyages) in our Chapel of S. Paul, belonging to the Church of Ara Coeli in the Capitol; (a place, which besides being the ancient Sepulchre of my Ancestors, is, undoubtedly, the Noblest, and one of the Holiest in the world) before I enclosed it in a Coffin of Lead which I had prepared, I resolved to open the innermost wooden Coffin, that I might see how it was after so many years. Accordingly I opened the same in the presence of Sigra Laura Gaetana my Cousin, Silvia my Daughter, Sigra Maria, and all the women of the House. I found that the flesh of the Head, which I could perceive at a rent of the Linen which covered it, was wholly consumed, nothing remaining but the bone; at which I wondered not, because the brain not being taken out of the skull at first, thence proceeded the cause of this consumption. The rest of the Body seemed better preserved; but because the Face was no longer to be seen, I would not unfold the Linen to see further. That dry Herb wherewith I had first filled the vaculties of the Coffin was still entire; and so also was the Amba, or Manga-wood of the Coffin, and the pieces of Linnen-Cloth glued upon the Commissures thereof. Having nailed up this innermost Coffin of Amba as it was at first, instead of putting the same into the other outward wooden Coffin in which it came from Malta to Rome, I enclosed it in a leaden one which I caused to be well soldered, and upon a large Plate fastened near the feet, I caused this Epitaph to be engraven at the foot of a great erected Cross, MAANI GIOERIDAE HEROINAE 
 PRAESTANTISSIMAE 
 PETRI DE VALLE PERINI UXORIS 
 MORTALES EXUVIAE.  
Having thus prepared all things, late in the Evening, I caused it to be carried secretly to Ara Coeli, having first obtained leave of Card. Melino, the Pope's Vicar for that purpose; and it was accompanied thither by Sig: Gasparo Albertino my Friend, Horatio the Steward of my House, and others of my familiar acquaintance; whilst I, with Sigra Maria, and my Daughter Silvia, waited in the Church. When it was come, I laid it in the Vault on the left hand of the Altar as you enter into the Chapel, where lie also my Father, my Mother, my Uncles, and almost all my Relations. I descended myself into the Tomb, together with Sigra Maria who was willing likewise to pay this last Office, and with help of the Friars and Sextons placed it there with my own hands. After which, causing the Vault to be closed up, I took leave of the Friars, giving them some Alms of Money and Torches. Besides the persons abovementioned, there were present at this action, Madonna Guilia Vogli a Bolonnese, servant to Sig: Laura, Eugenia the Indian Maid, Michael an Indian man, Ibrahim Abdisciva a Syrian, Gio: Robeh a Chaldean, with others of my servants and familiars; besides the F. Guardian. This last Office of Piety which remained, I have paid to the mortal relics of my dear Consort Sitti Maani; yet it is not the last that I perform to her better and immortal part, which I accompany with suffrages; neither have I abandoned those in the Tomb, but deposited them, intending (when it shall please God) to leave my own ashes laid in the same place, and to rise again with her.  
Now from this meditation of death, let us pass (Sig: Mario) to a Remarkable, which occurrs to me of a very long life.  
july the seven and twentieth, Being the Feast of S. Pantaleo, in the Church of the Father's Della Scuole Pie, I went to see F. Gaspare Dragonetti, who hath lived in the said Schools ever since the year 1600, and although now a hundred and fifteen years old and more, (as appears by the Dimissory, Letters at his Ordination, and the writings of a Canonship which he hath had ever since the same was conferred upon him, which was in the year 1530 or 1531, and were seen when he entered into the pious Schools) nevertheless is sound and lusty, and not only sees without Spectacles, and hath his Teeth good, but labours daily in teaching Children the Grammar in those Schools; which profession he told he, he hath exercised publicly above sixty years, and before the Jesuits began the same in Rome; who, he saith, when they came first to Rome, he remembers lived in a very mean and small House, and sent their novices to learn Grammar in his School. Before he read Grammar at Rome, he had read it many years in Sicily in the City of Lenoni, where he was born; his Father being of Calabria, and having retired thither I know not upon what occasion. In Sicily, he told me, he remembered Giovanni de Vega, who was the first Viceroy under Charles V; and he very well remembered the first time that the Turks upon the solicitation of Francis the French King came to infest those Coasts: Moreover, he remembered when Tripoli was lost, long before the loss of Goletta and Tunis; with several other things sufficiently ancient for the age of one man. The Grammar which he had always read, and still reads to his Scholars, is that of Nebrissensis, which he approves for the best of all; and by his Discourse with me about Grammatical Points, he seems to me exactly skilled therein. He told me, he had many Writings and Grammatical Lectures of his own, curious, and, I believe, very profitable, as proceeding from a Person so much experienced; but hitherto he hath not printed any thing. Emanuel Alvarez, and many other Modern Grammarians acknowledge themselves his Scholars: He is a Man of a good and reverend Aspect, cheerful, and of a good Complexion; his Beard is white and large, and his Stature is of the middle sort. It being a rare thing in our days to see a Man of so long and healthy an Age, I thought it not amiss to give you this Relation. And so wishing you the years of this new Sicilian Nestor, I heartily kiss your Hands. From Rome, August the first, 1626.   
FINIS.   


A Description of EAST INDIA Containing the Empire of the Great MOGOLL   map of Indostan   

A VOYAGE TO East-India.  
WITH A Description of the large Territories under the subjection of the Great mogul.  
APologies do more question than strengthen Truth, which Truth hath such power in prevailing, that she doth not know, and much less needs, the use of Preface or words of Persuasion to get her credit; for though she appear simple and naked unto open view, yet dares she encunnter with armed falsehood, and is sure at last to overcome; which Truth being the best ornament of this ensuing Discourse, looks to be credited, in what is here faithfully related.  
So to make a reentry upon a long-since finished Voyage; The third of February 1615. our Fleet consisting of six good Ships, three great, viz. the Charles, Admiral of that Company, than a New-built goodly Ship of a Thousand Tuns, (in which I sailed;) the Unicorn a new Ship likewise, and almost of as great a burden; the james, a great Ship too; Three lesser, viz. the Globe, the Swan, the Rose, (all under the Command of Captain Benjamin joseph) fell down from Gravesend into Tilbury-Hope, where we continued till the eighth day following, when we weighed Anchor, and by a Slow, that we might have the safer paflage, the twelfth came into the Downs, where an adverse wind forced our abode till the ninth of March, on which day it pleased God to send us, what we had much desired, a North-East wind, which made us leave that weary Road, and set sail for East-India; and the eleventh about night, we were in the height of the Lizard in Cornwall, and, that day, for that time, took our last sight of our Country.  
This wind was favourable to us till the sixteenth day at night, at which time a most fearful storm met us, we being then in the Bay of Portugal, whose violence continued five whole days and nights; and that Tempest was the most lively and real Comment, that ever I observed, on that place recorded in Psalm 107. 23.  
The twenty eighth day, We had sight of the Grand Canaries, and of that Mountain in the Island of Teneriffa, commonly called the Peak.  
This overgrown rise of Earth, is in shape like to a Pyramid or Sugar-loaf, circled, and wrapped about with many wreaths of clouds, which encompass it by several distances; as first earth, than clouds, above which the earth appears again, than clouds again, then earth; the top of it being of such an immense height, that it may be as truly said of this, as Virgil. Eclog. 5. writes of Olympus. 
Candidus insuetum miratur limen olympi,  
Sub pedibusque videt nubes, & sidera—  
So beautiful, it Heavens unwonted spires,  
And Clouds, and Stars under its feet admires.   
This Peak of Teneriffa, in a clear day, may be seen (if the Mariners report truth) more than forty leagues at Sea. These Islands lie twenty eight Degrees of North-Latitude.  
The one and thirtieth, being Easter-day, We passed under the Tropic of Cancer. And the seventh of April, the Sun was in its Zenith or Vertical, at Noonday directly over our heads, which we found by this infallible Demonstration made by a slender knife, or long Needle, set upright, which did cast no shadow. The Sun in this course like the Equinoctial, divides the Globe of the Heavens in two equal parts; and in this Motion ariseth so directly or upright, that there is but a very little time 'twixt the darkness and the appearance of the body of the Sun in the morning; for 'tis dark immediately before the Sun than appears; and so 'tis in the Evening presently after the Sun hath left the Hemisphere. Here we were becalmed fourteen days, enduring extreme heat.  
April the sixteenth we met with winds, (we being then against, and not far from the Coasts of Africa) which the Mariners call the Turnadoes; very strange Gusts indeed, like those in Aeschylus, on the shore Aesc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (ad finem.)  
Those self-opposing blasts we there had, were so variable and uncertain, that sometimes within the space of one hour, all the thirty two several winds, (which are observed in so many points of the Compass) will blow, so that if there be many Ships in company, you may observe them all to sail so many several ways, and every one of them seem to go directly before the wind. Now that it should be so here, and not known so to be in any part of the world beside I ever heard of (if not in those winds, which they say are sometimes sold by the Lapland-Witches) I can give no reason for it, unless Satan (who is most Tyrannical where he is most obeyed) that Prince of the Air seems to rule more here, than he doth in other parts. And most certain it is that he rules very much in the Inhabitants on that Main, the poor, ignorant, and most miserable Negroes, born for sale, slavery, and slaughter. These strange Gusts were accompanied with much Thunder and Lightning, and with extreme rain, so noisome, that it made their clothes who stirred much in it, presently to stink upon their backs; the water likewise of those slimy, unwholesome, hot, and unsavoury showers, wheresoever it stood, would presently bring forth many little offensive Creatures. These Turnadoes met with us, when we were about twelve Degrees of North-Latitude, and kept us company ere they quitted us two Degrees Southward of the Equinoctial, under which we passed the twenty eighth of April.  
The nineteenth of May being Whitsunday, We passed the Tropic of Capricorn, so that we were seven weeks complete under the Torrid Zone.  
Between the Tropics we saw (almost every day) different kinds of fishes, in greater abundance than elsewhere, as the great Leviathan, whom God hath made to take his pastime in the Sea; Granpisces, or lesser Whales; Sharks, Turtles or Tortoises, Dolphins, Bonitoes, Albicores, Porpoises, Flying fishes, with many others. Some Whales we saw of an exceeding greatness, who in calm weather often arise and show themselves on the top of the water, where they appear like unto great Rocks, in their rise spouting up into the Air with noise, a great quantity of water, which falls down again about them like a shower. The Whale may well challenge the Principality of the Sea, yet I suppose that he hath many enemies in this his large Dominion; for instance, a little long Fish called a Thresher, often encounters with him; who by his agility vexeth him as much in the Sea, as a little Bee in Summer, doth a great Beast on the shore.  
The Shark hath not this name for nothing; for he will make a morsel of any thing he can catch, master, and devour. These Sharks are most ravenous fishes; for I have many times observed, that when they have been swimming about our Ships (as oftentimes they do) and we have cast overboard an iron hook made strong for this purpose, fastened to a rope strong like it, baited with a piece of beef of five pounds' weight, this bait hath been presently taken by one of them; and if by chance the weight of the fish, thus taken, in haling him up, hath broken out the hook's hold, not well fastened (as sometimes it did) so that he fell again into the Sea, he would presently bite at another Bait, and so bite till he was taken. This Sea-shark is a Fish as bad in eating, as he is in quality, a very moist watery fish, yet eaten at Sea (because any fresh thing will there down) but no good food. This Fish turns himself on his back to take his prey; by which he gives warning to many other little fishes, who ever swim about him, to avoid his swallow. Those Fishes that thus keep him company, are called by the Mariners, Pilot-fish, who always shape their course the same way the Shark takes, and by consequence (nature having made them so wary) he becomes their guard, not his food. And there are other fishes too they call Sucking-fish, that stick as close to the body of the Shark, as a Tike on the shore doth to the body of a Beast, and so receive their nourishment from him: and he must be contented; for, while he is swimming up and down, he cannot possibly free himself of them. Many of these Sharks grow to a very large greatness; they have a broad round head, in which are three rows of teeth very strong and sharp, by which they are able to take off the leg of a man at one by't, as some have found by woeful experience, while they have been carelessly swimming in these hot Seas, where these Sharks most use; and certainly, were they as nimble as they are mischievous, would do very much hurt.  
The Turtle or Tortoise, is one of those creatures we call Amphibia, that lives sometimes in the Sea, and sometimes on the Shore; he is marvellously fortified by Nature, dwelling (as it were) continually under a strong roof, which moves with him, and covers (when he will) his whole body; therefore Testudo, which signifies a Tortoise, signifies also the roof or vault of an house, which covers all within it. Those concave backs (like bucklers, but of an Oval shape) that cover these creatures, are many of them so exceeding strong, that they will bear off the weight of a Cartwheel. These Tortoises increase by eggs (as I have been often told) are very good to eat, the substance within them (whether you will call it flesh or fish) first boiled, and after minced with butter, tastes like buttered Veal. Their shell makes (as is very commonly known) excellent good Combs, Cups, or Boxes, and further it is used by them in East-India, to make or adorn little or great Cabinets.  
The Dolphin is a fish called, for his swiftness, The Arrow of the Sea, differing in this one particular, from all other fishes I ever observed, in that he hath many little teeth upon the top of his tongue; He is very pleasing to the eye, smell, and taste; of a changeable colour, finned like a Roach, covered with many small scales, having a fresh delightsom scent above other fishes, and in taste as good as any; these Dolphins are wont often to follow our ships, not so much I think for the love they bear unto man, (as some write,) as to feed themselves with what they find cast overboard: whence it comes to pass, that many times they feed us; for when they swim close to our ships, we often strike them with a broad instrument, full of barbs, called an Harping-iron, fastened to a rope, by which we hale them in; This Dolphin may be a fit Emblem of an ill race of people, who under sweet countenances, carry sharp tongues.  
Bonitoes and Albicores, are in colour, shape, and taste, much like unto Mackerel, and as good fish as they, but they grow to be very exceeding large.  
The Porpoises or Hogfish, are like the former, very large and great, but better to look upon than to taste; they usually appear at Sea in very great shoals or companies, and are (as if they came of the race of the Gadaren Swine, that ran violently into the Sea) very swift in their motion, and like a company marching in rank and file; They leap or mount very nimbly over the waves, and so down and up again, making a melancholy noise, when they are above the water. These are usually, when they thus appear, certain presages of very foul weather.  
The Flyingfish have skinny wings like unto Bats, but larger; they are stiffened and strengthened with many little bones, such as are in the back-fins of Pearches, by which they fly but a little way at a time; they have small bodies like unto Pilchers, and appear when they fly, in marvellous great companies, and some of them often fly into our ships, by which we have tasted that they are excellent good fish. Of all other, these flying Fishes live the most miserable lives: for being in the water, the Dolphins, Bonitoes; Albicores, and Porpoises, chase, persecute, and take them, and when they would escape by their flight, are oftentimes caught by ravenous Fowls, somewhat like our Kites, which hover, over the water. These flying Fishes are like men professing two Trades, and thrive at neither.  
The twelfth of june early in the morning, We espied our long wished for Harbour the Bay of Souldania, about twelve leagues short of the Cape of good Hope, where we came happily to an Anchor that forenoon. In which Bay we found a Dutch-ship bound for Bantam, which had taken in her course, and brought thither, a small Portugal bound to Angola, a Colony belonging to the Portugals, lying in the skirts of Africa, about ten degrees South of the Line; in which small Ship amongst many rich Commodities (as we heard) to the value of five or six thousand pounds sterling, there were ten Portugal Virgins (as they called themselves) sent to that Colony, I suppose for Husbands. The young women were wellfavoured, and well clad in silks; but such were the courtesies of these Dutch men towards them, as that they took not only away all the goods, Artillery, and good provisions of their Ship, but they robbed these poor captive Maidens of all their apparel, (which they most sadly complained of) to one poor suit (and I suppose of their honour too, if they brought it with them) then giving them water for their wine, and a very scant proportion of all other provisions, turned them with their unarmed, leaky, and ill-maned ship, to the mercy of the Seas, the twentieth day following.  
This Bay of Souldania lieth in 34 degrees and half of South Latitude in a sweet Climate, full of fragrant Herbs (which the soil produceth of its self) pleasing to the sense, where our ships companies, when they have oftentimes there arrived with very weak and feeble bodies, usually by that Sea-disease the Scurvy; in which disease (I shall observe by the way) if any that have it be not too much over-gone with it, assoon as he comes to enjoy the fresh air on any shore, with fresh water, and fresh food, he will presently recover; but if this disease have overmuch prevailed on him, immediately after he sets his foot on shore he usually dies. I say our people when they have come hither with very crazy bodies, have often found here much good refreshing; for besides a most delectable brook of pure good water, arising hard by out of a mighty Hill, (called, for its form, The Table, close by which there is another Hill, which ariseth exceeding high like a Pyramid, and called by Passengers the Sugar-loaf) there are good store of cattle, as little Beefs, called by the barbarous Inhabitants, Boos; and Sheep which they call Baas, who bear a short coarse hairy wool, and, I conceive, are never shorn. These Boos and Baas, (as they call them) were formerly bought in great plenty, for small quantities of Kettle-brass, and Iron-Hoops, taken off our Empty Casks; (which are all for this long Voyage hooped with Iron.) These Savages had their cattle which we bought of them, at a very great Command: for with a call they would presently run to them, and when they had sold any one of their Bullocks to us, for a little inconsiderate piece of brass, if we did not presently knock him down, they would by the same call, make the poor creature break from us, and run unto them again; and then there was no getting them out of their hands but by giving them more brass: and by this trick, now and then, they sold the same beast unto us, two or three times; and if they had thus sold him more often, he had been a good pennyworth; how ever in this we might observe, the covetousness and deceit of this brutish people. Here ye must know, that this people of all metals seem to love Brass, I think (as you may guess afterward) for the rankness of its smell; with which they make great Rings to wear about their Wrists; yea, so taken are they with this base metal, that if a man lay down before them a piece of Gold worth two pounds sterling, and a piece of brass worth two pence, they will leave the Gold and take the brass. On this shore there likewise are found excellent good, though small Roots for Salads, which the soil brings forth without husbanding. And in the head of the Bay, may be taken with nets great store of fair fat Mullets, of which we took abundance.  
This remotest part of Africa is very mountainous, overrun with wild beasts, as Lions, Tigers, Wolves, and many other beasts of prey, which in the silent night discover themselves by their noise and roaring. To the Teeth and Jaws of which cruel Beasts, the Natives here expose their old people; if death prevent it not, when once they grow very old and troublesome, laying them forth in some open place in the dark night, When the wild beasts (as David observs, Psal. 104. 20, 21.) do creep forth, and the young lions roar after their prey. One miserable poor old wretch was thus exposed when we there, who by his pitiful cries, was discovered by our Court of Guard, there on shore, and not far off from him and by them relieved and delivered for that present time, out of the jaws of Death; And we ask Cooree one of the Natives (whose Story you shall have by and by) why they did so, he told us, It was their custom, when their people had lived so long, that they knew not what to do with them, thus to be rid of them.  
We saw in this Bay of Souldania many Whales, and about the shore divers particoloured Fowls; And here are Ostriches to be seen. For the soil about the Bay; it seems to be very good, but the Sun shines not upon a people in the whole world, more barbarous than those which possess it; Beasts in the skins of men, rather than men in the skins of beasts, as may appear by their ignorance, habit, language, diet, with othet things, which make them most brutish.  
First for God, the great God of Heaven and Earth, whom generally all the people in the World, Heathen as well as Christians do confess, they (as this Cooree told us) acknowledge none. For their speech, it seemed to us an inarticulate noise rather than Language, like the clucking of Hens, or gambling of Turkeys; and thus making a very strange confused noise, when they walk here or there: if there be two, or three, or five, or ten, or twenty, or very many more in company, it is their manner to walk in rank one after the other, in small paths they have made by their thus walking; as Kine in Summer many times do, when they come home to the Pail; or as Wild-geese who fly in ranks, and as they fly make a noise; so these walking together thus gabble from the first to the last in company, as if all spoke, but none answered. Their Habits are their sheepskins undressed, thonged together, which cover their bodies to the middle, with a little flap of the same skin tied before them, being naked downward; and when 'tis cold, keep the woolly, when hotter weather, the fleshy side of those skins next to their bodies. Their Ornaments and Jewels, Bullocks, or Sheeps-guts full of excrement, about their necks; and therefore when we bought their cattle, they would take (and we were content they should) their skins, guts, and garbage, which plentifully furnished them with that rich attire, and gay ornaments; and when they were hungry, they would sit down upon some hillock, first shaking out some of that filthy pudding out of the guts they wore about their necks, then bowing and bringing their mouths to their hands, almost as low as their knees, like hungry dogs would gnaw, and eat the raw guts, when you may conceive their mouths full of sweet green sauce. The women as the men are thus adorned, thus habited, and thus dieted, only they wear more about their lower parts than the men. And (by the way) these carry their sucking Infants under their skins upon their backs, and their breasts hanging down like Bagpipes, they put up with their hands to their children, that they may suck them over their shoulders. Both Sexes make cover for their heads like to skull-caps, with Cowdung, and suchlike filth, mingled with a little stinking grease, with which they likewise besmear their faces, which makes their company unsufferable, if they get the wind of you. I observed, that some of the rest of their diet was agreeable to the former; for they would eat any refuse thing, as rotten and mouldy Biscuits, which we have given them, fit indeed for nothing but to be cast away; yea, they will eat that which a ravenous Dog in England will refuse. I once took notice of a Couple of them, who had found on the neighbouring shore a large piece of a dead fish the Sea had cast up, which did most sufficiently stink; they presently made a little fire with dry Cowdung, and with this they warmed it, and then they eat it, with as much seeming appetite, as an hungry man with us would feed upon a very choice and savoury dish, which makes me almost to believe, that those wretched creatures have but three senses, wanting the benefit both of Smelling and Tasting. They lodge upon the earth in hovel, so ill-covered that they keep not out the weather, made like to those we call Summer-houses, with boughs and sticks.  
These Brutes devote themselves to idleness; for they neither dig nor spin. For their stature and making, they are very straight, and well limbed, though not very tall, but in their faces very ill-favoured, for the noses of most of them are flat. They have little or no beard; the hair on their heads short, black, and curled; their skins very tawny; swift they are of foot, and will throw Darts, and shoot Arrows, which are their weapons, very dangerously.  
But I shall here insert a short Story: About three years before I went to India, it happened, that one of the Company-ships returning thence, and arriving at this Harbour, after a little stay, when she was ready to set sail for England, and having then two of these Savages aboàrd, her Commander resolved to bring them both home with him, thinking that when they had got some English here, they might discover something of their Country which we could not know before. These poor wretches being thus brought away, very much against both their minds, one of them (merely out of extreme fullenness, though he was very well used) died shortly after they put to Sea, the other, who called himself Cooree (whom I mentioned before) lived, and was brought to London, and there kept, for the space of six months, in Sir Thomas Smith's house (than Governor of the East-India Company) where he had good diet, good clothes, good lodging, with all other fitting accommodations; now one would think that this wretch might have conceived his present, compared with his former condition, an Heaven upon earth; but he did not so, though he had to his good entertainment made for him a Chain of bright Brass, an Armour, Breast, Back, and Head-piece, with a Buckler all of Brass, his beloved Metal; yet all this contented him not; for never any seemed to be more weary of ill usage, than he was of Courtesies; none ever more desirous to return home to his Country than he: For when he had learned a little of our Language, he would daily lie upon the ground, and cry very often thus in broken English, Cooree home go, Souldaniago, home go; And not long after, when he had his desire, and was returned home, he had no sooner set footing on his own shore, but presently he threw away his Clothes, his Linen, with all other Covering, and got his sheep's skins upon his back, g 〈…〉 s about his neck, and such a perfumed Cap (as before we named) upon his head; by whom that Proverb mentioned, 2 Pet 2. 22. was literally fulfilled, Canis ad vomitum; The dog is returned to his vomit, and the swine to his wallowing in the mire.  
After this fellow was returned, it made the Natives most shy of us when we arrived there; for though they would come about us in great Companies when we were new come thither, yet three or four days before they conceived we would depart thence, there was not one of them to be seen, fearing belike we would have dealt with some more of them, as formerly we had done with Cooree. But it had been well if he had not seen England; for as he discovered nothing to us, so certainly when he came home, he told his Countrymen (having doubtless observed so much here) that Brass was but a base and cheap commodity in England, and happily we had so well stored them with that metal before, that we had never after such a free Exchange of our Brass and Iron for their cattle. It was here that I asked Cooree who was their God? he lifting up his hands answered thus, in his bad English, England God, great God; souldania no God.  
In the year 1614 Ten English men having received the sentence of death for their several crimes at the Session's house in the Old-Baily at London, had their Execution respited by the entreaty of the East-India Merchants, upon condition that they should be all banished to this place, to the end (if they could find any peaceable abode there) they might discover something advantageous to their Trade; And this was accordingly done. But two of them when they came thither were taken thence, and carried on the Voyage. One whose surname was Duffield, by Sir Thomas Row, that year sent Ambassador to the Great mogul; that fellow thus redeemed from a most sad Banishment, was afterward brought back again into England by that noble Gentleman, and here being entrusted by him, stole some of his Plate, and ran away: Another was carried on the Voyage likewise, but what became of him afterward, I know not. So that there remained eight which were there left with some Ammunition, and Victual, with a small Boat to carry them to and from a very little uninhabited Island lying in the very mouth of that Bay, a place for their retreat and safety from the Natives on the Main. The Island called Pen-guin Island, probably so named at first by some Welshman, in whose Language Pen-guin signifies a white head; and there are many great lazy fowls upon, and about, this Island, with great coal-black bodies, and very white heads, called Penguins. The chief man of the eight there left, was surnamed Cross, who took the Name upon him of Captain Cross; He was formerly Yeoman of the Guard unto King james; but having had his Hand in Blood twice or thrice, by men slain by him in several Duels, and now being condemned to die with the rest, upon very great suit made for him, he was hither banished with them: whither the justice of Almighty God was dispatched after him, as it were in a Whirlwind, and followed him close at the very heels, and overtook him, and left him not till he had paid dear for that blood he had formerly spilt. This Cross was a very stout, and a very resolute man, who quarrelling with, and abusing the Natives, and engaging himself far amongst them, immediately after himself with the rest were left in that place, many of these Savages being got together, fell upon him, and with their darts thrown, and arrows shot at him; stuck his body so full of them, as if he had been larded with darts and arrows, making him look like the figure of the man in the Almanac, that seems to be wounded in every part; or like that man described by Lucan, Totum pro vulnere corpus, who was All-wound, where blood touched blood. The retaliations of the Lord are sure and just; He that is Mercy itself, abhors Cruelty above all other sins; He cannot endure that one man should devour another, as the Beasts of the Field, Birds of the Air, Fishes of the Sea do; and therefore usually shows, exemplary, signal revenges for that sin of Blood, selling it at a dear rate unto them that shed it. Every sin hath a tongue, but that of Blood, outcries and drowns the rest; Blood being a clamorous and a restless suitor, whose mouth will not be stopped till it receive an Answer, as it did here. The other seven, the rest of these miserable Banditi, who were there with Cross, recovered their Boat, and got off the shore, without any great hurt; and so rowing to their Island, the waves running high, they split their boat at their landing, which engaged them to keep in that place, they having now no possible means left to stir thence. And, which made their condition while they were in it most extremely miserable, it is a place wherein grows never a Tree,, neither for sustenance or shelter, or shade, nor any thing beside (I ever heard of) to help sustain Nature; a place that hath never a drop of fresh water in it, but what the showers leave in the holes of the rocks. And besides all this, there are very great number of Snakes in that Island (as I have been told by many that have been upon it) so many of those venomous worms, that a man cannot tread safely in the long grass which grows in it, for fear of them; And all these put together must needs make that place beyond measure uncomfortable to these most wretched men. To this may be added their want of provision, having nothing but dry Biscuit, and no great quantity of that; so that they lived with hungry bellies, without any place fit for repose, without any quiet rest, for they could not choose but sleep in fear continually; And what outward condition could make men more miserable than this? Yet notwithstanding all they suffered, these seven vile wretches all lived to be made examples afterward of Divine Justice. For after they had continued in, and endured this sad place, for the space of five or six months, and they were grown all even almost mad, by reason of their several pressing wants and extremities; it pleased God by providence, to bring an English Ship into that road, returning for England; four of these seven men being impatient of any more hours stay there, immediately after that Ship was come in, made a Float with the ruins of their split boat, which they had saved together, and with other wood which they had gotten thither, and with raveled and untwisted boat-ropes, fastened as well as they could all together (for there are no such sudden Teachers and Instructers as Extremities are.) These four got upon the Float, which they had thus prepared, and poizing it as well they could by their several weight, hoped by the benefit of their Oars, and strength of the Tide (that then ran quick toward the Ship newly arrived) they might recover it; but this their expectation failed them: for it being late in the day when they made this attempt, and they not discovered by the Ship, which then road a good way up in the Bay, before they could come up near unto her, the Tide returned, and so carried them back into the main Sea, where they'all perished miserably. The day following, the Ship sent a boat to the Island, which took those three yet surviving into her, as the other four might have been, if they could but have exercised their patience for one night longer. These survivers came aboard the Ship, related all that had befallen to their fellows; but these three, notwithstanding all their former miseries, when they were taken into the Ship, behaved themselves so lewdly as they returned home-wards, that they were very often put into the Bilbowes, or Ship-stocks, in the way returning; and otherwise many times punished for their great and several misdemeanours: At last the Ship being safely returned into the Downs, she had not been there at an Anchor above 3. hours, but these three Villains got on shore, and they had not been ashore above three hours, but they took a Purse, and a very few hours after were apprehended and all taken for that Fact, and suddenly after that, their very foul story being related to the Lord Chief justice, and they looked upon as men altogether incorrigible, and uncapable of amendment by lesser corrections, by his special Warrant were executed upon their former Condemnation (for which they were banished not to return hither again, but never pardoned) near Sandwich in Kent, where they committed the Robbery. From whose example we may learn, that it is not in the power of any affliction, how heavy soever it light, and how long soever it lie, if it be not sanctified, to do any man good. That when the rod is upon a man, if he be not taught as well as chastened, all the stripes bestowed on him are cast away. A man might have hoped that these wretched fellows had been long enough in the fire to have purged away their dross. But afflictions, like fire, harden as well as soften; and Experience teaches us, that the winds and waves though they beat with their greatest violence upon the Rocks, yet leave them as they found them unmoveable; It being a most tried Truth recorded by Solomon, Prov. 27. 22. that, Bray or beat a fool in a mortar, he will not leave his foolishness; But as he was put in, so will he come out a fool.  
The year following we carried three more condemned persons to be left in this place, but they hearing of the ill success of their Predecessors, and that it was very unlikely for them to find any safe footing here, when we were ready to depart thence, and to leave them on the shore, they all came and presented themselves on their knees, with many tears in their Eyes unto our chief Commander Captain joseph, most humbly beseeching him, that he would give Order that they might be hanged before he departed, in that place, which they much rather chose, than to be there left; we thought it was a very sad sight to behold three men in such a condition, that made them esteem hanging to be mercy. Our Commander told them, that he had no Commission to execute them, but to leave them there, and so he must do. And so he believed he had done; but our fifth Ship the Swan staying in this place after us a day or two, took these poor men into her, and then took her course for Bantam whither she was bound. And the Rose our last Ship, whose sight and company we lost in that most violent storm (before mentioned) at the beginning of our Voyage, was safely preserved, and happily afterward found her way to Bantam likewise.  
We made our abode in this Harbour till the twenty eighth following, on which day we being well watered and refreshed, departed. And the twenty ninth we doubled the Cape of good Hope, whose Latitude is thirty five degrees South. Off this Cape there setteth continually a most violent Current Westward; whence it comes to pass, that when a strong contrary wind meets it (as oftentimes it doth) their impetuous opposition makes the Sea so to rage, as that some Ships have been swallowed, but many more very much endangered amongst those huge Mountains of water, and very few Ships p●ss that way without a storm. We kept on in a circular course, to gain a South-west wind; for ye must know, that the wind in those parts, and so in East-India, blows (and but with a very little variation) half the year South-west, and the other half North-east; we sailed here Southerly, till we had raised the South-Pole almost forty degrees above the Horizon. This Pole is a Constellation of four stars, the Mariners call the Crosiers; these stars appear near one another like a Cross, and almost equidistant. And while we had the view of this Pole, the Sun (as it must needs be) was North at Noon unto us.  
The two and twentieth of july we discovered the great Island Madagascar, commonly called Saint Laurence, we being then betwixt it and the African shore, which Island lies almost every part of it under, or within the Southern Tropic: We touched not at it, but this I dare say from the Credit of others who have been upon it, that as it is an exceeding great Island (if not the greatest in the known world) so it is stored with abundance of very excellent good Provisions, though inhabited by a barbarous and heathenish people, but stout and warlike, and very numerous.  
Over against this Island, on the main Continent of Africa, are Zefala and Mozambique, whereon the Portugals have got some footing; the places (as may be strongly supposed) whither Solomon sent his Navy of Ships, built at Eziongebar, which stood on the banks of the Red-Sea in Arabia the Happy; the Country of that famous Queen of the South, who hearing of his wisdom and renown, took her journey thence to visit the Court of King Solomon, who had understanding like a flood. From that place forenamed, Solomon sent his Ships for Gold and Silver and Ivory, etc. 1 Kings 10. 22. they coasting all along the shore of Africa; for in the days of Solomon the Art of Navigation was not known, and Seamen then steering without Cart or Compass were necessitated to keep the neighbouring Land always in their sights, as without question those Ships did, and to those forementioned places, stored (as is related) above other parts of Africa, with those richest Commodities.  
I might have taken notice before (but yet it will not be unseasonable) of many sudden, strong, and violent Gusts of wind, frequently to be observed in those South-west Seas, which surprise a Ship so suddenly, that if she have many sails abroad, and the Mariners be not very watchful and nimble to strike them, their strength is such that they will endanger her overturning. And to these there are many strange watery Clouds they call Spouts, which appear like a Funnel or water-tankard, very large and big at the one end, but small on the other which hangs lowest and of a very great length; They contain a great Quantity of water, wrapped together by a whirlwind, that falls within a very narrow Compass, the abundance whereof by its great weight, if it fall directly (as sometimes it doth) upon the body of a small Ship, it will much endanger it; and would do much more harm, but that these Spouts when they are seen may be easily avoided.  
From the Island of Madagascar we proceeded on in our Course; and the fifth of August following, approached near the little Islands of Mohilia, Gazadia, St. john de Castro, with some others, whose Name I know not, called in general the Islands of Comora, lying about twelve Degrees South of the Equator.  
The day following being the sixth of August, Early in the Morning our Men looking out for Land espied a Sail which stood directly in our Course but far before us; at first sight she appeared as if there had been some great Hill interposed betwixt us: For first, we had sight only of her Colours in her high Maintop; after this, of her Masts and Sails, and then of her Hull; after which manner, Ships at Sea do every where appear at great distance one to another, which proves that that mighty Collection of waters called Seas, have a Convex, or Globous and round body, placed by Almighty God, as it were in Hills, or Heaps; and being being above the earth, and higher than it, they have set Limits, and commanded they are to their Bounds, contrary to their Nature, which they may not pass, for so saith the Psalmist, Psalm 104. 9 Thou hast set a bound which they may not pass over, that they return not again to cover the earth. But this is known to all that have been at Sea, therefore we proceed. Upon the first sight of that Ship, we were all glad of the object, improving all endeavours we could to overtake her, withal preparing our great Ordnance, that if she were a Friend we might salute her, if an Enemy be in readiness for her. So eagerly pursuing this unlooked for Ship with the wings of the wind, after that we had given her Chase about five hours, her Colours and bulk discovered her to be a very great Portugal Caraque bound for Goa, lying in the skirts of East-India, and principally inhabited by Portugals, the City of Residence for the Viceroy to the King of Spain, her Commander called Don Emanuel de Meneces, a brave Resolute Man, as the sequent will demonstrate. About noon, the Globe our least Ship (by reason of her nimbleness sailing better than her fellows) came up with her on her broad side to windward, and according to the Custom of the Sea, hailed her, ask whence she was; she answered indirectly, Of the Sea, calling our Men Rogues, Thiefs, Heretics, Devils; and the Conclusion of her rude Compliment was, in loud Cannon Language, discharging seven great Pieces of Artillery at our Globe, (though she had very little reason so to do, we having four Ships in Company, and she alone) whereof six pierced her through the Hull, maiming some of her Men, but killing none; our Globe replied in the same voice, and after that fell off.  
About three of the Clock in the Afternoon, the Charles our Admiral came up with her so near, that we were within pistol shot: our Commander Captain joseph proceeded religiously, in offering them a Treaty, before he proceeded to Revenge; so we saluted her with our Trumpets, she us with her wind- Instruments; then we showed our Men on both sides aloft; this done, our Commander called to them requiring Theirs to come aboard, to give an account for the injury they had lately before offered us; they answered, They had never a Boat; our Commander replied, that he would send them one, and immediately caused his Barge to be man'd, and sent off to them, which brought back one of their Officers, and two others of inferior rank, with this message from their Captain, how that he had promised the King of Spain his Master not to leave his Ship, and therefore forced he might be, but never would be Commanded out of her. Captain joseph received the Message, and used those that brought it Civilly, and then ordered, that they should be showed (in a broad side of great Guns, that lay all ready primed to be fired against them) how we were prepared to vindicate ourselves, which put the poor Portugals into a fit of trembling, and upon it desired our Commander to write a few words to theirs, that happily with their persuasion might make him come. Captain joseph, willing to preserve his Honour, & to prevent blood, consented, and forthwith caused a few lines in Spanish to this effect to be wrote unto him. That  
Whereas he the Commander of the Carraque had offered violence to our Ship that sailed peaceably by him, he willed him to come presently and give a reason for that wrong, or else at his peril.  
So he discharged those Portugals, sending one of our Master's Mates back with them with those few words, and this further message, that if he refused to come, he would sink by his side, but that he would force him before he left him; Morientium verba sunt prophetica, his words came to pass; for he himself suddenly after fell by a great Shot that came from the Caraques side. The Commander of the Caraque, notwithstanding the Message and Menace sent to him, was still peremptory in his first answer. So our Men returning, Captain joseph himself, made the three first Shot at them, all which, the mark being so fair and near, hit them; this done, the Bullets began to fly on both sides, our Captain cheering his Company, immediately ascended the half- Deck, the place where Commanders use to keep in those Encounters, to show their own Gallantry, and to encourage the Company under their Command, where he had not been the Eighth part of an hour ere a great Shot from the Caraques quarter, deprived him of Life in the twinkling of an Eye. For this Captain joseph; he was certainly one who had very much of a Man in him, for years ancient, who had commanded before in Sea-fights, which he met withal within the straits in the Midland Sea; and near death many times in them, which took others round about him, while himself went off untouched.  
After Captain joseph was slain, the Master of our Ship continued the fight about half an hour, than (knowing there was another to be admitted into that prime place of Command) the night approaching, for that time gave over; putting out a flag of Counsel to call the Captain of the Vice Admiral (Captain Henry Pepwell) who was to succeed, and the other Commanders aboard to consult about the prosecution of this encounter. The night being come, we now proceeded no further. The Caraque stood still on her Course, putting forth a light at her Poop for us to follow her, and about midnight came to an Anchor under the Island of Mohilia; which when we perceived, we let fall our Anchors too.  
The Morning comn, we found the Caraque so close to the Shore, and the nearest of our Ships at least a League off, that we held our Hands for that day, expecting when she would weigh her Anchors, and stand off to Sea, a fitter place to deal with her. And that afternoon, we chested our late slain Commander, putting some great shot with him into it that he might presently sink, and without any Ceremony of Guns, etc. usual upon such occasions, because our Enemy should take no notice, put him overboard against the Island of Mohilia, where he made his own Grave, as all dead Bodies do, buried not in dust but water, which shall one day as well as the earth give up its dead, Rev. 20. 13. when all the Bodies of Men since the world began, that have tasted Death in their several Generations, however after Death they have been bestowed, wheresoever laid up, shall be raised again. And though all would not, yet all must.  
A little before night that present day, the Caraque departed again to Sea; we all loosed our Anchors, opened our Sails, and followed. The day now left us, and our proud Adversary unwilling as it should seem to escape, put forth a light (as before) for us to follow him, (as afterward we did to purpose). The night well-nigh spent, we commended again ourselves and cause to God, when I observed more seeming devotion in our Seamen that Morning, than at any time before, or after while I kept them company; who, for the generality are such a kind of People that nothing will bow them or bring them on their knees, but extreme Hazards. When this exercise was ended, the day began to appear in a red mantle, which proved bloody unto many that beheld it. And now we entered upon a second encounter, our four Ships resolving to take their turns one after the other, that we might compel this proud Portugal either to bend or break.  
And now Reader thou mayest suppose us speaking again to our Adversary, and he to us, in the harshest and loudest of all Dialects; no Arguments being so strong as those that proceed from the mouths of Guns, and points of Swords. Our Charles the Admiral played her part first, and ere she had been at defiance with her Enemy half an hour, there came another great shot from him, which hitting against one of our Iron Pieces, mounted on our half Deck, broke into many little parts, which most dangerously wounded our New Commander, and the Master of our Ship, with three others beside, who received several hurts by it. Captain Pepwells' left Eye, by a glance of a Piece of that broken Bullet, was so Torn that it lay like Rags upon his Cheek; another hurt by a piece of the same Bullet he reeeived on his jawbone; and by another, on his Head; and a fourth hurt, he received in his Leg, a ragged piece of that broken shot sticking fast betwixt the two bones thereof, grating there upon an Artery, which seemed by his complaining to afflict him so much, that it made him take very little notice of all the rest of his Hurts, it being most true of bodily pains, that the extremity of a greater pain will not suffer a Man much to feel and complain of that which is less; as that tormenting pain of the Toothache, makes a man insensible of the aching of his Head; and when the Gout and Stone surprise the Body at once together, the torture by the Gout is as it were lost in the extremity of the Stone.  
And thus was our New Commander welcomed to his Authority; we all thought that his wounds would very suddenly have made an end of him, but he lived till about fourteen months after, and then died as he was returning for England. I told you before, that this man suffered not alone by the scattered pieces of that broken shot; for the Master of the Ship had a great piece of the Brawn of his Arm struck off by it, which made him likewise unserviceable for a time, and three other of the common sailors received several and dangerous hurts by it likewise.  
The Captain and Master both thus disabled, deputed their Authority to the chief Master's mate, who behaved himself resolutely and wisely; so we continued Alternis vicibus one after the other, shooting at our Adversary as at a But, and by three of the Clock in the Afternoon had shot down her Mainmast by the board, her Mizzen-mast, her Fore-top-Mast: And moreover, had made such breaches in her thick sides, that her case seemed so desperate that she must either yield or perish. Her Captain thus distressed stood in for the shore, being not far from the Island of Gaziaia; we pursued as far as we durst without hazard of Shipwreck, than we sent off a Boat with a flag of Truce to speak with him. He waved us with another, upon which Mr Connick our chief Merchant employed in that service came up to them, and being invited, entered their Ship, where he was civilly used; and there he delivered this Message to the chief Commander, and his Company, that he had brought them Life and Peace, if they would accept it; withal telling them, that they had deserved so well by their undaunted valour, that they would put themselves into our hands, they should be entertained with all Honour and Respect. How the ordinary sort in the Caraque were taken with this proffer, I know not; yet all this would not work upon that high-resolved Commander, who like Fabricius in Tully could not be turned, in the least measure, from his former and first Resolution.  
So he contemning the Misery he could not prevent; or like a pruned hedge which grows stronger by cutting; answered our Messenger thus; That no infelicity should make alter his first Resolution, and therefore must not be talked out of the Ship; That he would stand off to Sea, if possibly he could, and fight us again; and than if fire or sword forced him, he might unhappily be taken, but he would never yield; and if we took him alive, he hoped to find the respect of a Gentleman, and till than we had our answer. So our Messenger was discharged; and shortly after, this distressed Ship wanting her wings was forced by the wind and waves upon the adjacent Island of Gazidia, where she stuck sast between two Rocks; those that were alive in her, by their boats got upon the shore, which when they had all recovered, willing (as it should seem) to destroy what they could not keep, they set her on fire to make her a Coal, rather than we should make her a Prize. She was a Ship of an Exceeding great value in Coin and Bullion, besides many other rich commodities, (if report afterward abused us not) but we got nothing from her but blows, for which she was repaid by us with Ruin. The poor distressed Portugals after they had left their Ship, were most inhumanly used by the barbarous Islanders, who spoiled them of all they brought on shore for their succour, some of them finding Death in the place they chose to escape it; and doubtless they had made havoc of them all, had they not presently been relieved by two Arabian junks (for so their small ill-built Ships are called) there in Trade; which, in hope I suppose of some great reward, took them in, and conveyed them safely to their own City Goa.  
In this Sea-fight we lost, out of our four Ships, but five men; three out of our Admiral, and two out of the james, besides we had about twenty in our whole Fleet hurt. But of seven hundred which sailed in the Carraque, (for she was a Ship of an exceeding great bulk and burden; our Charles, though a Ship of a thousand Tuns, looking but like a Pinnace when she was beside her) there came not near half her Company to Goa, as afterward we were informed.  
Our Charles in this opposition made at her adversary, for her part, three hundred seventy and five great Shot (as our Gunners reported) to these we had one Hundred Musquetiers that plied them with small shot all that while; neither was our Enemy Idle, for our Ship received from him at least one hundred great shot, and many of them dangerous ones through the Hull. Our foremast was pierced through the middle, our Mainmast hurt, our Main stay almost spoilt, and many of our Main-shrouds cut asunder.  
And now, Reader, if thou shalt be pleased to accompany me further, I shall carry thee from this sad discourse, where we may be both refreshed upon a near, rich, and pleasant Island; And to make way for our entertainment there, take further notice, that after we saw the Carraque in a flame (which was about midnight) we stood off and on till morning, to see if any thing might be found in her Ashes; of which when we despaired, we sought about to succour and comfort our wounded and sick men on the shore. The Land there was very high, against which the Sea is always deep; so that it was the tenth day of that month, ere we could be possessed of a good Harbour; which enjoyed, we found the Island called Mohilia, very pleasant, full of Trees, and exceeding fruitful, abounding in Beefs, Kids, Poultry of divers kinds, Rice, Sugarcanes, Plantens (of which Fruit more shall be spoken hereafter) Oranges, Coquer-nuts, as with many other wholesome things; of all which we had sufficient to relieve our whole Company, for little quantities of White Paper, Glassbead●, low-prized Looking-Glasses, and cheap Knives. For instance, we bought as many good Oranges as would fill an Hat for one quarter of a sheet of white Writing- Paper, and so in proportion all other Provisions.  
Here we had the best Oranges that ever I tasted, which were little round ones, exceeding sweet and juicy, having but a little spongy skin within them, and the rind on them almost as thin as the paring of an Apple: We eat all together, Rind and Juice, and found them a Fruit that was extraordinary wellpleasing to the Tast.  
Much of their Fruits the Islanders b●ought unto us in their little Canoes (which are long narrow boats, but like troughs out of firm trees) but their cattle we bought on the shore; Where I observed the people to be straight, well limbed, stout, able men, their colour very tawny; most of the men, but all the women I saw unclothed, having nothing about them but a Covering for their shame. Such as were clothed had long Garments like unto the Arabians, whose Language they speak, and of whose Religion they are, M●humetans, very strict (as it should seem) for they would not endure us to come near their Churches. They have good convenient Houses for their Living, and fair Sepulchers for their Dead.  
They seemed to live strictly under the Obedience of a King, whose place of residence was some miles up in the Country; His leave by Messengers they first craved, before they would sell unto us any of their better Provisions. Their King hearing of our arrival, bade us welcome by a Present of Beefs, and Goats, and Poultry, and the chief and choice Fruits of his Country, and was highly recompensed as he thought again, by a Choir or two of white Paper, a pair of low-prized Looking-Glasses, some strings of Glass- Beads, some cheap Knives, and with some other English toys.  
We saw some Spanish Money amongst them, of which they seemed to make so little reckoning, that some of our men had from them many Royals of Eight, in exchange for a little of those very low and very cheap Commodities which before I named.  
The Coquer-nut-tree (of which this Island hath abundance) of all other Trees may challenge the pre-eminence: for, merely with these Trees, without the least help of any other Timber, or any other thing (unless a little Ironwork) a man may build, and furnish, and fit, and victual a small Ship to Sea. For the Heart of this Tree (being very tough, firm and fast wood) growing up straight and high, will make Timber, and Planks, and Pins, and Masts, and Yards; a strong Gum that issues out of it, with the Rind that grows about it, will serve to calk the Ship; and that spongy Rind (that looks like our Hemp when it is a little bruised) will make Cordage and Sails, and the very large Nuts that grow upon it (of which are made many excellent drinking Cups) when it is newly gathered, hath a milky, white substance that is tender (tasting like an Almond) round about of a good substance within it; and within that a very pleasant Liquor, that is wholesome, as well as savoury, which may for a need serve those which sail in this Ship for meat and drink.  
Now well stored with these Nuts and other good Provisions, after six days abode there, the breaches our Ship had lately received in fight being repaired, and our men well-refreshed, we put again to Sea the sixteenth day, and a prosperous gale following us, were carried happily a second time under the Aequinoctial, without the least heat to offend us, the twenty day fourth of the same Month. Our Course was for the Island of Zocotora near the mouth of the Red Sea, from whence comes our Aloes Zocotrina; but an adverse gale from the Arabian shore kept us so off that we could by no means recover it. We passed by it the first of September.  
Missing that Fort, we proceeded on our Voyage, and the fourth of September made a solemn Funeral in memory of our late slain Commander, when after Sermon the small Shot and great Ordnance made a large Peal to his Remembrance.  
On the sixth of September at night, to our admiration and fear the Water of the Sea seemed to us as white as milk, which did not appear only so in the body of the Sea, but it looked so likewise in Buckets of water which we did then draw out of the Sea. Others of our Nation passing on that Course have observed the like: but I am yet to learn what should be the true reason thereof, it being there very far from any shore, and the Sea so deep as that we could fetch no ground.  
The twenty first, We discovered the main Continent of Asia the Great, in which East-India takes up a large part. The twenty second, we had sight of Deu and Damon, places that lie in the skirts of India, principally inhabited and well-fortified by Portugals; and the twenty fifth of September we came happily to an Anchor in Swally-Road within the Bay of Cambaia, the Harbour for our Fleet while they make their stay in these remote Parts.  
Then after a long, and troublesome, and dangerous passage, we came at last to our desired Port. And immediately after my arrival there, I was sent for by Sir Thomas Row, Lord Ambassador, then residing at the Mogul's Court (which was very many miles up in the Country) to supply the room of Mr john Hall his Chaplain (Fellow of Corpus Christi College in Oxford) whom he had not long before buried. And I lived with that most Noble Gentleman at that Court more than two years, after which I returned home to England with him. During which space of my abode there, I had very good advantage to take notice of very many places, and persons, and things, travelling with the Ambassador much in Progress with that King up and down his very large Territories.  
And now, Reader, I would have thee to suppose me setting my foot upon the East-Indian shore, at Swally beforenamed. On the banks whereof amongst many more English that lie there interred, is laid up the body of Mr Thomas Coryat, a man in his time Notus nimis omnibus, very sufficiently known. He lived there, and there died, while I was in those parts; and was for some Months then with my Lord Ambassador, during which time, he was either my Chamber-fellow or Tent-mate, which gave me a full acquaintance of him. That Greek-travelling-Thomas (they which know his story know why I call him so) formerly wrote a Book entitled Coryats' Crudities, Printed in the beginning of the year 1611. and then ushered into the World by very many Copies of excellent Verses made by the Wits of those Times, which did very much advantage and improve, if not enforce the sale thereof (doing themselves much more honour than him whom they undertook to commend in their several Encomiastics.) And if he had lived, he would have written his last Travels to, and in, and out of, East-India; for he resolved (if God had spared him life) to have rambled up and down the world world (as sometimes Ulysses did) and though not so long as he, yet ten full years at least before his return home, in which time he purposed to see Tartary in the vast parts thereof, with as much as he could of China, and those other large Places and Provinces interposed betwixt East-India and China, whose true Names we might have had from him, but yet have not. He had a purpose after this to have visited the Court of Prester john in Aethiopia, who is there called by his own people, Ho Biot, The King; and after this, it was in his thoughts to have cast his eyes upon many other places; which if he had done, and lived to write those Relations, seeing, as he did, or should, such variety of Countries, Cities, Nations, Things, and been as particular in them as he was in his Venetial journal, they must needs have swollen into so many huge Volumes, as would have prevented the perishing of Paper. But undoubtedly, if he had been continued in life to have written them, there might have been made very good Use of his Observations; for, as he was a very Particular, so was he without question a very Faithful Relator of things he saw; he ever disclaiming that bold liberty which divers Travellers have, and do take, by speaking and writing any thing they please of remote parts, when they cannot easily be contradicted, taking a Pride in their feigned Relations, to over-speak things; being resolved in this case 
Not only things to do, but or'-do;  
Speaking, writing all, and more too.  ay, therefore for my part, believing this Relator to be none of those, have taken some things from his trust and credit in this my following Discourse; And because he could not live to give an account unto the world of his own Travels, I shall here by the way make some little discovery of his footsteps and flittings up and down, to and fro, with something besides of him, in his long peregrinations, to satisfy very many yet living who, if they shall please to read this Discourse, may recall that man once more into their remembrance, who while he lived was like a perpetual motion, and therefore now dead should not be quite forgotten.  
In the year 1612. he shipped himself from London for Constantinople, now called by the Turks Stombole, where he took special notice of all things there most observable. In which place he found very great respect and encouragement from Sir Paul Pinder, then and there Ambassador, to whose House he had free and welcome access whensoever he pleased. Being there for some time, he took his opportunities to view divers parts in Grecia; and in the Hellespont, took special notice of those two Castles directly opposed to each other, called Sestos and Abydos, which stand on the several banks that bound that very narrow Sea; which Places Musaeus makes famous in his very ancient Poem of Hero and Leander.  
He desired much to see where those seven Churches sometimes famous in Asia the Less stood; but since their sin so darkened their light, and God removed their Candlesticks from them (as before he threatened) those Places lie so in the dark, that it cannot be well discovered where they once were: Only Smyrna is famous at this present day for Trade, but not Religion; and Ephesus and some others of them keep their names still, though they left and lost their Faith and profession of Truth with the rest.  
He saw what yet remains of the Ruins of sometimes great Troy, but 
jam Seges est ubi Troja fuit—  That place which was once so populous as if it had been sown with People, 
— And seeded thus, had after born  
Millions of men, now's sown with Corn. And  — O jam periere Ruinae, the very Ruins of that place are almost all gone to Ruin: The most observable thing there yet remaining, is part of an exceeding great House, which is continued by Tradition to have been sometimes a part of the famous Palace of great King Priamus.  
From Smyrna he found a Passage to Alexandria in Egypt; Egypt, that is called by some, in regard of the Plenty it produceth, the Granary or Storehouse of the World. And in Egypt near Gran-Cairo (anciently called Memphis) he observed what remains of the once famed Pyramids. Returning thence back to Alexandria with one Englishman more, they found a pass by Sea to jatta, anciently called joppa, and there they met some others going to jerusalem, which is about twenty English miles distant from joppa, whence they departed together towards jerusalem, and found it a very solitary, rocky, uncomfortable way, full of danger, by reason of the wild Arabes, who keep about those Passages to make poor Travellers their prey and spoil. But they came safe to jerusalem, now inhabited by Turks, and that place called by them Cutts; where he told me, that himself and his Companion were courteously received by the Father Guardian of the Convent of Franciscan Friars that keep their residence in jerusalem, and by some of them were met at the Gate of the City, where they were compelled by the Turkish Soldiers who keep those Gates (as all others that bear the name of Christians are) at their first coming thither to redeem their heads by paying each of them the value of five shillings, before they could have admittance into that place; which they had no sooner entered, but they were presently carried by those Franciscans which met them to their Convent; and then the first thing they did to or for them, they washed their feet, than set some comfortable refection before them, and after went in Procession about a little Cloister they had, praising God that he had brought in safety those two Votaries (as they called them) to visit that Holy Place. A day or two after they accompanied them to Bethlehem, the place of our Blessed Saviour's Birth, about five English miles distant from jerusalem; and in the way betwixt those two places showed them a Rock, on which (as they said) the Blessed Virgin sat down, as she went on a time betwixt jerusalem and Bethlehem, to give her Babe suck; and that the Rock might not feel hard under her, it yielded (as they told them) to her body like a Cushion, and that impression made by her so sitting remaineth unto this day, and is most devoutly kissed by Votaries as they pass up and down. After this they returning back, showed them all that was to be seen in and about jerusalem. Many particulars they told them (stories which are there kept by Tradition) concerning our Blessed Saviour and his Mother: Then they had a sight of as much of Mount Calvary (where our Blessed Saviour suffered) as could be showed them, that Hill being now 〈…〉 closed within the walls of jerusalem. They undertook to show them afterwards the place wherein our blessed Saviour was buried; and after that upon Mount Olivet, the very place whence he after Ascended, where, upon a Rock there was an impression of the former part of two feet, such as is seen in soft earth, when a man lifts up his body to leap thence; and these Franciscans confidently affirmed, and seemed undoubtedly to believe, that it was so as they showed and told ' them. Many other things they affirmed, which being but Circumstantials, (though appertaining to the best of all Stories) were enough for these Pilgrims to believe, and enough to make doubt of.  
At jerusalem, this our Traveller had made upon the Wrists of his left Arm the Arms of jerusalem, a Cross Crossed, or Crosslets; and on the Wrist of his right, a single Cross made like that of our Blessed Saviour suffered on; and on the sides the Stem or Tree of that Cross these words written, Via, Veritas, Vita, some of the Letters being put on the one side of that Stem or Tree, and some of them on the other; and at the foot of that Cross three Nails, to signify those which fasted our Saviour unto it: All these impressions were made by sharp Needles bound together that pierced only the skin, and then a black Powder put into the Places so pierced, which became presently indelible Characters, to continue with him so long as his flesh should be covered with skin: And they were done upon his Arms so artificially, as if they had been drawn by some accurate Pencil upon Parchment. This poor man would pride himself very much in the beholding of those Characters; and seeing them, would often speak those words of Saint Paul written to the Galatians, Gal. 6. 17. (though far besides the Apostles meaning) I bear in my Body the marks of the Lord jesus.  
Now after that himself and Comrade had seen what they desired in and about jerusalem, they took their leave of those Franciscans, leaving with them money to recompense the courtesy they had received from them; the Friars being very poor, and consequently, unable to entertain them freely without requitals.  
From hence they took their way to take a view of the Dead Sea, (so called, either because the water therein is still, and moves not; or because no living Creature is in it, and nothing thrives on the banks thereof) the place where Sodom and Gomorrah, and Admah and Zeboim once stood, those Cities which Almighty God overthrew in anger, and repented not, Jer. 20. 16. Hence they went to have a sight of the River jordan, which dischargeth itself into that most uncomfortable lake; and from hence they journeyed North-East through those ten tribes, (which for the sin of Solomon were rend from his Son Rehoboam) till they came to Mount Libanus. Thence back to Sidon, which retaineth that Name still. And here he told me, as his last observation made in that Land of Canaan, sometimes (like the Garden of the Lord) flowing with milk and honey, being then enriched with a very great variety, and abundance of God's good Creatures; and in the days of David so populous, that there were numbered in it at one time thirteen hundred thousand fight men, 2 Sam. 24. 9 besides Women and Children, and others unfit to draw swords; which was a most wonderful thing to consider that such a spot of ground in comparison, not above one hundred and sixty miles in length, from Dan to Bersheba, and not above sixty miles in breadth, from joppa to jordan, should be able to bear and feed such a numerous people; and now the very self same tract ofearth, either for want of manuring, or (which is rather to be conceived) for the want of the blessing of Almighty God which once shined upon it, but is now long since with-drawn from it, (For a fruitful Land the Lord makes barren for the wickedness of them that dwell therein, Psal. 107. 34.) is now become unable to sustain one in an hundred of such a number.  
From Sidon they got a passage by Sea unto Alexandretta, now called Scanderoon (in the extremest bottom of the Mediterranean Sea) which is one of the unwholsomest places in the world; where I have often heard that no stranger (that was born far from it) comes to continue there for the space of one month, but is sure to meet with a sickness, which very often proves mortal. At this place his English Companion left him, and turned his face towards England, and he presently took his way towards Aleppo in Syria, about seventy miles or more distant from Scanderoon, which is as much renowned for wholsomness, as the place beforenamed for being unwholesome; and therefore it is called, sweet-aired Aleppo. Here he being kindly received by the English Consul, stayed a time to gain the company of a Caravan, which consists of a great mixed multitude of people from divers parts, which get and keep together travelling those parts, for fear of the incursions and violences by Thiefs and Murderers, which they would undoubtedly meet withal, if they traveled single, or but few together. With these he after set forwards towards, and to that City anciently called Niniveh in Assyria, which we find in the Prophecy of jonah was sometimes a great and excellent City of three day's journey, Jonah 3. 3. but now so exceedingly lessened and lodged in obscurity, that passengers cannot say of it, This was Niniveh; which now hath its old name changed, and is called Mozel. From hence they journied to Babylon in Chaldea, situated upon the River Euphrates, once likewise so great that Aristotle called it a Country, not a City, but now it is very much contracted, and 'tis called Bagdat. From this place they proceeded through both the Armeniaes', and either did, or else our Traveller was made to believe, that he saw the very Mountain Ararat, whereon the Ark of Noah rested after the Flood, Gen. 8. And from hence they went forward towards the Kingdom of Persia, and there to Uzspahan, the usual place of Residence for that great King, then called Shakstone Abbas, or King Abbas. And after they went to Seras, anciently called Shushan, where the great King Ahasuerus kept his Royal and most Magnificent Court, Esth. 1. From hence they journied afterwards to Candahor, the first Province North East under the subjection of the Great Moghol, and so to Lahore, the chiefest City but one belonging to that great Empire; a place, as I have been often told by Tom: Coryat and others, of very great trade, wealth, and delight, lying more temperately out of the Parching Sun than any other of his great Cities do: And to this City he wanted not Company; nor afterwards to Agra, the Moghol's Metropolis or chief City.  
And here it is very observable that from Lahore to Agra it is four hundred English miles, and that the Country betwixt both these great Cities is rich, even pleasant and flat, a Campania; and the rode-way on both sides all this long distance planted with great Trees which are all the year clothed with leaves, exceeding beneficial unto Travellers for the shade they afford them in those hot Climes. This very much extended length of way 'twixt these two places, is called by Travellers the Long Walk, very full of Villages and Towns for Passengers every where to find Provision.  
At Agra our Traveller made an halt, being there lovingly received in the English Factory, where he stayed till he had gotten, to his Turkish and Morisco or Arabian Languages, some good knowledge in the Persian and Indostan Tongues, in which study he was always very apt, and in little time showed much proficiency. The first of those two, the Persian, is the more acquaint; the other, the Indian, the vulgar Language spoken in East-India: In both these he suddenly got such a knowledge and mastery, that it did exceedingly afterwards advantage him in his Travels up and down the Mogul's Territory; he wearing always the Habit of that Nation, and speaking their Language.  
In the first of these, the Persian Tongue, he made afterwards an Oration to the Great mogul, bringing in that Story of the Queen of Sheba, 1 Kings 10. (in which parts of that Sacred History the mahometans have some knowledge) and he told him, that as the Queen of Sheba having heard of the Fame of King Solomon, came from far to visit him, which when she had done, she confessed that though she had heard very much of him, and many things beyond her belief, yet now seeing what she did, acknowledged that she had not heard half of that which she now saw concerning the Wisdom, and Greatness, and Retinue, and Riches of Solomon: So our Orator told the mogul, that he had heard very much of him before he had the Honour to see him (when he was very far off in his own Country) but now what he beheld did exceedingly surmount all those former Reports of him which came to his Ears at such a distance from him: Then larding his short speech with some other pieces of Flattery, which the mogul liked well, concluded: And when he had done, the mogul gave him one hundred Roopus, which amounts to the value of twelve pounds and ten shillings of our English Money; looking upon him as a Derveese, Votary or Pilgrim, (for so he called him) and such as bear that name in that Country seem not much to care for money; and that was the reason (I conceive) that he gave him not a more plentiful Reward.  
After this he having got a great mastery likewise in the Indostan, or more vulgar Language, there was a Woman, a Landress, belonging to my Lord Ambassadors House, who had such a freedom and liberty of Speech, that she would sometimes scold, brawl, and rail from the Sunrising to Sunset. One day he undertook her in her own Language, and by eight of the Clock in the Morning so silenced her, that she had not one word more to speak.  
I shall have occasion to say more of this man in some passages of this following Discourse, and therefore I shall not wrap all I have to speak of him in this, although it be a very long digression: Yet because I must now shortly bring you to his journey's end, I shall take the freedom to enlarge myself a little further concerning him here in this place, before I leave him for the present; and to give thee, Reader, a piece of his Character, it speaks thus:  
That he was a man of a very coveting Eye, that could never be satisfied with seeing, as Solomon speaks, Eccles. 1. 8. though he had seen very much; and I am persuaded that he took as much content in seeing, as many others in the enjoying of Great and Rare things. He was a man that had got the mastery of many hard Languages, (as before I observed) to the Latin and Greek he brought forth of England with him: in which, if he had obtained wisdom to husband and manage them, as he had skill to speak them, he had deserved more Fame in his Generation. But his knowledge and high attainments in several Languages made him not a little ignorant of himself; he being so covetous, so ambitious of praise, that he would hear and endure more of it than he could in any measure deserve; being like a Ship that hath too much Sail, and too little Ballast: Yet if he had not fallen into the smart hands of the Wits of those Times, he might have passed better. That itch of Fame which engaged this man to the undertake of those very hard and long, and dangerous Travels, hath put thousands more (and therefore he was not alone in this) into strange attempts only to be talked of.  
Upon a time one Mr Richard Steel a Merchant, and servant to the East-India Company, came unto us from Surat to Mandoa, the place then of the Mogul's Residence (of which place somewhat more hereafter) at which time Mr Coryat was there with us: This Merchant had not long before traveled over-land from East-India through Persia, and so to Constantinople, and so for England; who in his Travel homeward had met with Tom: Coryat, as he was journeying towards East-India. Mr Steel then told him, that when he was in England, King james (then living) enquired after him, and when he had certified the King of his meeting him on the way, the King replied, Is that Fool yet living? which when our Pilgrim heard, it seemed to trouble him very much, because the King spoke no more nor no better of him, saying, that Kings would speak of poor men what they pleased.  
At another time when he was ready to depart from us, my Lord Ambassador gave him a Letter, and in that a Bill to receive ten pounds at Aleppo when he should return thither: The Letter was directed unto Mr Libbaeus Chapman, there Consul at that time, in which that which concerned our Traveller was thus: Mr Chapman, when you shall hand these Letters, I desire you to receive the Bearer of them, Master Thomas Coryat with Courtesy, for you shall find him a very honest poor Wretch; and further, I must entreat you to furnish him with ten pounds, which shall be repaid, etc. Our Pilgrim liked the gift well, but the Language by which he should have received it, did not at all content him, telling me, That my Lord had even spoilt his Courtesy in the carriage thereof; so that if he had been a very Fool indeed, he could have said very little less of him than he did, Honest poor Wretch! And to say no more of him, was to say as much as nothing. And furthermore he then told me, that when he was formerly undertaking his journey to Venice, a Person of Honour wrote thus in his behalf unto Sir Henry Wotton, then and there Ambassador: My Lord, Good Wine needs no Bush, neither a worthy man Letters Commendatory, because whithersoever he comes he is his own Epistle, etc. There (said he) was some Language on my behalf; but now for my Lord to write nothing of me by way of Commendation, but Honest poor Wretch, is rather to trouble me than to please me with his favour. And therefore afterwards his Letter was phrased up to his mind, but he never lived to receive the money. By which his old acquaintance may see how tender this poor man was to be touched in any thing that might in the least measure disparage him. O what pains this poor man took to make himself a Subject for present and after Discourse! being troubled at nothing for the present, unless with the fear of not living to reap that fruit he was so ambitious of in all his undertake. And certainly he was surprised with some such thoughts and fears (for so he told us afterwards) when upon a time he being at Mandoa with us, and there standing in a room against a stone Pillar, where the Ambassador was, and myself present with them, upon a sudden he fell into such a swoon, that we had very much ado to recover him out of it; but at last, comn to himself, he told us that some sad thoughts had immediately before presented themselves to his Fancy, which as he conceived put him into that distemper; like Fannius in Martial— Ne moriare mori, to prevent death by dying: For he told us that there was great Expectations in England of the large Accounts he should give of his Travels after his return home; and that he was now shortly to leave us; and he being at present not very well, if he should die in the way toward Surat, whither he was now intended to go, (which place he had not yet seen) he might be buried in Obscurity, and none of his Friends ever know what became of him; he travelling now, as he usually did, alone. Upon which my Lord willed him to stay longer with us, but he thankfully refused that offer, and turned his face presently after towards Surat, which was then about three hundred miles distant from us, and he lived to come safely thither: but there, being over-kindly used by some of the English who gave him Sack, which they had brought from England, he calling for it as soon as he first heard of it, and crying, Sack, Sack! Is there such a thing as Sack? I pray you give me some Sack. And drinking of it, though I conceive, moderately, (for he was a very temperate man) it increased his Flux which he had then upon him; and this caused him within a few days after his very tedious and troublesome Travels (for he went most on foot) at this place to come to his journeys end; for here he overtook Death Decemb. 1617. and was buried (as aforesaid) under a little Monument, like one of those usually made in our Churchyards. I now proceed to our former Discourse of the Description of the Great Mogul's Territories: Which I shall digest into several Sections.  

