VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES IN South-America.  
The First up the River of Amazons to Quito in Peru, and back again to Brazil, performed at the Command of the King of Spain.  
By CHRISTOPHER D'ACVGNA.  
The Second up the River of Plata, and thence by Land to the Mines of Potosi.  
By Mons. ACARETE.  
The Third from Cayenne into Guiana, in search of the Lake of Parima, reputed the richest Place in the World.  
By M. GRILLET and BECHAMEL.  
Done into English from the Originals, being the only Accounts of those Parts hitherto extant.  
The whole illustrated with Notes and Maps..  
LONDON, Printed for S. Buckley at the Dolphin over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. 1698.   

ADVERTISEMENT.  
WHEN the Introduction was going into the Press, Advice came from Lisbon by the way of Paris, That the Sieur de Ferolle, Governor of Cayenne, being informed that the Portuguez were building a Fort on the North-side of the River of Amazons, to secure a rich Silver Mine which they had discovered there, sent notice to the Portuguez, that they had invaded the French King's Territories, and therefore desired 'em to retire, that River being the Limits of the two Nations; but the Portuguez refusing to quit their Enterprise, Monsieur de Ferolle marched against them, and attacked 'em with so much Success, that those who guarded the Mine and the Fort were killed, or put to flight. How this Contest between these two Nations will be decided, is uncertain; but this is certain, that whatever Europeans first possess themselves of the Isle of the Sun, and the Bosphore or Strait of the Amazon, will command the Entrance into, and Passage up that noble River, and secure the Trade of it to themselves.   

INTRODUCTION.  
THE following Relations discovering some of the richest Parts of the World, not yet planted by the Europeans, and others but little known, worthy the perusal of the Curious, can hardly fail of a favourable Reception at this Juncture; for of all the Blessings of Peace, none appear more charming or profitable than Navigation and Commerce, especially to the English Nation, whose Genius is much bend upon Improvements at Sea, and Plantations abroad, which bring great Riches into the Kingdom, particularly those in America, where the Spaniards by their ill Conduct have given Opportunities to some of their Neighbours to put in for a share of the Wealth and Trade of that vast Tract of Land.  
The frequent Sacking of their Towns and seizing of their Ships by the English, French, and Dutch, put Philip the Third upon searching out new ways of transporting the Treasures of Peru, Chili, and Granada into Spain; to which end (the Coasts about, and in the Gulf of Mexico being as well known as those in Europe) Orders were dispatched from the Court at Madrid to the Governors of Brazil and Peru to attempt the Navigation of the great River of AMAZONS, that if 'twere found practicable, the Gold, Silver, and other Merchandizes of Peru and the adjacent Countries might be safely and commodiously sent down to Para to be put on board the Galleons, which would lie less exposed there, than at Cartagena, Porto Belo, or Vera Cruz, the Soundings of the Mouth of that River being unknown, and dangerous to Strangers. What Essays were made pursuant to these Instructions, is best seen by the first Chapters of the ensuing Relation of F. Chr. d' Acugna, to which the Reader is referred, as the true Journal of the only Voyage upon, and Discovery of that noble River from the Source to the Mouth: 'twere needless to offer any other Recommendation of the Work, except some Account of the Author.  

† Nat. Sotvelli Bibliothec. Scriptor. Societ. Jesus. Romae, 1677. Fol.  Christopher d' Acugna was born at Burgos in Spain, Anno 1597. and entered into the Society of Jesus at 15 Years of Age. After some Years spent in Study, he went into America, and was Rector of the Jesuits College at Cuence under the Jurisdiction of Quito, when Peter Texeira the Portuguez General came thither from Para in Brazil up the River of Amazons. The Viceroy of Peru ordered our Author to embark with Texeira (who returned by the same way he came) and to inform himself exactly in his Voyage of every thing that might enable him to give a satisfactory Account of the Amazon to the K. of Spain. Accordingly they departed from Quito Jan. 16. 1639. and arrived at Para Dec. 12. following. Thence he went into Spain, and presented to the King his Master an ample Relation of the said River; which was published at Madrid in 1641, and entitled 
* Nic. Antonii Bibioth. Hispan.  Nuevo descubrimiento del gran Rio de las Amazonas, in 4ᵒ. He was sent to Rome in Quality of Provincial; came back to Spain honoured with the Title of Qualificator of the Inquisition, returned again into the West-Indies, and was alive at Lima in 1675. according to Father Sotwel. 
‖ Dissert. de M. Villamont, and Hist. du Monde par Cheureau.  'Tis thought that the Revolutions of Portugal in 1641. which occasioned the Loss of all Brazil, and the Colony of Para, at the Mouth of the River of Amazons from the Spaniards, were the Cause of this Relation being suppressed both in Spain and America, lest being of no use to the Spaniards, the Portuguez might make too great Advantages of it: Thus the Copies of it became so scarce, that the Editor of the French Translation says, there was not one single Book any where to be had, except that the Translator (M. Gomberville of the French Academy) made use of, and perhaps there might be another in the Vatican Library; for Philip the Fourth had taken all possible care to get and destroy most of the printed Copies in Europe and the West-Indies.  