SECTION I.  
Of the several Provinces, the chief Cities, the Principal Rivers, the extent of this vast Empire.  
THe most spacious Monarchy under the subjection of the Great mogul, divides itself into thirty and seven several and large Provinces, which anciently were particular Kingdoms, whose true Names (which we there had out of the Moguls own Records) with their Principal Cities and Rivers, their Situation and Borders, their Extent in length and breath. I shall first set down very briefly, beginning at the North-West. Yet as I name these several Provinces, I shall by the way take notice of some particulars in them which are most Remarkable.  
1. Candahore, the chief City so called; it lies from the heart of the Mogul's Territories North-West; it confines with the King of Persia, and was anciently a Province belonging to him.  
2. Cabut, the chief City so called, the extremest part North of this Emperor's Dominions; it confineth with Tartary; the River Nilob hath its beginning in it, whose Current is Southerly till it dischargeth itself into Indus.  
3. Multan, the chief City so called; it lieth South from Cabut and Candahore, and to the West joins with Persia. This Province is famed for many excellent Bows and Arrows made in it: The Bows made of Horn, excellently glued and put together; the Arrows of small Canes or Reeds, both of them curiously set off by rich Paint and Varnish: They which are made here are near and good than in any part of East-India besides.  
4. Haiacan, the Province of the Balocbes, who are a very stout and warlike people that dare fight. I insert this, because there are infinite multitudes of people in the Mogul's Territories who appear as likely as these, but so low-spirited (as I shall after observe) that they dare not fight. This Province hath no renowned City. The famous River Indus (called by the Inhabitants Skinned) borders it on the East; and Lar, a Province belonging to the King of Persia, meets it on the West.  
5. Buckor, the chief City called Buckor-Succor; that famous River Indus makes its way through it, and gently enricheth it.  
6. Tarta, the chief City so called; the River Indus makes many Islands in it exceeding fruitful and pleasant, the Main Current whereof meets with the Sea at Sindee, a place very famous for many curious Handicrafts.  
7. Soret, the chief City is called janagar; it is but a little Province yet very rich; it lies upon Guzarat; it hath the Ocean to the South.  
8. jesselmure, the chief City so called; it joineth with Soret; but Buckor and Tatta lie to the West thereof.  
9 Attack, the chief City so called; it lieth on the East side of Indus, which parts it from Haiacan.  
10. Peniab, which signifieth five Waters, for that it is seated amongst five Rivers, all Tributaries to Indus; which, somewhat South of Lahore, make but one Current: It is a large Province, and most fruitful. Lahore is the chief City thereof, built very large, and abounds both in people and riches one of the most principal Cities for Trade in all India.  
11. Chishmeere, the chief City called Siranakar; the River Bhat finds a way through it, though it be very mountainous, and so creeps to the Sea.  
12. Banchish, the chief City is called Bishur; it lieth East, somewhat Southerly from Chishmeere, from which it is divided by the River Indus.  
13. jangapore, the chief City so called; it lieth upon the River Kaul, one of those five Rivers which water Peniab.  
14. jenba, the chief City so called; it lieth East of Peniab.  
15. Dellee (which signifies an Heart, and is seated in the heart of the Mogul's Territories) the chief City so called; it lieth between jenba and Agra, the River jemni (which runneth through Agra, and after falleth into Ganges) begins in it. This Dellee is both an ancient and a great City, the Seat of the Mogul's Ancestors, where most of them lyeinterred. It was once the City and Seat of King Porus, who was conquered about this place by Alexander the Great; and here he encountering with huge Elephants as well as with a mighty Ho hast of Men, said, as Curtius reports, Tandem par animo meo inveni periculum, That he had met with dangers to equal his great mind. I was told by Tom: Coryat (who took special notice of this place) that he being in the City of Delle, observed a very great Pillar of Marble, with a Greek inscription upon it, which time hath almost quite worn out, erected (as he supposed) there, and then, by Great Alexander, to preserve the memory of that famous Victory.  
16. Bando, the chief City so called; it confineth Agra to the West.  
17. Malway, a very fruitful Province; Rantipore is its chief City.  
18. Chitor, an ancient great Kingdom, the chief City so called, which standeth upon a mighty high Hill flat on the top, walled about at the least ten English miles. There appear to this day above an hundred ruined Churches, and divers fair Palaces, which are lodged in like manner among their Ruins, besides many exquisite Pillars of Carved Stone; and the Ruins likewise at the least of an hundred thousand Stone-Houses, as many English by their observation have guessed. There is but one ascent unto it, cut out of a firm Rock, to which a man must pass through four (sometimes very magnificent) Gates. It's chief inhabitants at this day are Ziim and Ohim, Birds and Wild Beasts; but the stately Ruins thereof give a shadow of its Beauty while it flourished in its Pride. It was won from Ranas, an ancient Indian Prince, who was forced to live himself ever after in high mountainous places adjoining to that Province, and his Posterity to live there ever since. Taken from him it was by Achabar Padsha (the Father of that King who lived and reigned when I was in those parts) after a very long siege, which famished the besieged, without which it could never have been gotten.  
19 Guzarat, a very goodly, and large, and an exceeding rich Province; it encloseth the Bay of Cambaya; its chief City is Amadavaz; besides, it hath in it Cambaya, Brodera, Baroch, and Surat, fair Cities; but the first of those I named, more spacious, and populous, and rich, than any of the other. It is watered with many goodly Rivers, as that of Cambaya, (falsely supposed to be Indus) with the River Narbodah, (passing by Baroch, and so to the Sea) with the River Taplee, which watereth Surat. The Merchants which are the Natives of this Province trade to the Red Sea, to Achin, and to divers other places.  
20. Chandis, the chief City called Brampore, which is very great, and rich, and full of people. Adjoining to this Province lived a petty Prince, called Partapsha, tributary to the mogul; and this is the most Southernmost part of all his Territories.  
21. Berar, the chief City is called Shapore, the Southernmost part whereof doth likewise bound this Empire.  
22. Narvar, the chief City is called Gehad; it is watered by a fair River that much enricheth it, and dischargeth itself into Ganges.  
23. Gwalier, the chief City so called, where the mogul hath a very rich Treasury of Gold and Silver kept in this City, within an exceeding strong Castle, wherein the King's Prisoners are likewise kept. The Castle is continually guarded by a very strong Company of Armed Soldiers.  
24. Agra, a principal and very rich Province, the chief City so called, this great Emperor's Metropolis; in North Latitude about twenty eight degrees and a half. It is very well watered by the River jemni. This and Lahore are the two principal and chosce Cities of this Empire, betwixt whom is that Long Walk (I made mention of before) of four hundred miles in length, shaded by great Trees on both sides: This is looked upon by Travellers, who have found the comfort of that cool shade, as one of the rarest and most beneficial Works in the whole World.  
25. Sanbat, the chief City so called; the River jemni parts it from Narvar, and after at the City Hellabass falls into that most famous River Ganges, which is called by the Inhabitants of East-India, Ganga.  
26. Bakar, the chief City called Bikaneer; it lieth on the West side of the River Ganges.  
27. Nagracot, the chief City so called, in which there is a Chapel most richly set forth, being seeled and paved with Plate of pure Silver, most curiously embossed over head in several figures, which they keep exceeding bright by often rubbing and burnishing it; and all this Cost those poor seduced Indians are at, to do honour to an Idol they keep in that Chapel. What charge can Heathenish Idolaters be content to bear for their gross Idolatry! Nothing is too rich, too precious, or too dear for it. This Idol thus kept in that so richly adorned Chapel, they call Matta, and it is continually visited by those poor blinded Infidels, who, out of the officiousness of their Devotion, cut off some part of their Tongues to offer unto it as a Sacrifice; which (they say) grow out again as before: But in this I shall leave my Reader to a belief as much suspensive as is my own in this particular. In this Province likewise, there is another famous Pilgrimage to a place called Iallamake●; where out of cold Springs that issue out from amongst hard Rocks, are daily to be seen continued Eruptions of Fire, before which the Idolatrous People fall down and worship. Both these places were seen, and strictly observed by Master Coryat.  
28. Siba, the chief City is called Hardware, where the famous River Ganges passing through or amongst large Rocks, makes presently after a pretty full Current: but both this and that other great River Indus have their Rise and Original out of the Mountain Caucasus, from whence they both first issue. That principal Rock, through which this River Ganges there makes a Current, is indeed, or (if not) according to the fancy of the Superstitious Indians, like a Cow's Head, which of all sensible Creatures they love best (of which more hereafter) thither they assemble themselves daily in Troops to wash their bodies, ascribing a certain Divinity to Waters, but more especially to the Water in the River Ganges. And thither our famous Coryat went likewise to view this place.  
29. Kakares, the principal Cities are called Dekalee and Purhola; it is a large Province, but exceeding mountainous; divided it is from Tartary by the Mountain Caucasus; it is the extremest part North under the Mogul's subjection.  
30. Gour, the chief City so called; it is full of Mountains; the River Sersily, a tributary unto Ganges, hath its beginning in it.  
31. Pitan, the chief City so called; the River Canda waters it, and falls into Ganges in the Confines thereof.  
32. Kanduana, the chief City is called Karhakatenka; the River Sersily parts it from Pitan: This and Gor are the North-east-bounds of this Monarchy.  
33. Patna, the chief City so called; the River Ganges bounds it on the West, Sersily on the East; it is a very fertile Province.  
34. jesuat, the chief City is called Raiapore; it lieth East of Patna.  
35. Mevat, the chief City is called Narnol; it is very mountainous.  
36. Udessa, the chief City called jekanat; it is the most remote part East of this Empire.  
37. Bengala, a most spacious and fruitful Province, but more properly to be called a Kingdom, which hath two very large Provinces within it, Purb and Patan; the one lying on the East, the other on the Westside of the River Ganges: It is limited by the Golph of the same name, whereinto the River Ganges (which at last comes to be divided into four great Currents) dischargeth itself, after it hath found a way through the Mogul's Territories more than fifteen hundred miles in length. The chief Cities in it are Ragamahat and Dekaka. It hath many haver's and Ports belonging unto it, which are places of very great trade.  
Now these are the several Provinces belonging to the Great mogul, and all of them under his subjection, which may be beheld all together at one view in this most exact affixed Map, first made by the especial observation and direction of that most able and honourable Gentleman, Sir Thomas Row, here contracted into a less compass; yet large enough to demonstrate, that this great Empire is bounded on the East, with the Kingdom of Maug; West, with Persia; and with the Main Ocean, Southerly; North, with the Mountain Caucasus and Tartary; South, with Decan and the Gulf of Bengala, Decan, lying in the skirts of Asia, is divided betwixt three Mahometan Princes, and some other Indian Rhai●es, which are Princes likewise.  
The length of these Provinces is Northwest to South-west more than two thousand English miles; North and South the extent thereof is about fourteen hundred miles; the Southermost part lying in twenty, and the Northermost in forty and three degrees of North-Latitude.  
The breadth of this much enlarged and far extended Empire is North-east to South-west about fifteen hundred of the same miles.  
And here a great error in Geographers must not escape my notice, who in their Globes and Maps make East-India and China near Neighbours, when as many large Countries are interposed betwixt them; which great distance may appear by the long travel of the Indian-Merchants, who are usually (they going and returning all the way by Land) in their journey, and return, and some stay there, two full years from Agra to China.  
Now, to give an exact account of all those forenamed Provinces, were more than I am able to undertake; yet out of that which I have observed in some of them (by travelling many miles up into that Country, and then up and down with my Lord-Embassador unto many places there in progress with that King) I shall adventure to guess at all, and I think for my particular, that the Great mogul, considering his most large Territories, his full and great Treasures, with the many rich Commodities his Provinces afford, is the greatest and richest known King of the East, if not of the whole World. I shall now therefore fall upon particulars to make that my observation good: Where   