† Description de la Riviere & Pais des amazons per M. Le Comte de Pagan 12o, Paris 1655.  In the Year 1655 the Count de Pagan, Master of the Artillery, presented to Mazarine Proposals for conquering and planting this great River; but the Cardinal being involved in Domestic Troubles, was not at leisure to push on the Enterprise, though it had been first started by that eminent Minister himself. This Discourse of Monsieur de Pagan is extracted for the most part out of Acugna, and is a sort of Paraphrase upon him, full of Digressions, and not comparable to the Original itself, which is more uniform and authentic, containing abundance of remarkable Observations, not mentioned by Pagan nor any other Copist whatsoever. The Cardinal was once resolved to plant five several Colonies; the first in the Isle of the Sun, to guard the best Entrance into the Mouth of the Amazon; the second on the Bosphore or Strait, to keep the Passage; the third on the Points of the Rio Negro; the fourth on the Zuanes near the Golden Mines; the last on the Mouth of the Maragnon, to watch over the Spanish Frontiers on that side of the Andes: This was the Plan of his Design. The many Difficulties of entering the Mouth, and getting into the true Channel of this River of Amazons, have often discouraged the Spaniards, English, and Dutch from attempting to trade in it, whereas upon Practice and Experience it might prove as navigable as most of the great Rivers of the World, whose Mouths are generally encumbered either with Sands, Flats, Isles, or impetuous Currents, which after a few Trials become familiar. The way propounded to the Cardinal was this. First eat the strong Currents, by passing aside into 2 Degrees of South Latitude; then steer up again by the Coast of Brazil at 30 min. South Lat. double the Point of Zaparara, and sail to the South-west; after that follow the Coast of the Province of Para, and pass the Channel of the Isle of the Sun at 1 Deg. 15 Min. South Lat. and 26 Leagues from the main Sea; lastly, sail Westward, leave the side of Para, and keep the same Latitude to gain the Bankside of Curupa, and there enter into the best Road of this River at 2 deg. S. Lat. and 30 Leagues beyond Curupa, which is but 1 deg. 30 min. on the same side of the Line.  
Since that time the French being Masters of the Isle of Cayenne (which they have fortified and cultivated) to the North of the Amazon, have not (nor any other Nation that we know of) planted any Country on this River, but have contented themselves with making Journeys into Guiana, particularly in search of the vast Lake of Parima, which the Spaniards have long fancied to be 
* Lopez de Gomara, also Hakluyt, and Purchas in their Collections concerning Guiana.  the richest Place in the World, calling it the Kingdom of Dorado, whither all the great Families of Peru retired, and built the Golden City of 
† Herrera, and John de Laet speak doubtfully of these places.  Manoa. What grounds the Spaniards went upon in their Attempts to find out these Places at a mighty Expense of Blood and Treasure, will best appear by the following Travels of M. Grillet and Bechamel, who went beyond the supposed Longitudes of these Places, and could not learn the least Tidings of them from any of the Indian Nations, though the Circumference of the Lake alone is generally reckoned to be above 1500 Miles. 'Tis true, some may object that this doth not wholly destroy the common Geography of that Country, and give this plausible Argument, that the simple innocent Indians are grown so extremely sensible of the cruel Dispositions of the Europeans, that they begin now to conceal industriously every thing from them, and lead them out of the way, lest they should fix in their Country and exercise their Barbarities over them; 
* Barth. de las Casas (obispo de las Chiapas) Hist. dela destruction de los Indios, Venet. 1630. Also Hist. novi orbis per Hier. Benzon. And the Comment. Reales delos Yncas, Reyes del Peru. fol.  for by a modest Computation, the number of Americans murdered in cold Blood exceeds that of the People now living in Europe. To this Journey a short Description of Guiana was thought fit to be annexed, being drawn up by M. Gomberville out of Original Papers for the Instruction and Use of Mareshal D'Estrade, Viceroy of all the French Plantations in America. The Notes are from another hand, perhaps M. Villamont, who was pleased to divert himself with such sort of Papers.  
It remains now that we give some Account of what Voyages have been made up the River De la Plata. 
‖ Pet. Martyr. Decad. 3. cap. 10.  In the Year 1512. Joannes Dias de Solis (and again in 1515.) was the first Discoverer of this Plate or Silver River, wherein he and most of his Relations spent their Lives and Estates. 
‖ Ant. Galvanos 's Discoveries, 4o and Fol.  An. 1526. Sebastian Cabota, a Venetian by his Father, but born at Bristol in England, went above 120 Leagues up this River, and stayed in it above 15 Months. An. 1527. Diego Garcias a Portuguez, made further Discoveries in it; but nothing more was done till nine Years after, when Pedro de Mendoza returned with 12 Ships and 1000 Men. And about the Year 1540 
* Herrera D. 6. l. 3. c. 18.  Alvarez Cabeca de Vacca went and peopled the Provinces to some purpose. At first they found much Gold and Silver, with infinite numbers of different Nations (soon lessened under the Tyranny and Devastations of their new Masters) the Country prodigiously fertile, the River's overflowing every Year upon the Stationary Rains, as the Amazon and Orenoque in Guiana, and as the Nile and the Niger in Africa. Since then the Spaniards have been possessed of this part of America, and no Strangers have passed up this River to Potosi to give us any exact Relation thereof; this of M. Acarete is the latest, and much more copious and particular than that of Martin del Barco, or the Dutch Journal translated from a Manuscript by J. de Laet in his Hist. Ind. besides, what is here related by Acarete of the Mines of Potosi is wholly new, and merits our notice. The way he went seems to be a shorter and a safer Passage to and from the Mines of Potosi than that usually practised by Arica, Lima, Panama and Porto-Belo, especially now the Boucaniers are so well acquainted with those Seas and Countries; but he has given a pretty good reason why the Spaniards don't open a Trade that way.   


THE COURSE OF THE RIVER OF AMAZONS Described according to the Relation of F: Chr▪ d'Acugna by. Monr. Sanson Geographer in Ordinary to the French King London Printed for S. Buckley▪   map of the Amazon River   

A Relation of the Great River of AMAZONS in South-America.  
Containing all the Particulars of Father Christopher d' Acugna's Voyage, made at the Command of the King of Spain.  
Taken from the Spanish Original of the said Chr. d' Acugna, Jesuit.  

CHAP. I.  
Of the Country in which the River of Amazons is situated. Of its Reputation, and of the first Discoveries the Spaniards made of it.  
THE Spaniards were no sooner become Masters of that Part of America, which is now called Peru, but they extremely desired to make a Discovery of the great River of Amazons, which some Geographers through a vulgar Error have called the River of Maragnon. They were induced to attempt this not only by the Account they had received of the Fertility of the Soil, and of the Riches of the People along that famous River, but also because they had very good Reasons to believe that it took its Course from the West to the East, and that receiving all the Rivers that descend from the Mountains of Peru, it was a kind of Canal through which there was a Passage from the Southern to the Northern Sea. Upon these Conjectures some Persons undertook to go in search of this River, but to no purpose. Others afterward made the like Essay, but with no better Success. At length in the Year 1539. Gonzalles Pizarre being made Governor of the Province of Quito by the Marquis Francis Pizarre his Brother, who was Governor of Peru, put himself in an Equipage to go to his Government, and from thence to pass on to the Conquest of the Country of Cannelle. He got together two hundred Foot and a hundred Horse, partly at his own Charge, and partly at the Expense of some that accompanied him in this Expedition, which cost above fifty thousand 
* A Castillan is about 5 s. 6 d. English.  Castillans of Gold. Being arrived at Quito, he ordered all necessary Provisions to be made for his Journey, took a great number of Indian Slaves to carry the Baggage, and set forward at the end of December in the Year 1539, with four hundred Spaniards and four thousand Indians. He ordered for the Subsistence of his Men four thousand Sheep, Cows, and Swine to be driven along with 'em; and taking his Course directly Northward, he entered into the Country of the Quixos, where the Conquests of the Yncas of Peru ended. This Province is forty Leagues in length, and twenty in breadth; and was inhabited by a People that never used to dwell together in Towns or Villages like those of Peru, but lived in a straggling manner scattered up and down the Country.   