SECTION II.  
Of the Soil there, what it is, and what it produceth, etc.  
THis most spacious and fertile Monarchy (called by the Inhabitants Indostan) so much abounds in all necessaries for the use and service of man, to feed, and cloth, and enrich him, as that it is able to subsist and flourish of itself, without the least help from any Neighbour-Prince or Nation.  
Here I shall speak first of that which Nature requires most, Food, which this Empire brings forth in abundance; as, singular good Wheat, Rice, Barley, with divers more kinds of good Grain to make Bread (the staff of life) and all these sorts of Corn in their kinds, very good and exceeding cheap. For their Wheat, it is more full and more white than ours, of which the Inhabitants make such pure, well-relished Bread, that I may say of it, as one sometimes spoke of the Bread made in the Bishopric of Liege, it is Panis Pane melior, Bread better than Bread.  
The ordinary sort of people eat Bread made of a coarser Grain, but both toothsome, and wholesome, and hearty; they make it up in broad Cakes, thick like our Oaten-cakes; and then bake it upon small round iron hearths, which they carry with them when they journey from place to place, making use of them in their Tents. It should seem to be an ancient Custom in the East, as may appear by that Precedent of Sarah when she entertained the Angels, who found her in her Tent, She took fine meal, and did knead it, and made Cakes thereof upon the hearth, Gen. 18. 6.  
To their Bread they have great abundance of all other good Provision, as of Butter (beating their Cream into a substance like unto a thick Oil, for in that hot Climate they can never make it hard) which though soft, yet it is very sweet and good. They have Cheese likewise in plenty, by reason of their great number of Kine, and Sheep, and Goats. Besides, they have a Beast very large, having a smooth thick skin without hair, called a Buffelo, which gives good milk; the flesh of them is like Beef, but neither so toothsome nor wholesome. These Buffeloes' are much employed in carrying large skims of water (for they are very strong Beasts) which hang on both sides of them, unto Families that want it: their Hides make the most firm and excellent Buff.  
They have no want of Venison of divers kinds, as Red-Deer, Fallow-Deer, Elks (which are very large, and strong, and fierce Creatures) Antilops, Kids, etc. but their Deer are no where imparked, the whole Empire being (as it were) a Forest for them; for a man can travel no way but he shall here and there see of them. But because they are every man's Game that will make them so, they do not multiply to do them much hurt, either in their Corn, or other places.  
To these they have great store of Hares, and they have plenty of Fowls wild and tame, as abundance of Hens, Geese, Ducks, Pigeons, Turtle-Doves. Partridges, Peacocks, Quails, and many other singular good Fowl. They have variety of Fish; all which, by reason of their Plenty, and because many of the Natives eat no kind of Flesh at all, nor of any thing that hath or may have life; and those that feed on such things, eat not freely of any of those living Creatures, they are all bought there at such easy rates, as if they were not worth the valuing. They do not cut their Chickens when they be little to make Capons, and therefore they have no Creatures of that name, but men, their Eunuches, called there Cogees or Capons in their Language: so made, when they be very young, and then deprived of all that might after provoke jealousy; and therefore they are put to be attendants on their women, the great men of that Nation keeping many of them, a soft, tender people, tener Spado, as Invenal calls one of them, that never come to have any Hair on their Faces.  
But to return again to their Provisions, the Beefs of that Country differ from ours, in that they are none of them very large; and those they have, have each of them a great bunch of grisly flesh which grows upon the meeting of their shoulders. The flesh of their Beefs is much whiter than the flesh of ours, and very sweet, tender and good. Their Sheep differ from ours by their great fleshy Bob-tails, which, severed from their bodies, are very ponderous. Their Wool is generally corpse, but their flesh is not so.  
Now to season all their good Provisions, there is great store of Salt; and to sweeten all, abundance of Sugar growing in that Country; which after it is well refined, may be there had at a very low rate; out of which they make very pure white Sugar-Candy, which may be had there at a small easy Price likewise.  
Their Fruits are every way answerable to the rest, the Country abounding in Musk-Melons (very much better, because they are better digested there by the heat of the Sun, than these with us) They have many Water-Melons, a very choice good Fruit, and some of them as big as our ordinary Pompions, and in shape like them; the substance within this Fruit is spongy, but exceeding tender and well-tasted, of a colour within equally mixed with red and white, and within that an excellent cooling and pleasing liquor. Here are likewise store of Pomegranates, Pomecitrons; here are Lemons and Oranges, but I never found any there so good as I have seen elsewhere. Here are Dates, Figs, Grapes, Prunelloes, Almonds, Coquer-nuts (of which I observed something before) and here they have those most excellent Plums called Mirabolans, the stone of which Fruit differs very much from others in its shape, whereon Nature hath curiously quartered several strakes equally divided, very pretty to behold; many of which choice Plums (they write) are very cordial; and therefore worth the prising, are there well-preserved, and sent for England.  
They have to these another Fruit we English there call a Planten, of which many of them grow in Clusters together; long they are in shape, made like unto slender Cucumbers, and very yellow when they are Ripe, and then taste like unto a Norwich Pear, but much better. Another most excellent Fruit they have, called a Manggo, growing upon Trees as big as our Walnut-trees; and as these here, so those Trees there, will be very full of that most excellent Fruit, in shape and colour like unto our Apricocks, but much bigger; which taken and rolled in a man's hands when they are through ripe, the substance within them becomes like the pap of a roasted Apple, which then sucked out from about a large stone they have within them, is delicately pleasing unto every palate that tastes it. And to conclude with the best of all other their choice Fruits, the Amana's, like unto our Pine-Apples, which seems to the Taster to be a most pleasing Compound made of Strawberries, Claret-wine, Rose-water and Sugar, well tempered together. In the Northermost parts of this Empire they have variety of Pears and Apples, every where good Roots, as Carrots, Potatoes, and others like them. They have Onions and Garlic, and some Herbs and small Roots for Salads; and in the Southernmost parts, Ginger growing almost in every place: the large races whereof, are there very excellently well preserved, as we may know by our tasting them in England. And all these things I have last named may be there likewise bought at very low rates. And lastly, some one kind or other of their very good and choice Fruits may be there had at every time or season of the Year.  
And here I cannot choose but take notice of a very pleasant and clear liquor, called Toddie, issuing from a Spongy Tree, that grows straight and tall without Boughs to the Top, and there spreads out in tender branches, very like unto those that grow from the Roots of our rank and rich Artichokes, but much bigger and longer. This Toddie-tree is not so big, but that it may be very easily embraced, and the nimble people of that Country will climb up as fast to the top thereof (the stem of the Tree being rough and crusty) as if they had the advantage of Ladders to help them up. In the top-tender branches of those Trees they make incisions, which they open and stop again as they please, under which they hang Pots made of large and light Gourds, to preserve the influence which issues out of them in a large quantity in the night-season, they stopping up those vents in the heat of the day. That which thus distils forth in the night, if it be taken very early in the morning, is as pleasing to the taste as any new White-wine, and much clearer than it. It is a very piercing, and medicinable, and inoffensive Drink, if taken betimes in the day, only it is a little windy: but if it be kept till the heat of the day, the Sun altars it so, as if it made it another kind of liquor, for it becomes then very heady, not so well relished, and unwholesome; and when it is so, not a few of our drunken Seamen choose to drink it; and I think they so do, because it will then presently turn their brains; for there are too too many of the common sort of those men who use the Sea, who love those brutish distempers too much, which turn a man out of himself, and leave a Beast in the skin of a man. But for that drink, if it be taken in its best, and most proper season, I conceive it to be of itself very wholesome, because it provokes urine exceedingly; the further benefit whereof some there have found by happy experience, thereby eased from their torture inflicted by that shame of Physicians, and Tyrant of all Maladies, the Stone. And so cheap too is this most pleasing Wine, that a man may there have more than enough for a very little money.  
At Surat, and so to Agra, and beyond, it seldom or never reins, but one season of the year; but yet there is a refreshing Dew during all that times the Heavens there are thus shut up, which every night falls, and cools, and comforts, and refresheth the face of the earth. Those general rains begin near the time that the Sun comes to the Northern Tropic, and so continue till his return back to the Line. These showers, at their beginning most extremely violent, are ushered in, and usually take their leave, with most fearful Tempests of Thunder & Lightning, more terrible than I can express, yet seldom do harm; the reason in Nature may be the subtlety of the Air in those parts wherein there are fewer Thunder-stones made, than in such Climates where the Air is thick, gross, and cloudy. During those three months it reins usually every day more or less, sometimes one whole quarter of the Moon together, scarce without any intermission; which abundance of moisture, with the heat of the Sun, doth so enrich their Land, which they never force (if I observed right) by Soiling of it, as that, like Egypt, by the inundation of Nilus, it makes it fruitful all the year after. When the time of this Rain is passed over, the face of the Sky there is presently so serene and clear, as that scarcely one Cloud appears in their Hemisphere the nine months after.  
And here a strong Argument that may further, and most infallibly show the goodness of their Soil, shall not escape my Pen, most apparent in this, That when the Ground there hath been destitute of Rain nine months together, and looks all of it like the barren Sands in the Deserts of Arabia, where there is not one spire of green Grass to be found; within a few days after those fat enriching showers begin to fall, the face of the Earth there (as it were by a new Resurrection) is so revived, and throughout so renewed, as that it is presently covered all over with a pure green Mantle. And moreover, to confirm that which before I observed concerning the goodness of that Soil, amongst many hundred Acres of Corn of divers kinds I have there beheld, I never saw any but what was very rich and good, standing as thick on the Ground as the Land could well bear it.  
They till their Ground with Oxen and Foot-Ploughs, their Seedtime is May, and the beginning of june, they taking their time to dispatch all that work before that long Rainy season comes; and though the Ground than hath been all the time we named before without any sufficient moisture by showers, or otherwise, to supple and make it more fit for Tillage, yet the Soil there is such a brittle fat mould (which they sow year after year) as that they can very easily till it. Their Harvest is in November and December, the most temperate months of all that year.  
Their Ground is not enclosed, unless some small quantity near Towns and Villages, which stand scattered up and down this yast Empire very thick, though, for want of the true names, not inserted in the Map.  
They mow not their Grass (as we) to make Hay, but cut it off the ground, either green, or withered, as they have occasion to use it.  
They sow Tobacco in abundance, and they take it too, very much; but after a strange way much different from us: for first, they have little Earthen Pots, shaped like our small Flower-pots, having a narrow neck, and an open round top, out of the belly of which comes a small spout, to the lower part of which spout they fill the Pot with water; then putting their Tobacco lose in the top, and a burning coal upon it, they, having first fastened a very small straight hollow Cane or Reed (not bigger than a small Arrow) within that spout, a yard or ell long, the Pot standing on the ground, draw that smoke into their mouths which first falls upon the Superficies of the water, and much discolours it. And this way of taking their Tobacco, they believe, makes it much more cool and wholesome. The Tobacco, which grows there, is doubtless in the Plant as good as in any other place of the world, but they know not how to cure and order it, like those in the West-Indies, to make it so rich and strong.  
The Country is beautified with many Woods and Groves of Trees, in which those winged Choristers make sweet Music. In those Woods some excellent Hawks make their nests; and there are very often to be seen great flocks of Parakeets, or little Parrots, who have their breeding and lodging amongst those Melancholy Shades. And (in the number of many other Creatures covered with Feathers) there are some very little Birds less than our Wrens, who are exceeding pretty, for their neat shape, and their covering, with most curious particoloured Feathers, full of variety of little spots. I have seen there many of those rare Creatures kept together in large Cages, who please the Eye with their curious Colours, and the Ear with their variety of pleasant Notes. The Woods and Groves in the Southermost parts of Indostan, have great store of wild Apes, and Monkeys, and Baboons in them; some of which I have seen as high as our tallest Greyhounds, which live among the Trees, and climb them at pleasure. Those Apes, etc. are very terrible to those little Birds, which make their Nests in those Woods; and therefore Nature hath taught them this subtlety (to preserve their young ones from those Creatures which would otherwise destroy them) to build their Nests in the twigs, and the utmost boughs of those Trees, where some of them hang like little Pursenets, to which those Apes and Monkeys, be they never so little and light, cannot come to hurt them.  
Besides their Woods, they have great variety of fair goodly Trees that stand here and there single, but I never saw any there of those kinds of Trees which England affords. They have very many firm and strong Timber-trees for building and other uses; but much of their brush, or small wood, I observed to be very sappy; so that when we broke a twig of it, there would come a substance out of some of it, like unto Milk, and the sappiness of that underwood may (as I apprehend it) be ascribed in part to the fatness of that Soil. Some of their Trees have leavs upon them as broad as Bucklers, others are parted small like our Fern or Brakes, as the Tamerine Tree, which bears Cod somewhat like our Beans, in which when the Fruit is ripe, there is a very well tasted pulp, though it be sour, most wholesome to open the body, and to cool and cleanse the blood.  
There is one very great and fair Tree growing in that Soil, of special observation, out of whose Branches or great Arms grow little Sprigs downward till they take Root (as they will certainly do if they be let alone) and taking Root, at length prove strong supporters unto those large Branches that yield them. Whence it comes to pass, that those Trees in time (their strong and far-extended Arms being in many places thus supported) grow to a very great height, and extend themselves to such an incredible breadth, they growing round every way, as that hundreds of men may shade themselves under one of them at any time; the rather, because these, as all other Trees in those Southern parts of East-India (as particularly I observed before) still keep on their green Coats.  
For their Flowers, they are for the generality like unto painted Weeds, which, though their colour be excellent, they rather delight the eye than affect the smell; for not many of them, except Roses, and some few kinds more, are any whit fragrant: Amongst them that are, there is one white Flower, like to Spanish Jessamin (if it be not the same) which is exceedingly well scented, of which they make a most excellent pure sweet Oil, with which they anoint their heads, and other parts of their bodies; which makes the company of those that do so very savoury and sweet.  
This Empire is watered with many goodly Rivers (as they are expressed in the Map) the two principal are Indus and Ganges; where this thing is very observable (for they say there, that it is very true) that one pint of the water of Ganges weigheth less by one ounce than any other water in that whole great Monarchy. And therefore (they say) that the mogul, wheresoever he is, hath water brought him from that River, that he may drink thereof, by some appointed for that service, who are continually either going to it, or coming from it: The water is brought unto the King in fine Copper Jars, excellently well tined on the inside, and sealed up when they are delivered to the Water-bearers for the King's use; two of which Jars every one carries, hanging upon Slings fitted for the Porter's shoulders.  
Besides their Rivers, they have store of Wells fed with Springs; and to these, they have many Ponds, which they call Tanques, some of them exceeding large, filled with water when that abundance of Rain falls (of which more hereafter.)  
That most ancient and innocent Drink of the World, Water, is the common drink of East-India; it is far more pleasant and sweet than our water; and must needs be so, because in all hot Countries it is more rarified, better digested, and freed from its rawness by the heat of the Sun, and therefore in those parts it is more desired of all that come thither, though they never made it their drink before, than any other liquor, and agreeth better with men's bodies. Sometimes they boil the water there with some wholesome Seeds, and after drink it cold, and then it is, by much, more cold after an heat. (Like unto some men, who have showed formerly much zeal and heat for good, and afterward become more chill and cold than ever they were before.) Sometimes we mingle our water there with the juice of Lemons and Sugar, which makes an exceeding pleasant drink, which we call there Sherbet.  
Some small quantity of Wine, but not common, is made amongst them; they call it Raak, distilled from Sugar, and a spicy rind of a Tree called jagra; it is very wholesome, if taken very moderately.  
Many of the people there, who are strict in their Religion, drink no Wine at all; but they use a Liquor more wholesome than pleasant, they call Coffee; made by a black Seed boiled in water, which turns it almost into the same colour, but doth very little alter the taste of the water; notwithstanding it is very good to help Digestion, to quicken the Spirits, and to cleanse the Blood.  
There is yet another help for those that forbear Wine, by an Herb they have, called Beetle, or Paune, in shape somewhat like an Ivy-leaf, but more tender; they chew it with an hard Nut, somewhat like a Nutmeg, (but not in taste like that) and a very little pure white lime amongst the leaves, and when they have sucked down the juice, put forth the rest. It hath (as they say, and I believe very much of it) many rare qualities; for it preserves the Teeth, strengthens the Stomach, comforts the Brain, and it cures or prevents a tainted Breath. This I am sure of, that such is the pleasing smell of this Beetle, being chewing in a close room, that the breath of him so chewing it fills it with a very pleasing savour.  
This Empire further affords very excellent good Horse, curiously made, high mettled, and well managed by the Natives. Besides their own, they have many of the Persian, Tartarian, and Arabian breed, which have the name to be the choice ones of the World. But of these more when I come to speak of the Inhabitants.  
Here are a great number of Camels, Dromedaries, Mules and Asses, employed for the carriage of burdens, or the carrying of the people, to which use also they employ many of their Oxen, and their Buffeloes' likewise, (which before I spoke of.) The Camels, as I oft observed there, have one strange quality, who cry and make a very piteous noise at night, when they take off their burdens; but in the morning when they are laid on, the poor Creatures are very still and quiet, making no noise at all.  
The Dromedary is called by the Prophet jeremy, jer. 2. 23. the swift Dromedary; the reason may be, because these, like the Camels, have very long legs; and consequently make long steps, and so travelling rid ground apace; or because at a pinch, or time of need, they will carry a man exceeding far without rest, and but with a very little food.  
They have some Rhinocerots, but they are not common, which are very large square Beasts, bigger than the largest Oxen England affords; their skins without hair, lie in great wrinkles upon their necks, breasts and backs, which doth not make them seem lovely unto the beholders. They have very strong, but short Horns, growing upon very firm bones, that lie over their Nostrils; they grow upwards, towards the top of their head, every one of these Creatures being fortified with one of them; and that enough to make them so terrible, that they are shunned by other, though very large Creatures. With these Horns (from which those Creatures have their Names) are made very excellent Cups, which (as is conceived) give some virtue unto the liquor put into them, if it stand any whit long in those Cups.  
And now to conclude with the largest and the most intelligent (as we shall hereafter show) of all the sensible Creatures the Earth produceth, the Elephant, of which this vast Monarchy hath abundance; and of them, the mogul is Master of many thousands; and his Nobles, and all men of quality besides, in those large Territories, have more or less of them. But of these much shall be spoken in my sixth Section.  
I observed before, that the Inhabitants of this Empire did carry most of their burdens upon the backs of their Beasts; and in a special manner this people employ their Camels and Dromedaries for this use, to carry their Merchandizes from place to place: and therefore I shall let my Reader see   

SECTION III.  
What the chief Merchandizes, and most Staple, and other Commodities are, which are brought into this Empire.  
THe most Staple Commodities of this Empire are Indigo and Cotton Wool; of that Wool they make divers sorts of calico, which had that name (as I suppose) from Calicut, not far from Goa, where that kind of Cloth was first bought by the Portugals.  
For the Spices brought hither by the East-India Fleet, they are had more Southerly, from the Islands of Sumatra, from java major and minor, from the Moluccoes, and from other places thereabouts: In which, as in the Molucco Islands, and those other parts too from whence the richest Spices come, the Low-Country Merchants have got such footing, and such a particular interest, that our English Factors there (for the present) buy those Commodities; as we sometimes do buy Provisions and Commodities here at home, out of the engrossing Hucksters hands: So that our English in those parts have a free Trade for no kind of Spice, but for that, which is one of the lowest prized, namely, Pepper, which they fetch from Bantam. Which more general Trade of the Dutch, they have formerly gained at a very vast expense, by fortifying themselves there, in the places wherever they settle; and then standing, upon their Guard, put a kind of force upon the Natives to sell them their Commodities.  
What the carriage of that people hath formerly been in those parts towards our English, (where their Swords hath been longest) is sufficiently made known by other Pens: This I may conclude from their example (and I would they were singular and alone in it) that when a people will not be ordered by that Royal Law, which commands us, Matth. 7. 12. To do nothing, but what we would be content to suffer; as to do nothing unto others, but what we would be well content to suffer from others: But on the contrary, when they measure things, not by the straight and even Rule of Equity, but by the crooked and oblique Line of Power, arming their Injustice to do what they please, because they can do what they will: This causeth many to make very bold with God in cases that seem to give advantage unto their high thoughts and Commodities: For what evil cannot Ambition and Covetousness do, when they are backed with an Arbitrary and unlimited Power here below, if they be not checked by a stronger Arm from above? Whence we see it often come to pass, that when the Laws of Nature and Nations, yea of God himself, lie in the way of their profit, or earthly advantages (whatever their sufferings or loss be afterward) they either spurn them thence, or else tread and trample upon them at pleasure, to compass their ends for the present. This I can say of the Dutch (something from my own knowledge, but more from the report of others) that when I lived in those parts, and we English there were more for number than they, and consequently could receive no hurt from them, we there used them as Neighbours and Brethren; but in other places, where they had the like advantage of us, they dealt with us neither like Christians nor Men. But I will not here any longer digress, but return to speak further of the Commodities to be had in East-India.  
The Indigo we bring thence, is a good, and a rich Commodity. It is there made of little leaves, not bigger than those on our Goosberry bushes, and the shrubs that bear those leaves are about their bigness. These leaves they slip off from the small branches of those bushes, which grow with round and full heads without pricks. The leaves thus stripped off, are laid in great heaps together certain days, till they have been in a hot sweat; then are they removed, and put into very great and deep Vessels filled with a sufficient quantity of water to steep them in, where they leave their blue tincture with their substance; this done, the water is drained out into other exceeding broad, but very shallow Vessels, or Fats, made of Plaster (like to that we call Plaster of Paris) which will keep in all the Liquor till the hot Sun in short time extracts the moisture from it; and than what mains in the bottom, is a Cream about one quarter of an inch thick, which suddenly becomes hard and dry, and that is our Indigo, the best sort whereof comes from Biana, near unto Agra, and a coarser sort is made at Cirkeese, not far from Amadamaz; about which two places, are a very great number of those shrubs planted, which bear those leaves.  
For their cotton-wool, they sow seed, and very large quantities of Ground in East-India are thus seeded. It grows up like small Rose-bushes, and then puts forth many yellow blossoms; those afterward falling off, there remain little Cod, about the bigness of a Man's Thumb, in which the substance at first is moist and yellow; but as they ripen, they swell bigger, till they break their Covering, and after, in short time, that within them becomes Wool, as white as Snow, and then they gather it. Amongst that Wool they find seeds to sow again as they have occasion; but those shrubs bear that Wool three or four years ere they supplant them. Of this Cotton-wool they make divers sorts of white Cloth (as before I observed) some broad, some narrow, some coarse, some fine, and very fine indeed; for some that I have seen there I believe was as fine as our purest Lawn. Much of the coarser sort of that Cloth they die into Colours, or else slain in it variety of well-shaped and well-coloured Flowers or Figures, which are so fixed in the Cloth, that no water can wash them out. That pretty Art of staining, or printing fixing those variety of Colours in that white Cloth, the People of Asia have engrossed to themselves, where the most curious Pintadaes are made; whither neighbouring, as well as more remote Nations, bring their moneys to fetch them thence.  
In Decan, which bounds upon the Mogul's Territories South, (the Princes whereof are Tributaries unto him) there are many Diamond-Rocks, in which are found those most precious of all other Stones; and they are to be sold in this Empire, and consequently to be had by those who have skill to buy them, and Money to pay for them. But as all the Stones in East-India are not precious, so those that are, the Natives know very well how to value.  
But further, for the Merchandizing Commodities the Mogul's Provinces afford, there is Musk (by reason of their abundance of Musk Cats) to be had in good quantity; and there are Bezoar stones: which are not so called from any Beast of that name, but they grow in the maws of Goats, which when they observe to grow exceeding lean, they kill them, and find those stones in them; and if they did not so, that stone in them would make an end of them. By which we may observe, how that precious Bezoar stone, that proves many times such a Cordial, and Preservative to the Life of Man, is destructive and mortal unto the poor Creature from whence it is taken: Like that precious Word of God, that may proceed from the Lips of him that hath a lean Soul, and may do others good, but himself nothing but mischief. The greatest number of those Goats, from whence those Bezoar's are taken, feed on the Mountains of Lar in the Persians Territories, the Western-Bound (as before) of the Mogul's great Empire.  
They have some store of Silk here; but the greatest quantity of that rich Commodity, that any place in the whole World affords, comes out of Georgia, a Province belonging unto the King of Persia. Those Georgians and Armenians, (both under the Command of the Persian King) are by profession Christians, like those of the Greek Church. And the Abissins', under the Command of Prester john, are in profession Christians likewise, but these Abissins' circumcise their Males before they baptise them. Alas poor People! who for want of better instruction cannot know what they should, and therefore know not what they do. All those Armenians, Georgians, and Abissins', (as I have it from others, but can relate something of it out of my own knowledge) even all of them see Christ but in the dark, and by reason of the general ignorance that is in them, cannot know God as they ought in Jesus Christ. These are the different cases of many which profess Christ in the World; some cannot know him, some care not to know him, and some will not know him; Amongst the first of these, they all may be ranked whom I but now named, as many others of the Greek, and those that profess Christianity in Russian Churches, with many others of the Romish, who have the Truths of God sealed up in an unknown Tongue, to keep, and to continue them in ignorance; who instead of the two Breasts of the Church, the Law and the Gospel, are fed with mouldy and finnowed Traditions, and their case being so, our Charity towards them may lead us thus far, to believe that they would do better, if they knew better; and this may speak much in their excuse. But what Plea can be made for us of this Nation, that Do not what we Know; or if we be ignorant, it is because we will be so; not because we cannot know, but because we care not for knowledge, and will not know?  
But to return to the place where I began my last digression; I told you that the People here have some store of Silk, of which they make Velvets, Satins, Taffetas, either plain, or mingled, or stripped in party-colours; but the best of them for richness and goodness come not near those which are made in the parts of Italy.  
Many curious Boxes, Trunks, Standishes, Carpets, with other excellent Manufactures, may be there had. They have medicinal Drugs, and amongst them very much Cassia growing there in Canes. They have Gums well scented, and much Lignum Aloes, which burnt, yields a perfume better than any one thing in the world that I ever smelled. They have great store of Gumlac, of which they make their hard Wax; and that Gum likewise they there employ for many other neat uses. The Earth there yields good Minerals of Lead, Iron, Copper, Brass, and (they say) they have Silver-Mines too; which (if true) they need not open, being so enriched from other Nations of Europe, and other parts, who yearly bring thither great quantities of Silver to purchase their Commodities. Which I collect from our English Trade there; for, though we vent some quantity of our woollen Cloth, with some other things we carry thither, yet the greatest part by far of Commodities brought thence, are caught by the Silver hook. And this is the way to make any Nation of the world rich, to bring, and leave Silver in it, and to take away Commodities. And, as all Rivers run into the Sea, so many Silver Streams run into this Monarchy, and there stay; the People of any Nation being there very welcome that bring in their Bullion, and carry away the others Merchandizes; but it is looked on as a Crime that is not easily answered, to transport any quantity of Silver thence.  
The Coin, or Bullion, brought thither from any place, is presently melted and refined, and the Mogul's Stamp (which is his Name, and Titles, in Persian Characters) put upon it. The Coin there is more pure than in any other part of the world, being (as they report) made of pure Silver, without any Alloy; so that in the Spanish Money, the purest of all Europe, there is some dross.  
They call their pieces of Money, Roopees; of which there are some of divers values, the meanest worth two shillings and three pence, and the best two shillings and nine pence sterling. By these they count their Estates and Payments. They have another Coin of inferior value in Guzarat, called Mamoodies, about twelve pence sterling; both the former, and these, are made in halfs, and some few in quarters; so that three pence is the least piece of silver current in those Countries, and very few of them to be seen. That which passeth up and down for exchange under this rate, is Brass or Copper Money, which they call Pices, whereof three, or thereabouts, countervail a Penny, Those Pices are made so massy and thick, as that the base metal of which they are made, put to other uses, is well-nigh worth the Silver they are rated at. Their Silver Coin is made either round or square, but so thick, as that it never breaks nor wears out. They have pure Gold-Coyn likewise, some pieces of great value; but these are not very ordinarily seen amongst them.  
I have now done with this Section, wherein I have related much of the Commodities, and Riches, as before of the Provisions and Pleasures which are to be found in that vast Monarchy, and, I conceive, nothing but what Truth will justify. And now, lest that place I have described, should seem to be an earthly Paradise, I must acquaint my Reader, that the Contents there found by such as have lived in those parts, are soured and sauced with many unpleasing things; which he must needs know, when he takes notice   

SECTION IU.  
Of the Discommodities, Inconveniences, and Annoyances, that are to be found or met withal in this Empire.  
AS the Poets feigned that the Garden of the Hesperideses (wherein were Trees that bore Golden Apples) was guarded by a Serpent: So there are stings here, as well as fruits; all considered together may not unfitly be resembled by those Locusts mentioned, Rev. 9 7, 8, 10. verses, Who had the Faces of Men, and the Hair of Women, and Crowns as of Gold on their Heads; but they had too, the Teeth of Lions, and the tails of Scorpions, and there were stings in those tails. Here are many things to content and please the enjoyers of them, to make their life more comfortable; but withal here are Teeth to tear, and stings to kill: All put together, are nothing but a mixture made up (as indeed all earthly things are) of good and bad; of bitter and sweet; of what contents, and of what contents not.  
The Annoyances of these Countries are, first many harmful beasts of prey, as Lions, Tigers, Wolves, Jackalls, with others; those Jackalls seem to be wild Dogs, who in great companies run up and down in the silent night, much disquieting the peace thereof, by their most hideous noise. Those most ravenous Creatures will not suffer a Man to rest quietly in his Grave, for if his Body be not buried very deep, they will dig him thence, and bury as much of him again as they can consume in their hungry bellies. In their Rivers are many Crocodiles, and— Latet anguis in herba, on the Land, not a few overgrown Snakes, with other venomous and pernicious Creatures. In our Houses there we often see Lizards, shaped like unto Crocodiles, of a sad green colour, and but little Creatures, the fear of whom presents its self most to the Eye, for I do not know that they are hurtful. There are many Scorpions to be seen, which are oftentimes felt, which creep into their houses especially in that time of the Rains, whose stinging is most sensible, and deadly, if the Patient have not presently some oil that is made of Scorpions, to anoint the part affected, which is a sudden and a certain cure. But if the man can get the Scorpion that stung him, (as sometimes they do) the oily substance it affords, being beaten in pieces, suddenly applied, is a present help. The sting of the Scorpion may be a very fit resemblance of the sting of Death, the bitterness and anguish whereof nothing can assuage and cure so well, as a serious consideration, and a continual application of the thoughts of dying. Facilè contemnit omnia, qui cogitat se semper moriturum, that man may trample upon every thing, whose meditations are taken up with the thoughts of his Change. He cannot die but well, who dies daily; daily in his preparations for death, though he die not presently.  
The Scorpions are in shape like unto our Crayfish, and not bigger, and look black like them, before they are boiled. They have a little round tail which turns up, and lies usuallyupon their backs, at the end whereof is their sting, which they do not put in, and let out of their bodies, as other venomous creatures do, but it always appears in their tails ready to strike; it is very sharp and hard, and not long, but crooked like the talon of an Hawk.  
The abundance of Flies (like those swarms in Egypt, Exod. 8. 21.) in those parts did likewise very much annoy us: for in the heat of the day their numberless number was such, as that we could not be quiet in any place for them, they being ready to fly into our Cups, and to cover our Meat as soon as it was placed on the Table; and therefore we had always some of the Natives we kept there, who were our Servants, to stand round about us on pupose while we were eating, with Napkins to fright them away. And as in the day one kind of ordinary Flies troubled us; so in the night we were likewise very much disquieted with another sort called Musqueetoes, like our Gnats, but somewhat less, and in that season we were very much troubled with Chinches, another sort of little troublesome and offensive creatures, like little Tikes: and these annoyed us two ways; as first by their biting and stinging, and then by their stink. From all which we were by far more free when we lodged in Tents (as there we did much) than when we abode in Houses; where in great Cities and Towns, (to add unto the disquiets I before named) there were such an abundance of large hungry Rats, that some of us were bitten in the night as we lay in our beds, either on our Toes or Fingers, or on the tips of our Ears, or on the tops of our Noses, or in any part of our Bodies besides which they could get into their Mouths.  
The winds in those parts (as I observed before) which they call the Mont soon, blow constantly one way, altering but few points, six months Southerly, and six months Northerly. The months of April, May, and the beginning of june, till the Rain falls, are so extremely hot, as that the wind when it blows but gently, receives such heat from the parched ground, that the reflection thereofis ready to blister a Man's Face that receives the breath of it. And if God did not provide for those parts, by sending a breeze, or breath, or small gale of wind daily, which somewhat tempers that hot sulphureous Air, there were no living in that Torrid Zone for us English, who have been used to breathe in a temperate Climate; and, notwithstanding that benefit, the Air in that place is so hot to us English, that we should be every day stewed in our own moisture, but that we stir very little in the heat of the day, and have clothing about us as thin as we can make it. And no marvel, for the coldest day in the whole year at noon (unless it be in the time when those Rains fall) is hotter there than the hottest day in England.  
Yet I have there observed most strange and sudden changes of heat and cold within few hours, as in November and December the most temperate months of their year (as before) and then at midnight the Air was so exceeding fresh and cold, that it would produce a thin Ice on the water, and then as we lay in our Tents, we would have been very glad of the warmth of a Rugg upon us, and the noon of that following day would be so extreme hot, as that it was troublesome then to keep on the thinnest clothing.  
Sometimes there, the wind blows very high in those hot and dry seasons, not long before the Rain begins to fall, raising up into the Air a very great height, thick Clouds of Dust and Sand, which appear like dark Clouds full of moisture, but they deceive like the brook in job, job 6. 15. that hath no water in it. These dry showers (which Almighty God threatens to send among a people as an heavy judgement, Deut. 28. 24. When he will make the Rain of a Land powder and dust) most grievously annoy all those amongst whom they fall, enough to smite them all with a present blindness; filling their Eyes, Ears, Nostrils, and their Mouths are not free if they be not also well guarded; searching every place as well within as without our Tents or Houses, so that there is not a little keyhole, of any Trunk or Cabinet, if it be not covered, but receives some of that dust into it, the dust forced to find a lodging any where, every where, being so driven and forced, as it is, by the extreme violence of the wind.  
But there is no place nor Country under Heaven, nor yet ever hath been, without some discommodities. The Garden of Eden had a Serpent in it, Gen. 3. He that made all things by his Absolute Command, hath so mixed and tempered, and ordered all things here below by his infinite Wisdom, that either too much Heat, or too much Cold; either the barrenness of the Soil, or the unwholsomness of the Air, or some thing else, ministers matter of exception more or less against every place, that the Sons of Men might hence learn, that there is no true and perfect content to be found in any Kingdom, but in that of Heaven: For while we are here, trouble and peace, mourning and joy, comfort and discontent, come all of them by courses and succescessions; so that there is no weeding up of those Tares, no removing of those Annoyances from the Life of Man.  
And so having observed what is Truth, and what is enough to be said of the Inconveniences and Annoyances, as well as of the Commodities and Contentments which are to be found in those parts, I come now to speak of the People that inhabit there. And because many particulars will necessarily fall within the compass of this part of my Observatious, which would more weary my Reader if they should be presented unto him in one continued Discourse, I shall therefore (as I have begun) break this into Sections, and proceed to speak   

SECTION V.  
Of the Inhabitants of East-India, who they are; Of their most excellent Ingenuity expressed by their curious Manufactures, their Markets at Home to buy and sell in, and their Trade abroad  
THe Inhabitants in general of Indostan were all anciently Gentiles, called in general Hindoes, belonging to that very great number of those which are called Heathens, which take up almost two thirds of the number of the People who inhabit the face of the whole Earth. But of this more hereafter. There are some jews (but they are not many) here and there scattered and lost as it were, in those other great numbers of People; the greatest company of jews now to be found together in any one place of the world (as I have been made to believe from the observation of others) are to be seen at Grand Cairo in Egypt, whither they are returned, and where settled, to take their fill of their forefather's fleshpots. For the Inhabitants of East-India ever since they were subdued by Tamburlaine, they have been mixed with Mahumetans, which though they be by far in respect of their number less than those Pagans, yet they bear all the sway, and command all in those Countries.  
There are besides these, (now become as it were Natives there) a great number of Persians and Tartars (who are Mahumetans by Religion) that there inhabit, very many of which the mogul keeps for Soldiers to serve on Horseback, called there Haddees: There are of both these many daring, stout, hardy and valiant Men. For the Persians, there are many of them comely Persons, not so swart as those of East-India. But for the Tartars I have there seen, (and I have seen many of them) they are more to be commended for their Valour than Beauty; a square, stout, strong People, having platter Faces, and flat Noses. There are many Armenians, and some Abissins' amongst them, who wear the Livery of Christ, in being called Christians, the greatest part of whose Christianity lies in their Name. Those Armenians there make some wine to sell, of Raisins, Sugar, and other ingredients, that is strong and heady, and luscious, tasted too much by many Christians that come thither, as by those too that make it. Of the green Grapes there, though they have abundance and they great, and sweet, and good, yet they make no Wine at all: The mahometans (in obedience to a Precept of Mahumets which forbids Wine) neither make, nor drink it; and others are not suffered there to make it of those green Grapes, for fear (as I suppose) they should make, and drink too much of it.  
To those I have named of other Nations, (that are to be seen in East-India) there are besides some few almost of every people in Asia, and many Europeans of divers parts (that use to stir from their own fires) to be found amongst them; and among that great variety of People and Nations there to be observed, I have taken special notice of divers Chinesaas, and Japanesaas there, and those I have seen of them, for the generality, are a people of no large stature, with little eyes, and noses something flatted; de tribus Capillis, with a few black hairs that stand scattered on their upper lips which make them as handsome beards as are to be seen on our Hares, or Cats.  
There are some Jews here (as before I observed) whose stubbornness and Rebellion, long ago, caused Almighty God to threaten them, that they should be after sifted, and scattered among all the Nations of the World.  
Those ancient Satirists, Persius, and juvenal, after that most horrid act committed by them in Crucifying our Blessed Saviour (though not in respect unto that most cruel action, for they were Heathens) yet they call them Verpos, that is, circumcised, Worms, vermin. Tacitus after gives them a most unsavoury Epithet, calling them foetentes judaeos, stinking Jews. Marcus the Emperor observing them well, concluded that they were a generation of men worse than savages or Cannibals, to be even the worst of men, as if they were the very refuse and dregs of mankind.  
How usual is that Proverb, that when men are suspected to do otherwise than they should, to answer, what, am I jew, that I should do so, and so? I have observed something to this purpose, from the people of East-India, whoare very valiant at tongue-fights, though not so with their weapons (as you will hear afterward); that people, I say, who have a very nimble but a base quality in railing at, and miscalling one another; and their language is so full, and significant, that they can call a man in it, two or three base things in one word; but when they come to call him, whom they miscall, judeo Jew, they believe (as I have been often told) that they can go no higher; esteeming that, above all other terms, the highest name of obloquy.  
Yet we do believe, (because the Lord hath promised it) that he will find a time to call home this people again to himself, when they shall receive honour above all the contempt they have been long under; after they shall see with sorrow, and with the eye of faith, Him, whom their Forefathers, out of ignorance, and despite, and unbelief pierced.  
For the Stature of the Natives of East-India, they are like us, but generally very straight; for I never observed nor heard of any crooked person amongst them: And one reason may be, because they never lace nor girt in their Bodies; and when they sleep, they accustom themselves to stretch out their Bodies at their full length, without any thing to raise up their heads. And further, among many other things I took special notice of there, I never observed any deformed Person, nor Idiot or natural Fool, in those Parts.  
Now for the Complexion of this People, they are all of them of a sad tawny or Olive-colour; their hair black as a Raven, very harsh, but not curled. They like not a man or woman that is very white or fair, because that (as they say) is the colour of Lepers, common amongst them. Most of the mahometans, except the Moolaes' (which are their Priests) or those which are very old and retired, and have (as it were) given the World quite over, keep their chins continually bare, but suffer the hair on their upper lips to grow very long; and they keep it in its natural colour, by combing it continually with black-lead Combs, till they be of good years; but afterward, when Time hath so snowed upon them, that they can no longer keep in nor conceal their grey hairs, they use the Razor (as they did) no more, but let the hair of their chins grow long and large, which makes many graybeards amongst them, and I conceive that there are of those many Old men.  
And further, it is the manner of the mahometans to shave all the hair from off their Heads, reserving only one lock on the Crown of them, for Mahomet to pull them up to Heaven with (as they fond conceit). The Hindoes shave their Heads likewise, but cut all off; and both of them shave thus, and that very often; but however their baldness appears not at all, because their Heads are continually covered with a Shash, or a wreath of narrow Callico-Cloth, many times wrapped about them, (usually for their colour white or red) which they never pull off, as we do our Hats in Compliments. Their much and often shaving makes many excellent Barbers amongst them, who besides their Scissors and Razors, use a little Instrument about the length of a short Bodkin, very sharp, made like a Chizel, but not broader at the cutting end than the shank of a sixpenny nail, with which they pair and cleanse the nails on their fingers and toes. Every Barber carries always about him a round Looking-glass made of steel, about the compass of a large trencher-plate, made somewhat hollow, and kept by them exceeding clean and sleek, so that it will represent the Face of him that beholds it on the convex side very well. These Barbers, as they walk up and down, often present these Glasses unto men whom they find sitting still, which is a tender of their Service if they shall please to make use of them.  
The people there often wash their Bodies, and keep their Feet as clean and as sweet as their Hands. The better sort anoint themselves very much with sweet oils, which makes their company (as before I observed) very savoury.  
The Natives there (of which there is something before in my third Section) show very much ingenuity in their curious Manufactures; as in their Silk-stuffs which they most artificially wove, some of them very neatly mingled either with Silver or Gold, or both. As also in making excellent Quilts of their stained cloth, or of fresh coloured Taffeta lined with their Pintadoet, or of their Satin lined with Taffeta, betwixt which they put cotton-wool, and work them together with Silk. Those Taffeta or Sattin-quilts, are excellently stitched by them, being done as evenly, and in as good order, as if they had been drawn out to them, for their direction, the better to work them. They make likewise excellent Carpets of their cotton-wool, in fine mingled colours, some of them more than three yards broad, and of a great length. Some other richer Carpets they make all of Silk, so artificially mixed, as that they livelily represent those flowers, and figures made in them. The ground of some other of their rich Carpets is Silver or Gold, about which are such silken flowers, and figures (as before I named) most excellently and orderly disposed throughout the whole work.  
Their skill is likewise exquisite in making of Cabinets, or Boxes, or Trunks, or Standishes, curiously wrought, within, and without; inlaid with Elephant's tooth, or Mother of Pearl, or Ebony, or Tortoise-shell, or Wyre; they make excellent Cups, and other things of Agate, and Cornelian; and curious they are in cutting all manner of stones, Diamonds as well as others.  
They paint Staves, or Bedsteads, or Chests of Boxes, or Fruit-dishes, or large Chargers, extreme neatly; which, when they be not inlaid (as before) they cover the wood (first being handsomely turned) with a thick Gum, than put their Paint on, most artificially made of liquid silver, or gold, or other lively colours, which they use; and after make it much more beautiful with a very clear varnish put upon it.  
They are excellent at Limning, and will copy out any Picture they see to the life: for confirmation of which take this instance; It happened that my Lord Ambassador visiting the mogul on a time, as he did often, presented him with a curious neat small oval Picture done to the life in England. The mogul was much pleased with it, but told the Ambassador withal, that haply he supposed that there was never a one in his Country that could do so well in that curious Art; and then offered to wager with him a Leck of Roopees (a sum which amounted to no less than 10000 l. sterl.) that in a few days he would have two Copies made by that presented to him, so like, that the Ambassador should not know his own. He refused the great wager, but told the King he would adventure his judgement on it: Two Copies taken from that Original were within few days after made, and brought and laid before the Ambassador, in the presence of the King; the Ambassador viewing them long, either out of Courtship to please the King, or else unable to make a difference 'twixt the Pictures being all exquisitely done, took one of them which was new made, for that which he had formerly presented, and did after profess that he did not flatter, but mistake in that choice. The truth is, that the Natives of that Monarchy are the best Ap●s for imitation in the world, so full of ingenuity that they will make any new thing by pattern, how hard soever it seem to be done; and therefore it is no marvel, if the Natives there make Shoes, and Boots, and Clothes, and Linen, and Bands and Cuffs of our English Fashion, which are all of them very much different from their Fashions and Habits, and yet make them all exceeding neatly.  
They have Markets, which they call Bazars, to sell and buy their Commodities in all their great Towns twice every day, a little before, and an hour after Sunrising in the morning, and so a little before and a little after Sunset at night. The other parts of the day being too hot for those great confluences of people to meet together; and those are the seasons we Englishmen there make use of, to ride abroad and take the air, the rest of the day we usually spend in our houses. The people there sell almost all their Provisions, as very many other things, by weight.  
For the foreign Trade of this people, it is usually once a year into the Red Sea to a City called Moha in Arabia the happy, about thirty leagues from the mouth of it; It is a principal Mart for all Indian Commodities, but the Staple and most principal there vented is their Cotten-cloth, either white, or stained, and their cotton-wool. Hither they come from Grand Cairo in Egypt, as from many other parts of the Turks Dominions, to traffic; hither they come from Prester john's Country which lies on the other side of the Arabian Gulf (for so the Red Sea is there called) and not above fourteen leagues over at the City Moha.  
The Ship or junk (for so it is called) that usually goes from Surat to Moha is of an exceeding great burden, some of them I believe fourteen or fifteen hundred Tuns, or more, but those huge Vessels are very ill built, like an overgrown Litter, broad and short, but made exceeding big, on purpose to waff Passengers forward and backward: which are Mahometans, who go on purpose to visit Mahomet's Sepulchre, at Medina near Mecha, but many miles beyond Moha. The Passengers, and others in that most capacious Vessel that went and returned that year I left India, (as we were credibly told) amounted to the number of seventeen hundred. Those mahometans that have visited Mahomet's Sepulchre, are ever after called Hoggees, or holy men.  
This junk bound from Surat to the Red-Sea, as she hath many people in her, so hath she good Ordnance, but those Navigators know not well how to use them for their defence. She begins her Voyage about the twentieth of March, and finisheth it, about the end of September following. The Voyage is but short and might easily be made in less than three months, but the Ship is very slow, and ill-built to abide foul weather; and in the long season of the rain, and a little before and after it, the winds upon those Coasts are commonly so violent, that there is no coming but with much hazard into the Indian Sea. This Ship returning is usually worth (as I have heard it faithfully reported, and if my credit given to that report make me not to abuse my Readers) two hundred thousand pounds Sterling, and most of it brought back in good Gold and Silver; some fine Chamlets they bring with them home likewise. But that huge mass of wealth thus brought home into India, is another especial thing, and might have been added to that I spoke of before towards the continual enriching of this great Monarchy: where, in the next place I shall speak   

SECTION VI.  
Of the care and skill of this people in keeping and managing their excellent good Horses; Of their Elephants and their ordering and managing them; And how the people ride and are carried up and down from place to place.  
THe Soldiery here, and so many of the Gentry, and better sort of the people, who live at Court, show excellent good skill in riding and managing of their well turned, high metalled, choice Horses; which are excellent good at mounting up, bounding and curvetting, and when they run them at their full swiftest speed will stop them at a feet breadth; for the scantling of those creatures, they are in proportion like ours, but excellently well eyed, headed, limned; for their colours, there are some of them Raven-black, but many more of them white, curiously Dapled; and a very great number Pied and spotted all over, and there are some of other bright colours. But it is a usual custom there amongst Gallants who ride upon the bright-coloured horses, to have their legs and lower parts of their bellies and breasts died into a Saffron colour (of which they have much there) which makes them look as if they had stood in some Dyars Vatt, just to such an height of their bodies.  
The hair upon their Horses (whom they keep plump and fat) is very short, soft, and lies sleek upon them: and I wonder not at it, they are kept so daintily; every Horse being allowed a man to dress and feed him, and to run by him when he is rode forth, and this is all his work.  
They tie not down their horse-heads when they stand still (as we do) with halters, but secure each horse by two ropes, fastened to their hind-feets, which ropes are somewhat long, to be staked down behind them in Tents, or other places wherein they are kept.  
They cut grass for them green or withered on the earth as they have occasion to use it, never mowing their ground and making Hay as we do. But that which keeps their horses in heart, and in flesh, is the Provender they eat, which is a kind of round grain they call Donna, somewhat bigger than our Tares; which they give not unto them dry, but boiled, and mingled with some corpse Sugar amongst it; and when it is cold give it them, made up in round balls, which they put into their mouths, as if they crammed them; and sometimes they put a little Butter into these balls to scour their bodies.  
Their choice good horses are valued there at as dear if not an higher rate, than those we esteem most of in England are prized with us. They make excellent Saddles, and some of them of great value, adorned with handsome and rich trappings, all of them very easy both for the horse, and his rider. They manage their horses with strong snaffles, whose reins and head-stalls are made suitable to their Saddles and Trappings,  
The Elephants in this vast Monarchy are very numerous, and though they be the largest, and that by far, of all the Creatures the earth brings forth; yet are they so tractable, unless at some times when the Males are mad (of which more afterward) as that a boy of twelve years old is able to rule the biggest of them, in which we may in a special manner read a Comment on that truth which tells us how that the Lord hath put the fear of man upon all the creatures here below.  
But for the Elephants (I have begun to speak of) they are very huge vast overgrown Creatures, some of whom, which I have seen, I conceive at the least twelve foot high; but there are amongst them (as they say) fourteen or fifteen foot in height. The colour of them all is black; their skins thick, and smooth without hair; they have full eyes, but not proportionable to their great bodies; they have ears like our Oxen, but not exceeding large, and those ears edged (as it were) about with a short hair-fringe; and at the end of their tails (which are slender and not very long) there grows some hair likewise and a little on their eyelids; but no where else about their bodies.  
The feet of the Elephants look like the trunks of small trees cut square off from their roots; round about which there are thick, and short, and broad claws growing.  
Some that write of them have abused the world with this tradition that they have no joints in their legs, and therefore stand when they sleep against trees to hold them up: which is all very false, for they lie down and arise again at their pleasure, as other beasts do.  
Their motion is not swift, a walking rather than a pace, about three miles at the most an hour; but of all beasts that carry burdens they are most sure of foot, for they never fall, not yet stumble to endanger their Rider.  
They are most docile creatures, and of all those we account merely sensible come nearest unto reason.  
Lipsius' in his Epistles Cent. 1. Epist. 50. out of his observation from others, writes more of them than I can confirm, or any, I persuade myself, believe; yet many things most remarkable, which seem indeed to be acts of reason rather than sense, I have observed in them: for instance, an Elephant will do any thing his Keeper commands him, as if he bid him to affright a man, he will make towards him as if he meant to tread him into pieces, but when he is come at him do him no hurt at all; so if he would have him, to abuse or to disgrace a man, he will take dirt, or dust, or kennel-water into his Trunk, and dash it on his face.  
Their Trunks are grisly Snouts of a great length, hanging down betwixt their long teeth, which teeth nature hath given them for their defence, otherwise they are of little use to them. In their Trunks they have such marvellous strength, that by them they can do very much mischief: for if they strike an Horse, or Camel, or any other the like beast with them (as sometimes they do when as they are mad) they will so break their bones, as that they will spoil, nay kill them at one blow; and much more a man, if he chance to come in their way.  
Those Trunks of the Elephants are to them as an hand by which they feed themselves, and make great use of them otherwise upon all occasions: for with those Trunks they tear off boughs from trees, by winding them about them; and after, with them, put boughs into their mouths, and eat the tenderest parts of them. With these they pull up green corn (if they be suffered) and grass by the roots, and then against their legs beat off the earth and dust that hangs about them, before they eat thereof. Thus they deal with fedgs, or weeds, which they find in the water, first washing off the dirt which hangs on the roots thereof, and then down they go into their vast bellies.  
The Elephant's delight much to bathe themselves in water; in which, when they find depth enough, they swim as well as any other Creatures.  
I observed before, that the male Elephants when they grow lusty are sometimes mad for their females, but in few days come again in temper; before which time they are so mischievous, that they will strike any thing, but their Keepers, that comes in their way; and their strength is such (as before I observed) that there is no blow they give which lights either upon men or beast, but carries death with it. At those times to prevent mischief they are kept apart from company, fettered with strong chains unto Trees; but if by chance in their frenzy they get lose (as sometimes they do) they will make after every thing they see stir, in which case they have no means to stop them in their violent course, but by firing of Crackers made of Gunpowder, whose sparkling, and noise makes them to stand still and tremble. When those creatures are in that mad distemper, they sweat much, which makes their savour exceeding rank and filthy like that ill smell of a Boar when he is fatting in his Sty, but, by much, more strong and more offensive than that.  
An English Merchant there, of good credit upon his own knowledge, reported this thing which follows, and is very observable, of an Elephant in Adsmer (the place then of the Mogul's residence); who being brought often through the Bazar or Market place, a woman who usually sat there to sell herbs, was wont to give this great Elephant an handful, as he many times passed by; this Elephant after, being mad, broke his fetters, and took his way through that Bazar; the people being all of them much affrighted, made haste to secure themselves by getting out of his way, amongst whom was this Herb-woman, who, for fear and haste, forgot her little Child which she had brought thither; the Elephant came to the place where this woman usually sat, stopped, and seeing a little Child lying there about her herbs, took it up gently with his Trunk, not doing it the least harm, and presently after laid it down upon the stall of an house that was hard by; and then proceeded on in his furious course. Acosta, a Jesuit, relates the like of an Elephant in Goa from his own experience.  
The Elephant, though he be vast, and terrible, yea and cruel too, when he is set to do mischief, or when he is mad; yet otherwise is a tame gentle Creature, so that the dread of this huge beast, most appears to the eyes. But notwithstanding his terribleness, I once there saw a Creature compared with an Elephant, not much bigger than a small Fish compared with a Whale, boldly to encounter one of them. The occasion by which this so came to pass offers itself thus: that year I went for East-India, the Merchants here (as from the King of England, in whose name they sent all their Presents) amongst many other things, than sent the mogul some great English Mastiffs, and some large Irish Greyhounds, in all to the number of eight, dispersed in our several Ships; one of those high spirited Mastiffs in our Voyage thither, upon a day seeing a great Shoal or company of Porpoises (before described) mounting up above the waves, and coming toward that Ship wherein he was, suddenly leapt overboard to encounter with them, before any did take notice of that fierce creature: to prevent that engagement, wherein he was irrecoverably lost, the Ship then having such a fresh gale of wind, that she could not suddenly slack her course, whereby that poor creature might have been preserved. Another, one of the Irish Greyhounds had his head shot off in our fight. The Mange was the destruction of four more of them; only two of the Mastiffs came alive to East-India, and they were carried up, each of them drawn in a little Coach, when I went up to the Ambassador, that he might present them to the mogul. The fiercest of these two, in our way thither, upon a time breaking loose, fell upon a very large Elephant that was hard by us, fastening his teeth in the Elephant's Trunk, and kept his hold there a good while, which made that huge beast extremely to roar; and though the Elephant did swing the Mastive up and down above ground many times (as not feeling his weight) that he might throw him off; yet he could not suddenly do it, but at last freeing himself from the dog by throwing him a good space from him, there came a Mongrel Cur of that Country towards our Mastive, who then lost this his most unequal match, fell upon that dog and killed him, by which means we recovered our Mastive again into our custody, he having not received any apparent hurts; by which we may see how much Courage and Mettle there is in those right fierce Mastiffs.  
This story pleased the mogul very much when the dogs were presented to him, and he allowed each of them four attendants of those Natives to wait upon them, who by turns two and two together carried them up and down with him in Palankees, (after described) to which they were tied, and the other two went by them, fanning the Flies from off them; and the King caused a pair of silver tongs to be made on purpose, that with them when he pleased, he might feed those dogs with his own hand. But this story by the way.  
The mogul hath many of his great Elephants trained up for the war, who carry each of them one iron Gun, about five foot long, lying upon a strong frame of wood, made square that is fitted to a thick broad Panel fastened about him, with very strong and broad Girses or Girts. The Gun like an Harquebus hath a piece of iron like a Musket-rest fastened on the sides thereof, made loose to play up and down. The bottom of that Iron Rest so fixed, is long, to be let through that frame of wood on the foreside, and so to be keyed in at the bottom. At the four corners of this frame are small flags of silk, with sundry devices painted on them, put upon little neat coloured staves; upon the neck of the Elephant sits a man to guide him, and within the frame a Gunner, to make his shot as he finds occasion. The Piece thus mounted, carries a bullet about the bigness of a Tennis Ball.  
Some Elephants the King keeps for the execution of Malefactors; the manner how, follows in Sestion 23. And some he keeps to carry himself and women; and some Elephants are kept for State (of which more when I shall come to speak more particularly of the great mogul.) Other Elephants are there employed for the carrying of burdens, their strength being so great as that they will bear a marvellous weight.  
The Elephants are all governed with a small rod of steel about half a yard long, made sharp on the lower end, and towards that end there is an hook returned, like a Fish-hook, that is very sharp likewise; by which their Riders sitting on their necks, pull them back, or prick them forward at their pleasure.  
These vast Creatures, though the Country be exceeding fruitful, and all provisions in it cheap, yet by reason of their huge bulk, if they well be kept and fed, are very chargeable in keeping; they are kept usually under the shade of great Trees, where by a strong chain of iron upon one of their hind-legs they fasten them. And as they stand, the abundance of Flies vex them, and therefore with their fore-feets they make dust, (the ground usually being very dry) and with their Trunk cast the dust about their bodies to drive away those Flies from them.  
The King allows every one of those great male-Elephants four females, which in their language they call their wives. These brutes (as they say) will not endure any to behold them when they are coupling together; which may condemn many who call themselves men and women, but have so lost all modesty, that they are not ashamed when they commit any act of filthiness, no they are not ashamed, neither can they blush. The Female Elephants (as they further say) carry their young, one whole year ere they bring them forth; Thirty years expire ere they come to their full growth; and they fulfil the accustomed age of men ere they die. And lastly, notwithstanding the great Number there of those vast Creatures, and the excessive charge in keeping them well, they value them at exceeding high rates.  
For this people, when as they journey from place to place, the men of the inferior sort go all on foot, their women that cannot so travel, ride on little Oxen, enured to carry burdens, or on Asses, which carry their little children with them; the women like the men astride. Others that are of better quality ride on Horses, Mules, Camels, Dromedaries, or else in slight Coaches with two wheels covered on the top and back-end, but the forepart and sides open, unless they carry women. Those Coaches will carry four persons beside the driver, but two may lie at ease, and at length in them upon quilts, that lie in the body of them, upheld by girt-web, with which they are bottomed, which makes them by far more easy. These Coaches are covered for men of quality with some thing that is costly; much of our English broad cloth that is died red, is there bought from us and employed for that use. At the back-end of this Coach they have a long round bolster, that reacheth both sides, stuffed with Cotten-wool, and covered with Velvet or Satin, or with some other thing that is rich. These Coaches are drawn by Oxen, one yoke to a Coach; some of which Oxen have their short horns neatly tipped with silver plate, and some others with brass; and they have each of them a fine Collar of large round bells, some of them made of Silver. They are pared and suited as our Coach-horses for stature and colour; most of them thus employed are white, and some pied, or spotted all over with several colours. They are guided with small cords which go through the parting of their Nostrils, and so 'twixt their horns into the Coachman's hand, who by these restrains them when, and guides them how he pleaseth; and when he would have them go on, pricks them forward with a small and short staff he keeps in his hand pointed like a goad. These Oxen there, are very neatly made, slender, strait-limbed and not very large, but naturally very nimble, and by daily use made so fit to perform that labour, (being kept well shod) as that they go twenty miles a day and more, with good speed. They keep those Oxen for this service, as their horses, well-dressed, and so well fed, that they be plump and fat, and consequently very handsome to behold.  
The men there of the greatest rank and quality, ride sometimes in those Coaches, and sometimes on their curious Horses, and sometimes on their brave Elephants, but however they are carried, they have their horses, which wait upon them when they go abroad, that they may bestride them when they please. And at other times they ride on men's shoulders, in a slight thing they call a Palankee, made somewhat like a Couch or standing palate, covered with a Canopy, wherein a man may lie at his full length, as many of those Grandees do, when they are removed from place to place, giving themselves up to ease, and over unto those sins which follow it; and while they are thus carried, they make the shoulders and joints of those that seel their heavy weight, to bow and buckle under their burdens. This as it should seem was an ancient, but a base effeminacy sometimes used in Rome. juvenal in his first Satire, describing a fat Lawyer thus carried. 
Causidici nova cum veniat Lectica Mathonis,  
Plena ipso—  
Matho the pleader comes in his new Chair,  
Filled with himself? when that he takes the air.  It had been well, if such carriages as these had been never heard of, but in then-heathen Rome, or amongst poor blinded Indians. But, Vae nobis miseris ad quos Paganorum vitia transierunt. woe to us wretched people of this Nation, unto whom the vices of Pagans are derived. It was a curse that the old Cretans were wont to wish might fall upon their greatest enemies, that they might fall in love with evil customs. This doubtless is one, amongst many more, fallen upon us of this Nation, when some, not out of necessity, but choice, make other men their Packhorses to ride upon them, a thing (as I conceive of it) most unworthy of a man, as he is a man, so to do.  
But I shall here digress no further; but return again to that people (I mean those of quality amongst them) who out of Pride, or Idleness, or both, are thus carried up and down, or by some other means I named before, though they remove never so little way from one place to another, accounting it very dishonourable for them to go on foot. And so much of this. I shall now proceed, (having made mention of their huge multitudes of Horses, and Elephants) etc. to take notice   

SECTION VII.  
Of their numerous Armies; Their Ammunition for war; How they lad themselves with weapons; How terribly they appear; yet how pusillanimous, and low-spirited they are.  
WHere first, for their numerous Armies, it will appear to be no strange thing, if we consider the Great mogul to be what he is, an overgrown Prince, (as before described) in the vast extent of his large Territories, being like a huge Pike in a great Pond, that preys upon all his neighbours, who therefore purchase, and keep his favour by very great Presents given him by way of homage, and a submiss acknowledgement of his mighty Power. And besides, the mogul is a Master of unknown treasure, having Silver, as 'tis written of Solomon, 1 Kings 10. 27. like stones in the streets. And certainly in far greater abundance than ever Solomon had. Though I must tell my Reader, that all metals there, are not silver and gold, nor all stones precious. Now he that can command what treasure he will, may likewise command what men he please, as the mogul doth besides his own people. Many Persians and Tartars (before spoken of) very valiant men, who serve him as Soldiers on horseback, and so the major part by far, whether Natives, or strangers, are mounted for his service in his wars.  
Hence it is that the Armies there consist of incredible multitudes; they talk of some which have exceeded that mighty Host which Zerah King of Aethiopia brought against King Asa, 2 Chron. 14. 9 but they having not well learned that horrid bloody art of war, as the Europeans have, and wanting Commanders, and other Officers to manage their great Companies, are not so skilful to destroy, as otherwise they might be: it is a phrase most properly and fitly applied unto savage, and absurd, and brutish, and unreasonable men, to the Enemies of God, and of his Church by the Prophet Ezek. 21. 31. Where Almighty God threatens that he will deiver them into the hands of brutish men, and skilful to destroy.  
The Weapons they use in their Wars are, Bows and Arrows, Swords and Bucklers, short Lanee having excellent good steel-heads, and short pieces like unto Carbines, besides those carried upon Elephants (before described) some Footmen in their Wars carry those lesser Guns, with Bows and Arrows, Swords and Bucklers, and they are excellent Marks-men. They make good Gunpowder for their own use, and fire their Guns with Match, or Touchwood. Their Swords are made crooked like Falchons, and are very sharp; but for want of skill in those that temper them, will easily break, but not bend. And therefore we sell at good rates our English Sword-blads that will bow, and become straight again. They have (and they say that for many generations past have had) great Ordnance, though they seldom make use of them in their Wars.  
Their warlike Music are some Kettledrums carried on horseback, with long wind Instruments, which make not Music, but noise, so harsh and unpleasing, that it is enough to fright away their enemies.  
They say, that in their Military engagements, they make at the first very furious onsets, which are too violent long to continue, for the Scale quickly decides the controversy, when that side which happens first to be worsted, and to be put into disorder, knows better to Run than to Rally again.  
There are some of the Mogul's own Subjects which are men of courage; those of note among the Mahometans are called Baloches, inhabiting Haiacan, adjoining unto the Kingdom of Persia, (spoken of before) and there are others called Patans', taking their denomination from a Province of that name in the Kingdom of Bengala. These will look an enemy boldly in the face, and maintain with their lives, their reputation and valour. Amongst the many Sects of Hindoos or Gentiles (after spoken of) which are subject to this King, there is but one race of fighters called Rashboots, a number of which live by spoil, who in Troops surprise poor Passengers, for the most part murdering those whom they get under their power. These excepted, the rest of the Mogul's Natives, for the generality of them, had rather eat than quarrel, and rather quarrel than fight. I say quarrel, for I have several times observed there, that when two of them, have been both well armed, and have most shamefully abused one another, in base language than I can express, yet durst not draw their weapons; in conclusion, when one of them hath caught the other by the throat, and forced him up against some wall, the sufferer would cry out piteous, and the standers by would admire the other for his valour, saying, Sha-Abas; a proverbial speech amongst them relating to the late King of Persia, called Sha-Abas, a Prince much renowned for valour; and when any man did a thing they thought gallantly, they cried Sha-Abas, as much as to say, it was done as well as the Persian King could have done it.  
Yet, however the people here in general are cowardly, they appear men of very terrible aspects, having great long Mustachoes upon their upper Lips, their Chins continually kept bare by the Razor, which makes them all to look like the Pictures of our old Britain's; or like those our rude Painters daub upon clothes, and call them the Nine-worthies. And further, to make them the more formidable, they will appear on horseback as if they were surrounded with an Armoury, or carrying an whole Armoury about them, thus appointed; At their left sides swords hanging on belts, under them sheaves of many arrows; on their left shoulders broad Bucklers fastened, and upon their backs small Guns like to Carbins' fixed likewise; at their right sides Bows hanging in cases, and Lances (about two yards and an half long) hanging in loops near their stirrups (when they carry them not in their hands); yet for all this Harness the most of them are like those Ephramites, Psal. 78. 9 Who being armed, and carrying bows, turned their heads in the day of battle. For they dare not look a man of courage in the face, though they be thus fortified, with such variety of weapons for their defence. Nay, a man of resolution will beat one of these out of all his weapons, with a small Stick or Cane. So that I shall do the Natives of that Country no wrong, if I say of them, that they are sola Libidine fortes, most strong and valiant in their base lusts, and not otherwise.  
The base Cowardice of which people, hath made the great mogul sometimes to use this Proverb, that one Portugal would beat three of his people; and (because the English there have many times prevailed much at Sea against those Portugals) he would further add, that on Englishman would beat three Portugals.  
The truth is, that the Portugals, especially those which are born in those Indian Colonies, most of them a mixed seed begotten upon those Natives, are a very low, poor-spirited people, called therefore Gallina's dealt Mar, The Hens of the Sea.  
One notable instance to prove this: it happened that the East-India Company had a very little Pinnace, they called the Coaster, which they kept in those parts for discoveries; manned she was but with ten men, and had only one small Murdering-piece within her. She upon a time met with a Portugal Ship, going then towards Ormos', which had one hundred and thirty men aboard her, and Guns answerable to her Burden, and Company; Our petty Pinnace came up with her, discharged her murdering-piece, which slew one of her chief Officers; upon which, without any further resistance, she presently struck her Sails and yielded. Our English presently commanded her Gunners, and some other of her Chief Officers, to come aboard them, which immediately they did, and there kept them bound, till they had taken what they pleased out of their Ship, and then let them go, being most deservedly used in that their suffering, they being thirteen to one; and yet such beasts they were, as they durst not make any resistance.  
But take some stories of valiant Portugals before I leave them, and these you shall have from some of that Nation themselves, whom we not seldom met in India, and would there beg relief of us; but I never knew any come to us upon those terms, but his pride would excuse his poverty thus, that he was challenged into the field, and there in single combat had fairly slain a man; how that he durst not return again any more into the Portugal Colonies, for fear of the Law, and it was that which put him at present into that sad exigent to ask relief, and this was their usual plea there; when in truth and in deed, we did believe them to be such pitiful wretches, or men of such a strange resolution, as that, (as it was written of one called Pisander) they would be made to fear their own shadows.  
However, upon this account there came upon a time at my first coming into India, unto the Factory at Surat, where I than was, a most valiant Portugal (if you will give him leave to tell his own story, and believe it when he hath done) who first for his person was a Quantus tantus, tantillus, a very poor, little dwarfish man, whose person promised as little valour as any that I ever saw, though I know that high courage is not tied to an huge bulk, for (if stories abuse us not) Alexander the Great was but a little man; but what ever Alexander was, I am sure, that this was a poor little thing; but however he told us, that he was by birth an Hidalgo, which signifies in Spanish the Son of some body, or no ordinary man, but a Gentleman of Spain, and that he came from thence as a Companion to the King of Spain's Viceroy, sent to Goa, and himself was called the Knight with the Golden Rapier, and that suddenly after his coming to Goa, he was honourably invited into the field, there to fight a single Combat with a very gallant man of that place, but he soon left him there dead; and having done so, the Viceroy prevented him with a pardon for that fact, before he asked it, but willing him withal, now he had been sufficiently tried, to confine his Rapier to its scabbard. But he told us further, that he could not long after live quietly there, but was provoked again by a man of high resolution, unto a second encounter, when he had the like success as before, in killing his Adversary. The Viceroy now was very angry with him, but upon much entreaty, as he said, pardoned him a second time; upon the receipt of which favour he told us that he was then resolved to throw away his Rapier, to get into a Religious House, and there to remain the residue of his days, a Convertado or Penitent. But the Viceroy could not be long without his Company; and therefore to gain it, restored him again into his former favour: But for himself he was still so unhappy (the fame of his great valour being spread abroad) as that he could not long enjoy that peace, and quiet, which he now so much desired, but received a third Challenge from a very gallant, and very valiant man, as he described him, a man big enough to beat a Goliath; and then he further told us, that his honour was ever more dear unto him than his life; and therefore notwithstanding the loss of the Viceroy's favour, and what else might happen, he entered the Lists with him; and though he found him the stoutest adversary that ever he opposed, yet after a long conflict this little Knight killed that great Giant, and left him there dead likewise: which done, He (not daring to return any more unto Goa) told us, that he came naked out of the field as we then saw him with no ornaments (I assure you) about him, fit to make him a Viceroy's companion, nor any weapon fit to Dub him Knight of the Golden Rapier. He further added, that he was now resolved not to live any longer amongst the Christians, but that he desired to live amongst the English; but when we replied that we were Christians, he cried jesus Maria! as wondering at it, and further told us, that he never heard so before.  
When this Rhadomantadist had ended his perilous story, it was dinner time, and the Merchants bid him to sit down with us and eat, and so he did, where certainly he laid about him more valiantly than ever he had done before in the field, giving our meat many a cut, and eating, as if he had been more than half starved. He continued with us there for some few days, and after, when his hunger was well satisfied, and his spirits well refreshed, he began to take some exception against his place at the Table, because he eat at the lower end thereof, saying, that the company there were but Factors, Servants, but he was a Gentleman, and therefore his due place was higher at the board, but then corrected himself, saying, that it was not to be much considered where he sat, for his place made the upper end of the Table where ever he was placed: and suddenly after, this Don Quixot being weary of his stay with us (though he was but too well used) and having a great mind to ramble further, told our Company, that he being an Hidalgo, it was very dishonourable for him to take entertainment upon the terms he had it; and therefore desired us to make a little Purse for him, on which he would live as long as he could, and then creep into some Desert place, and there repent and die. And now our great Guest, having spent all his humour, and told us all his Dream, had his desire granted in some money that was given to him; and so we parted with our Knight Errand, who lived longer than he told us he would live. For half a year after I took notice of him at the Mogul's Court, and there I leave him.  
I will now shortly relate a story of another of his Nation (and I do believe, as good a Gentleman as himself) who called himself Antonio de la Valla. It happened, that a little before our coming thence, my Lord Ambassador going from his own house to dine at the English Factory in Surat, and I waiting on him, there appeared then to us a walking Skeleton, most miserably clothed, the poorest, and leanest Creature that ever mine Eyes beheld, who faintly begged of him some relief, telling (what was true) that he was almost quite starved; the Ambassador pitied and relieved him, and, as we returned back, found this poor Creature eating with so much gr●idiness, as if he could not have been satisfied. He was then willed to come to our House, and he did so, and there wh● fed, and heartened up again, and then, when he was come to himself, told us, that he had endured there abundance of misery, which, as he acknowledged, did most justly befall him, because he had there renounced his Religion, and become a Mahometan, which, when he had done, no care was taken of him there, (for they regard not a Man that will not be constant in his Religion, believing, that if that Bond cannot tie him, nothing will.) He told us further, that he was very sorry that he had so done, and desired a passage for England, which was granted him; and he was put unto me as my Servant, and therefore I fitted him with Clothes, etc. fit for his turn, but afterward (we being at Sea) he would often curse and ban, and cry out, O Ma● ventura! O his hard hap! and that of all the miseries which he had endured, this was the greatest; that he, an Hidalgo, a Gentleman of Spain, should live to become a Servant, and which was worse, to serve an Heretic. I would, when I heard this of him (for he spoke not so to me) tell him of it, and further mind him of that most sad condition in which we found him, how that he had starved to death, if our pity in the relief he found from us, had not even then prevented it. He would reply, that he knew not what he said; telling me, that his many miseries had turned his Brains: (Not to bestow any more Ink and Paper on him) we brought him afterward to Plymouth, and immediately after our arrive there, he desired his Liberty, which was easily granted him, and from thence (having some Money given him, more than he deserved) took his course; whither, I cannot tell, neither need my Reader desire to know. And therefore I will return again, as swift as meditation or thought can carry me, unto East-India, where I shall in the next place speak   

SECTION VIII.  
Of our safe and secure living amongst the Natives there, if we do not provoke them. Of their faithfulness unto those that entertain them as Servants: For how little they serve, and yet how diligent they are, etc.  
WHere first for our Living in East-India, it is with as much freedom and safety in our Journeys and Tents, when we travel; in our Houses when we are most fixed, as if we were in an Army of Banners appointed for our Guard; or as if the Vines and Figtrees under which we there sit were our own.  
But there are Spoilers sometimes met withal in those Provinces, that live by their Swords and Bows, having nothing for their subsistence (because they will take no other course) but what they get by rapine and spoil; of whom somewhat more afterward.  
And now by the way for those Villains who thus live, (wherever they be) and those sturdy Rogues who are next to them in guilt, by eating up the Bread of the Poor, having able limbs to carry them that they may beg from House to House, and Hands to receive Alms but none to labour; both these being the very vermin of those Commonwealths, wherein they are suffered to breathe, it were very well if such of these as have not deserved to be cut off by the Hand of Justice, were all served as Philip King of Macedon dealt with two Rogues, alterum è Macedonia fugere, alterum persequi jussit. He made one of them to whip the other out of his Country, and so he was rid of both of them.  
But to return to the place from whence I am now digressed. I traveled from Surat with four Englishmen more, and about twenty of the Natives in our Company, we beginning our journey the first of jan. towards Sir Thomas Row, at the Mogul's Court, then above four hundred miles distant from Surat. We had six Wagons drawn with Oxen in our Company, laden with rich English Goods (the principal part whereof was English broad Cloth) assigned to an English Merchant at the Court, and some other Carriages we had, of all which we made a ring every night near some large Town or Village, where we resolved to stay, and pitched our Huts within that Circle, some of us watching, and the Natives with us, every night; we went on that long journey very safely, only in some places where there was any suspicion of danger, we had a Guard of Horse appointed to go with us for our defence, by the Command of Sultan Caroon than Prince, and now King, (who had his Revenue out of those parts we then traveled through) who sent a Footman, that continually kept us company, with his Letters to command a Company of Soldiers that were Horsemen, to guard us where he thought good; who as they did not expect, so they would take no recompense for their pains, though we freely offered it them. But the Providence of God did so order it, that though we had their Company in several places, we never had need of their help for our defence. The truth is, that the People there in general are very civil, and we never had any affronts or ill usage from them, if we did not first provoke them.  
But if we did, they would not well bear it, for twice in one Week, ●t my first coming to Surat, the whole Town in general wer● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uproar, and surrounded our House there, both times some of our English provoked those Natives to stir against us, but by our speedy Addresses unto the Governor of that place, we excusing the fault of those that ministered the occasion of their discontent, they being newly come thither, and altogether unacquainted with their customs, he presently commanded that wild Assembly to depart from our House; and so immediately they did, we receiving no hurt at all from any of them.  
When my Lord Ambassador at first arrived at Surat, so it was, that an English Cook he carried with him, the very first day of his coming thither, found a way to an Armenian Christian's House, who sold Wine, which in that place, they call Armenian Wine. But (by the way) I do believe that there was scarce another in that populous City of that Trade: the greater shame for those whosoever they be that suffer so many unnecessary Tippling Houses (in the places where they have power to restrain them) which are the Devil's nursery, the very Tents wherein Satan dwells, where Almighty God receives abundance of dishonour, Drunkenness being a sin which hath Hands and Fingers to draw all other sins unto it; For a Drunkard can do any thing, or be any thing but good. That Armenian Wine I speak of is made of Raisins of the Sun and Sugar, with some other things put and boiled in water: which Wine, when it is ripe and clear, is in Colour like to our Muscadels, pleasant enough to the taste, but heavy and heady. The Cook had his Head quickly over-fraighted with it, and then staggering homeward, in his way met the Governors' Brother of Surat, as he was riding to his House: the Cook made a stand, staying himself up upon his Sword and Scabbard, and cried out to the Governors' Brother, Now thou Heathen Dog! He not understanding his foul Language, replied civilly in his own, Cacata; which signifies, What sayest thou? the Cook answered him with his Sword and Scabbard, with which he struck at him, but was immediately seized on by his followers, and by them disarmed and carried to Prison; the Ambassador had present intelligence of the misbehaviour of his drunken servant, and immediately sent word unto the governor's Brother, that he was not come thither to patronise any disorderly person, and therefore desired him to do with him what he pleased, upon which he presently sent him home, not doing him the least hurt. But before I leave this Story, it will not be amiss to inquire who was the Heathen Dog at this time, whether the debauched drunken Cook who called himself a Christian, or that sober and temperate Mahometan who was thus affronted.  
In our journey towards the Court (after we had been in our way about seven days from Surat) we rested at a place called Ditat, where many of the Inhabitants offered to guard us and our goods, though we (observing there no danger) desired it not; but they would do it, and in the Morning expected and asked something of us, by way of recompense. One of our Company (who had been in East-India a year or two before) told them, that what they had done they did without our desire, and theresore they should have nothing from us, but some ill Language which he then gave them. We set forward in the Morning according to our wont custom, they followed after us, to the number at the least of three hundred Men, (for the place was great and populous) and when we were gone about a mile from that Town, stopped our carriages; he of our Company who told them they should have no recompense, was presently ready to shoot at them with his Musket, which made them all to bend their Bows at us: but I happily and suddenly stepping in, prevented his firing at them, and their shooting at us; which if I had not by God's good Providence done, but we had madly engaged a great multitude, there could not have been less expected in the sad issue thereof, than the loss of all our lives and goods. But having a little Parley with them, for the value of three shillings of English money given amongst them, they were all quieted and contented, and immediately left us, wishing us a good journey.  
After this, when we had gone forward about twenty day's journey, (which daily Remoous were but short, by reason of our heavy carriages, and the heat of the weather) it happened, that another of our Company, a young Gèntleman about twenty years old, the Brother of a Baron of England, behaved himself so ill, as that we feared it would have brought very much mischief on us.  
This young man being very unruly at home, and so many others that have been well born, when their friends knew not what to do with them, have been sent to East-India, that so they might make their own Graves in the Sea, in their passage thither; or else have Graves made for them on the Indian shore, when they come there. A very cleanly conveyance (but how just and honest, I leave to others) for Parents to be rid of their unruly Children; but I never knew any who were thus supposed to be sent thither, but they outlived that Voyage.  
For the young Gentleman I spoke of, his employment was to wait upon our Chief Commander in his Cabin, who very courteously, when he came to Sea, turned him before the mast amongst the common Sailors [a great preferment for a Man of his Birth] but for all this he outlived that harsh usage, and came safely to East-India, and my Lord Ambassador hearing of him, and being well acquainted with his great kindred, sent for him up to Court, and there entertained him as a Companion for a year; then giving him all fit accommodations, sent him home again as a passenger for England, where after he safely arrived.  
But in our way towards that Court, it thus happened, that this hot-brains being a little behind us, commanded him [then near him] who was the Prince's servant [before spoken of] to hold his horse; the man replied, that he was none of his servant and would not do it. Upon which this most intemperate mad youth, who was like Philocles, that angry Poet; and therefore called, Bilis, & Salsigo, Choler and Brine, [for he was the most hasty and choleric young man that ever I knew] as will appear by his present carriage, which was thus; first he beat that stranger, for refusing to hold his horse, with his horse-whip, which, I must tell you, that people cannot endure, as if those whips stung worse than Scorpions. For of any punishments that carry most disgrace in them, as that people think, one is to be beaten with that whip, wherewithal they strike their beasts; the other to be beaten [and this they esteem the more disgraceful punishment of the two] about the head with shoes. But this stranger (being whipped as before) came up and complained to me; but to make him amends, that frantic young man (mad with rage, and he knew not wherefore) presently followed him, and being come up close to him, discharged his Pistol laden with a brace of bullets directly at his body, which bullets, by the special guidance of the hand of God, so flew, that they did the poor man no great hurt; only one of them first tearing his coat, bruised all the knuckles of his left hand, and the other broke his bow which he carried in the same hand. We presently disarmed our young Bedlam, till he might return again to his wits. But our greatest business, was how to pacify the other man, whom he had thus injured: I presently gave him a Roopee, in our money two shillings and nine pence; he thanked me for it, and would have taken it with his right, but I desired him to take it with his maimed hand, and so he did, and could clinch it very well, which I was glad of. Then we did show (as we had cause) all the dislike we could against that desperate act of him, from whom he received his hurt, telling him, that we were all strangers, and for our parts had done him no wrong at all; and therefore hoped that we should not be made any way to suffer for the faults of another: and we further told him, that if he would be quiet till we came up to the Court, he should have all the satisfaction he could desire. He told us, that we were good men, and had done him no wrong, and that he would till then rest contented; but he did not so, for about two hours after we met with a great man of that Country, having a mighty train with him, (as all the Grandees there have when they travel, of whom more afterward): He presently went towards him, that to him he might make his complaint; and so did, telling him, that he was the Prince's servant, why he came to us, and how he had been used by us, showing him his hand and his other breaches. The great man replied, that it was not well done of us, but he had nothing to do with it; and so departed on his way. That night after, we came to a strong large Town, and placing ourselves on the side of it, he did what he could (as we imagined) to raise up that People against us, some of them coming about us to view us, as we conceived, but putting on the best confidence we could, and standing then upon our guard, and all of us watching that night, but (in a special manner) by the good providence of God, who kept us in all our journey, we here felt none of that mischief we feared; but early in the morning quietly departed without the least molestation. After which, with a little money, and a great many good words, we so quieted this man, that we never after heard any more complaining from him. So that (as before I observed) we were not at any time in any dangers of suffering by that people, but some of our own Nation were the procuring causes of it.  
Before I observed, that for the generality of this people they have very low and timorous spirits, but there are some I named in my last Section, who are stout daring men, as the Baloches, Patans', and Rashboots, who, as they have the honour above all the rest of the people in those large Provinces to be accounted valiant; so, as occasion is offered, they will show themselves so to be: and therefore they are much hired as Convoys to secure men's Persons and Goods, from place to place.  
For those Provinces, they are not without Mountains of prey, and Tabernacles of Robbers, as David and job speak: where desperate men keep in some Woods and Deserts, which are not far from great road-ways, most frequented and used; and there, like the wild Arabes, in Companies, meet and spoil, and destroy poor Passengers, when they expect them not; it being the cursed manner of those Spoilers, if they prevail against them whom they surprise, to kill them before they rifle them; and therefore the first thing heard from them is, Mor, mor, mor, that is, Kill, kill, kill, which they all speak out as loud as they can. We were often told of them as we traveled sometimes in the night, by reason of the extreme heat of the day (after we had taken leave of the King, and so were journeying towards Surat) that we should meet with those cruel villains; but, through God's mercy, we were never in danger of them but once; and that was about midnight, near a large City called Brodera; but we being a competent number of Englishmen together, about twenty, and all of us resolved to sell our lives at as dear a rate as we could, and having twice so many Indian servants with us, which are very nimble with their Bows and Arrows, we with our Pistols and Carbins', which we presently discharged amongst them, and our Indians plying them with their Arrows, made them suddenly to retreat, we receiving little hurt from them; but after this, we made no more night-marches.  
Those Indians I named before, are so faithful to their trusts unto whomsoever they engage, to the English as well as to any other, that if they be at any time assaulted, they will rather die in their defence, than forsake them at their need. So that I am very confident, if an English Merchant should travel alone with a very great treasure in Gold, and Jewels (both, or either) from Surat, to Lahor, which is more than one thousand English miles, and take those Indian servants only for his company, and guard, and all they knew what he carried with him, He paying them their Wages, they would be so far from injuring him of the least penny of his wealth, that whosoever besides should attempt his spoiling, must make a way through their blood, before they should be able to do it.  
Here is a great and good example of faithfulness, and it is very true. But I much doubt, that if a great Indian Merchant, I mean a Native of that Country, should come for England with like treasure, with a desire to pass through this whole Nation, and should for his more safe passage take a guard of Swordmen here, and pay them well for their service, they might lie under such a strong tentation, as might make them to spoil the Egyptian, by shortening his journey, dividing his substance, and by disposing so of his person, that it should never tell tales.  
But for that people, as their faithfulness is very remarkable, so is their diligence very exemplary likewise; for they keep continually within the call of their Masters, and will not at any time depart thence without special leave. And the plenty of all Provisions being very great throughout the whole Monarchy, they serve at very low rates, which I never knew them to raise, not requiring more than five shillings Sterling every new Moon, paid the next day after its Change, which is all the recompense they do desire, or expect from their Masters, to provide themselves with all necessaries 
— quibus hinc Toga, Calceus hinc est,  
Et Panis fumusque Domi.—  Juven. Sat. 1. 
Their coat, their shoes, their bread, their fire,  
And all besides, bought with this hire.  and for this do as good service, as if they had ten times as much wages.  
They stand to be hired in the Bazar or Market-place, an ancient custom, as may appear, Mat. 20. 3. where some of them may be at all times had.  
But it is their manner, when they are hired to receive advance-money, that is, one months pay before hand, and to have their pay thus in hand every month so long as they serve; and so honest they are, that if they be bidden to provide themselves of other Masters, they will serve out the time for which they have received pay, to an hour before, they depart.  
Now these who are so exact in performing their duty by their faithfulness and diligence, must be exactly paid their Salary at the time they expect it, otherwise they will be ready to quit their service, as one of them whom we thus hired, left us as we were travelling up to the Court; the reason, because our money was almost quite gone (though we were supplied again a day or two after) and we could not punctually pay him at his day, as we had formerly done. This fellow led one of our Camels, and had been with us two months before; but upon this little failing him, would needs leave us: but before he departed he made a speech to his Camel, telling him, that he had led him thus long, and had during that time lived by him; but now our money (as he supposed) quite failing, he told him that he must be gone, desiring God to bless him; and that he might have some other to lead him that might not be less careful of him than he had been. So he took leave of his Camel, though not of us, and departed. All the rest of his company were persuaded to continue with us, and had their pay a day or two after; and so we proceeded on our journey, and so shall I further in this Discourse. And now I have spoken something of the people, I shall speak   

SECTION IX.  
Of their buildings in Villages, Towns, and Cities; How their Houses are furnished; Of their Sarras or Houses for the entertainment of Passengers; Of their Tents, Wells, and of their places of pleasure, etc.  
I Observed before the richness of their Soil, and how those Provinces are watered by many goodly Rivers, fed with abundance of Springs; and how their Fields are clothed with very much plenty of Corn of divers kind, sold there at such low rates that every one may there eat bread without scarceness.  
Now I come to take notice of their Buildings; and here I must tell my Reader, that this People are not much taken or infected with that plague of Building (as the Italians call it) wishing the love of it as a Curse to possess the thoughts of them they most hate; and therefore, as the stones in India are not all precious, so the Houses there are not at all Palaces; the poor there cannot erect for their dwellings fair Piles, and the Grandees do not cover their heads under such curious Roofs, as many of the Europeans do; The reason, first, because all the great men there live a great part of the year, (in which their Months are more temperate, as from the middle of September, to the midst of April) in Tents, Pavilions, or movable habitations, which, according to their fancies, changing they remove from place to place, changing their air as often as they please. And secondly, because all the great men there have their Pensions and whole subsistence from the King, which they hold upon very sickle and uncertain terms; for as they are settled upon, and continued unto them by the King's favour, so are they forfeited and lost by his frown. Of which more afterward.  
Yet though they make not much use of them, they have in plenty excellent good materials for building, as Timber, Bricks, stone and marble of divers kinds and colours, of which I have seen some very good Vaults and Arches well wrought, as in their Mosquits or Churches, so in some of their high-erected Tombs, (of which more afterward) and so in some other places likewise.  
For their buildings in Cities and Towns, there are some of them handsome, others fair, such as are inhabited by Merchants, and none of them very despicable.  
They build their houses low, not above two stories, and many of their tops flat and thick, which keep off the violence of the heat; and those flat tops, supported with strong Timber, and coated over with a plaster (like that we call plaster of Paris) keep them dry in the time of the Rains.  
Those broad Tarrases, or flat Roofs, some of them lofty, are places where many people may stand (and so they often do) early in the morning, and in the evening late, like Chameleons, to draw, and drink in fresh air; and they are made after this fashion, for prospect, as well as pleasure.  
Those houses of two stories, have many of them very large upper rooms, which have many double doors in the sides of them, like those in our Balconies, to open and let in fresh air, which is likewise conveyed in unto them, by many lesser lights made in the walls of those rooms, which are always free and open; The use of glass windows, or any other shutting, being not known there, nor in any other very hot Countries.  
Neither have they any Chimneys in their buildings, because they never wake any use of fire but to dress their food, which fire they make against firm wall, or without their Tents against some bank of Earth, as remote as may be from the places where they use to keep, that they may receive no annoyance from the heat thereof.  
It is their manner in many places, to plant about, and amongst their buildings, trees which grow high and broad, the shadow whereof keeps their houses by far more cool; this I observed in a special manner when we were ready to enter Amadavar; for it appeared to us, as if we had been entering a Wood, rather than a City. That Amadavar is very large and populous City, entered by many fair Gates girt about with an high and thick Wall of Brick, which mounts above the tops of their houses, without which wall there are no suburbs. Most of the houses within the City are of Brick, and very many of them ridged and covered with Tiles.  
But for their houses in their Aldeas or Villages, which stand very thick in that Country, they are generally very poor and base. All those Countrey-dwellings are set up close together; for I never observed any house there to stand single, and alone. Some of their houses in those villages are made with earthenwalls, mingled with straw, set up immediately after their Rains, and having a long season after to dry them throughly, stand firm, and so continue; they are built low, and many of them flat: but for the generality of those Country-Villages, the Cottages in them are miserably poor, little, and base; so that as they are built with a very little charge, set up with sticks rather than Timber, if they chance to fire (as many times they do) for a very little they may be re-edified.  
Those who inhabit the Countrey-Villages, are called Coolees. These till the ground, and breed up cattle, and other things for provision, as Hens, etc. these, they who plant the Sugar, the Cotten-wool, and Indigo, etc.— for their Trades and Manufactures they are kept in Cities and Towns, about which are their choicest fruits planted. In their Cities and Towns, without their dwellings, but fixed to them, are pend-houses where they show and sell their provisions, as bread, and flower-cakes made up with Sugar, and fruits, and other things; and there they show their manufactures, and other Commodities, some of which they carry twice every day to sell in the Bazar or Market.  
I saw two houses of the Moguls, one at Mandoa, the other at Amadaver, which appeared large & stately, built of excellent stoné well squared and put together, each of them taking up a large compass of ground; but we could never see how they were contrived within, because there are none admitted, strangers or others, to have a sight of those houses, while the King's wives and women are there, which must not be seen by any but by himself, and his servants the Eunuches.  
The Mogul's Palace Royal is at Agra his Metropolis (of which more afterward) but for the present I shall take a little notice of a very curious Grot I saw belonging to his house at Mandoa, which stood a small distance from it, for the building of which there was a way made into a firm Rock, which showed itself on the side of an Hill, Canopied over with part of that Rock. It was a place that had much beauty in it by reason of the curious workmanship bestowed on it; and much pleasure by reason of its coolness.  
That City Mandoa I speak of, is situated upon a very high mountain, the top whereof is flat, and plain, and spacious. From all parts that lie about it but one; the ascent is very high, and steep; and the way to us seemed exceeding long, for we were two whole days climbing up the Hill, with our Carriages, which we got up with very much difficulty; not far from the bottom of which Hill, we lodged at a great town called Achabar-pore, where we ferried over a broad River (as we did in other places) for I observed no bridges made there over any of their Rivers where their highways lie. That Hill on which Mandoa stands, is stuck round (as it were) with fair trees, that keep their distance so one from and below the other, that there is much delight in beholding them either from the bottom or top of that Hill.  
In those vast and far extended Woods, there are Lions, Tigers, and other beasts of Prey, and many wild Elephants. We lay one night in that wood with our Carriages, and those Lions came about us discovering themselves by their Roaring; but we keeping a very good fire all night, they came not near enough to hurt either ourselves, or cattle. Those cruel Beasts are nightwalkers for in the day they appear not.  
After when (through Gods most gracious assistance) we had overcome those difficulties and dangers, we came into a plain and even Country; in which travelling a few days more, we first met with my Lord Ambassador marching towards Mandoa with that great King, with whom I then settled, and continued with him, till he was returned home.  
We were in our journey to the Court from the beginning of january, till the end of March, we resting a while at Brampore, which is a very spacious and populous City, where we had a Factory. And after that, we were violently detained in our journey by Sultan Caroon the Prince, whom we met in his march towards Brampore, & a very marvellous great retinue with him. The reason why he interrupted us in our course was, that he might see the Presents we had for his Father the King; but we having command from the Ambassador to tell him, that we durst not open them, till we came to the King, we most humbly craved his pardon to spare us in that; so presenting him with a pair of Rich Gloves (though they be things they wear not in those hot Countries) and a rich embroidered bag for perfume (which amongst many other things of the like kind were brought from England to be given away for Presents) after that he had carried us back three days journey, he let us go, taking further order for our safe convoy.  
And now Reader, thou mayst suppose us almost settled in Mandoa, the place then of the Mogul's residence, not much inhabited before we came thither, having more ruins by far about it, than standing houses. But amongst the Piles of building that had held up their heads above Ruin, there were not a few unfrequented Mosquits, or Mahometan Churches; yet I observed, that though the people who attended the King there, were marvellously straightened for room, wherein they might dispose of very great numbers of most excellent horses, which were now at that place, they would not make stables of any of those Churches, though before that time, they had been forsaken, and out of use.  
One of those deserted Mosquits, with some large Tomb near it, both vaulted over head (which shall be after described) were the best places there to be gotten for my Lord Ambassador and his Company to lodge and be in, we carrying our bedding, and all things appertaining thereto, all necessaries belonging to our Kitchen, and every thing beside for bodily use, from place to place, as we occasionally removed. Here we stayed with the mogul from the middle of April, till the twentieth of September following, and then began our progress with him, towards the City Amadavar.  
Our abiding place at Mandoa, was very near one of the sides of that vast Wilderness, out of which, some of those wild beasts ofttimes in the night came about our habitation, and seldom teturned back without a Sheep, or a Goat, or a Kid, some of which we always kept about us for our provision. And it was a wonderful great mercy, those furious, and ravening, and hunger-bit Creatures, did not make their prey sometimes in the dark and silent nights, while we were sleeping, on some of our bodies, the forepart of our dwelling standing upon pillars; and there was nothing in those open distances, that had any strength in it to keep them from us.  
One night, early in the Evening, there was a great Lion which we saw, came into our Yard, (though our Yard was compassed about with a stone-wall, that was not low.) And my Lord Ambassador having a little white neat Shock, that ran out barking at him, the Lion presently snapped him up, leapt again over the wall, and away he went.  
But for a ravening and roaring Lion, as I believe that he cannot be made tame when he is old; yet certainly he may be bred tame, being kept full, and high fed. For the mogul, at my being there, had a very great Lion (I often saw) which went up and down, amongst the people that frequented his Court, gently as a dog, and never did hurt; only he had some Keepers which did continually wait upon him.  
For those wild and cruel Beasts, one of our Englishmen watching in a tree by night, (that stood not far from our dwelling) with a firelock charged with some small bullets, shot a Tiger, and killed him stone-dead, as he was coming towards us. It was a large beast, higher than an Irish-Greyhound, with grizzled hair, a long head, & sharp and short picked ears, having a mouth filled with cruel teeth; after which (we usually keeping a little fire without our house everynight) were not so much troubled with those nightwalkers.  
Now to return to that from which I am occasionally digressed, I told you before what their buildings are. And now for the furniture that the greatest men have in them, it is Curta supellex, very little; they being not beautified with hangings, nor with any thing besides to line their walls; but where they are best adorned, they are kept very white, and set off with a little neat painting and nothing else; for they have no Chairs, no stools, nor Couches, nor Tables, nor Beds, enclosed with Canopies, or Curtains, in any of their Rooms. And the truth is, that if they had them, the extreme heat there would forbid the use of many of them; all their bravery is upon their Floors, all which are made eeven with fine Earth or Plaster, on which they spread their most excellent Carpets in their Tents, as well as in their dwelling houses, laying some corpse thing under to preserve them; on which they sit (as Tailors on their shop-boards) when they meet together, putting off their shoes (which they usually wear as slippers and their feet bare in them) when they come to tread upon those soft Pavements, and keeping them off till they remove thence, this helps to keep cool their feet, and is very pleasant in those hot Countries. On those Carpets they sleep in the night time, or else upon an hard Quilt, or lying upon a slight and low Bedstead they call a Cot, bottomed with broad Girt-web made of Cotten-wool. But wherever they lie, they stretch themselves out at their full length when they go to sleep, usually upon their backs, without any Pillow, or Bolster, to raise up their heads. Very many of the meaner sort of people (as I have often observed) lie thus stretched out to take their rest upon the ground, in the dry season of the year, with a white Callico-cloth spread all over them, which makes them to appear like so many dead corpses laid forth for burial. This lying so eeven, and at length with their bodies thus extended, may be one reason why the people there are all so strait limned, having none crooked amongst them; and another, because they never girt, nor lace in their bodies (as before was observed). Some of those slight Bedsteads, they call Cots, in their standing houses hang by ropes, a little above ground, which are fastened to the four corners thereof; moved gently up and down, by their servants, to lull them asleep.  
They have no Inns in those parts for the entertainment of strangers; but in some great Towns large Houses they call Sarraas very substantially built, with brick, or stone, where any Passengers may find houseroom and use it without any recompense; but there is nothing to be had beside room, all other things they must provide and bring with them, as when they lodge in Tents.  
Amongst their Buildings I must take special notice of their Wells and Thanks, upon both which in very many places they bestow exceeding much cost in stonework; for their Wells which are fed with Springs, they make them round, but very wide and large. They are wrought up with firm stones laid in fine Plaster; they usually cover those Wells with a building overhead, and with Oxen draw water out of them, which riseth up in many small Buckets, whereof some are always going down, others continually coming up, and emptying themselves, in troughs, or little rills, made to receive, and convey the water whither they please.  
Their Tanks are made in low places, and many of them very deep and large (one mile, and some of them much more in compass) made round or foursquare, or in more squares, about which there is a low stone-wall, that hath many doors in it, and within that wall steps, made one below the other round about it, that go down to the bottom thereof, (which is paved likewise): those steps are made of well squared lasting stone, laid firm, and eeven in very good order, for people that have not plenty of water otherwise, to go down and take it. These great receptacles of water, are made near places that are very populous; filled when that long season of rain (before spoken of) comes, immediately before which time, they cleanse them, that the water may be more clear, and wholesome. They hold water all the dry season of the year.  
For their places of pleasure, they are in their Groves, where their curious Fruit-trees (before described) grow; but especially in their Gardens, wherein they plant little Vineyards that afford marvellous fair and sweet Grapes, which they cut green, for their eating, or make Raisins of them. But for Wine, they make none, because their Mahomet forbids the drinking thereof. In those Gardens likewise, they have many Pome-granat-trees, with all other of the choicest fruits and flowers their Country affords; to which Nature daily yields such a supply, as that there is beauty to be seen in those Trees, and Plants, and that continually. In the middle of those Gardens, they have such Wells (as before are described) the tops whereof stand a good deal higher than the planted ground, which lies eeven, and flat below them, from whence water is conveyed in narrow open passages, (they knowing not the use of Leaden-Pipes) to all the parts of them in the dry season of the year. In those Gardens likewise they have little round Tanks to bathe in; whose sides and bottoms are made firm and smooth with that plaster before named; they are filled by aqueducts from those Wells, and they can empty them when they please, as well as fill them. The water that is conveyed into those small Tanks, usually runs down broad stone Tables, that have many hollows made in them, like to scollop-shells, which water in its passage makes such a pretty murmur, as helps to tie their senses with the bonds of sleep, in the hot seasons of the day when they constantly keep their houses, and then they lie down near them on their Carpets, to be lulled asleep. Those bathing places are within, or very near their Garden-houses, which usually are by far more neat, than any other of their dwelling.  
In such a Garden-house, with all those accommodations about it, my Lord Ambassador lay with his company at Surat, the last three months before he left East-India.  
And further, in those hot seasons of the day; the people of better quality lying or sitting on their Carpets, or Palates, have servants standing about them, who continually beat the air upon them with Flabella's, or Fans, of stiffened leather, which keeps off the flies from annoying them, and cool them as they lie. Thus taking their ease, they call for Barbers, who very gently gripe their arms, and shoulders, and other parts, they can in any measure grasp, and they strike likewise very softly those parts with the sides of their hands; it is very pleasing as they do it, and causeth their blood to stir in their veins; it is therefore very much used in those parts, to such as do not heat their blood by bodily motion.  
For their pastimes within doors, they have Cards, but much different from ours in the figures made in them, and in their greater number of suits. Those Cards I have often seen; and have been more often told, that they have very good skill in that most innocent and ingenious game we call Chesses.  
They delight themselves sometimes with the Company of Mountebanks, and Jugglers. For their Mountebanks; they keep venomous Snakes in baskets, and will suffer themselves to be bitten or stung by them; which part thus bitten, or stung, presently swells, and immediately after that, they cure themselves again by Oils and Powders, which they apply unto the place, and then offer to sell them unto the people standing by.  
Their Jugglers are the cunningest that ever I saw, to do strange things by sleight of hand, as in this trick I shall here name: where I have observed them to lay down scuttles or broad open Wicker-baskets upon the ground, three or four one upon another, all which appeared empty, as they laid them down; but taking them up again one after the other, in the bottom of them there would appear, three or four living Turtle-doves: which they would cover again with the same Scuttles, and tossing and turning them as they took them off, and up the second time, none of those pretty creatures were to be seen any more. But how they first conveyed them thither, and how after thence, we could not possibly discover.  
For their Pastimes abroad they have Hawks of divers kinds, greater and less, and Partridges, and other choice Fowl great store to fly at. They have Hares, and Antilops, with other wild Beasts to hunt, and these not a few. Their dogs for chase are made somewhat like our Greyhounds, but much less, who never open in the pursuit of their game. They hunt likewise with Leopards trained up and made fit for their sport, who by leaping seize on that they pursue: but by reason of the heat of the Country, those sports are not there much used. The mogul when he hunts, carries Hawks and Dogs, and all things beside with him, to make him pastime; that if one sport fail, he may be pleased with another.  
They say, that they have a curious Device to take wild fowls that use the water; into which a fellow goes, with a fowl of that kind he desires to catch, whose skin is stuffed so artificially, as that with a noise he counterfeits that fowl, it appears to be alive, the man keeps all his body but head under water, on which he fastens that counterfeit fowl to stand foreright on the top thereof, and thus coming amongst them, he plucks them (as they say) by their legs under water at his pleasure. But this I have only by tradition.  
For other pastimes abroad, this I am sure of, that when the weather is more temperate, they shoot much in their Bows, and are very excellent Marks-men, somewhat like those lefthanded men spoken of judg. 20. 16. And with their Guns in which they shoot single bullets (for they have not the use of smallshot) they are somewhat long in taking their aim, but they will come very near the mark.  
Other delight themselves very much in managing their excellent Horses; But so shall not I delight my Reader, if I dwell too long in particulars. And therefore having spoken of their Buildings, I shall now invite him, though not to eat, or taste, yet to take notice   

SECTION X.  
Of their Diet, their Cookery in dressing it, etc.  
ANd though this Country affords very much variety of excellent good Provisions, yet the Mahometans feed not freely on any flesh, but on that which is strange, and forbidden (of the Hindoos Diet I shall speak afterwards): but for the Mahometans they are a people, as I conceive, not much given to their Palate; but are very careful of, and temperate in their Diet, as having learned by experience, that full bellies do more oppress, than strengthen the body, that too much of the Creature doth not comfort but destroy Nature; It being a tried truth, that Gluttony reacheth, and kills those whom swords cannot touch. All Diseases of the body for the most part being contracted to it by Surfeits, in on kind or other; and therefore they keep themselves to a thin Diet, and eat not to pamper and please their Appetite, but to satisfy and support nature, which is contented with a little every where, but with less in hot Countries, where men's digestion of food is not so quick and good; this being further a tried truth, that those bodies are most strong, active, and healthy, which are most temperate.  
Therefore though they have abundance of flesh and fowl, and have fish too, yet are they temperate in all of them. For Swine's flesh, it is an abomination unto the Mahometans; and therefore they touch it not. And for other kind of flesh, they eat very little of them alone, to make their full meals of them, for they dress no kind of flesh in great pieces, or whole joints, nor scarce any of their fowls whole.  
For boiling of flesh in water, or baking or roasting any flesh, are pieces of Cookery (if I observed well) they know not; but they stew all their flesh as their Kid and other Venison, etc. cut into sippets, or slices, or little parts, to which they put Onions, and Herbs, and Roots, and Ginger, (which they take there green out of the earth) and other Spices, with some butter, which ingredients when as they are well proportioned, make a Food that is exceedingly pleasing to all Palates, at their first tasting thereof most savoury Meat, haply that very dish which jacob made for his Father Isaac, when he got the blessing, Gen. 27.  
With their flesh and herbs, etc. they sometimes stew Hens and other Foul cut in pieces, which is like that the Spaniards call an Oleo, but more toothsome.  
But their great common standing dish there is Rice, which they boil with more Art than we: for they boil the grain so as that it is full, and plump, and tender, but not broken in boiling; they put to it a little green Ginger, and Pepper, and Butter, and this is the ordinary way of their dressing it, and so 'tis very good.  
Sometimes they boil pieces of flesh, or Hens, and other Fowl cut in pieces in their Rice, which dish they call Pillaw; as they order it, they make it a very excellent, and a very well-tasted Food.  
Once my Lord Ambassador had an Entertainment there by Asaph Chan, who invited him to dinner (and this was the only respect in that kind he ever had, while he was in East-India) That Asaph Chan was a Man made by his great Alliances, the greatest Subject and Favourite in all that Empire; for his Sister was the Mogul's most beloved Wife, and his Daughter was married unto Sultan Caroon the Prince, and very much beloved by him, but of all these, more afterward.  
This Asaph Chan entertained my Lord Ambassador in a very spacious and a very beautiful Tent, where none of his followers besides myself, saw, or tasted of that Entertainment.  
That Tent was kept full of a very pleasant Perfume; in which scents the King and Grandees there take very much delight. The floor of the Tent was first covered all over with very rich and large Carpets, which were covered again in the places where our dinner stood, with other good Carpets, made of stitched Leather, to preserve them which were richer; and these were covered again with pure white and fine calico Clothes, and all these covered with very many dishes of Silver, but for the greater part of those Silver dishes they were not larger than our largest trencher-plates, the brims of all of them gilt.  
We sat in that large Room as it were in a Triangle; The Ambassador on Asaph Chan's right hand a good distance from him, and myself below; all of us on the ground, as they there all do when as they eat, with our Faces looking each to the other, and every one of us had his several mess. The Ambassador had more dishes by ten, and I less by ten, than our entertainer had, yet for my part I had fifty dishes. They were all set before us at once, and little paths left betwixt them, that our entertainers servants (for only they waited) might come and reach them to us one after another, and so they did. So that I tasted of all set before me, and of most did but taste, though all of them tasted very well.  
Now of the provision itself, for our larger dishes, they were filled with Rice, dressed (as before described.) And this Rice was presented to us, some of it white, in its own proper colour, some of it made yellow with Saffron, and some of it was made green, and some of it put into a purple colour, but by what Ingredient I know not, but this I am sure, that it all tasted very well; And with Rice thus ordered, several of our dishes were furnished, and very many more of them with flesh of several kinds, and with Hens, and with other sort of Fowl cut in pieces, as before I observed in their Indian Cookery.  
To these we had many Jellies, and Culices; Rice ground to flower, and then boiled, and after sweetened with Sugar-Candy and Rose-Water to be eaten cold. The flower of Rice mingled with sweet Almonds, made as small as they could, and with some of the most fleshy parts of Hens stewed with it, and after the flesh so beaten into pieces, that it could not be discerned, all made sweet with Rose-Water and Sugar-Candy, and scented with Amber-Greece; this was another of our dishes, and a most luscious one, which the Portugals call Mangee Real, Food for a King. Many other dishes we had, made up in Cakes of several forms, of the finest of the wheat-flower, mingled with Almonds and Sugar-Candy, whereof some were scented, and some not. To these Potatoes excellently well dressed, and to them divers Salads, and the curious fruits of that Country, some preserved in Sugar, and others raw, and to these many Roots candied, Almonds blanched, Raisins of the Sun, Prunellas, and I know not what, of all enough to make up that number of dishes before named; and with these quelque chose, was that entertainment made up.  
And it was better a great deal, than if it had consisted of full and heaped up dishes, such as are sometimes amongst us provided, for great and profuse entertainments. Our Bread was of very good and excellent Wheat, made up very white and light, in round Cakes; and for our Drink, some of it was brewed for aught I know, ever since Noah his Flood, that good innocent water, being all the Drink there commonly used (as before) and in those hot Climates (it being better digested there than in any other parts) it is very sweet, and alleys thirst better than any other Liquor can, and therefore better pleaseth, and agreeth better with every Man that comes and lives there, than any other Drink.  
At this entertainment we sat long, and much longer than we could with ease crosslegged, but all considered, our Feast in that place was better than Apicius, that famous Epicure of Rome, with all his witty Gluttony (for so Paterculus calls it, ingeniosa Gula,) could have made with all provisions had from the Earth, and Air, and Sea.  
My Lord Ambassador observed not that uneasy way of sitting at his meat, but as in his own House had Tables and Chairs, etc. Served he was altogether in Plate, and had an English, and Indian Cook to dress his diet, which was very plentiful, and cheap likewise; so that by reason of the great variety of provisions there, his weekly account for his House-keeping came but to little.  
The meaner sort of people there eat Rice boiled with their greenginger and a little Pepper, after which they put Butter into it, which is their principal dish, and but seldom eaten by them: But their ordinary Food is made (not of the flower of Wheat) but of a coarse well tasted Grain, made up in round broad and thick Cakes, which they bake upon their thin iron plates (before spoken of) which they carry with them, when as they travel from place to place; when they have baked those Cakes, they put a little Butter on them: And doubtless the poor people find this a very hearty Food, for they who live most upon it, are as strong as they could be, if they had their diet out of the King's Kitchin. I shall here say no more of this, but proceed to speak.   

SECTION XI.  
Of the Civilities of this People; Of their Compliments, and of their Habits.  
ANd here the People in general (as before was observed) are as civil to Strangers as to their own Countrymen; for they use when they meet one another, or when they meet strangers, to bow their Heads, or to lay their right Hands on their Breasts, and to bow their Bodies as they pass, saluting them further with many well-wishes.  
They use not to uncover their Heads at all, as we do in our Salutes, (from which custom of ours, the Turks borrow this imprecation for their Enemies, wishing their Souls no more rest after death than a Christians hat hath, which is always stirred) but the meaner sort, instead of uncovering their Heads to their Superiors, use these abject Ceremonies, by putting their right Hand to the Earth, and then laying it on their Heads; or by falling down on their Knees, and then bowing their Heads to the Earth; both signifying, that those unto whom they show these reverences, and respects, may tread ortrample on them, if they pleased.  
When we visit the people there of better quality, they entertain us with much humanity; first rising up to us, they bow their Bodies, and then entreat us to sit with them on their Carpets, where they are free in their discourse, which we usually exchange with them by an Interpreter. If we have any business with them, they return very civil and fair Answers, and for our further entertainment give us Beetle or Pawn to chew, (before spoken of.)  
In their near, and more close and hearty Salutes, they do not join Hands as we, but do that which is hateful to the Spaniard, and not at all in use with us; for they take one another by the Chin, or Beard, and cry Bobba, which is, Father; or Bij, which is, Brother: And this appears to be a very ancient Compliment, for thus joab long ago saluted Amasa, 2 Sam. 20. 9 But this they do in love, not as joab did there, in Treachery.  
In their Compliments they express many good wishes to one another, as Salam Allacum, God give you health; the reply, Allacum Salam, The same health God give you. And Greb-a Nemoas, I wish you the prayers of the poor. And Tere 'gree 'gree kee Bulla door, which made-English speaks thus, I wish one good to come unto you after another, every Gra, (which is a space of time a little more than a quarter of an hour); and they have many more Compliments like these, handsome, and significant. As inferior people (who have their dependence on others) use to say unto them, I eat your Bread and Salt, (as much to say) I am your Servant, I live by you, and you may do with me, or to me, what you please.  
Now as this People of East-India are civil in their speeches, so are they civilly clad; for there are none who wear their own skin alone for their covering, as very many in the western India do.  
For the Habits of this People, from the highest to the lowest, they are all made of the same fashion, which they never alter nor change; their Coats sitting close to their Bodies unto their Wastes, then hanging down loose a little below their Knees, the lower part of them sitting somewhat full; those close Coats are fastened unto both their Shoulders, with slips made of the same Cloth, which, for the generality, are all made of coarser, or finer white calico; and in like manner are they fastened to their Waste, on both sides thereof, which Coats coming double over their Breasts, are fastened by like slips of Cloth, that are put thick from their left Armholes to their middle; The sleeves of those Coats are made long, and somewhat close to their Arms, that they may ruffle, especially from their Elbows to their Wrists. Under this Coat they usually wear another slight one, made of the same Cloth, but shorter than the other, and this is all they commonly wear upon the upper part of their bodies. But some of the greater sort in the cooler seasons of the day there, will slip on loose Coats over the other, made either of quilted Silk, or calico, or of our English Scarlet-broad-cloth (for that is the colour they most love.) Under their Coats they have long Breeches like unto Irish-trouses, made usually of the same cloth, which come to their Ankles, and ruffle on the small of their legs. For their feet, they keep them (as was before observed) always bare in their shoes.  
Some of their Grandees makes their Coats and Breeches of striped Taffeta of several colours, or of some other silk stuff all of the same colour, or of slight cloth of Silver or Gold, all made in that Country. But pure white and fine Callico-laune, (which they there make likewise) is for the most part the height of all their bravery; the collars, and some other parts of their upper coats, being set off with some neat stitching.  
Upon their heads they wear a long wreath of cloth, about half a yard broad, usually white, but sometimes of other colours. Which cloth worn for their head-covering, is sometimes inter-woven in spaces with threads of coloured silk, or silver, or gold; and when not so, one end of that wreath of cloth worn by Gallants is usually thus inter-woven; and so put upon their heads, that its gayness may appear. This head-covering of theirs, they call a Shash, which incircles their heads many times, and doth mervellously defend them from the violence of the Sun. And because this covering must needs keep their heads hot, they provide for this, as well as they can, by shaving the hair continually from off them. And they have girdles made of the same wreaths of cloth for the better sort, thus inter-woven, which come twice at least about them, made very trim with that kind of weaving, especially on both ends, which hang down directly before them.  
And thus have I presented a Mahometan there in his proper dress whose habit will more visibly appear together in the Mogul's Picture, portrayed and after put into this discourse.  
Now for the Mahometan women, (because I had never sight of those of the greatest quality) I cannot give such an account of them in respect of the Habits. For these, unless they be dishonest, or poor, come not abroad; but for the fashion of their Garments, they do not differ much from those the men wear, for they wear Coats, and Breeches one very like the other, only women bind their long hair with philets, which hand down behind them. They wear likewise upon their heads Mantles or Vails (usually made of white calico, or of their Pintadoes) which hang down over their other Garments. Further, the women have their Ears boared, not only in their flappes, but round about them, wherein they wear very little Pendants; those of the richer sort are made of flat, narrow and thin pieces of Gold or Silver; those worn by the poorer sort made of Brass, or Iron kept bright, so that all are in the same fashion; they bestow some work upon the edges and ends of those Pendants. And those women have the lower part of their left Nostrils pierced, wherein they wear a Ring (when they please) of Gold, or Silver, or of some other base Metals. Those Rings of Gold have little Pearls fastened to one end of them, and that Pearl is drilled through, that both ends of the ring may meet in it. And doubtless, the women of the greatest quality (though I saw it not) are bedecked with many rich Jewels. This I have observed in some of those of the better sort I there saw, that they did wear great broad hollow Rings of Gold enamelled; and some made of Silver, or Brass, upon their wrists, and upon the small of their legs, to take off and on; two or three of them upon each Arm, and Leg, which make a tinkling noise, very probably such Ornaments as the Jewish women were threatened for, Isaiah 3. where Almighty God tells them, that he would take away their tinkling Ornaments about their feet, the Bracelets, and the Ornaments of their legs, their Rings, and Nose-jewels.  
For my Lord Ambassador, and his Company, we all kept to our English Habits, made as light and cool as possibly we could have them. His waiters in red Taffeta Cloaks guarded with green Taffeta, which they always wore when they went abroad with him, myself in a long black Cassock; and the colours and fashion of our garments were so different from theirs, that we needed not, wheresoever we were, to invite spectators to take notice of us.  
And now, the Constancy there observed by the Natives of both sexes, in keeping to their old fashions in their Habits, exampled to them by their Predecessors in many foregoing Generations, and by them still continued, is the great praise of this people, as the commendation of every Nation in the World almost, besides ours, still constant to their ancient fashions in their Apparel.   

SECTION XII.  
Of their Language, their Books, their Learning, etc.  
THE Language of this Empire, I mean the Vulgar, bears the name of it, and is called Indostan; it hath much affinity with the Persian, and Arabian Tongues: but the Indostan is a smother Language, and more easy to be pronounced than the other, a Language which is very significant, and speaks much few words; They write it (as we) to the right hand. It is expressed by letters, which are very much different from those Alphabets, by which the Persian and Arabian Tongues are form. The Persian there is spoken as their more acquaint and Court-tongue. The Arabian is their learned Language, both written backward to the left hand like the Hebrew, from whence they borrow many words, which come so near it, as that he who is a good Critic in the Hebrew may very well guests at the meaning of much in both those Languages. The Persian is a Language, as if it consisted all of Guttural letters (as some in the Hebrew Alphabet are called) filling the mouth in the pronunciation of them; for as the words in that Language are full of sense, so in their speaking they are full of sound.  
For the Latin and Greek, by which there hath been so much knowledge conveyed into the World, they are as ignorant of them both, as if they had never been; and this may be one great reason why there is so little learning amongst them. But for the people themselves, they are men of very strong reason, and will speak ex re nata, upon any offered occasion, very exceeding well; and doubtless they are a people of such strong Capacities, that, were there literature amongst them, they might be the Authors of many excellent works; but as the case stands with them, all that is there attainable towards Learning, is but to read and write.  
And here by the way let me insert this, that I never saw any Idiot or natural Fool, nor any deformed person amongst them, in any of those parts.  
For Logic and Rhetoric which are so instrumental, the first to enlarge, and the second to polish discourses, they have none but what is Natural. They say, that they write some witty Poems, and compose many handsome Annals and Stories of their own, and other adjacent Countries.  
They delight much in Music, and have some stringed, but many more Wind-instruments; They have the use of Timbrels likewise; but for want of pleasing Airs, their Music in my ears never seemed to be any thing but discord.  
Their Books are not many, and those are Manuscripts. That rare and happy invention of Printing, which hath been the advancement of so much learning within Christendom, is not known without it.  
They have heard of Aristotle, whom they call Aplis, and have some of his Books (as they say) in the Arabian Tongue, in which Language (they further say) they have many Books written by Avicenna, that ancient Physician, who was born in Samarchandia, one of the most famed places within the Tartarian Empire, the Country (as they believe) where Tamburlaine, the Mogul's great Ancestor, drew his first breath.  
Some parts or fragments they have of the old Testament; of which more, when I shall come to speak of their Religion.  
Many amongst them profess themselves to have great skill in judicial Astrology, that great Cheat, which hath been very anciently, and often put upon (as the Sacred Story witnesseth) the people inhabiting the East, and South parts of the World. I call it a Cheat, because there is, and must needs be, so much uncertainty in it; all things here below being ordered, and overruled, by the secret, and unerring providence of Almighty God, which frustrateth the tokens of the Liars, and maketh Diviners mad; that turneth wise men backward, and maketh their knowledge foolish, Esay 44. 25. First, these Diviners are mad when things fall not out according to their bold predictions; And secondly, they have been, and not without cause, esteemed as madmen, in foretelling things which they could not know, and much less bring to pass.  
And therefore I have heard a great Master in, and a public Professor of, Astronomy, who could see as far into Constellations, and observe as much from them as any other, often say, that he would go by the very self same rules that others did, to predict things to come; and would write that which was quite contrary to what they observed, yet what he wrote should as often fall to be as true as what they foretold.  
Yet notwithstanding the truth of these premises, the great mogul puts so much confidence in his Astrologers, that he will not undertake a journey, nor yet resolve to do any thing besides of the least consequence, unless his Wizards tell him, it is a good and a prosperous hour, to begin, and set upon such an undertaking, and at the very instant he hath his directions from them, he sets upon the thing he undertakes, and not before.   

SECTION XIII.  
Of their Physicians, Diseases, Cures; When they begin their year; How they measure their time, etc.  
HEre are those which pretend unto much skill in Physic, though (for aught I could ever there observe) the people make but little use of them, they fearing more Medicum quam Morbum; and therefore do believe the Physician to be the more dangerous disease.  
The common Diseases of that Country are Bloody-Fluxes, with others that come not to blood, Hot-Fevers, Calentures, which seize on and fire the head and brain, more than other parts. These, many times put our men at Sea into very high distempers, especially while they are under the Torrid Zone, which makes the poor creatures visited with them, sometimes to conceit the spacious Sea and Waves therein to be great Fields full of Haycocks; and if they were not sometimes happily prevented, would leap overboard to tumble in them.  
For ordinary Agues, such as are so common among us, and for those two torments rather than diseases (when they are felt in extremity) the Gout and the Stone, they have the happiness to be ignorant of them.  
But sometimes they are visited with an inflammation, or an extreme Burning, such as is spoken of, Deut. 28. 22. or rather with a most grievous Pestilence, which on a sudden sweeps away many thousands when it comes into great populous Cities. This Pestilence makes the bodies of Men there which are visited with it, like an House, which on a sudden is covered all over with fire at once. The City Amadavar (at our being there with the King) was visited with this Pestilence in the month of May, and our Family was not exempted from that most uncomfortable visitation; for within the space of nine days, seven persons that were English of our Family were taken away by it, and none of those which died lay sick above twenty hours, and the major part well and sick, and dead in twelve hours. As our Surgeon (who was there all the Physician we had, and he led the way) falling sick at midday, and the following midnight dead. And there were three more that followed him, one immediately after the other, who made as much haste to the Grave as he had done, and the rest went after them, within that space of time (I named before.) And (as before I observed) all those that died in our Family of this Pestilence, had their Bodies set all on fire by it, so soon as they were first visited; and when they were dying, and dead, broad spots of a black and blue colour appeared on their Breasts; and their flesh was made so extreme hot by their most high distemper, that we who survived, could scarce endure to keep our hands upon it.  
It was a most sad time, a fiery Trial indeed. But such is the goodness of Almighty God, that he makes the miseries of Men here, Aut tolerabiles, aut breves, either sufferable, or short; so that if the thing imposed be extreme heavy to be born, it continues not long, as this most grievous visitation, most violent for the time, like a mighty storm, and then blown away. For here the mercy of God suddenly stepped in, betwixt the living and the dead; so that not only in our Family, but also in that great City, the Plague was stayed.  
All our Family [my Lord Ambassador only excepted] were visited with this sickness; and we all, who through God's help and goodness outlived it, had many great blisters, filled with a thick yellow watery substance, that arose upon many parts of our bodies, which when they brakè, did even burn and corrode our skins, as it ran down upon them.  
For my part I had a Calenture before at Mandoa, which brought me even into the very jaws of Death, from whence it pleased God then to rescue and deliver me, which amongst thousands and millions of mercies more received from him, hath, and shall for ever give me cause to speak good of his Name.  
There are very few English which come thither, but have some violent sickness, which if they escape, and live temperately, they usually enjoy very much health afterward. But Death made many breaches unto my Lord Ambassador's Family, for of four and twenty Waiters, besides his Secretary and myself, there was not above the fourth Man returned home. And he himself by violent Fluxes, was twice brought even to the very brink of the Grave.  
The Natives of East-India in all their violent hot diseases, make very little use of Physicians, unless it be to breathe a Vein sometimes, after which they use much fasting as their most hopeful remedy.  
The foul Disease is too common in those hot Climates, where the people that have it are much more affected with the trouble it brings, than with the sin or shame thereof.  
The people in East-India live up to our greatest Ages; but without all question they have more old people than we; a thing not to be wondered at, if we consider the great Temperance of that people in general in their eating and drinking.  
But to proceed. The Hindooes or Heathens there begin their year the first day of March. The Mahometans begin theirs, the tenth, at the very instant as the Astrologers there guess that the Sun enters into Aries, their year as ours is divided into twelve Months, or rather into thirteen Moons, for according to them they make many payments. They distinguish their time in a much different manner from us, dividing the day into four, and the night into as many parts, which they call Pores; which again they subdivide each of them into eight parts, which they call Grease; measured according to the ancient custom, by water dropping out of one vessel into another, by which there always stands a Man appointed for that service, to turn t●at vessel up again when it is all dropped out, and then to strike with an hammer (upon the brim of a concave piece of Metal, like the inner part of a large Platter, hanging by the brim on a wire) the number of those Pores, and Grease as they pass. It hath a deep sound, and may be heard very far; but these are not common amongst them. Neither have they any Clocks, or Sun-dials', to show them further how their time passeth.  
We lived there some part of our time a little within, or under the Tropic of Cancer, and then the Sun was our Zenith, or Verticle at noonday directly over our heads, at his return to his Northern bounds (of which I have spoken something before.) The Sunrising there, was about six hours in the Morning before its appearing here, so that it is twelve of the Clock with them, when it is but six with us. We had the Sun there above the Horizon in December, when the days are shortest near eleven hours; and in june when they are at their fullest length, somewhat more than thirteen hours; which long absence of the Sun there from the face of the Earth, was very advantageous to cool both the Earth and Air. I proceed to speak.   

SECTION XIV.  
Of the most excellent Moralities which are to be observed amongst the People of those Nations.  
NExt to those things which are Spiritually good, there is nothing which may more challenge a due and deserved commendation, than those things which are Morally and Materially so; and many of these may be drawn out to life, from the examples of great numbers amongst that people.  
For the Temperance of very many, by far the greatest part of the Mahometans and Gentiles, it is such, as that they will rather choose to die, like the Mother and her seven Sons mentioned in the second of Macchabees and seventh Chapter, then eat or drink any thing their Law forbids them. Or like those Rechabites, mentioned, Jer. 35. Where jonadab their Father commanded them to drink no Wine, and they did forbear it for the Commandment sake. Such meat and drink as their Law allows them, they take, only to satisfy Nature, (as before) not Appetite; strictly observing Solomon's Rule, Prov. 23. 2. in keeping a knife to their throats, that they may not transgress in taking too much of the Creature; hating Gluttony, and esteeming Drunkenness, as indeed it is, another Madness; and therefore have but one word in their Language, (though it be very copious) and that word is Most, for a drunkard, and a madman. Which shows their hatred of drunken distempers; for none of the people there, are at any time seen drunk, (though they might find liquor enough to do it) but the very offal and dregs of that people, and these rarely, or very seldom.  
And here I shall insert another most needful particular to my present purpose, which deserves a most high commendation to be given unto that people in general, how poor and mean soever they be; and that is, the great exemplary care they manifest in their piety to their Parents, that, notwithstanding they serve for very little (as I observed before) but five shillings a Moon for their whole livelihood and subsistence; yet, if their Parents be in want, they will impart at the least half of that little towards their necessaries, choosing rather to want themselves, then that their Parents should suffer need.  
For the Mahometans [who live much upon the labours of the Hindooes, keeping them under, because they formerly conquered them] there are many of them idle, and know better to eat than work, and these are all for to morrow, a word very common in their mouths; and the word is Sub-ba, which signifies to morrow, and when that day comes to morrow, and so still to morrow, they will set down upon their businesses to morrow, will do any thing you would have them to do to morrow, they will bestow any thing upon you Sub-ba, to morrow. Pollicitis divites, most rich in promises, in performances not so. That being true of many of those Mahometans, which Livy sometimes spoke of Hannibal, that he stood most to his Promise, when it was most for his Profit, [though, to do the Mahometans in general right, such as are Merchants and Traders, are exact in their dealings] or, as Plutarch writes of Antigonus the King, who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as being ever about to give, but seldom giving.  
But for the Hindooes, or Heathens, the ancient inhabitants of East-India, they are a very industrious people, very diligent in all the works of their particular Callings, believing that Bread sweetest, and most savoury, which is gained by sweat. These are for the generality the people that plant and till the ground: These they which make those curious Manufactures that Empire affords; working, as we say, with tooth and nail; employing their ears and toes, as well as their fingers, to assist them [by holding threads of silk] in the making of some things they work. These are a people who are not afraid of a Lion in the way, of a Lion in the streets, as the slothful man is, Prov. 26. 13. but they lay hold on the present time, the opportunity, to set upon their businesses which they are to do to day, they being very laborious in their several employments, and very square and exact to make good all their engagements.  
Which appears much in their justness manifested unto those that trade with them; for if a Man will put it unto their Consciences to sell the Commodity he desires to buy at as low a rate as he can afford it, they will deal squarely, and honestly with him; but if in those bargainings a man offer them much less than their set price, they will be apt to say, What, dost thou think me a Christian, that I would go about to deceive thee?  
It is a most sad and horrible thing to consider, what scandal there is brought upon the Christian Religion, by the looseness, and remissness, by the exorbitances of many which come amongst them, who profess themselves Christians; of whom I have often heard the Natives [who live near the Port where our Ships arrive] say thus, in broken English, which they have gotten, Christian Religion, Devil Religion; Christian much drunk, Christian much do wrong, much beat, much abuse others.  
But to return again unto the people of East India: Though the Christians which come amongst them do not such horrible things, yet they do enough to make Christianity itself evil spoken of; as a Religion that deserves more to be abhorred, than embraced. For truly it is a sad sight there to behold a dunken Christian, and a sober Indian; a temperate Indian, and a Christian given up to his Appetite. An Indian that is just and square in his dealing, a Christian not so; a laborious Indian, and an idle Christian; as if he were born only to fold his Arms, or fruges tantum consumere natus: to devour Corn, and wear out Wool. O what a sad thing is it for Christians to come short of Indians, even in Moralities, come short of those, who themselves believe, to come short of Heaven.   

SECTION XV.  
Of their Religion, their Priests, their Devotion, their Churches, etc.  
ANd now I come to speak of their Religion, I shall first take notice of the Mahometan Religion there professed. That of the Hindoos or Heathens shall find a place wherein I may speak of it afterwards.  
But first of the Mahometan Religion, because the Great mogul with his Grandees, and all other of quality about him are Mahometans; which Religion (if it deserve that name) took its first Rise, and began to be professed in the world about the year of Christ 620, as hath been observed by many Writers.  
The Ringleader to it, and chief Founder of it was Mahomet, an Arabian by Birth, born (as is said) in a very obscure place, and of very mean and low Parentage, but a Man filled with all Subtlety and Craft; who, (as they write) after that he had much enriched himself by Wives, came to be the Commander of a Company of Arabian Volunteers that followed Heraclius the Emperor in his Persian Wars; but not long after, himself and Soldiers, falling first into Mutiny, and after that to Rebellion, which was an excellent preparative to put an innovation or change on Religion, and his Soldiers standing close unto him, he himself, with the help of Sergius, a Christian by profession, but an Heretical Nestorian Monk, and of Abdala a jew, composed a Religion that hath nothing in it, or that savours of nothing so much, as of rude Ignorance, and most palpable Imposture; it being a Monster of many Heads; a most damnable mixture of horrid impieties, if it be considered altogether.  
Yet because it contains much in it very pleasing to flesh and blood, and soothes up, and complies exceedingly with corrupt Nature, it wanted no followers presently to embrace, and assert it; so that in a little time, like a Gangrene, it spread itself into many parts of Asia, and since that hath enlarged itself like Hell; so that, at this present day, it hath more that profess it in the world, than those which profess Christianity, if we take in all collectively that do but bear the Names of Christians, the world over.  
The poor people, that are so much abused by the strong delusions of that great impostor, say for themselves thus, that God hath sent three great Prophets into the world, first Moses, and after him Christ, and then Mahomet; and further add, that when Christ left the world he promised to send a Comforter into it, and that Comforter was Mahomet, and therefore they close with him.  
I shall not need amongst men professing Christianity to write any thing in answer to those their frantic assertions, neither will I make it my business to enlarge myself in the discovery of the Mahometan Religion, because that hath been done by so many hands already; only this I will say of it, and not much more, that it hath Will-worship for its Foundation; Fables and Lies for its support; and a groundless presumption for its superstructure.  
For its Foundation; first, abundance of Will-worship, manifested in many outwatd performances, which are not hard to be performed, because the depraved will of man, is ready pressed and bend to perform things of that kind with readiness, cheerfulness, and delight. The works of your Father the Devil you will do, saith our Saviour, of the obstinate Jews; do them, be they never so hard, with-content and willingness.  
Secondly, the Mahometan Religion hath abundance of strange Monstroos Fables and Lies for its support, their Alcoran (for the substance of it) being a fardel of foolish impossibilities, fit to be received by none but fools and madmen; for they can gain no more credit with those that are judicious, than what is related in the rhyming story of that ancient Knight Errand, Bevis of Southampton, or in the Poems of Orlando, the furious, where may be found some such like parallel fictions, as of Astalph● who mounted a Griffin, which carried him up immediately into the Moon, where (they say) Mahomet sometime was; the reason I conceive which made himself, and his followers, ever since so full of Lunacy or madness.  
Thirdly, it hath a groundless presumption for its superstructure, which presumption draws that mifled people into a careless security, they esteeming themselves the only true believers of the world, and none true believers but themselves.  
Yet it cannot be denied, but that there are some things in the precepts which Mahomet hath prescribed to be received and observed by his followers, that are good; laid down in eight commandments which are these.  
First, That God is a great God, and the only God, and Mahomet is the Prophet of God.  
Second, That Children must obey their Parents, and do nothing to displease them either in word or deed.  
Third, That every one must do to another that, and only that, which he would have another do to him.  
Fourth, That every man five times every day must repair to the Mosquit or Church, to pray there; or, wheresoever he is, he must pray every day so often, if not in the Church, than elsewhere.  
Fifth, That one whole Moon in every year, every man, come to years of discretion, must spend the whole day, 'twixt the rising, and setting of the Sun, infasting.  
Sixth, That every one out of his store, must give unto the poor liberally, freely, and voluntarily.  
Seventh, That every one (except those Votaries which renounce marriage) must marry, to increase and multiply the Sect and Religion of Mahomet.  
Eighth, That no man must kill, or shed blood.  
Now much in these Commandments agrees with the word of Truth; and we need not wonder at it, when we consider, that even the Devil himself (as we may observe in the Gospel) hath sometimes had a Scripture in his mouth. So have Heretics, and so did Mahomet and his Assistants mix some Scripture in their Alcoran, to put a fairer gloss upon their irreligion. But what Scriptures they all urge, are for the most part, if not ever, wrested, by their maiming, or perverting, or mis-applying of them. Thus the Devil quotes a Scripture, Mat. 4. 6. but one part is left out, and the rest mis-applied. Those therefore who wrest or mangle Scripture to serve their own turn, we may see from whose School they have it. Thus Mahomet citys Scripture to do more mischief by it; let no man content himself, and think all is well, because he can sometimes speak good words, have a Scripture in his mouth; when he considers that Heretics, Hypocrites do so, that Mahomet, nay Satan himself hath done as much.  
But to proceed; the Mahometan-Priests are called Moolaas, who read some parcels out of their Alcoran, upon Fridays (which are theirSabbaths or days of rest) unto the people assembled in their Mosquits or Churches, and then further deliver some precepts, which they gather out of it, unto their miserably deluded hearers.  
These Moolaas are they which join those of that Religion in marriage; and these employ much of their time as Scriveners to do businesses for others; or to teach their young Children to write and read their language in written hand, for (as before) they have no Printing. Those Moolaas are more distinguished from the rest of the Mahometans by their Beards (which they wear long) then by any other of their habits. Their Calling gains, and gives them very much reverence and esteem amongst the People; as another sort of Priests there have, of an high order or rank, which live much retired; but when they appear openly are most highly reverenced; they are called Scayds who derive themselves from Mahomet.  
The Mahometans have fair Churches which (as before) are called Mosquits; their Churches are built of Marble or coarser stone, the broadside towards the West is made up close like a firm wall, and so are both ends, in which there are no lights; the other broad side towards the East is erected upon Pillars (where a man may take notice of the excellent workmanship both in Vaults, and Arches) the spaces betwixt them Pillars stand open. Their Churches are built long and narrow, standing North and South which way they lay up the bodies of their dead, but none of them within their Churches.  
At the four corners of their Mosquits which stand in great Cities or in other places much peopled, there are high and round, but small Turrets; which are made open with lights every way, wherein a man may be easily seen, and heard; their devout Moolaas five times every day ascend unto the tops of those high Turrets, whence they proclaim, as loudly as they can possibly speak, their Prophet Mahomet, thus in Arabian, La alla illa alla, Mahomet Resul-alla, that is, There is no God but one God, and Mahomet the Messenger from God, That voice instead of Bells (which they use not in their Churches) puts the most devout in mind of the hours of their devotion, those Priests being exceedingly zealous to promote the cause, and to keep up the honour of their Mahomet, as the men of Ephesus sometime were: when they feared that the credit of their Baggage Diana was like to be called into question, they took up a Cry which continued for the space of two hours, Crying out with one voice, Great is Diana of the Ephesians, Acts 19 24.  
But to return again to those Mahometan Priests, who out of zeal do so often proclaim their Mahomet. Tom Coryat upon a time having heard their Moolaas often (as before) so to cry, got him upon an high place directly opposite to one of those Priests, and contradicted him thus: La alla illa alla, Hasaret Eesa Benalla, that is, No God, but one God, and the Lord Christ the Son of God, and further added that Mahomet was an Impostor: and all this he spoke in their own language as loud as possibly he could, in the ears of many Mahometans that heard it. But whether (circumstances considered) the zeal, or discretion of our Pilgrim were more here to be commended, I leave to the judgement of my Reader. That he did so, I am sure, and I further believe how that bold attempt of his, if it had been acted in many other places of Asia, would have cost him his life with as much torture as cruelty could been invented. But he was here taken for a madman, and so let alone.  
Haply the rather, because every one there hath liberty to profess his own Religion freely, and, if he please, may argue against theirs, without fear of an inquisition, as Tom Coryat did at another time with a Moolaa, and the Question was, Which of these two was the Mussleman or true Believer: after much heat on both sides, Tom Coryat thus distinguished, that himself was the Orthodox Musslemam or true true-believer, the Moolaa the pseudo Mussleman or false true believer; which distinction, if I had not thought it would have made my Reader smile had been here omitted.  
The Mahometans have a set form of prayer in the Arabian Tongue, not understood by many of the common people, yet repeated by them as well as by the Moolaas: they likewise rehearse the Names of God and of their Mahomet certain times every day upon Beads, like the miss-led Papists, who seem to regard more the Number, than the weight of prayers.  
But for the carriage of that people in their devotions, before they go into their Churches they wash their feet, and entering into them put off their shoes. As they begin their devotions they stop their ears, and fix their eyes, that nothing may divert their thoughts; then in a soft and still voice they utter their prayers, wherein are many words most significantly expressing the Omnipotency, and Greatness, and Eternity, and other Attributes of God. Many words likewise that seem to express much humiliation, they confessing in divers submissive gestures, their own unworthiness, when they pray casting themselves low upon their Face sundry times, and then acknowledge that they are burdens to the Earth, and poison to the Air, and the like, being so confounded and ashamed as that they seem not to dare so much as to lift up their eyes towards Heaven; but after all this, comfort themselves in the mercies of God, through the mediation of Mahomet.  
If this people could as well conclude, as they can begin and continue their prayers, in respect of their expressions, and carriages in them, they might find comfort; but the conclusion of their devotions mars all.  
Yet this, for their commendation (who doubtless, if they knew better would pray better) that what diversions, and impediments soever they have arising either from pleasure or profit, the Mahometans pray five times a day. The mogul doth so, who sits on the Throne; the Shepherd doth so that waits on his flock in the field (where, by the way, they do not follow their flocks; but their flocks, them) all sorts of Mahometans do thus whether fixed in a place or moving in a journey, when their times, or hours of prayer come, which in the morning are at Six, Nine, and Twelve of the clock; and at three and six in the afternoon.  
When they pray, it is their manner to set their Faces that they may look towards Medina near Mecha in Arabia where their great Seducer Mahomet was buried, who promised them after one thousand years, to fetch them all to Heaven; which term, when it was out, and the promise not fulfilled, the Mahometans concluded that their Forefathers mistake the time of the promise of his coming; and therefore resolve to wait for the accomplishment of it one thousand years more. In the mean time they do so reverence that place where the body of Mahomet was laid up, that whosoever hath been there (as there are divers which flock yearly thither in Pilgrimage) are for ever after called, and esteemed Hoggees, which signifies Holy men.  
And here the thing being rightly and seriously considered; it is a very great shame that a Mahometan should pray five times every day, that Pagans and Heathens should be very frequent in their devotions, and Christians (who only can hope for good answers in prayer) so negligent in that great prevailing duty. For a Mahometan to pray five times every day, what diversions soever he hath to hinder him, and for a Christian to let any thing interrupt his devotion; for a Mahometan to pray five times a day, and for one that is called a Christian not to pray (some believing themselves above this and other Ordinances) five times in a week, a month, a year!  
But this will admit less cause of wonder if we consider how that many bearing the Names of Christians cannot pray at all, those I mean which are profane and filthy, and who live as if there were no God to hear, or to judge, and no Hell to punish. Such as these can but babble, they cannot pray, for they blaspheme the Name of God, while they may think they adore it.  
I shall add here a short story; It happened that I once having some discourse with a Mahometan of good quality, and speaking with him about his frequent praying, I told him that if himself, and others of his profession who did believe it as a duty to pray so often, could conclude their Petitions in the Name of Jesus Christ, they might find much comfort in those their frequent performances, in that great duty: He answered, that I needed not to trouble myself with that, for they found as great comfort as they could desire in what they did. And presently he would needs infer this Relation.  
There was (said he) a most devout Mussleman who had his habitation in a great City where Mahomet was zealously professed, that man for many years together spent his whole day in the Mosquit, or Church; in the mean time, he minding not the world at all, became so poor that he had nothing left to buy bread for his family; yet, notwithstanding his poor condition, he was resolved still to ply his devotions: and in a morning (when he perceived that there was nothing at all left for the further subsistence of himself and household) took a solemn leave of his wife and children, resolving for his part to go and pray and die in the Mosquit, leaving his family (if no relief came) to famish at home. But that very day he put on this resolution, there came to his house in his absence a very beautiful young man (as he appeared to be) who brought and gave unto his wife a very good quantity of Gold bound up in a white Napkin, telling her, that God had now remembered her husband, and sent him his pay for his constant pains taken in his devotion; withal charging her not to send for her husband, for though he had taken such a solemn leave of her that morning, yet he would come home to her again that night; and so he departed from her. The woman presently bought in some necessaries for her house (for they had eaten up all before), and further made some good provision for her husband against his coming home in the evening (for so he did); and finding all his family very cheerful and merry, his wife presently told him, that there had been such a one there (as before described) and left so much gold behind him, with that forementioned message delivered with it. Her husband presently replied that it was the Angel Gabriel sent from God (for the Mahometans speak much of that Angel) and he further added, that himself had nothing to bring home unto her but a little grett, or sand, which he took up in his way homeward, and bound it in his girdle, which he presently opening to show her, it was all turned into precious stones, which amounted unto a very great value in money. The seventh part of which, as of his gold likewise, he presently gave to the poor, (for, said he, a Mussleman is very charitable) and then inferred, that if we do not neglect God, God will not forget us; but when we stand most in need of help will supply us. Unto which conclusion we may all subscribe, leaving the premises which are laid down in that story, unto those that dare believe them.  
The Mahometans say, that they have the Books of Moses, but they have very much corrupted that story, in ascribing that to Ishmael which is said of Isaac, Gen. 22. as if Ishmael should have been sacrificed, not Isaac, (of which more afterward). They say, that they have the Book of David's Psalms; and some Writings of Solomon, with other parcels of the Old Testament; which, if so, I believe are made much to vary from their Original.  
They speak very much in the honour of Moses whom they call Moosa Calim-Alla; Moses, the publisher of the mind of God. So of Abraham whom they call Ibrahim Carim-Alla, Abraham the honoured or friend of God.  
So of Ishmael whom they call Ismal, The Sacrifice of God. So of jacob, whom they call Acob, The blessing of God. So of joseph, whom they call Eesoff, The betrayed for God. So of David, whom they call Dahood, The lover, and praiser of God. So of Solomon, whom they call Selymon, The wisdom of God; all expressed, as the former, in short Arabian words, which they sing in Ditties unto their particular remembrances.  
And, by the way, many of the Mahometans there are called by the names of Moosa, or Ibrahim, or Ismal, or Acob, or Eesoff, or Dahood, or Selymon: so others are called Mahmud, or Chaan, which signifies the Moon; or Frista, which signifies a Star, etc. And they call their women by the names of Flowers or Fruits of their Country, or by the names of Spices or Odours, or of Pearls, or precious Stones, or else by other names of pretty or pleasing signification. As job named one of his daughters jemimah, which signifies, Clear as the day; the second Keziah, which signifies pleasant, as Cassia or sweet Spice. And the name of the third Keren-happuch, signifying, The Horn or strength of beauty, job 42. 14.  
But I'll return again to that people, that I may acquaint my Reader with one thing of special observation, and 'tis this: That there is not one among the Mahometans (of any understanding) which at any time mentions the name of our blessed Saviour called there Hazaret Eesa, the Lord Christ, but he makes mention of it with high reverence and respect. For they say of Christ that he was a good man, and a just, that he lived without sin, that he did greater miracles than ever any before or since him; nay further they call him Rha-how-Alla, the breath of God, but how he should be the Son of God, they cannot conceive, and therefore cannot believe.  
Perhaps the Socinians first took that their opinion from these, which bids them to have every thing they receive as truth, to be cleared up unto them by the strength of Reason, as if there were no need of the exercise of Faith.  
And truly (I must needs confess) that to believe the Incarnation of the Son of God, is one of the hardest and greatest tasks for Faith to encounter withal, that God should be made a Man, that this Man Christ should be born of a Virgin, that Life should spring from Death; and that from Contempt and Scorn, Triumph, and Victory should come, etc. But Christians must bind up all their thoughts, as to these, in that excellent meditation of Picus Mirandula, saying, Mirandam Dei Incarnatinem, etc. concerning that admirable, and wonderful Incarnation of Christ the Son of God, I shall not say much; it being sufficient for me, as for all others that look for benefit by Christ, to believe, that he was begotten, and that he was born. These are Articles of our Faith; and we are not Christians, if we believe them not.  
I may seem very strange therefore, that the Mahometans (who understand themselves better) should have such a very high esteem of our Blessed Saviour Christ, and yet think us who profess ourselves Christians to be so unworthy, or so unclean, as that they will not eat with us, any thing that is of our dressing, nor yet of any thing that is dressed in our vessels.  
There are more particulars which challenge a room in this Section as their proper place: but because I would not have it swell too big, I shall here part it, and speak further   

SECTION XVI.  
Of their Votaries; where, of the voluntary and sharp Penances, that people undergo. Of their Lent; and of their Fasts, and Feasts, etc.  
AMong the Mahometans there are many Votaries they call Derveeses who relinquish the world, and spend all their days following in solitude and retiredness, expecting a recompense (as they say, and are very well content to suffer and wait for it) in that better life. Those very sharp and very strict Penances which many of this people for the present voluntarily undergo, far exceed all those the Romanists boast of; for instance, there are some who live alone upon the tops of Hills (which are clothed or covered with trees, and stand remote from any Company) and there spend the whole time of their following lives in Contemplation, stirring not at all from the places they first fix on, but ad requisita naturae, crying out continually in these or the like expressions, Alla Achabar, etc. that is, God Almighty look upon me, I love thee, I love not the world; but I love thee, and I do all this for thy sake; look upon me, God Almighty.  
These, after they thus retire, never suffer the Razor or Scissors to come again upon their heads, and they let their Nails grow like unto Birds Claws, As it was written of Nabuchadnezzar, Dan. 4. when he was driven out from the society of men.  
This people after their retirement, will choose rather to famish then to stir from their Cells: and therefore they are relieved by the Charity of others, who take care to send them some very mean covering for their bodies (for it must be such, otherwise they will not accept of it) when they stand in need thereof, and something for their bodily sustenance, which must be of their coarser food, otherwise they will not take it, and no more of that at one time than what is sufficient for the present support of nature.  
Some again impose long times of Fasting upon themselves, and will take no food at all, till the strength of Nature in them be almost quite spent.  
And others there are amongst them they call Religious men, who wear nothing about them but to hide their shame; and these (like the mendicant Friars) beg for all they eat. They usually live in the skirts or outsides of great Cities, or Towns, and are like the man our blessed Saviour mentions, Luk. 8. 27. about the City of the Gadarens, which had Devils, and wore no clothes, neither abode in any house but in the Tombs. And so do these, making little fires in the day, sleeping at nights in the warm ashes thereof, with which they besmear and discolour their bodies. These Ash-men will sometimes take intoxicating things which make them to talk wildly, and strangely (as some of our Quakers do in their strange distempers) and then the foolish common people will flock about them, and (believing they then Prophesy) harken unto them with all attention.  
A very great difference 'twixt that people and ours; for there they call madmen Prophets, and amongst us there are many Prophets which are accounted but madmen.  
There are another sort among them called Mendee, carried on likewise merely by misstakes and misconceivings in Religion; who like the Priests of Baal, mentioned 1 King. 18. often cut their flesh with knives and lancers.  
Others again I have thereseen, who merely out of Devotion put such massy Fetters of Iron upon their legs as that they can scarce stir with them, and then covered with blue mantles (the colour of mourners in those parts) as fast as they are able, go many miles in Pilgrimage barefoot upon the hot parching ground, to visit the sepulchers of their deluding Saints; thus, putting themselves upon very great Hardships, and submitting unto extreme sharp penances, and all to no purpose.  
But to return again to those Indian Votaries who undergo such hard things and out of this mistake that they do God good service in the things they do. Concerning which actings, Lucretius (though accounted an Epicurean and an Atheist) in his first book, speaks to purpose about the Error of Religion. 
— Saepius olim  
Religio peperit scelerosa atque impia facta.  
oft of old,  
Religion bred acts impiously bold.   
The Mahometans keep a solemn Lent, they call the Ramjan or Ramdam, which begins the first New-moon, which happens in September, and so continues during that whole Moon. And all that time, those that are strict in their Religion, forbear their Women, and will not take either Meat or Drink any day during that time, so long as the Sun is above their Horizon, but after the Sun is set they eat at pleasure. The last day of their Ram-jan, they consecreate as a day of mourning to the memory of their deceased friends, when I have observed many of the meanner sort, seem to make most bitter lamentation. But when that day of their general mourning is ended, and begins to die into night, they fire an innumerable company of lamps and other lights; which they hang or fix very thick, and set upon the tops of their houses, and all other most conspicuous places near their great Tanks, that are surrounded with buildings, where those lights are doubled by their Reflection upon the water, and when they are all burnt out; the ceremony is done, and the people take food.  
The day after this Ram-jan is fully ended, the most devout Mahometans in a solemn manner assemble to their Mosquits, where by their Moolaas some selected parts of the Alcoran, are publicly read unto them, which book the Moolaas never touch without an expression of much outward reverence.  
For their works of charity, there are some rich men that build Sarraes in great Cities and Towns (spoken of before) where passengers may find houseroom and that freely, without a return of any recompense, wherein themselves and goods may be in safety.  
Others make Wells and Tanks for the public benefit; Or maintain servants, which continually attend upon road-ways that are much traveled, and there offer unto Passengers water for themselves and beasts; which water they bring thither in great skins hanging upon the back of their Buttelos; which as it is freely given, so it must be freely taken by all those, who desire to refresh themselves by it.  
There are some which build rich Monuments to preserve the memories of those whom they have esteemed eminent for their austerity and holiness: these they call Paeres or Saints, amongst whom some of those (beforementioned) help to fill their Number, who sequester themselves from the world (as they think) and spend their life alone upon the tops of Hills, or in other obscure corners.   

SECTION XVII.  
Of the Marriages of the Mahometans, and of their Polygamy, etc.  
AMongst many other things that confirm the Mahometans in their irreligion, this certainly is not the least, the indulgence which Mahomet gives them to take more wives than one (for they make take four if they please) and that further promise which that monstrous Seducer hath made unto his followers of a fleshly Paradise hereafter, wherein he will provide for them all wives which shall have large rolling eyes, which they look upon in that sex as a great beauty. And it is a very suitable comfort for such as walk so much after the flesh.  
For Polygamy, or the having of more wives than one, Lamech a great Grandchild of Cain, was the first that brought it into the World, Gen 4. 19 And it was first brought into the Church by Abraham: which act of his, as of others after him (good men in their generation) though it found permission, never had approbation from Almighty God. And further, though under the times of the Law; it found some connivance, yet since the Gospel there hath been no such custom in any of the Churches of Christ.  
I remember that my Lord Ambassador had a Servant of that Nation, who desired leave to be absent one day, and being asked why, he told us, that he was then to marry a Wife, though he had three living then, a Man would think enough for his means but five shillings a Moon, the usual pay of Servants there (as before I observed) to maintain himself, and all the rest of his family.  
Often have I heard this Question put, How these Mahometans can do with so many Wives; some of which they keep penned up in little Cottages, or Tents? And in other places and parts of the World, where men's dwellings are very large and spacious, there is scarce room enough to be found for one Wise in a great House.  
The Mahometans, who have most Wives, and Women, are most jealous; and their jealousy such, as that they will not suffer the Brothers, or Fathers of their Wives, to come to them, or to have any speech with them, except it be in their presence. And a continued custom by this restraint hath made it odious for such Women, as have the reputation of honesty, to be seen at any time by any Man, besides their own Husbands, or by those before named, and by them but very seldom. But if they dishonour their Husband's beds, or being unmarried are found incontinent and filthy, professing Chastity; rather than they shall want the severest punishment, their own Brother's hands will be first against them to take away their lives, and for so doing, shall be commended, but not questioned.  
The Women there of the greater quality, have Eunuches instead of men to wait upon them, who in their minority are deprived of all that might provoke jealousy.  
Here is a free toleration for Harlots, who are listed and enroled (as they say) before they can have liberty to keep such an open house. Which Creatures in general there, and so all the World over whosoever they be, embrace those they pretend to love, as Monkeys and Apes do their little ones; for they kill them with kindness. Those base Prostitutes are as little ashamed to entertain, as others are openly to frequent their houses.  
Other Creatures (as they say) are there kept for base, and abominable ends; many of those Nations being deeply engaged in those sins of the Gentiles, Rom. 1. in doing things which should not be named, and make no scruple at all for their so doing, ut honest peccare videantur, (as Lactantius speaks) as if they might sin honestly.  
Some of the finer sort of those base Strumpets before named, at certain Times appear in the presence of the mogul, before whom they sing their wanton Songs, playing on their Timbrels.  
The Marriages of all the Mahometans are solemnised with some Pomp; for after the Moolaa hath joined their Hands, and performed other Ceremonies, and bestowed on the parties some words of Benediction, (which is done in the Evening); immediately after the night coming on, they begin their jollity. The man on horseback, be he poor or rich, with his kindred and friends about him, many Lights before him, with Drums and Wind-instruments, and some mixed pastimes to increase the merriments. The Bride she follows with her Women-friends in Coaches covered, and after they have thus passed the most eminent places of the City, or Town they live in, return to the place of the married couples abode, where (they say) if the parties be able, they make some slight entertainment for them, immediately after which, they all disperse, and the show is over.  
Women there, have a very great happiness, above all I have heard of, in their easy bringing forth of Children into the world; for there it is a thing very common, for Women great with Child, one day to ride, carrying their Infants in their Bodies, and the next day to ride again, carrying them in their Arms.  
How those of the greater quality, order their little Children when they are very young, I could not observe, but those of the meaner sort keep them naked for some years after they are born, covering them only, and that but sometimes, with slight Callico-Mantles.  
The Mohometans (as I have before observed) who please so to do, may take to themselves each four Wives; and that filthy liberty given unto them by their fleshly Mahomet, allows them in it. I have heard of some in this Nation of late times, who have been married here to more than so many at once, but that wickedness here is not (as amongst them) committed by a Law, but by Law made Capital, and so punished.  
The eldest Son they have by any of their married Wives, hath a prerogative above all the rest, whom their other Children call Budda, by their great Brother. And so much of their Marriages, of their Children, and of their Births. In the next place, I shall speak   

SECTION XVIII.  
Of their Burials, of their mourning for their Dead, and of their stately Sopulohres and Monuments.  
FOr the Mahometans, it is their manner to wash the Bodies of their Dead before they inter them. An ancient custom as it should seem among the jews; for it is said of Dorcas, that after she was dead, they washed her Body, as a preparative to her Burial.  
They lay up none of the Bodies of their Dead in their Misqui●s, or Churches, (as before) but in some open place in a Grave, which they dig very deep and wide, a Jewish custom, likewise to carry the Bodies of their Dead to bury them out of their Cities and Towns.  
Their mourning over their Dead is most immoderate: for, be-besides that day of general lamentation at the end of their Ram-jan, or Lent, (beforementioned) they howl and cry many whole days for their friends departed, immediately after they have left the world; and after that time is passed over many foolish women, so long as they survive, very often in the year, observe set days to renew their mourning for their deceased friends; and as a people without hope, bedew the graves of their husbands, as of other their near relations, with abundance of (seemingly) affectionate tears; as if they were like those mourning women mentioned jer. 9 17. who seemed to have tears at command; and therefore were hired to mourn and weep in their solemn lamentations.  
And when they thus lament over their dead, they will often put this question to their deaf and dead Carcases, Why they would die? they having such loving wives, such loving friends, and many other comforts: as if it had been in their power to have rescued themselves from that most impartial wounding hand of death.  
Which carriage of theirs deserves nothing but censure and pity; though, if it be not Theatrical, we may much wonder at it, and say of it, as it was said of the mourning in the floor of Atad, Gen. 50. 11. That it is a grievous mourning; or, as the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon, Zech. 12. 11. if we take those lamentations only in a literal sense.  
But now further concerning their places of Burial, many Mahometans of the greatest quality in their life-time provide fair Sepulchers for themselves and nearests friends, compassing with a firm wall a good circuit of ground near some Tank, (before spoken of) about which they delight to bury their dead; or else they close in, a place for this use, near springs of water, that may make pleasant fountains, near which they erect little Mosquits, or Churches, and near them Tombs built round, or foursquare, or in six, or eight squares, with round Vaults, or Canopies of stone overhead, all which are excellently well wrought, and erected upon Pillars, or else made close to be entered by doors every way, under which the bodies of their dead lie interred. The rest of that ground thus circled in, they plant with Fruit-trees; and further set therein all their choicest flowers, as if they would make Elysian fields (such as the Poets dreamed of) wherein their souls might take repose.  
There are many goodly Monuments which are richly adorned, built (as before was observed) to the memory of such as they have esteemed Paeres, or Saints (of whom they have a large Calendar) in which are Lamps continually burning; attended by votaries, unto whom they allow Pensions for the maintaining of those lights, and many (transported there with wild devotion) daily resort to those Monuments, there to contemplate the happiness those Paeres (as they imagine) now enjoy.  
And certainly of all the places that Empire affords, there are none that minister more delight, than some of their Burying places do; neither do they bestow so much cost, nor show so much skill in Architecture in any other Structures as in these.  
Now amongst many very fair Piles there dedicated to the remembrance of their dead, the most famous one is at Secandra, a Village three miles from Agra; it was begun by Achabar-sha the late Mogul's Father, who there lies buried; and finished by his Son, who since was laid up beside him. The materials of that most stately Sepulchre are Marble of divers colours, the stones so closely cemented together, that it appears to be but one continued stone, built high like a Pyramid with many curiosities about it, and a fair Mosquit by it; the Garden wherein it stands very large planted (as before) and compassed about with a wall of Marble: this most sumptuous Pile of all the Structures that vast Monarchy affords, is most admired by strangers. Tom Coryat had a most exact view thereof, and so have many other Englishmen had, all which have spoken very great things of it.  
And now Reader I have done with this, and shall proceed to speak more particularly,   

SECTION XIX.  
Of the Hindoo's, or Heathens, which inhabit that Empire, etc.  
AND for these, the first thing I shall take notice of, is, that they agree with others in the world, about the first Roots of Mankind Adam and Eve: and the first of them they call Babba Adam, or Adamah, Father Adam; and the second Mamma Havah, Mother Eve. And from Adam they call a man, Adami.  
For Adam they further say, that when his wife was tempted to eat the forbidden fruit, she took it and chawed it, and then swallowed it down; but, when her husband was swallowing it, the hand of God stopped it in his Throat, and from hence (they say) that every man hath there an hollow bunch which women have not.  
The names they give to distinguish one man from another are many, and amongst them these following are very common. As juddo, or Midas, or Cooregee, or Hergee, and the like. Casturia and Prescotta, are women's names amongst them; but whether these, as those names they call their men or women by, are names of signification, or only of sound, I know not.  
Those Hindoo's are a very laborious, and an industrious people: these are they which Till and Plant the Ground, and breed the Cattle; these are they which make and sell those curious Manufactures, or the Cloth and Stuff which this Empire affords.  
This people marry into, and consequently still keep in their own Tribes, Sects, Occupations, and Professions. For instance, all Bramins (which are their Priests, the Sons of all which are Priests, likewise) are married to Brahmins' daughters; so a Merchant's son marries a Merchant's daughter; and so men of several Trades marry to the same Trade. Thus a Coolee (who is a tiler of the Ground) marries his son to a Coolees daughter; and so in all other professions they keep themselves to their own Tribes and Trades, not mixing with any other; by which means they never advance themselves higher than they were at first.  
They take but one wife, and of her they are not so fearful and jealous as the Mahometans are of their several wives and women, for they suffer their wives to go abroad whither they please. They are married very young, about six, or seven years old, their Parents making Matches for them, who lay hold of every opportunity to bestow their Children. Because confined to their own Tribes, they have not such variety of choice as otherwise they might have; and when they attain to the age of thirteen, or fourteen, or fifteen years at the most, they bed together.  
Their Marriages are solemnised (as those of the Mahometans) with much company, and noise; but with this difference, that both the young couple ride openly on horseback, and for the most part, they are so little, that some go on their horse sides to hold them up from falling. They are bedecked, or strewed all over their clothing, with the choice flowers of that Country, fastened in order all about their Garments.  
For their Habits they differ very little from the Mahometans, but are very like them civilly clad, but many of their women were Rings on their Toes; and therefore go bare foot. They wear likewise broad Rings of Brass, or better metal, upon their Wrists, and small of their Legs, to take off and on.  
They have generally (I mean the Women) the flappes, or tips of their ears, boared when they are young; which holes daily extended and made wider, by things put and kept in them for that purpose, at last become so large, as that they will hold Rings (hollowed on the outside like Pulleys) for their flesh to rest in that are as broad in their circumference, some of them (I dare say) as little Saucers. But though those fashions of theirs seem very strange at first sight, yet they keep so constantly to them, as to all their other habits, without any alteration, that their general and continual wearing of them makes them to seem less strange unto others which behold them.  
And for their Diet very many of them (as the Banians in general (which are a very strict Sect) will eat of nothing that hath had, or may have life. And these live upon Herbs, and Roots, and Bread, and Milk, and Butter, and Cheese, and Sweetmeats, of which they have many made very good by reason of their great abundance of Sugar. Others amongst them will eat Fish, but of no living thing else. The Rashboots will eat Swines-flesh, which is most hateful to the Mahometans, some will eat of one kind of flesh, some of another (of all very sparing); but all the Hindoo's in general abstain from Beef, out of an high and over-excellent esteem they have of Kine; and therefore give the mogul yearly, besides his other exactions, great sums of money as a ransom for those Creatures; whence it comes to pass, that amongst other good provisions, we meet there but with little Beef.  
As the Mahometans bury: so the Hindoos in general (not believing the Resurrection of the Flesh) burn the bodies of their dead near some Rivers (if they may with convenience) wherein they sow their ashes.  
And there are another Sect, or sort of Heathens, living amongst them, called Persees, which do neither of these; of whom, and how they bestow the bodies of their dead, you shall hear afterward.  
The Widows of these Hindoos (first mentioned) such as have lived to keep company with their Husbands, for (as before) there is usually a good space of time 'twixt their wedding and bedding. The Widows (I say) who have their Husbands separated from them by death, when they are very young, marry not again; but whether, or no, this be generally observed by them all, I know not; but this I am sure of, that immediately after their Husbands are dead, they cut their hair, and spend all their life following as creatures neglected both by themselves, and others; whence to be free from shame, some of them are ambitious to die with honour (as they esteem it) when their fiery love carries them to the flames (as they think) of Martyrdom, most willingly following the dead bodies of their Husbands unto the fire, and there embracing them, are burnt with them.  
A better agreement in death than that of Eteocles and Polynices, the two Theban brothers, of whom it is said, that they were such deadly enemies while they were alive, that after, when both their bodies were burnt together in the same fiery Pile, the flame parted and would not mix in one, of which Statius thus: 
Nec furiis post fata modus; flammaeque rebels  
Seditione Rogi.—  But those, which before I named, agree so well in life, that they will not be divided by death, where their flames unite together. And although the woman, who thus burns with her Husband, doth this voluntarily, not by any compulsion (for the love of every Widow there is not thus fired) and though the poor creature, who thus dies may return and live if she please, even then when she comes to the Pile, which immediately after turns her into ashes: yet she who is once thus resolved, never starts back from her first firm and settled resolution, but goes on singing to her death, having taken some intoxicating thing to turn or disturb her brains; and then, come to the place where she will needs die, she settles herself presently in the midst of that combustible substance provided to dispatch her, which fuel is placed in a round shallow trench, about two foot deep, made for that purpose near some River, or other water (as before), and though she have no bonds but her own strong affections to tie her unto those flames, yet she never offers to stir out of them. And thus, she being joyfully accompanied unto the place of her dying by her Parents and other friends; and when all is fitted for this hellish sacrifice, and the fire begins to burn, all which are there present shout, and make a continued noise so long as they observe her to stir, that the screeches of that poor tortured creature may not be heard. Not much unlike the custom of the Ammonites, who, when they made their children pass through the fire to Molech, caused certain Tabrets, or Drums to sound, that their cries might not be heard, whence the place was called Tophet.  
Now after their bodies are quite consumed, and lie mixed together in ashes, and those ashes begin to grow cold, some of them are gathered up by their nearest friends, and kept by them as choice Relics; the rest are immediately sown by the standers by, upon the adjacent River, or water.  
But for those poor silly souls, who sing themselves into the extremity of misery, and thus madly go out of the world, through one fire into another, through flames that will not last long into everlasting burnings, and do it not out of necessity, but choice, led hereunto by their tempter and murderer, and consequently become so injurious and merciless to themselves; certainly they deserve much pity from others, who know not how to pity themselves. For nemo miserior misero non miserante seipsum. There are none so cruel as those, which are cruel, and pitiless to themselves. But though (I say) there are some which thus throw away their own lives; yet if we consider those Hindoos in general we may further take notice   

SECTION XX.  
Of the tenderness of that people in preserving the lives of all other inferior Creatures, etc.  
FOr they will not (if they can help it by any means) take, but, on the contrary, do what they can to preserve the lives of all inferior Creatures, whence (as before I told you) they give large money to preserve the lives of their Kine, (a reason for this you shall have afterward) and I have often observed, that when our English boys there have out of wantonness been killing of Flies (there swarming in abundance) they would be very much troubled at it; and, if they could not persuade them to suffer those poor Creatures to live, they would give them money, or something else, to forbear that (as they conceived) Cruelty.  
As for themselves (I mean a great number of them) they will not deprive the most useless, and most offensive Creatures of Life; not Snakes, and other venomous things that may kill them, saying, that it is their nature to do hurt, and they cannot help it: but as for themselves they further say, that God hath given them Reason to shun those Creatures, but not liberty to destroy them.  
And in order to this their conceit, the Banians (who are the most tenderhearted in this case of all that people) have Spitals (as they say) on purpose to recover lame Birds and Beasts.  
Some ground for this their tenderness haply proceeds from this consideration; that they cannot give Life to the meanest of the sensible Creatures, and therefore think that they may not take the Lives of any of them: for the poorest worm which crawleth upon the face of the Earth, tam Vita vivit, quam Angelus, (as one of the Ancients speaks) live for the present as much as the Angels, and cannot be willing to part with that Life, and therefore they imagine that it is most injurious by violence to take it.  
But (as I conceive) the most principal cause why they thus forbear to take the lives of inferior Creatures, proceeds from their obedience unto a precept given them by one of their principal, and most highly esteemed Prophets and Lawgivers they call Bremaw; others they have in very high esteem, and the name of one of them is Ram, of another Permissar. I am ignorant of the names of others, and I conceive that my Reader will not much care to know them. But for him they call Bremaw, they have received (as they say) many precepts, which they are careful to observe, and the first of them, This  
Thou shalt not kill any living Creature whatsoever it be, having Life in the same; for thou art a Creature, and so is it; thou art endued with Life, and so is it; thou shalt not therefore spill the Life of any of thy fellow-Creatures that live.  
Other Precepts (they say) were delivered unto them by their Lawgiver about their devotions, in their washings and worshippings where they are commanded,  
To observe times for fasting, and hours for watching, that they may be the better fitted for them.  
— Other directions they have about their Festivals wherein they are required,  
To take their Food moderately, in not pampering their Bodies.  
— Concerning Charity, they are further commanded,  
To help the poor as far as they are possibly able.  
— Other Precepts (they say) were given them likewise in charge; as  
Not to tell false Tales, nor to utter any thing that is untrue.  
Not to steal any thing from others, be it never so little.  
Not to defraud any by their cunning in bargains, or contracts.  
Not to oppress any, when they have power to do it.  
Now all those particulars are observed by them with much strictness; and some of them are very good, having the impresssion of God upon them, but that scruple they make in forbearing the lives of the Creatures made for men's use, shows how that they have their dwellings in the dark, which makes them by reason of their blindness, to deny unto themselves that liberty, and Sovereignty which Almighty God hath given unto Man over the Beasts of the Field, the Fowls of the Air, and the Fishes of the Sea, appointed for his Food, given unto him for his service and sustenance, to serve him, and to feed him, but not to make havoc and spoil of them.  
However, the tenderness of that people over inferior Creatures, shall one day rise up in judgement against all those who make no scruple at all in taking the Lives, not of sensible Creatures, but Men, not legally to satisfy good and known Laws, but violently to please their cruel and barbarous Lusts.   

SECTION XXI.  
Of other strange and groundless, and very gross Opinions, proceeding from the blackness and darkness of Ignorance in that people.  
ALl Error in the World proceeds either from Ignorance (commonly joined with Pride) or else from Wilfulness. This is most true as in natural, and moral, so in spiritual things: For as Knowledge softens and sweetens Men's manners, so it enricheth their Minds; which Knowledge is certainly a most divine, a very excellent thing, otherwise our first Parents would never have been so ambitious of it. This makes a Man here to live twice, or to enjoy here a double Life in respect of him that wants it. But for this Knowledge, it certainly must be esteemed better, or worse, by how much the object of this Knowledge is worse, or better. Now the best object of this Knowledge is a right Understanding, and Knowledge of the true God, which that people wants.  
Now touching this people, they are altogether ignorant of God, as they ought to know him; and they have no learning amongst them, but as much as enables them to write and to read what they have written; and they having no insight into the reasons and causes of things (I mean the ruder sort, both of the Mahometans and Gentiles) when they observe things which are not very ordinary, as when they see any Eclipses, but especially of the Moon (haply some of them sacrificing to her, and calling her the Queen of Heaven, as those Idolaters did, jer. 44. 18.) they make a very great stir and noise, bemoaning her much, which helps (as they conceive) to free, and bring her out of it. juvenal observing that custom (which appears to be very ancient among the Heathens) reproves a very brawling clamorous Woman in his sixth Satire thus, 
Una, laboranti poterit succurrere Lunae,  that she made noise enough to deliver the Moon out of an Eclipse.  
Their ignorance in this, as in many other things, is much to be pitied: as the knowledge and learning of many others, which (by their not improving of it) is to them as the Letters which Uriah sometimes carried against himself; it condemns the bearer.  
But though the Hindoos, or Heathens there, have no learning; yet they want not opinions: for their divided hearts are there distracted into four-score and four several Sects, each differing from others, very much in opinion about their irreligion; which might fill a man, even full of wonder, that doth not consider, how that Satan, who is the author division, is the seducer of them all.  
Those many Sects (as I conceive among them) consist of people there of several Trades, Occupations, and Conditions of Life; which several sorts of people (as before I observed) marry into their own Tribes; and so unite and keep together amongst themselves, that they have not much correspondency with any other people. These without doubt have several ways of worship within themselves, which makes them so separate from others, as that they will not eat with any, but those of their own Tribes.  
The illiterate Priests of all that people for the generality of them are called Bramins, who derive themselves from Bramon, whom (they say) was one of the first men that inhabited the World; and, after the sin of that first World brought the Flood, the race of that Bramon (whose very name they highly reverence) was continued in Bremaw, who (as they say) outlived that deluge, and is honoured by them likewise as one of their great Prophets and Lawgivers.  
Those Bramins (as I conceive) are they, which the ancient stories call brahmin's, but with this difference, that those Brachmanes were accounted learned men, for the learning of those times wherein they lived: But these Bramins are a very silly, sottish, and an ignorant sort of people; who are so inconstant in their Principles, as that they scarce know what the particulars are which they hold and maintain as truths.  
As anciently amongst the Jews, their Priesthood is hereditary; for all those Brahmins' Sons are Priests, and they all take the Daughters of Bramins to be their Wives. (Of which something before.)  
They have little Churches they call Pagods, standing near, or under their green Trees, built round; but as their ancient brahmin's were said not to endure, these, on the contrary, have Images in their Pagods made in monstrous shapes, but for what end they have them, I know not.  
Now, from the manner of those Heathens, which I believe hath been for many years retained in their Idolatrous worships; I conceive that the Jews long ago borrowed that unwarrantable custom of worshipping God in Groves, or under green Trees.  
Both men and women before they go to their devotions (which are very frequently performed) wash their bodies, and keep off all their clothes, but the covering of modesty, till they have done; led hereunto by a Precept (as they say) commanded them to be performed by their Lawgiver ●remaw, which requires them daily to observe their times of devotion expressed by their washings, and worshippings, and prayer to God; which must be all done with purity of hearts.  
And it is the manner of this people before they take their food to wash their bodies; then (which I much observed while we lived in Tents) they make a little Circle upon the ground, which they seem to consecrate; after which they sit down within that compass, and eat what they have provided; and if any come within that Circle before they have ended their meal, they presently quit the place, and leave their food behind them.  
That outward washing (as this people think) avails very much to their cleansing from sin, not unlike the Pharisees, who were all for the outside of Religion, and would not eat with unwashen hands, Mark. 7. 2. unless they washed themselves up to the Elbows (as Theophylact observes); hence those Hindoos ascribe a certain divinity unto Rivers, but above all to that famous River Ganges, whither they flock daily in troops, that there they may wash themselves; and the nearer they can come to the head of that River, the more virtue they believe is in the water. After they have thus washed, they throw pieces of Gold, or Silver (according to their devotion and ability) into that River, and so depart from it.  
Thus Reader thou hast somewhat of the carriages of this people in life. Now after death some of them talk of Elyzian fields (such as the Poets dreamed of) to which their souls must pass over at Styx, or Acheron, and there take new bodies. Others of them think that ere long the World will have an end, after which they shall live here again on a new earth. Some other wild conceivings of this people follow afterward.  
Some Bramins have told me that they acknowledge one God, whom they describe with a thousand eyes, with a thousand hands, and as many feet, that thereby they may express his power, as being all eye to see, and all foot to follow, and all hand to smite offenders. The consideration whereof makes that people very exact in the performances of all moral duties, following close to the light of Nature in their dealings with men, most carefully observing that Royal Law, in doing nothing to others, but what they would be well contented to suffer from others.  
Those Brahmins' talk of two books, which not long after the Creation, when the World began to be peopled, (they say) were delivered by Almighty God to Bramon (before spoken of): one of which Books (they say) containing very high, and secret, and mysterious things was sealed up, and might not be opened; the other to be read, but only by the Bramins, or Priests. And this Book, thus to be read, came after (as they further say) into the hands of Bremaw (of whom likewise something before) and by him it was communicated unto Ram, and Permissar, two other famed Prophets amongst them, which those Heathens do likewise exceedingly magnify; as they do some others, whose names I have not. Now that Book which they call the Shester, or the Book of their written word, hath been transcribed in all ages ever since by the Bramins, out of which they deliver Precepts unto the people.  
They say that there are seven Orbs, above which is the seat of God; and that God knows not small and petty things, or, if he do, regards them not.  
They further believe that there are Devils, but so fettered and bound in chains, as that they cannot hurt them.  
I observed before the tenderness and scruple, which is in very many of that people in taking the lives of any inferior, and merely sensible, yea and of hurtful creatures too. And those which are most tenderhearted in this case are called Banians, who are by far more numerous than any other of those Indian Sects; and these hold Pythagoras his Metempsychosis, as a prime Article of their Faith. Which that untaught people come up very near unto, thinking that all the souls, both of men and women after they leave their bodies make their repose in other Creatures, and those Souls (as they imagine) are best lodged that go into Kine, which (in their opinion) are the best of all sensible creatures; and therefore (as before) they give yearly large sums of money unto the mogul to redeem them from slaughter. And this people further conceit, that the Souls of the wicked go into vile Creatures, as the Souls of Gluttons and Drunkards into Swine. So the Souls of the Voluptuous and incontinent into Monkeys and Apes. Thus the Souls of the Furious, Revengeful, Cruel People, into Lions, Wolves, Tigers, other beasts of prey. So the Souls of the Envious into Serpents, and so into other Creatures according to people's qualities and dispositions, while they lived successively from one to another of the same kind, ad infinitum for ever and ever, by consequence they believing the immortality of the World. And upon that same mad and groundless fancy, probably they further believe, that the Souls of Froward, Peevish, and Teachy Women go into Wasps; and that there is never a silly Fly, but (if they may be credited) carries about it some Souls (haply they think of light Women) and will not be persuaded out of their wild conceivings, so incorrigible are their sottish errors.  
The day of rest which those Hindoos observe as a Sabbath is Thursday, as the Mahometans Friday. Many Festivals they have which they keep solemnly, and Pilgrimages, the most famous briefly spoken of before in those short descriptions of Nagraiot, and Syba, observed in my first Section.  
Now there are a race of other Heathens (I named before) living amongst those Hindoos, which in many things differ very much from them: they are called Persees, who (as they say) originally cameout of Persia, about that time Mahomet and his followers gave Laws to the Persians, and imposed a new Religion on them; which these Persees not enduring left their Country, and came and settled themselves in East-India, in the Province of Guzarat, where the most part of them still continue (though there are some of them likewise in other parts of India) but wherever they live they confine themselves strictly to their own Tribe, or Sect.  
For their Habits, they are clad like the other people of that Empire; but they shave not their hair close as the other do, but suffer their beards to grow long.  
Their profession is for the generality all kinds of Husbandry, employing themselves very much in Sowing and Setting of Herbs; in Planting and Dressing of Vines, and Palmeeto, or Toddy-Trees, as in Planting and Husbanding all other Trees bearing fruit; and indeed they are a very industrious people, and so are very many of the Hindoos (as before I observed) and they do all very well in doing so, and in this a due, and deserved commendation belongs unto them. For,  
There is no condition whatsoever can privilege a folded arm. Our first Parents before their fall were put into the Garden of Edemto dress it. Certainly, if idleness had been better than labour, they had never been commanded to do work, but they must labour in their estate of innocency, because they were happy, and much more we in our sinful lost estate that we may be so. It was a law given before the Law, that man should eat br●ad by the sweat of his brows, and it is a Gospel-precept too that he, who will not work, should note. The sluggard desireth and hath nothing (saith Solomon) because he doth nothing but desire; and therefore his desires do him no good, because his hands refuse to labour. That body therefore well deserves to pine and starve without pity, when two able Hands cannot feed one Mouth.  
But further, for those Persees; they use their liberty in meats and drinks, to take of them what they please; but because they would not give offence, either to the Mahometans, or Banians, or other Hindoos amongst whom they live, they abstain from eating Beef, or Swine's flesh.  
It is their usual manner to eat alone, as for every one of them to drink in his own Cup; and this is a means (as they think) to keep themselves more pure, for if they should eat with others, they are afraid that they might participate of some uncleanness by them.  
Alas poor Creatures, that do not at all understand themselves, and their most miserable condition: for to them that are defiled, and unbelieving is nothing pure.  
Yet I observed before, the Mahometans and Gentiles there are very strict in this particular; so that they will not eat with any mixed company, and many of the Gentiles not eat with one another. And this hath been an ancient custom among Heathens. It is said, Gen. 43. 32. that the Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews, for that was an abomination to the Egyptians.  
For those Persees; further they believe that there is but one God, who made all things, and hath a Sovereign power over all. They talk much of Lucifer, and of other evil spirits, but they say, that those and all Devils besides are kept so under, and in awe by two good Angels, that have power over them, as that they cannot hurt or do the least mischief, without their leave, and licence.  
As, many of the Hindoos ascribe to much unto water (as before) so these to fire: and the reason of it, is this, because they have had this tradition from many ages and generations past, that their great Lawgiver, whom they call Zertoost was rapt up into Heaven, and there had fire delivered unto him, which he brought down thence; and he ever after commanded his followers to worship it and so they do; and further, they love any thing that resembles fire, as the Sun and Moon; and therefore, when they pray in the day time they look towards the Sun, and so towards the Moon in their night-devotions, and from that so over-high esteem they have of fire, they keep fires continually burning in their Eggarees, or Temples in Lamps fed with Oil, which are always attended by their Priests; and they talk of many of these which have burned without extinginshment from many foregoing generations.  
And, by the way, that wild and mad fancy of theirs, that their Zertoost did fetch fire from Heaven is as certainly true, as that ancient Fiction and Fable of Prometheus, that he did steal fire thence.  
But to proceed: their Priests they call Daroos, or Harboods, above both which, they have a Chief, or Highpriest, they call the Destoor, who not often appears openly, but, when he doth, he meets with much Reverence and Respect given unto him by the common people, and so do those other Churchmen which are his inferiors: unto all which they allow free maintenance for their more comfortable subsistence.  
Those Churchmen by their Law are commanded to dwell near, and to abide much in their Eggarees, or Temples, to give advice, or direction to any that shall repair unto them for it. They observe divers Feasts, and immediately after each of them a Fast follows.  
That living sensible Creature, which they first behold every Morning (that is good and serviceable) is to them (as they say) a Remembrancer all the day after, to draw up their thoughts in thanksgiving unto Almighty God, who hath made such good Creatures for man's use and service.  
There are good things (as I have been informed) in that Book of their Religion delivered them in precepts, which their Lawgiver hath left unto them for the direction of their Lives.  
As first, To have shame and fear ever present with them, which will restrain, and keep them from the committing of many evils.  
Secondly, When they undertake any thing, seriously to consider whether it be good or bad, commanded or forbidden them.  
Thirdly, To keep their Hearts and Eyes from coveting any thing that is another's, and their Hands from hurting any.  
Fourthly, To have a care always to speak the Truth.  
Fifthly, To be known only in their own businesses, and not to inquire into, and to busy themselves in other men's matters.  
All which are good moral precepts: but they have another which mars and spoils all the rest, and that is, upon the greatest penalties they can be threatened withal,  
Sixthly, Not to entertain, or believe any other Law besides that which was delivered unto them by their Lawgiver.  
This people take but one Wife; which hath liberty, as the Wives of the Hindoos, to go abroad. They never resolve to take Wives, or Husbands without the advice of their Churchmen: and when they come to be married, they stand some distance one from the other, there being two Churchmen present, one in the behalf of the Man, and in behalf of the Woman the other. The first of these asks the Woman, whether or no she will have that Man to be her Husband; and the other asks the Man, whether or no he will have that Woman to be his Wife: and they both consenting, the Priests bring them together and join their Hands, praying that they may live in Unity and Love together; and then both those Churchmen scatter Rice upon the Married Couple, entreating God to make them fruitful in sending them many Sons and Daughters, that they may multiply as much as that seed doth in the ears that bear it. And so, the Ceremony being thus performed, which is about the time of midnight, the whole Company depart, leaving the Married Couple together.  
At the Birth of every Child, they immediately send for the Daroo, or Churchman, who comes to the party's House, and there being certainly informed of the exact time of the Child's birth, first, undertakes to calculate its Nativity, and to speak something of it by way of prediction; after which he conferrs with the Parents about a Name whereby it shall be called; which when they have agreed upon, the Mother, in the presence of the Company there assembled, gives it that Name.  
And now lastly, touching the Burials of that People, they encircle pieces of ground with a round Wall, that is of a good height, set a part for that purpose. These burying places stand remote from Houses and road-ways, the groun● within them is made smooth, or else paved on the bottom, in ●●e midst whereof they have a round pit, made deep like a drawwell. The Bodies of their Dead, both Men, Women, and Children, are carried to those places, upon a Beer made of sleight round Iron Bars, (for they will not have dead bodies touch any wood, lest they should defile it, because that is fuel for their adored Fire) and thus brought thither, are laid round about near the inside of that Wall upon the ground, or pavements, covered with a thin white Cloth; the Daroo, or Harboode, accompanies the dead body near unto the door which enters that place (always kept fast shut, but when it is opened upon this occasion to let in their dead); and, comn thither, speaks these words in the audience of all those which are thither assembled, That whereas the party deceased consisted of all the Four Elements, he desires that every one of them may now take his part. And this is the form they use, when they there thus dispose of the bodies of their dead. Which being there so left in that open place, are presently laid bare by the Fowls of the Air, who in short time after pick all their flesh clear from their bones, by consequence their fleshly part having no other Sepulchers, Graves, or Tombs, but the Craws and Gorges of those ravenous Fowls. And when upon this occasion they enter that round stage of Mortality, the bare Skeletons they there find, which have parted with all their flesh, are by those bearers of the dead cast into that deep round pit, where they mix promiscuouslly together, and so make room for other dead bodies.  
But now that my Reader may not conceive that I have endeavoured in some of these strange Relations to write a new Romance, I would have him to think, that for mypart I do believe that there is very much of truth in the particulars I have inserted, if there be any credit to be given to some men of much integrity that lived amongst them, who made it a great part of their business to be satisfied in many of the particulars here spoken of, or if I might trust mine own Eyes and Ears that saw and heard much of it, which could have enabled me to have written a great deal more concerning the Rites, Ceremonies, Customs, wild conceivings, and mad Idolatries of this people, as of the Hindoos spoken of before, if I durst have thrown away more time upon them; all which would have made my Judicious Reader thus to have concluded with me, that those Mahometans and Heathens ground very many of their Opinions upon Custom, Tradition, and Fancy, not Reason, much less upon safe Rules that might lead them into, and after keep them in, the way of Truth. They esteeming it a very great boldness, a very high Presumption, to be wiser in their Religion then their Forefathers were (as many of the more ignorant sort of Papists will often say, though it be directly against themselves) and therefore are desirous to do, and to believe as their Ancestors have before them; to far as they have fared, and as they have sped to speed; though they perish everlastingly with them, never considering of, or ruminating on those things which they hold and maintain for truths; being like unto unclean Beasts, which chew not the Cudd.  
So much of that people in general: I come now more particularly to speak   

SECTION XXII.  
Of their King the great mogul, his descent, etc.  
NOw those Mahometans and Gentiles I have named, live under the subjection of the Great mogul, which Name, or rather Title, (if my Information abuse me not) signifies Circumcised, as himself, and the Mahometans are; and therefore for his most general Title he is called the Great mogul, as the chief of the circumcised, or chief of the circumcision.  
The lively Portrait of the great mogul  
The Royal Signet of the great mogul.  
Y ᴱ IMPERIALL STANDARD OF THE GREAT mogul  
And now that my Reader may see the Great mogul in a Portraiture (which was taken from a Picture of his drawn to the life) I have caused that to be here inserted, which presents him in his daily unvaried Habit, as he is bedecked, and adorned with Jewels, he continually wears; for the fashion of the Habit, in which he is here presented, it is, for the fashion, the Habit of that whole vast Empire; so that he who strictly views this, may see the dress of the Men throughout that whole great Monarchy.  
After this I have set up the Royal Standard of the Great mogul, which is a couchant Lion shadowing part of the Body of the Sun.  
And after that, I have caused his Imperial Signet, or Great Seal to be laid down before my Reader's Eyes; where in nine rounds, or Circles, are the Names and Titles of Tamberlane, and his lineal successors in Persian words: which I shall make presently to speak English, and (as I conceive) no more in English, than what is fully expressed in those original words.  
This Seal (as it is here made in Persian words) the Great mogul, either in a large, or lesser figure causeth to be put unto all Firmaunes, or Letters Patents; the present King's Title put in the middle, and larger Circle that is surrounded with the rest, the impression whereof is not made in any kind of Wax, but Ink, the Seal put in the middle of the Paper, and the writing about it, which Paper there is made very large, and smooth, and good, and in divers colours, besides white, and all to write on. And the words on the Mogul's Seal being embossed, are put upon both sides of his Silver and Gold Coin, (for there is no Image upon any of it.) And the like little Signets, or Seals are used by the great Men of that Country, and so by others of inferior rank, having their Names at length engraven on them, with which they make impressions, or subscriptions by by Ink put on them, to all their acts and deeds; which round Circle is their Hand and Seal too.  
For Timur long, or Tamberlane; he was famous about the year of Christ 1398. in the last year of the Reign of Richard the Second, King of England. And he the first of the Race of those great Monarches, hath a Title, which speaks thus:  
1. Amir, Timur, Saheb Ceran, that is, the great Conqueror, or Emperor; Timur, or Tamburlaine, Lord possessor of the Corners, or of the four Corners of the World.  
2. The second his Son was called Mirath-Sha, the King and Inheritor of Conquests, or the Inheritor of his Father's Conquests.  
3. The third, his Son, was called Mirza, Sultan, Mahomeds'; The Prince and Commander for Mahomet; or, The Defender of the Mahometan Religion. For this King (as it should seem) was the first Indostan Emperor that professed Mahometism, which Tamberlane his Grandfather was a great Enemy to, and therefore ever strongly opposed it. But this third Monarch of that Line, and all his Successors since, have been Mahometans.  
4. The fourth, his Son, was called Sultan Abusaid, The Prince and Father, or Fountain of Beneficence.  
5. The fifth, his Son, was called Mirzee Amir Scheick, The Imperial Princely Lord.  
6. The sixth, his Son, was called Baba Padsha, The King the Father, or, The King, the Father of his Country.  
7. The seventh, his Son, was called Hamashon Padsha, The King Invincible.  
8. The eighth, his Son, was called Achabar Padsha, The great King, or, Emperor that is most mighty, or, The King most mighty.  
9 The ninth, his Son, was called Almozaphar, Noor, Dein, Gehangeir, Padsha, Gaze; The most warlike and most victorious King, the Light of Religion, and the Conqueror of the World.  
Here are very high Titles taken by Tamberlane and his Successors, and the lower we go, the greater still they are; but the last of them swells biggest of all, calling himself amongst other Phantsies, The Conqueror of the World, and so he conceits himself to be; As they write of Thrasyllus the Athenian, who believed that all the Ships on the Sea were his own, and therefore he would call them, My Ships, when ever he saw them floating on the waters; and thus the Great mogul imagines all the Kings, Nations, and People of the World, to be his Slaves and Vassals.  
And therefore when the Grand Signior, or Great Turk, sent an Ambassador to the Great mogul, who came unto him attended with a great train and retinue, and after, when he was ready to take his leave, desired of the mogul to know what he should say to his Master when he was returned; Tell thy Master, said the mogul, that he is my Slave, for my Ancestor conquered him.  
The mogul feeds and feasts himself with this conceit, that he is Conqueror of the World, and therefore (I conceive) that he was troubled upon a time, when my Lord Ambassador, having business with him (and upon those terms, there is no coming unto that King emptyhanded without some Present, or other; of which more afterward), and having at that time nothing left, which he thought fit to give him, presented him with Mercators' great Book of Cosmography, (which the Ambassador had brought thither for his own use) telling the mogul, that that Book described the four parts of the World, and all several Countries in them contained. The mogul at the first seemed to be much taken with it, desiring presently to see his own Territories, which were immediately shown unto him; he asked which were those Countries about them, he was told Tartary and Persia, as the names of the rest which confine with him; and then causing the Book to be turned all over, and finding no more to fall to his share, but what at first he saw, and he calling himself the Conqueror of the World, and having no greater share in it, seemed to be a little troubled; yet civilly told the Ambassador, that neither himself, nor any of his People did understand the Language in which that Book was written; and because so, he further told him, that he would not rob him of such a Jewel, and therefore returned it unto him again.  
And the Truth is, that the Great mogul might very well bring his Action against Mercator and others who describe the World, but straighten him very much in their Maps; not allowing him to be Lord and Commander of those Provinces, which properly belong unto him.  
But it is true likewise that he, who hath the greatest share on the face of the Earth, if it be compared with the whole World, appears not great. As it was said of the Lands of Alcibiades, that, compared with the Globe of the whole Earth, they did not appear bigger than a small tittle. The Mogul's Territories are more apparent, large, and visible, as one may take notice, who strictly views this affixed Map, which is a true representation of that great Empire in its large dimensions. So that although the mogul be not Master of the whole World, yet hath he a great share in it, if we consider his very large Territories, and his abundant riches, as will after more appear, whose wealth and strength makes him so potent, as that he is able, whensoever he pleaseth to make inroads upon, and to do much mischief unto any of his Neighbours; but I leave that, and come now to speak   

SECTION XXIII.  
Of the Mogul's Policy in his Government, exercised by himself and Substitutes.  
ANd it is that indeed, which is the worst of all Governments, called by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Arbitrary, Illimited, Tyrannical, such as a most severe Master useth to Servants, not that which a good King administereth to Subjects.  
Which makes it very uncomfortable for those that live as Subjects there, under the command of others, taller than themselves by their sword's length, or so to be fixed in any part of the World. 
— Where no Law resists  
The sword, but that it acteth what it lists.   
As in that Empire; where the King measureth his power by his Sword or Lance, in making his will, his guide, and therefore any thing lawful that likes him; which carriage of his might very well become that Emblem of illimited power, which is, a Sword waved by a strong arm and hand, and the Word sic volo, sic jubeo, or thus will I have it; and if any there be so far discontented as to make any the least question at what he doth, he hath a far stronger argument still in readiness, than all th● force of Logic can make, and that is very many thousands of men, that are stout and able Soldiers, whom he keeps continually in arms, and pay, that can make any thing good, which he shall please to command.  
There are no Laws for Government kept in that Empire upon record (for aught I could ever learn) to regulate Governors there in the administration of Justice, but what are written in the breast of that King and his Substitutes; and therefore they often take liberty to proceed how they please, in punishing the Offender rather than the offence; men's persons more than their Crimes; aegrotum potius quam morbum.  
Yet ever they pretend to proceed in their ways of judicature (which is the right progress in judgement) secundum allegata & probata, by proofs and not by presumptions.  
The great mogul will sit himself as Judge, in any matters of consequence that happen near unto him. And there are no Malefactors that lie more than one night in prison; and many times not at all, for if the party offending be apprehended early in the day, he is immediately brought before him that must be his Judge, by whom he is presently either acquitted or condemned; if he be sentenced to be whipped, he hath his payment, and that (usually with much severity) in the place (often,) where he received that sentence. If condemned to die, he is presently (which as I apprehend it is a very hard course, though used anciently among the Jews) carried from his sentence to his execution, which is done usually in the Bazar, or Marketplace. And this round and quick Justice keeps the people there in such order and awe, as that there are not many executions.  
Murder and Theft they punish with death, and with what kind of death the Judge pleaseth to impose: for, some Malefactors are hanged, some beheaded, some impaled, or put upon sharp stakes (a death which hath much cruelty and extreme torture and torment in it,) some are torn in pieces by wild Beasts, some killed by Elephants; and others stung to death by Snakes.  
Those which are brought to suffer death by Elephants (some of which vast Creatures, are trained up to do execution on Malefactors) are thus dealt withal. First, if that overgrown Beast be commanded by his Rider to dispatch that poor, trembling Offender presently, who lies prostrate before him, he will with his broad round foot immediately press him to death; but that wretched Creature be condemned ita mori, ut se mori sentiat; so to die, as that he may feel tortures and torments in dying (which are as so many several deaths.) The Elephant will break his bones by degrees (as men are broken upon the wheel) as first his Legs, than his Thighs, after that the bones in both his Arms; this done, his wretched Spirit is left to breathe its last out of the midst of those broken bones.  
But it is a very sad thing, and very much unbeseeming a man, as he is a man, to seem to take pleasure in executing of punishment, as those appear to do, who make it their business to study, and invent tortures to inflict on others.  
I have been told by some, who were eye-witnesses (whom I dare credit, and therefore I dare relate it) of strange kinds of death executed by the command of the King of japan upon his subjects: where some are crucified or nailed to a Cross: others rather roasted, than burnt to death; Thus, there is a stake set up, and a Circle of fire at a pretty distance, made round about it; the condemned person being naked, is so fastened to that stake, as that he may move round about it, and so doth as long as he is able to stir, till his flesh begins to blister; then he falls down, and there lies roaring till the fire, made about him, puts him to silence by taking away both his voice and life.  
Now they say that one great reason, why they put men there unto such exquisite torments, is, because they hold it a thing of the greatest dishonour there for any man to die by the hand of an Executioner: therefore they are usually commanded, when they are sentenced to die, to rip up, or cut open their own bellies, and those who will not so do are tormented in dying. Hence most of that people, when as they have received that hard command to prevent death, by dying; call for their friends about them, eat, and seem to be merry with them, and then in the close of the meal, and in their presence, commit this sad slaughter upon themselves, as first those poor wretches make themselves naked to the middle, he, or they who are to die; then the most wretched selfmurderer, who is to act that bloody part, strikes a sharp Knife into the bottom of his belly, then rips himself up, and after giveth himself one other cut cross his belly, and when he hath done both these, if after he can but wipe his bloody knife upon a white paper, or napkin that is laid by him, he is believed to part with his life with a very great deal of honour, and immediately (as he is made to believe) goes to Fakaman, whom they say is the God of war. So much power the Devil hath in those dark places of the world, to make the people there do what he please. Oh 'tis a misery of all miseries here to be a drudge, a bondman, a slave to the Devil! as those, and so infinite multitudes more professing Christ, are, by obeying Satan in his most unreasonable commands, and yet will not be made sensible of that, their basest bondage.  
But to return again to the place from whence I have made some excursion. When I was in India, there was one sentenced by the mogul himself, for killing his own father, to die thus; first he commanded that this Parricide should be bound alive by his heels fastened to a small iron chain, which was tied to the hind-leg of a great Elephant; and than that this Elephant should drag him after him one whole remove of that King, from one place to another, which was about ten miles distant, that so all his flesh might be worn off his bones, and so it was, when we saw him in the way following that King in his Progress; for he appeared then to us a Skeleton, rather than a body.  
There was another condemned to die by the mogul himself (while we were at Amadavar) for killing his own Mother; and at this the King was much troubled to think of a death, suitable for so horrid a crime; but, upon a little pause, he adjudged him to be stung to death by Snakes, which was accordingly done. I told you before that there are some Mountebanks there, which keep great Snakes to show tricks with them; one of those fellows was presently called for to bring his Snakes to do that execution, who came to the place where that wretched Creature was appointed to die, and found him there all naked (except a little covering before) and trembling. Then suddenly the Mountebank (having first angered and provoked the venomous creatures) put one of them to his Thigh, which presently twined itself about that part, till it came near his Groin, and there bit him till blood followed, the other was fastened to the outside of his other Thigh, twining about it (for those Snakes thus kept, are long and slender) and there bit him likewise; notwithstanding, the wretch kept upon his feet near a quarter of an hour, before which time the Snakes were taken from him; But he complained exceedingly of a fire that with much torment had possessed all his Limbs, and his whole body began to swell exceedingly, like Nasidius, bit by a Lybian Serpent, called a Prester: Now much after this manner did the stinging of those Snakes work upon that wretch; and about half an hour after they were taken from him, the soul of that unnatural monster left his groaning Carcase, and so went to its place. And certainly both those I last named so sentenced, and so executed, most justly deserved to be handled with all severity, for taking away the lives of those from whom they had received their own. Some of our family did behold the execution done upon the later, who related all the passages of it; and for my part I might have seen it too, but that I had rather go a great way not to see, than one step to behold such a sight.  
After the example of that King, his Governors, deputed and set over Provinces and Cities, proceed in the course of Justice, to impose what punishment and death they please upon all offenders, and malefactors.  
That King never suffers any of his Vicegerents to tarry long in one place of Government, but removes them usually (after they have exercised that Power, which was given unto them in place, for one year) unto some other place of Government, remote from the former, wherein they exercise their power: and this that King doth, that those, which be his Substitutes, may not in any place grow popular.  
I told you before that this people are very neat, shaving themselves so often, as that they feel the Razor almost every day; but when that King sends any of them unto any place of Government, or upon any other employment, they cut not their hair at all, till they return again into his presence; as if they desired not to appear beautiful, or to give themselves any content in this while they live out of the King's sight; and therefore the King, as soon as he sees them, bids them cut their hair.  
When the mogul by Letters sends his Commands to any of his Governors, those Papers are entertained with as much respect as if himself were present; for the Governor having intelligence that such Letters are come near him, himself with other inferior Officers ride forth to meet the Patamar, or Messenger that brings them; and as soon as he sees those Letters he alights from his horse, falls down on the earth, and then takes them from the Messenger and lays them on his head, whereon he binds them fast, and then returning to his place of public meeting, for dispatch of businesses, he reads them, and answers their contents with all care and diligence.  
The King oft times in his own person, and so his Substitutes appointed Governors for Provinces and Cities, Judge in all matters Criminal that concern Life and Death. There are other Officers to assist them, which are called Cut-walls (whose Office is like that of our Sheriffs in England) and these have many substitutes under them, whose business it is to apprehend, and to bring before these Judges such as are to be tried for things Criminal, or Capital, where the offender (as before) knows presently what will become of him. And those Officers wait likewise on other Judges there, which are called Cadees, who only meddle with Contracts and Debts and other businesses of this nature 'twixt man and man. Now these Officers arrest Debtors, and bring them before those Judges, and their Sureties too, bound as with us in Contracts, confirmed (as before) under their hands and seals; and if they give not content unto those which complain of them, they will imprison their persons, where they shall find and feel the weight of fetters; nay, many times they will sell their Persons, their Wives and Children into bondage, when they cannot satisfy their debts; And the custom of that Country bears with such hard and pitiless courses, such as was complained of by the poor Widow unto the Prophet Elisha; who when her husband was dead, and she not able to pay, the Creditor came and took her two sons to be bondmen, 2 Kings 4. 1.  
The mogul looked to be presented with some thing, or other, when my Lord Ambassador came to him, and if he saw him often empty handed, he was not welcome; and therefore the East-India Company were wont every year to send many particular things unto him, in the name of the King of England, that were given him at several times, especially then when the Ambassador had any request unto him, which made a very fair way unto it.  
Amongst many other things, when my Lord Ambassador first went thither, the Company sent the mogul an English Coach, and Harness for four Horses, and an able Coachman, to suit and manage some of his excellent Horses, that they might be made fit for that service. The Coach they sent was lined within with Crimson China Velvet, which when the mogul took notice of, he told the Ambassador that he wondered the King of England would trouble himself so much, as to send unto China for Velvet to line a Coach for him, in regard that he had been informed, that the English King had much better Velvet nearer home, for such, or any other uses.  
And immediately after, the mogul caused that Coach to be taken all to pieces, and to have another made by it, for (as before) they are a people that will make any new thing by a pattern; and when his new Coach was made according to the pattern, his workmen first putting the English Coach together, did so with that they had new made; then pulling out all the China Velvet which was in the English Coach, there was in the room thereof put a very rich Stuff, the ground Silver, wrought all over in spaces with variety of flowers of silk, excellently well suited for their colours, and cut short like a Plush, and in stead of the brass-nails that were first in it, there were nails of silver put in their places. And the Coach, which his own Workmen made was lined and seated likewise with a richer stuff than the former, the ground of it gold, mingled like the other with silk flowers, and the nails silver and double gilt; and after having Horses and Harness fitted for both his Coaches, He road sometimes in them, and contracted with the English-coach-man to serve him, whom he made very fine, by rich vests he gave him, allowing him a very great Pension; besides, he never carried him in any of those Coaches, but he gave him the reward of ten pounds at the least, which had raised the Coachman unto a very great Estate, had not death prevented it, and that immediately after he was settled in that great service.  
The East India Company sent other Presents for that King, as excellent Pictures which pleased the mogul very much, especially if there were fair and beautiful Women portrayed in them. They sent likewise Swords, Rapiers, excellently well hatched, and pieces of rich Embroidery to make sweet bags, and rich Gloves, and handsome Looking-glasses, and other things to give away, that they might have always some things in readiness to present both to the King, and also to his Governors, where our Factories were settled: for all these were like those Rulers of Israel mentioned, Hosea 4. 18. who would love to say with shame, give ye. They looked to be presented with something, when our Factors had any especial occasion to repair unto them, and if the particular thing they then presented did not like them well, they would desire to have it exchanged for something else, haply they having never heard of our good and modest proverb, That a man must not look into the mouth of a given Horse. And it is a very poor thing indeed which is freely given, and is not worth the taking.  
The mogul sometimes by his Firmauns, or Letters Patents, will grant some particular things unto single, or divers persons, and presently after will contradict those Grants by other Letters, excusing himself thus, That he is a great, and an absolute King; and therefore must not be tied unto any thing, which if he were, he said that he was a slave, and not a freeman: Yet what he promised was usually enjoyed, although he would not be tied to a certain performance of his promise. Therefore there can be no dealing with this King upon very sure terms, who will say and unsay, promise and deny. Yet we Englishmen did not at all suffer by that inconstancy of his, but there found a free Trade, a peaceable residence, and a very good esteem with that King and People; and much the better (as I conceive) by reason of the prudence of my Lord Ambassador, who was there (in some sense) like joseph in the Court of Pharaoh; for whose sake all his Nation there, seemed to far the better. And we had a very easy way upon any grievance to repair to that King as will appear now in my next Section, which speaks,   

SECTION XXIV.  
Of the mogul, showing himself three times publicly unto his people every day, and in what state and glory he doth oftentimes appear.  
FIrst, early in the morning, at that very time the Sun begins to appear above the Horizon, He appears unto his people in a place very like unto one of our Balconies, made in his Houses, or Pavilions for his morning appearance, directly opposite to the East, about seven, or eight foot high from the ground, against which time a very great number of his people, especially of the greater sort, who desire as often as they can to appear in his eye, assemble there together to give him the Salam, or good morning, crying all out as soon as they see their King with a loud voice, Padsha Salamet, which signifies, Live O great King, or, O great King, Health and life. At Noon he shows himself in another place like the former, on the Southside; and a little before Sunset, in a like place, on the Westside of his House, or Tent: but as soon as the Sun forsakes the Hemisphere, he leaves his people ushered in and out with Drums and Wind-instruments, and the people's acclamations.  
At both which times likewise very great numbers of his people assemble together to present themselves before him: And at any of these three times, he that hath a suit to the King, or desires Justice at his hands, be he Poor, or Rich, if he hold up a Petition to be seen, shall be heard and answered.  
And between seven and nine of the Clock at night, he sits within House, or Tent, more privately in a spacious place, called his Goozalcan, or bathing-house made bright, like day by abundance of lights, and here the King sits mounted upon a stately Throne, where his Nobles and such as are favoured by him stand about him: others find admittance to, but by special leáve from his Guard, who cause every one that enters that place to breathe upon them; and if they imagine that any have drunk wine, they keep him out.  
At this time my Lord Ambassador made his usual addresses to him, and I often waited on him thither; and it was a good time to do business with that King, who then was for the most part very pleasant, and full of talk unto those which were round about him, and so continued till he fell a sleep (oft times by drinking) and then all assembled, immediately quitted the place, except those which were his trusted servants, who by turns watched his person.  
The mogul hath a most stately, rich, and spacious house at Agra, his Metropolis, or chief City, which is called his Palace Royal, wherein there are two Towers, or Turrets about ten foot square covered with massy Gold (as ours are usually with Lead) this I had from Tom Coryat, as from other English Merchants, who keep in a Factory at that place. And further they told me, that he hath a most glorious Throne within that his Palace, ascended by divers steps, which are covered with plate of silver, upon the top of which ascent stand four Lions upon pedestals (of curiously coloured Marble) which Lions are all made of Massy silver, some part of them guilded with gold, and beset with precious stones. Those Lions support a Canopy of pure gold, under which the mogul sits, when as he appears in his greatest state and glory.  
For the beauty of that Court; it consists not in gay and gorgeous apparel, for the Country is so hot, that they cannot endure any thing that is very warm, or massy; or rich about them. The mogul himself for the most part is covered with a garment (as before described) made of pure, white, and fine Callico-laune, and so are his Nobles; which garments are washed after one days wearing. But for the mogul, though his clothing be not rich and costly, yet I believe that there is never a Monarch in the whole world that is daily adorned with so many Jewels as himself is. Now, they are Jewels which make men's covering most rich; such as people in other parts sometimes wear about them, that are otherwise most meanly habited. To which purpose I was long since told by a Gentleman of honour, sent as a Companion to the old Earl of Nottingham, when he was employed as an extraordinary Ambassador by King james, to confirm the peace made 'twixt himself and the King of Spain, which Ambassador had a very great many Gentlemen in his train, in as rich clothing as Velvets and Silks could make; but then there did appear many a great Don, or Grandee in the Spanish Court, in a long black bays Cloak and Cassack, which had one Hatband of Diamonds, which was of more worth by far, than all the bravery of the Ambassadors many Followers.  
But for the mogul, I wonder not at his many Jewels, he being (as I conceive) the greatest, and richest Master of precious stones that inhabits the whole earth. For Diamonds (which of all other are accounted most precious stones) they are found in Decan (where the Rocks are, out of which they are digged) the Princes whereof are the next Neighbours and Tributaries to the great mogul, and they pay him as Tribute many Diamonds yearly; and further, he hath the refusal of all those rich stones they sell, he having Gold and Silver in the greatest abundance, (and that will purchase any thing but heaven) & he will part with any money for any Gems beside, that are precious and great, whether Rubies, or any other stones of value, as also for rich Pearls.  
And his Grandees follow him in that fancy: for one of his great Lords gave our Merchants there, twelve hundred pounds sterling for one Pearl which was brought out of England. The Pearl was shaped like a Pear, very large, beautiful, and orient, and so its price deserved it should be.  
Now the mogul having such an abundance of Jewels, wears many of them daily; enough to exceed those women, which Rome was wont to show in their Starlike dresses, who in the height and prosperity of that Empire 
— were said to wear  
The spoils of Nations in one ear.  Or, Lollia Paulina, who was hid with Jewels. For the great mogul, the Diamonds, and Rubies, and Pearls, which are very many, and daily worn by him, are all of an extraordinary greatness, and consequently of an exceeding great value. And besides those he wears about his Shash, or head covering, he hath a long Chain of Jewels hanging about his Neck (as long as an ordinary Gold-Chain); others about his wrists, and the Hilts of his Sword and Dagger, are most curiously enriched with those precious Stones; beside others of very great value, which he wears in Rings on his fingers.  
The first of March, the mogul begins a royal Feast, like that which Abasuerus made in the third year of his Reign, Esth. 1. wherein he showed the riches of his glorious Kingdom. This feast the mogul makes, is called the Nooroos, that signifies Nine-days: which time it continues, to usher in the new year, which begins with the Mahometans there, the tenth day of March.  
Against which Feast, the Nobles assemble themselves together at that Court in their greatest Pomp, presenting their King with great gifts, and he requiting them again with Princely rewards: at which time I being in his presence, beheld most immense and incredible riches, to my amazement, in Gold, Pearls, Precious stones, Jewels, and many other glittering vanities. This Feast is usually kept by the mogul while he is in his Progress, and lodges in Tents.  
Whether his Diet at this time be greater than ordinary I know not; for he always eats in private amongst his Women, where none but his own Family see him while he is eating; which Family of his consists of his Wives, and Children, and Women, and Eunuches, and his Boys; and none but these abide and lodge in the King's Houses, or Tents, and therefore how his Table is spread, I could never know; but doubtless he hath of all those varieties that Empire affords, if he so please. His food (they say) is served in unto him in Vessels of Gold, which covered and brought unto him by his Eunuches, after it is proved by his Tasters, he eats, not at any set times of the day, but he hath provision ready at all times, and calls for it when he is hungry, and never but then.  
The first of September (which was the late Mogul's birthday) he retaining an ancient yearly Custom, was, in the presence of his chief Grandees, weighed in a Balance; the Ceremony was performed within his House, or Tent, in a fair spacious Room, whereinto none were admitted but by special leave. The Scales in which he was thus weighed were plated with Gold, and so the beam on which they hung, by great Chains made likewise of that most precious Metal, the King sitting in one of them was weighed first against silver Coin, which immediately after was distributed among the poor; then was he weighed against Gold; after that against Jewels (as they say) but I observed (being present there with my Lord Ambassador) that he was weighed against three several things, laid in silken Bags on the contrary Scale. When I saw him in the Balance, I thought on Belshazzar, who was found too light, Dan. 5. 27. By his weight (of which his Physicians yearly keep an exact account) they presume to guests of the present estate of his body, of which they speak flatteringly, however they think it to be.  
When the mogul is thus weighed, he casts about among the standers by thin pieces of silver, and some of Gold, made like flowers of that Country, and some of them are made like Cloves, and some like Nutmegs, but very thin and hollow. Then he drinks to his Nobles in his Royal wine (as that of Ahasuerus is called, Esth. 1. 7.) who pledge his health: at which solemnity he drank to my Lord Ambassador, in a Cup of Gold most curiously enamelled, and set all over the outside with stones (which were small Rubies, Turkesses, and Emeralds) with a Cover, or Plate, to set in it in, both of pure Gold, the brims of which plate, and the cover were enamelled, and set with stones as the other, and all these together weighed twenty and four ounces of our English weights, which he then gave unto my Lord Ambassador, whom he ever used with very much respect, and would moreover often ask him, why he did not desire some good, and great gifts at his hands, be being a great King, and able to give it; the Ambassador would reply, That he came not thither to beg any thing of him; all that he desired, was that his Countrymen the English might have a free, safe, and peaceable trade in his Dominions: The mogul would answer that he was bound in honour to afford them that, we coming from the furthermost parts of the world to trade there; and would often bid the Ambassador to ask something for himself, who to this would answer, that if that King knew not better to give, than he knew to ask, he must have nothing from him. Upon these terms they continually both stood, so that in conclusiun the Ambassador had no gift from him, but that beforementioned, besides an horse or two, and sometimes a Vest, or upper Garment, made of slight Cloth of Gold, which the mogul would first put upon his own back, and then give it to the Ambassador. But the mogul (if he had so pleased) might have bestowed on him some great Princely gift, and found no greater miss of it, than there would be of a Glass of water taken out of a great Fountain. Now although the mogul had such infinite Treasure, yet he could find room to store up more still: the desires of a covetous heart being so unsatiable, as that it never knows when it hath enough: being like a bottomless purse that can never be filled; for the more it hath, the more still it covets.  
See an image hereof in Alcmaeon, who being willed by Croesus to go into his Treasure-house, and there take as much Gold as himself could carry away; provided for that purpose a long Garment that was double down to his ankles, and great boots, and filled them both; nay, he stuffed his mouth, and tied wedges of Gold to the locks of his head, and doubtless, but for killing himself, he would have filled his skull and bowels therewith. Here was an heart set upon Gold, and Gold over-lading an heart: for the man stowing so much about him, as that he could not stir with it, forfeited what he might have had, and was turned out of the Treasury, as poor and empty as he came into it. He is a rich man whatever he hath (be it more, or less) that is contented. He is a poor man, who still wants more, in becoming poor by plenty, wanting what he hath as well and as much as what he hath not; and so do very many, who are the greatest engrossers of the world's wealth.   

SECTION XXV.  
Of his Pastimes at home and abroad, etc. where, something of his Quality, and Disposition.  
NOw what he doth, and how he behaves himself amongst his house-full of Wives and Women cannot be known, and therefore not related; but when he shows himself (as before) thrice openly to his people, every day, he had always something or other presented before him to make him sport, and to give him present content.  
As sometimes he delighted himself in seeing Horses ridden, the Natives there (as before) being very excellent in their well-managing of them. Sometimes he saw his great Elephants fight. And at other times he pleased himself in seeing wrestling, or dancing, or juggling, and what else he liked.  
And it happened that (but a few years before our abode there) a Juggler of Bengala (a Kingdom famous for Witches, and men of that profession) brought an Ape before the King (who was ever greedy to please himself with Novelties) professing that he would do many strange feats: The mogul was ready presently to make a trial of this, and forthwith called some boys about him (which he was conceived to keep for such use as I dare not name,) and plucking a Ring from his finger gave it one of them to hide, that he might make a trial, whether or no the Ape could find it out; who presently went to the boy that had it. The mogul made some further trials like this, where the Ape did his part as before. And before the Ape was taken out of his presence, this strange, and unexpected thing following came into the King's thought. There are (said he) many disputes in the World about that true Prophet which should come into the World. We, said the mogul, are for Mahomet. The Persians magnify Mortis Hale (but they are Mahometans for Religion likewise.) The Hindoos, or Heathens there, have many whom they highly extol and magnify; as Bremaw, and Bramon, and Ram, and Permissar; the Parsees are for Zertoost, the Jews for Moses, the Christians for Christ; and he added three more whose names I have not, who make up the number of twelve, who have all their several followers in that part of the World; and then he caused those twelve Names to be written in twelve several Scrolls, and put together, to see if the Ape could draw out the Name of the true Prophet, this done, the Ape put his paw amongst them, and pulled forth the Name of Christ. The mogul a second time, caused those twelve Names to be written again in twelve other Scrolls and Characters, and put together; when the Ape as before pulled forth the Name of Christ.  
Then Mahobet-Chan, a great Nobleman of that Court, and in high favour with the King, said, that it was some imposture of the Christians (though there were none that did bear that Name there present) and desired that he might make a third trial; which granted, he put but eleven of those names together, reserving the name of Christ in his hand; the Ape searching as before, pulled forth his paw empty, and so twice, or thrice together, the King demanding a reason for this, was answered, that haply the thing he looked for was not there: he was bid to search for it, and then putting out those eleven names one after the other, in a seeming indignation rend them; then running to Mahobet-Chan caught him by the hand where the Name of Christ was concealed, which delivered, he opened the Scroll, and so held it up to the King, but did not tear it as the former; upon which the mogul took the Ape, and gave his Keeper a good Pension for to keep him near about him, calling him the Divining Ape, and this was all that followed upon this admirable thing, except the great wonder and amazement of that people.  
There was one some years since wrote this story (but somewhat varied from that I have here related) in a little printed Pamphlet, and told his Reader that I had often seen that Ape while I lived in those parts, which particular he should have left out; but for the Relation itself, I believe it was so, because it hath been often confirmed there in its report unto me by divers persons, who knew not one another, and were differing in Relion, yet all agreed in the story, and in all the circumstances thereof.  
Now for the disposition of that King, it ever seemed unto me to be composed of extremes; for sometimes he was barbarously cruel, andat other times he would seem to be exceeding fair and gentle.  
For his cruelties; he put one of his women to a miserable death, one of his women he had formerly touched and kept Company withal, but now she was superannuated; for neither himself, nor Nobleses (as they say) come near their wives, or women, after they exceed the age of thirty years, though they keep them, and allow them some maintenance. The fault of that woman, this: the mogul upon a time found her, & one of his Eunuches kissing one another; and for this very thing, the King presently gave command that a round hole should be made in the earth, and that her body should be put into that hole, where she should stand with her head only above ground, and the earth to be put in again unto her close, round about her, that so she might stand in the parching Sun, till the extreme hot beams thereof did kill her, in which torment she lived one whole day, and the night following, and almost till the next noon, crying out most lamentably while she was able to speak in her language, as the Shunamits Child did in his, 2 King. 4. Ah my head, my head! Which horrid execution, or rather murder was acted near our house: where the Eunuch by the command of the said King was brought very near the place where this poor Creature was thus buried alive, and there in her sight cut all into pieces.  
That great King would be often overcome by Wine, yet (as if he meant to appropriate that sin to himself) would punish others with very much severity, who were thus distempered.  
Sometimes for little, or no faults, the mogul would cause men to be most severely whipped, till they were almost ready to die under the rod; which after they must kiss in thankfulness.  
He caused one of his servants of the higher rank to be very much whipped for breaking a China-Cup, he was commanded to keep safe, and then sent him into China, (which is a marvellous distance from thence) to buy another.  
Sometimes in other of his mad distempers he would condemn men to servitude, or dismember, or else put them to death, as sacrifices to his will and passion, not Justice. So that it might be said of him, quando male nemo pejus, that when he did wickedly none could do worse, as if it had been true of him which was spoken of that monster Nero observed before, who was called Lutum sanguine maceratum, Dirt soaked in blood.  
For his good actions, he did relieve continually many poor people; and not seldom would show many expressions of duty and strong affection to his Mother then living, so that he who esteemed the whole-world as his Vassals would help to carry her in a Palankee upon his shoulders.  
The mogul would often visit the Cells of those he esteemed religious men, whose Persons he esteemed sacred, as if they had been Demigods.  
And he would speak most respectively of our blessed Saviour Christ; but his Parentage, his poverty, and his cross did so confound his thoughts, that he knew not what to think of them.  
Lastly, the mogul is very free and noble unto all those which fall into, and abide in his affection, which brings me now to speak   

SECTION XXVI.  
Of the exceeding great Pensions the mogul gives unto his Subjects, how they are raised, and how long they are continued, etc.  
WHich great revenues that many of them do enjoy, makes them to live like great Princes rather than other men. Now for those Pensions, which are so exceeding great, the mogul in his far extended Monarchy allows yearly pay for one Million of Horse; and for every Horse and Man about eighteen pounds sterling per annum, which is exactly paid every year, raised from Land, and other Commodities which that Empire affords and appointed for that purpose. Now some of the Mogul's most beloved Nobles have the pay of six thousand horse; and there are others (at the least twenty in his Empire) which have the pay of 5000 horse, exceeding large Pensions above the revenue of any other Subjects in the whole World, they amounting unto more than one hundred thousand pounds yearly unto a particular man. Now others have the pay of four thousand horse; others of three, or two, or one thousand horse, and so downward; and these by their proportions, are appointed to have horses always in readiness well manned, and otherwise appointed for the King's service, so that he who hath the pay of five, or six thousand, must always have one thousand in readiness, or more, according to the Kings need of them, and so in proportion all the rest which enables them on a sudden to make up the number, at the least of two hundred thousand horse; of which number, they have always at hand one hundred thousand to wait upon the King wheresoever he is.  
There are very many private men in Cities and Towns, who are Merchants, or Tradesmen that are very rich: but it is not safe for them that are so, so to appear, lest that they should be used as filled Sponges.  
But there is never a Subject in that Empire, who hath Land of inheritance, which he may call his own; but they are all Tenants at the will of their King, having no other title to that they enjoy besides the King's favour, which is by far more easily lost than gotten; It is true, that the King advanceth many there, unto many great honours, and allows them (as before) marvellous great revenues; but no Son there enjoys either the Titles, or Means of his Father that hath had Pensions from that King, for the King takes possession of all when they are dead, appointing their Children some competent means for their subsistence, which they shall not exceed, if they fall not into the King's affection as their Fathers did; wherefore many great men in this Empire live up to the height of their means; and therefore have a very numerous train, a very great retinue to attend upon them, which makes them to appear like Princes, rather than Subjects.  
Yet this their necessary dependence on their King binds them unto such base subjection, as that they will yield with readiness unto any of his unreasonable and wilful commands. As Plutarch writes of the Soldiers of Scipio, Nullus est horum, qui non conscensa turri semet in mare praecipaturus sit, si jussero, There was never a one in his Army, by his own report, that would not for a word of his mouth, have gone up into a Tower, and cast himself thence headlong into the Sea: and thus the people here will do any thing the King commands them to do; so that if he bid the Father to lay hands of violence upon his Son, or the Son upon his Father, they will do it, rather than the will of the King should be disobeyed. Thus forgetting Nature, rather than Subjection.  
And this tye of theirs (I say) upon the King's favour makes all his Subjects most servile flatterers, for they will commend any of his actions, though they be nothing but cruelty; so any of his speeches, though nothing but folly. And when the King sits and speaks to any of his people publicly, there is not a word falls from him that is not written by some Scriveners, or Scribes, that stand round about him.  
In the year 1618. when we lived at that Court, there appeared at once in the month of November in their Hemisphere two great Blazing-stars, the one of them North, the other South, which unusual sight appeared there for the space of one month. One of those strange Comets in the North, appeared like a long blazing-torch, or Lance fired at the upper end; the other in the South, was round like a pot boiling out fire. The mogul consulted with his flattering Astrologers, who spoke of these Comets unto the King, as Daniel sometimes did of Nebuchadnezars dream, Dan. 4. 19 My Lord, the dream is to them that hate thee, and the interpretation thereof unto thine enemies. For his Astrologers told him that he needed not trouble himself with the thought thereof, for it concerned other places and people, not him nor his. But not long after this, their season of Rain, (before spoken of) which was never known to fail till then, failed them; and this caused such a famine and mortality in the South parts of his Empire, that it did very much unpeople it: and in the Northern part thereof (whither the mogul then repaired) his third Son Sultan Caroom raised, and kept together very great forces, and stood upon his guard, and would not disband, till his Father had delivered his eldest Son Sultan Coobseroo into his hands. And how, when he had him in his power he used him, you shall after hear.  
In the mean time, take one admirable example of a very gross flatterer, but a great Favourite of that King, who was noted above others of that Nation to be a great neglecter of God, believing it Religion enough to please the mogul his Master. This man was a Soldier of an approved valour: But upon a time he sitting in dalliance with one of his women, she plucked an hair from his breast (which grew about his Nipple) in wantonness, without the least thought of doing him hurt. But the little wound, that small and unparalleed instrument of death made, presently began to fester, and in short time after became a Canker incurable; in fine, when he saw that he must needs die, he uttered these words, which are worth the remembering of all that shall ever hear them, saying:  
Who would not have thought but that I, who have been so long bred a Soldier, should have died in the face of mine Enemy, either by a Sword, or a Lance, or an Arrow, or a Bullet, or by some such instrument of death: But now (though too late) I am forced to confess that there is a great God above, whose Majesty I have ever despised, that needs no bigger Lance than an hair to kill an Atheist, or a despiser of his Majesty. And so, desiring that those his last words might be told unto the King his Master, he died.  
The mogul never advanceth any, but he gives him a new name, and these of some pretty signification; as Pharaoh did unto joseph, when he made him great in his Court, Gen. 41. 45. The new names (I say) that the mogul gives unto those he advances and favours, are significant. As Asaph Chan, The gathering, or rich Lord; whose Sister the mogul married, and she was his most beloved Wife: and her Brothers marvellous great riches, answered his name; for he died worth many Millions (as I have been credibly informed) the greatest Subject (I believe) for wealth that ever the World had. So another of the Mogul's Grandees was called Mahobet-Chan, The beloved Lord. Another Chan-Iahan, The Lord of my heart. Another Chan-Allaam, The Lord of the World. Another Chan-Channa, The Lord of Lords. He called his chief Physician Mocrob-Chan, The Lord of my health; and many other names, like these, his Grandees had, which at my being there belonged to his most numerous Court.  
And further for their Titles of honour there, all the King's Children are called Sultan's, or Princes; his Daughters Sultana's, or Princesses; the next title is Nabob, equivalent to a Duke; the next Channa, a double Lord, or Earl; the next Chan, a Lord. So Meirsa signifies a Knight, that hath been a General, or Commander in the Wars; Umbra, a Captain; Had, a Cavalier, or Soldier on horseback: who have all allowed them means by the King (as before) proportionable for the supports of their Honours, and Titles, and Names.  
His Officers of State are his Treasurers, which receive his revenues in his several Provinces, and take care for the payment of his great Pensions, which, when they are due, are paid without any delay: There his chief Eunuches (which command the rest of them) take care for the ordering of his House, and are Stewards and Controulers of it; his Secretaries, the Masters of his Elephants; and the Masters of his Tents are other of his great Officers; and so are the keepers of his Wardrobe, who are entrusted with his Plate and Jewels. To these I may add those which take care of his Customs for Goods brought into his Empire, as for commodities carried thence. But these are not many, because his Seaports are but few. The Customs paid in his Ports are not high, that strangers of all Nations may have the greater encouragement to Trade there with him. But as he expects money from all strangers that Trade there: So it is a fault he will not pardon (as before) for any to carry any quantity of silver thence. He hath other Officers that spread over his Empire, to exact moneys out of all the labours of that people, who make the curious manufactures. So that like a great Tree he receives nourishment from every, even the least Roots that grow under his shadow; and therefore though his Pensions are exceeding great (as before); they are nothing comparable to his much greater revenues.  
By reason of that Country's immoderate heat, our English-cloath is not fit to make Habits for that people: that of it which is sold there, is most of it for colour Red; and this they employ for the most part to make cover for their Elephants and Horses, and to cover their Coaches, the King himself taking a very great part thereof; whose payments are very good, only the Merchant must get the hands of some of his chief Officers to his Bill, appointed for such dispatches, which are obtained as soon as desired. And this the King doth to prevent the abuses of particular, and single persons.  
And now that I may present my Reader with the further glory of this great King, I shall lead him where he may take a view,   

SECTION XXVII.  
Of the Mogul's Leskar, or Camp Royal, etc.  
WHich indeed is very glorious, as all must confess, who have seen the infinite number of Tents, or Pavilions there pitched together; which in a Plain make a show equal to a most spacious and glorious City. These Tents, I say, when they are altogether, cover such a great quantity of ground, that I believe it is five English-miles at the least, from one side of them to the other, very beautiful to behold from some Hill, where they may be all seen at once.  
They write of Xerxes, that when from such a place he took a view of his very numerous Army, consisting at the least of three hundred thousand men, he wept, saying, that in less than the compass of one hundred years, not one of that great mighty Host would be alive. And to see such a company then together of all sorts of people (and I shall give a good reason presently why I believe that mixed company of men, women, and children may make up such an huge number, as before I named, if not exceed it) and to consider that death will seize upon them all, within such a space of time, and that the second death hath such a power over them, is a thing of more sad consideration.  
Now to make it appear that the number of people of all sorts is so exceeding great, which here get and keep together in the Mogul's Leskar, or Camp Royal; first there are one hundred thousand Soldiers, which always wait about that King (as before observed) and all his Grandees have a very great train of followers and servants to attend them there, and so have all other men according to their several qualities; and all these carry their Wives and Children, and whole family with them, which must needs amount to a very exceeding great number. And further to demonstrate this; when that King removes from one place to another, for the space of twelve hours, a broad passage is continually filled with Passengers, and Elephants, and Horses, and Dromedaries, and Camels, and Coaches, and Asses, and Oxen, (on which the meaner sort of men and women with little children, ride) so full as they may well pass one by the other. Now in such a broad passage, and in such a long time, a very great number of people, the company continually moving on forward, may pass.  
Thus this people moving on from place to place, it may be said of them, what Salvian speaks of Israel, while they were in their journey to the land of promise, that it was Ambulans Respublica, a walking Commonwealth. And therefore that ancient people of God were called Hebrews, which signified Passengers: their dwelling so in Tents, signified thus much to all the people of God in all succeeding ages, that here they dwell in movable habitations, having no continuing City here, but they must look for one, and that is above.  
The Tents pitched in that Leskar, or Camp Royal, are for the most part white, like the clothing of those which own them. But the Mogul's Tents are red, reared up upon poles, higher by much than the other. They are placed in the midst of the Camp, where they take up a very large compass of ground, and may be seen every way, and they must needs be very great to afford room in them, for himself, his Wives, Children, Women, Eunuches, etc.  
In the forefront, or outward part, or Court within his Tent, there is a very large room for access to him, 'twixt seven and nine of the clock at night, which (as before) is called his Goozulcad.  
His Tents are encompassed round with Canats, which are like our Screens to fold up together; those Canats are about ten foot high, made of narrow strong calico, and lined with the same, stiffened at every breadth with a Cane; but they are strongest lined on their outside by a very great company of armed Soldiers, that keep close about them night and day. The Tents of his great Men are likewise large, placed round about his. All of them throughout the whole Leskar reared up in such a due and constant order, that when we remove from place to place, we can go as directly to those movable dwellings, as if we continued still in fixed and standing habitations, taking our direction from several streets and Bazars, or Market places, every one pitched upon every remove alike, upon such, or such a side of the King's Tents, as if they had not been at all removed.  
The mogul (which I should have observed before) hath so much wealth, and consequently so much power, by reason of his marvellous great multitudes of fight men, which he always keeps in Arms, commanding at all times as many of them as he pleaseth; that as the Moabites truly said of Israel, (while they had Almighty God fight with them, and for them) so it may be said of him (if God restrain him not) That his huge Companies are able to lickup all that are round about him, as the Ox licketh up the grass of the field, Numb. 22. 4.  
When that mighty King removes from one place to another, he causeth Drums to be beat about midnight, which is a signal token of his removing. He removes not far at one time; sometimes ten miles, but usually a less distance, according to the best convenience he may have for water; there being such an infinite company of Men, and other Creatures, whose drink is water, that in a little time it may be as truly said of them, as it was of that mighty Host of Sennacherib that Assyrian Monarch, Esay 37. 25. That they are able to drink up Rivers.  
But when the place he removed to afforded plenty of good water, he would usually stay there three or four days, or more; and when he thus rested in his Progress, would go abroad to find out pastimes; to which end he always carried with him divers kinds of Hawks, and Dogs, and Leopards, which (as before) they train up to hunt withal; and being thus provided for variety of sports, would fly at any thing in the Air, or seize on any Creature he desired to take on the Earth.  
The mogul, when he was at Mandoa (which was environed with great Woods as before was observed) sometimes with some of his Grandees, and a very great company beside of Persian and Tartarian horsemen, his Soldiers (which are stout daring men) would attempt to take some young wild Elephants found in these Woods, which he took in strong toils made for that purpose, which taken, were manned, and made fit for his service. In which hunting they likewise pursued on horseback Lions, and other wild beasts, and killed some of them with their Bows, and Carbines, and Lances.  
I waiting upon my Lord Ambassador two years, and part of a third, and travelling with him in Progress with that King, in the most temperate months there, 'twixt September and April, were in one of our Progresses 'twixt Mandoa and Amadavar nineteen days, making but short journeys in a Wilderness, where (by a very great company sent before us, to make those passages and places fit to receive us) a way was cut out and made even, broad enough for our convenient passage, and in the places where we pitched our Tents, a great compass of ground rid, and made plain for them, by grubbing a number of Trees and Bushes; yet there we went as readily to our Tents (the same order being still observed in the pitching of them) as we did, when they were set up in the Plains. But that which here seemed unto me to be most strange, was, that notwithstanding our marvellous great company of men, women, and children there together, that must all be fed, and the very great number of other creatures which did eat Corn, as we never there wanted water, so we had so many Victuallers with us, and so much Provision continually brought in unto us, that we never felt there the want of any thing beside, but had it at as low rates as in other places.  
The Mogul's Wives and Women, when as they are removed from place to place, are carried in Coaches (such as were before described) made up close, or in Palankees on men's shoulders, or else on Elephants in pretty Receptacles, surrounded with curtains, which stand up like low and little Turrets on their backs; and some of the meaner sort ride in Cradles, hanging on the sides of Dromedaries, all covered close, and attended by Eunuches, who have many Soldiers, which go before them to clear the way as they pass, they taking it very ill if any (though they cannot see them) presume so much as to look towards them; and therefore, though I could never see any of them, I shall here take the liberty to speak somewhat I have heard and do believe   

SECTION XXVIII.  
Of the Mogul's Wives and Women; [where something of his Children, etc.]  
WHom I conceive to be Women of good feature, though for their colour very swart, which that people may call Beauty, it being the complexion of them all, as the Crow thinks his bird fairest; but (as before) I never observed any crooked or deformed person of either sex amongst them: For the honesty of those great men's Wives and Women, there is such a quick eye of jealousy continually over them, that they are made so by force, though (as they say) they are never much regarded by those great ones after the very first, and prime of their youth is past.  
For that great Monarch the mogul, in the choice of his Wives and Women, he was guided more by his eye and fancy, than by any respect had to his Honour; for he took not the Daughters of neighbouring Princes, but of his own Subjects, and there preferred that, which he looked upon as beauty, before any thing else.  
He was married to four Wives, and had Concubines, and Women beside (all which were at his command) enough to make up their number a full thousand (as they there confidently affirmed.) And that he might raise up, his beastly and unnatural lusts, even to the very height, he kept boys as before, etc.  
His most beloved Wife (when I lived at his Court) he called Noor-Mahal, which signified, The Light of the Court; and to the other of his Wives and Women, which he most loved, he gave new Names unto them, and such Names as he most fancied.  
For his Wife I first named, he took her out of the dust, from a very mean Family; but however, she made such a through Conquest on his Affections, that she engrossed almost all his Love, did what she pleased in the Government of that Empire, where she advanced her Brother Asaph-Chan, and other her nearest Relations, to the greatest places of Command and Honour, and Profit in that vast Monarchy.  
Her Brother Asaph-Chan was presently made one of the Stars of the first Magnitude that shined in that Indian Court; and, when he had once gotten, so kept the Mogul's Favour by the assistance of his Sister Noor-Mahal, that by the Pensions given, and many Offices bestowed on him, he heaped up a mass of Treasure above all belief (as before), and married his Daughter unto Sultan Caroom, who is now King.  
The mogul of all his so many Wives and Concubines had but six Children, five Sons and one Daughter. The Names he gave his Children, and others, were Names that proceeded from Counsel (as he imagined) rather than Chance. His eldest Son was called Sultan Coobsurroo, which signified the Prince with the good Face, his Person and Beauty answered his Name; for he was a Prince of a very lovely presence. His second Son he called Sultan Perum, Prince of the Pleyades, or of the sweet influences of the Pleyades. His third Son (now King) though that great dignity was never intended to him by his Father, was called Sultan Caroom, or, The Prince of Bounty. His fourth, Sultan Shahar, or, The Prince of Fame: His fifth, and last Son was called by him Sultan Tauct, Tauct in the Persian Tongue, signifies a Throne; and he was named so by the King his Father, because the first hour he sat peaceably on his Throne, there was News brought him of that Son's Birth.  
Yet the first Son of that King, which he hath by any of his married Wives, by Prerogative of Birth, inherits that Empire, the eldest Son of every Man (as before) is called there (the great Brother.) And he that inherits that Monarchy, doth not openly slaughter his younger Brothers, as the Turks do; yet it is observed, that few younger Brothers of those Indostan Kings have long survived their Fathers.  
Yet notwithstanding that long continued custom there for the eldest Son to succeed the Father in that great Empire; Achabar Shakstone, Father of that late King, upon high and just displeasure taken against his Son, for climbing up unto the bed of Anarkelee, his Father's most beloved Wife (whose name signified the Kernel of a Pomegranate) and for other base actions of his, which stirred up his Father's high displeasure against him, resolved to break that ancient custom; and therefore often in his life time protested, that not he, but his Grandchild Sultan Coobsurroo, whom he always kept in his Court, should succeed him in that Empire.  
And now, by the way, the manner of that Achabar Shakstone his death (as they report it in India) is worthy observation. That wicked King was wont often to give unto some of his Nobles (whom upon secret displeasure he meant to destroy) Pills prepared with Poison, that should presently put them into incurable diseases. But the last time he went about to practise that bloody Treachery, he died himself by his own instrument of death: for then having two Pills in his Hand, the one very like the other, the one Cordial for himself, the other Corrosive, for one of his Grandees he meant to purge, and flattering him with many proffers of Courtesy before he gave him the Pill, that he might swallow it down the better; at last having held them both in the palm of his Hand long, by a mistake took the poisoned Pill himself, and gave him the other, which Pill put the King immediately into a mortal flux of blood, which in few days put an end to his life in his City Lahore. 
— Neque enim lex justior ulla est,  
Quam necis artifices arte perire sua.   
Achabar Shakstone thus dead, Sultan Coobsurroo his Grandchild, than aged about twenty years, took his opportunity at the first bound, and ascended the Regal Throne at Lahore, where by a general Acclamation of that very great and populous City he was pronounced, and acknowledged King. His Father (the late mogul) was thus acknowledged at Agra. Two great Armies were presently levied, and met together to decide the Controversy: and the generality of the people within that Empire, thinking it meet that the Father should be King before the Son, clavae by far more to him then to his Son, by which means Sultan Coobsurroo was defeated and taken Prisoner, and a very great many of young Gallants with him, whereof his Father immediately after caused to be impaled, or put upon Stakes (that most cruel and tormenting death) eight hundred in two several ranks in one day, without the City Lahore, and then carried his Son most disgracefully through them, bidding him to behold the men in whom he trusted. His Son told him, that he should have served him so, and spared the other, who did nothing in that action but upon his Command; his Father replied, that he could serve him so presently (if he so pleased); his Son willed and desired him so to do, telling his Father that he had no joy at all to live, after the beholding of so many gallant men dead. Notwithstanding, the King spared his Life, casting him into Prison, where his Eyes were sealed up, (by something put before them which might not be taken of) for the space of three years; after which time, that seal was taken away, that he might with freedom enjoy the Light, though not his Liberty. And after his Father had taken him out of Prison, he kept him always near about him, but with a very strong Guard upon him; so that he following the King his Father in his Progresses, we sometimes saw him. And once he called my Lord Ambassador to him as we passed by him, ask him many Questions, as how far distant our Country was from them, and what we brought thither, and what we carried thence, and how the King his Father had used him since his arrive there, whether or no he had not bestowed upon him some great gifts. The Ambassador told him, that his business there was to obtain a free Trade for his Nation the English; and that being granted him, he had reward enough. The Prince replied, that this could not be denied us, we coming so far to trade there with him; and the Prince further asked him, How long he had been there, the Ambassador told him, About two years; the Prince replied again, that it was a very great shame for the Successor of Tamberlane, who had such infinite Riches, to suffer a Man of his quality to come so far unto him, and to live so long about him, and not to give him some Royal Gift; and he further added, that for himself he was a Prisoner, and therefore could do him no good, but would pray for him, and so he departed.  
For that Prince, he was a Gentleman of a very lovely presence and fine carriage, so exceedingly beloved of the common people, that, as Suetonius writes of Titus, he was Amor & Deliciae, etc. the very love and delight of them. Aged then about thirty and five years. He was a Man who contented himself with one Wife, which with all love and care accompanied him in all his straits, and therefore he would never take any Wife but herself, though the Liberty of his Religion did admit of Plurality.  
It was generally believed to be the intent of his Father (for he would often presage so) to make this Prince his firstborn his Successor, though for the present out of some jealousy (he being so much beloved of the people) he denied him his Liberty.  
His Father's Love, brings upon him the extreme hatred of his Brother Caroom, the Mogul's third Son, who then lived in very great Pomp and Splendour at that Court, aiming at that Empire: to which end he put many jealousies into his Father's Head (now grown in years) concerning his Brother Coobsurroo, and that his Father might live more secure, and out of all present fear of him, if he so pleased; upon which insinuations, partly, by force, (as I observed before) and, partly, by entreaty of Friends about the King, he was by the King put into the Cruel Hand of his Brother Caroom; who told his Father that he would have both his Eyes upon him, and further so provide, that he should never have cause to fear him any more; and he was as good as his word: for, presently after he had gotten possession of him (though his Father had given him as great a charge as possibly he could to use him well, and to keep him honourably, and by no means to hurt him, which was all promised by Caroom to be faithfully observed) he caused his Second Brother, Sultan Parveen, to be poisoned; and, not long after that, strangled that most gallant Prince his eldest Brother: which did so trouble his Father, that the grief thereof (as it was strongly believed) shortened his days; who not long after this (much against his mind) made room for that Murderer to succeed him in that Empire, who laid the foundation of his high Advancement, in the Blood of his Brothers; and rather than he would have miss it, would certainly have made a way through the Blood of his Father likewise: All Laws of honesty, and of Nature were by him thrown down, trampled under foot, forgotten and made void, to compass and gain his most unjust ends; as if he resolved to practise that Language which Polynices out of the height of Ambition spoke in the Tragedy, 
— Pro Regno velim  
Patriam, Penates, Conjugem flammis dare;  
Imperia Precio quolibet constant bene  Sen. Trag. 
Fire on my Gods, Wife, Country for a Crown,  
An Empire can the dearest price weigh down.   
I shall add but a few things more to this Relation before I conclude it. And one shall be to give my Reader a taste, but very briefly,   

SECTION XXIX.  
Of the manner of the style or writing of that Court.  
WHich I shall here insert, and in some measure show, by the Copy of a Letter written by the Great mogul unto King james, in the Persian Tongue, here faithfully translated, which was as follows:  
UNto a King rightly descended from his Ancestors, bred in Military Affairs, clothed with Honour and Justice, a Commander worthy of all Command, strong and constant in the Religion, which the great Prophet Christ did teach King james; whose Love hath bred such an impression in my thoughts, as shall never be forgotten, but as the smell of Amber, or as a Garden of fragrant flowers, whose Beauty and Odour is still increasing: so be assured, my Love shall still grow and increase with yours.  
The Letters which you sent me in the behalf of your Merchants I have received, whereby I rest satisfied of your tender Love towards me, desiring you not to take it ill, that I have not wrote to you heretofore: This present Letter I send to you to renew our Loves, and herewith do certify you, that I have sent forth my Firmaunes throughout all my Countries to this effect, That if any English Ships or Merchants shall arrive in any of my Ports, my People shall permit and suffer them to do what they please, freely in their Merchandizing-Causes, aiding and assisting them in all occasion of injuries that shall be offered them, that the least cause of discourtesy be not done unto them; that they may be as free, or freer than my own People.  
And as now, and formerly, I have received from you divers Tokens of your Love; so I shall still desire your mindfulness of me by some Novelties from your Countries, as an argument of friendship betwixt us, for such is the custom of Princes here.  
And for your Merchants, I have given express Order through all my Dominions, to suffer them to buy, sell, transport, and carry away at their pleasure, without the let or hindrance of any person whatsoever, all such Goods and Merchandizes as they shall desire to buy; and let this my Letter as fully satisfy you in desired Peace and Love, as if my own Son had been Messenger to ratify the same.  
And if any in my Countries not fearing God, nor obeying their King, or any other void of Religion, should endeavour to be an Instrument to break this League of Friendship, I would send my Son Sultan Caroom, a Soldier approved in the Wars, to cut him off, that no obstacle may hinder the continuance, and increase of our Affections.  
Here are likewise the Compliments of two other Letters of later date, sent home by Sir Thomas Row, whereof the first doth thus begin:  
WHen your Majesty shall open this Letter, let your Royal Heart be as fresh as a small Garden, let all People make Reverence at your Gate. Let your Throne be advanced higher. Amongst the greatness of the Kings of the Prophet jesus, let your Majesty be the greatest; and all Monarches derive their Wisdom, and Counsel from your Breast, as from a Fountain, that the Law of the Majesty of jesus may receive, and flourish under your protection.  
The Letters of Love and Friendship which you sent me, the present Tokens of your good Affection towards me, I have received by the Hands of your Ambassador, Sir Thomas Row, who well deserveth to be your trusty Servant, delivered to me in an acceptable and happy hour; upon which mine Eyes were so fixed, that I could not easily remove them unto any other Objects, and have accepted them with great joy and delight, etc.  
The last Letter had this beginning:  
HOw gracious is your Majesty, whose greatness God preserve. As upon a Rose in a Garden, so are mine Eyes fixed upon you. God maintain your Estate, that your Monarchy may prosper and be augmented, and that you may obtain all your desires worthy the greatness of your Renown; and as the Heart is noble and upright: so let God give you a glorious reign, because you strongly defend the Law of the Majesty of jesus, which God made yet more flourishing, for that it was confirmed by Miracles, etc.  
What followed in both those Letters, was to testify his Care and Love towards the English. Now all these Letters were written in the Persian Tongue, the Court-Language there, and their Copies were sent to the Ambassador, that he might get them translated. The Originals rolled up somewhat long, were covered with Cloth of Gold, sealed up on both ends, the fashion in that Court and Country to make up Letters, though they be not all clothed there in such a glorious dress.  
In which Letters, notice may be taken (what was observed before) how respectively that King speaks of our Blessed Saviour Christ And here it will not be impertinent to speak something of those who pretend to enlarge the Name of jesus Christ in those parts, I mean,   

SECTION XXX.  
Of the jesuits, sent thither by their Superiors to convert People unto Christianity, etc.  
IN that Empire all Religions are tolerated, which makes the Tyrannical Government there more easy to be endured. The mogul would speak well of all of them, saying, that a Man might be happy and safe in the profession of any Religion; and therefore would say, That the Mahometan Religion was good, so the Christian Religion good, and the rest good; and therefore, by the way,  
The Priests or Ministers of any Religion find regard and esteem amongst the people. I shall speak something to this from my own particular usage there, then very young, while I lived in those parts; yet when I was first there brought into the presence of the mogul, immediately after my arrive at his Court, I standing near the Ambassador (for no man there of the greatest quality whatsoever, is at any time suffered to sit in his presence) and but a little distance from that King in his Gozulcan, he sent one of his Grandees to me, to let me know, that the King bade me welcome thither, that I should have a free access to him when ever I pleased; and if I would ask him any thing, he would give it me (though I never did ask, nor he give) and very many times afterward when, (waiting upon my Lord Ambassador) I appeared before him, He would still show tokens of Civility and Respect unto me; and I never went abroad amongst that people, but those that met me, upon this consideration, that I was a Padre (for so they called me) a Father or Minister, they would manifest in their Behaviour towards me, much esteem unto me. But for the Jesuits there;  
There was one of that Order, in Goa (a City of the Portugals lying in the skirts of India) of very much Fame and Renown called jeronymo Xaviere, sent for by Achabar-Sha, the late King's Father, in the year 1596. to argue before him the Doctrine of Christianity: there being always present a Moolaa, or Mahometan Priest; and a Third Person, who followed no precise Rule, but what the Light of Nature merely led him to; and these two were to obtain what they could against his Reasoning.  
The Jesuit in the Mogul's own Language (which was a great advantage to him) began to speak first of the Creation, and then of the Fall of Man: in which the Mahometans agree with us.  
Then he laid down divers grounds to bottom his reasonings on,  
That Man by Creation was made a most Excellent Creature, endued with the Light of Reason, which no other sublunary Creature besides himself had; then,  
That Man thus endued, must have some Rule or Law to walk by, which he could not prescribe unto himself, and therefore it must be given him from above.  
That this Law was first given unto Man from God, and afterward confirmed by Prophets sent into the World, in divers Ages, from God.  
That this Law thus delivered must needs be one Law, in all things agreeing in itself. And so did not the Law of Mahomet.  
That this Law thus delivered was most conformable to right son; And so was not the Law of Mahomet.  
That Man fallen from God by sin, was not able to recover himself from that Fall; and therefore it was necessary that there should be one, more than a Man, to do it for him, and that that One could not be Mahomet.  
That this One was Christ, God as well as Man; God to satisfy (the Mahometans themselves confessing that Christ was the breath of God), and Man to suffer death as he did.  
That Christ the Son of God coming into the World, about that great Work of satisfying God's anger against Man for sin; it was necessary that he should live a poor and laborious life here on Earth (at which the Mahometans much stumble) and not a life that was full of pomp, and pleasure, and delicacy.  
That the Gospel of Christ, and other holy books of Scripture, which the Christians retain and walk by, contain nothing in them that is corrupt and depraved; But there is very much to be found in their Koran which is so.  
That the great worth and worthiness shining in the Person of Christ, was by far more excellent than any thing observable in Mahomet (for they themselves confess that Christ lived without sin; when Mahomet himself acknowledgeth, that he had been a filthy person.)  
That the feigned, foolish, and ridiculous miracles, which they say were done by Mahomet, were nothing comparable to the Miracles done by Christ, who (as the Mahometans confess) did greater Miracles than ever were done before or since him.  
That there was a great deal of difference in the manner of promulgating the Gospel of Christ, into the world; and the introducing of the Laws of Mahomet.  
That Christ hath purchased Heaven for all that believe in him, and that Hell is prepared for all others that do not rely on him, and on him alone, for Salvation.  
There were many more particulars besides these, which that jeronymo Xaveere laid down before the mogul, to ground his arguments on: which that King heard patiently, at several times during the space of one year and a half; but at last he sen● him away back again to Goa honourably, with some good gifts bestowed on him, telling him, as Felix did, after he had reasoned before him, that he would call for him again when he had a convenient time, Acts 24. 25. Which time or season, neither of them both ever found afterward.  
These Particulars, which I have here inserted (with many more; I might have added to them; upon all which, that jeronymo Xaveere enlarged himself before the mogul in his arguings before him) were given unto me in Latin by Francisco Corsi, another Jesuit resident at that Court, while I was there, and long before that time. And further I have been there told by other people professing Christianity in that Empire, that there was such a Dispute there held; and for my part I do believe it.  
For that Francisco Corsi; he was a Florentine by birth, aged about fifty years, who (if he were indeed what he seemed to be) was a mamof a severe life, yet of a fair and an affable disposition: He lived at that Court, as an Agent for the Portugals; and had not only free access unto that King, but also encouragement and ●elp by hifts, which he sometimes bestowed on him.  
When this Jesuit came first to be acquainted with my Lord Ambassador, he told him that they were both by profession Christians, though there was a vast difference betwixt them in their professing of it. And as he should not go about to reconcile the Ambassador to them: So he told him that it would be labour in vain if he should attempt to reconcile him to us. Only he desired, that there might be a fair correspondency betwixt them, but no disputes. And further, his desire was that those wide differences 'twixt the Church of Rome and us, might not be made there to appear; that Christ might not seem by those differences to be divided amongst men professing Christianity, which might have been a very main Obstacle, and hindrance unto his great Design and endeavour, for which he was sent thither, to convert people unto Christianity there. Telling my Lord Ambassador further, that he should be ready to do for him all good offices of love and service there, and so he was.  
After his first acquaintance, he visited us often, usually once a week. And as those of that society, in other parts of the world are very great intelligencers: so was he there, knowing all news which was stirring and might be had, which he communicated unto us.  
And he would tell us many stories besides; one of which, if true, is very remarkable. And it was thus; There are a race of people in East- India, the men of which race have (if he told us true) their right legs extraordinary great and mishapen, their left legs are like other men's. Now he told us, that they were the posterity of those who stamped St Thomas the Apostle to death, come thither to preach the Gospel; and that ever since the men of that race have, and only they of that Nation, that great deformity upon them. Some few people I have there seen of whom this story is told, but whether that deformity be like Geheza's leprosy, hereditary; and if so, whether it fell upon that people upon the occasion beforenamed, I am yet to learn.  
The Jesuits in East- India (for he was not alone there) have liberty to convert any they can work upon, unto Christianity, etc. The mogul hath thus far declared, that it shall be lawful for any one, persuaded so in conscience, to become a Christian, and that he should not by so doing lose his favour.  
Upon which, I have one thing, here to insert, which I had there by report (yet I was bid to believe it and report it for a truth) concerning a Gentleman of quality, and a servant of the great mogul, who upon some conviction wrought upon him (as they say) would needs be Baptised and become a Christian. The King hearing of this Convert sent for him, and at first with many cruel threats commanded him to renounce that his new profession: the man replied, that he was most willing to suffer any thing in that cause, which the King could in 〈…〉 ct.  
The mogul then began to deal with him another way, askking why he thought himself wiser than his Forefathers, who lived and died Mahometans; and further added many promises of riches and honour, if he would return to his Mahometism, he replied again, as they say (for I have all this by Tradition) that he would not accept of any thing in the world, so to do: The mogul wondering at his constancy told him, that if he could have frighted, or bought him, out of his new profession, he would have made him an example for all waverers; but now he perceived that his resolution indeed was to be a Christian, and he bid him so continue, and with a reward discharged him.  
The late mogul about the beginning of his reign, caused a Temple to be built in Agra, his chief City, for the Jesuits, wherein two of his younger Brothers Sons were solemnly Baptised, and delivered into their hands to be trained up in Christianity. The young Gentlemen, growing to some stature (after they had had their tuition for some years) desired them to provide them Wives out of Christendom fitting their Birth; in which having not sudden content, they gave up their Crucifixes again into the Jesuits hands, and so left them. Who had these conjectures upon this their revolt, that either the King their Uncle caused them to be Baptised, to make them more odious to the Mahometans, being so near of his blood; or else, it was his plot to get them beautiful Wives out of Europe, which himself meant to take if he had liked them.  
The Jesuit I last named, Francisco Corsi, upon a time (at our being there) having his house, amongst very many more consumed by a sudden fire, it so was that his wooden Cross, set on a Pole near the side of his house, was not (as he said) consumed. Upon which he presently repaired to that Court, carried that Cross with him, and told the King thereof. The Prince Sultan Caroom (who was no favourer of the Christians) being then present, and hearing him talk how his Cross was preserved, derided him, saying, that it was one of his fabulous miracles; and further added, that he would have a fire presently made before the King, whereinto he would have that Cross cast; and if it consumed not, his Father, himself, and all the people there would presently become Christians; but if it did, himself should be burnt with it. The Jesuit not willing to put himself upon so sudden and so hot a trial, answered that he durst not tempt God, who was not tied to times; and it might be that Almighty God, would never show that people that infinite favour to make them Christians, or if he had such a great mercy for them in store, it might be that the time of manifesting it, was not yet come; and therefore if he should now submit to that trial, and Almighty God not please to show a further and a present miracle, his Religion would suffer prejudice there for ever after; and therefore he refused.  
It should seem that the Jesuits there do exceedingly extol the Virgin Mary, which I have gathered from poor people there, Natives of that Country, who have often asked Alms of me, when I stirred abroad amongst them; and whereas one hath desired me to give him some relief for Christ's sake, there are many who have begged it for the Virgin Mary's sake.  
Well known it is, that the Jesuits there, who like the Pharisees, Mat. 23. 25. That would compass Sea and Land to make one Proselyte, have sent into Christendom many large reports of their great Conversions of Infidels in East-India. But all these boastings are but reports; the truth is, that they have there spilt the precious water of Baptism upon some few Faces, working upon the necessity of some poor men, who for want of means, which they give them, are contented to wear Crucifixes; but for want of knowledge in the Doctrine of Christianity are only in Name Christians. So that the Jesuits Congregations there are very thin, consisting of some Italians, which the mogul entertains (by great pay given them) to cut his Diamonds, and other rich Stones; And of other European strangers which come thither; and some few others of the Natives, before mentioned. So that in one word I shall speak this more of the Jesuits in East-India, that they have there Templum, but not Ecclesiam.  
When I lived in those parts it was my earnest desire and daily prayer, to have put my weak hands unto that most acceptable, but hard labour of washing Moors, that the Name of Jesus Christ might have been there enlarged (if God had pleased to honour me so far) by my endeavours. But there are three main and apparent obstacles (besides those which do not appear) that hinder the settlement and growth of Christianity in those parts. First, The liberty of the Mahometan Religion given the people there in case of Marriage. Secondly, The most debauched lives of many coming thither, or living amongst them who profess themselves Christians, per quorum later a patitur Evangelium, by whom the Gospel of Jesus Christ is scandalised, and exceedingly suffers. And lastly, The hearts of that people are so confirmed and hardened in their own evil old ways, their ears so sealed up, their eyes so blinded with unbelief and darkness, that only he, who hath the Key of David that shuts when no man can open, and opens when no man can shut, can open to them the door of life.   
FINIS.