CHAP. II.  
The way Gonzalles Pizarre took in passing out of Quito, and the Difficulties he met with in his Journey.  
THE March of our Adventurers was retarded, not only by the Opposition they had from the People of the Country, who disputed their Passage, but also by continual Rains and Earthquakes so violent, that many Houses were overturned, and deep Breaches made in the Earth before 'em, together with such terrible Storms and Claps of Thunder, that any one but Gonzalles Pizarre would have abandoned such an Enterprise as seemed to be opposed both by Heaven and Earth. However he with his Men did not give over their March for all this bad Wether, but crossed the Province of the Quixos, till they came to the foot of some high Mountains all covered with Snow, which make a part of those which the Spaniards call the Cordeliers, and which bound the Province of the Quixos on the North. Tho the Rains still continued they resolved to pass over the Mountains, but were not far advanced before the Rain turned into a Snow so thick and cold, that many of the Indians were killed by it. The Spaniards were likely to have undergone the same fate, if they had continued their March as they began: They concluded that nothing but Expedition could save 'em from the Rigour of the Cold, and therefore left all the Cattle they had with them, and lighted themselves of the rest of their Provisions and Baggage, hoping they should find enough on t'other side of the Mountains. When they were got over them, they entered into a Valley called Zumaque, which is a hundred Leagues from Quito by the account of good Geographers; there they found abundance of Provisions and Refreshments, and continued there two Months to acquaint themselves with the Country, and to see if they could make any advantage of it. But this Place not answering the great hopes they had conceived of their Adventure, Pizarre parted from Zumaque with sixty good Soldiers to discover the Country of Cannelle; but in pursuing the Course he had taken towards the North, he found the way so rough and mountainous, that he was constrained to change his Road; he therefore turned directly to the East, and after some few days march, entered into that famous Country called by the Inhabitants Cannelle, from certain great Trees, like Olive-Trees, that are called so in that Place.   

CHAP. III.  
The Countries near the River of Amazons discovered by Gonzalles Pizarre.  
HErrera the Spanish Historian says, Pizarre exercised the greatest Cruelty imaginable on the Inhabitants of these Regions, insomuch that he gave Men to be eaten alive by his Dogs. This engaged all the Country to put themselves in Arms against him, so that he was obliged to encamp himself as in an Enemy's Country: And his Cruelties, together with the Despair he was in of ever being able to find what he was seeking after, had like to have put an end to his Enterprise at once. He was encamped on the Bank of a River, which swelled so much in one Night, that if the Sentinels, who perceived the Water was apace getting ground of 'em, had not warned 'em of their Danger, they had been all drowned; but at the Alarm they gave 'em they soon secured themselves by making towards the Cottages of the wild People, and Pizarre resolved to return to Zumaque, not knowing what other course to take. From thence he proceeded again with all his Men, and after a March of four Leagues, he met with a great Village called Ampua, governed by a Cacique, and found a great number of the Inhabitants in a posture of Defence expecting their Enemy. But there was another and a greater Obstacle in his way than this Cacique and all his Troops, and that was a River so wide and deep, that he could have no thoughts of venturing to swim over it. He could therefore find no better Expedient than to enter into a Treaty with the People of the Country, and to desire the help of their Canoes to cross this River. The Cacique received this Proposal with great Civility, offered 'em what they asked, and gave 'em as many of those little Boats as they desired, and Pizarre made 'em a return of a great many little Spanish Toys by way of Requital. This Cacique having received Advice of the ill Treatment many of his Neighbours had received from the Spaniards, thought of nothing more than how to get rid of them: And to deliver himself from the danger of the Company of such bad Guests, endeavoured to make 'em believe there were great Riches to be found among the People that dwelled upon this River some days Journey lower. Pizarre both by his Actions, and by the Mouth of his Guides, who were his Interpreters, returned him Thanks for his Courtesy: but finding no appearance of those pretended Riches, he returned to Zumaque, very much dissatisfied with his Expedition. However, he had too much Courage to return back to Quito just as he came; he had a mind therefore to attempt some great Exploit, and by the Discovery of some other Peru, to render himself as considerable as the Marquis of Pizarre his elder Brother: He opened his Mind to Francis Oreillane, a Gentleman of Truxillo in Spain, who was come to join him in the Valley of Zumaque with fifty Troopers well appointed: He very much encouraged his Design; and though the Rainy Season was not yet past, that did not hinder him from advancing forward; he left his little Army at Zumaque, and having taken a hundred effective Soldiers, and some Indians for Guides, and to carry Provisions, he marched directly to the East.   

CHAP. IU.  
The first News he received of this famous River, and of the Riches of the People that dwell near it.  
EIther the Ignorance of his Guides, or the Hatred they bore him engaged him in a Country all full of Mountains, Forests and Torrents, so that he was necessitated to make Ways where he found none, and to open himself a Passage through the Woods with Hatchets, where none had ever gone before. At length after many days March he pierced through as far as the Province of Coca. The Cacique of which Province came before him, and offered him all the Accommodations the Country afforded for his Refreshment. Gonzalles promised himself much from this kind Entertainment, and by the Assistance of his Guides entered into Conversation with the Cacique. He informed him that the Country through which he had passed, which was so full of Mountains, Forests and Brooks, was the only Passage he could have taken to come thither; that it was extremely difficult to get through it, but that if he were willing to embark on the River he saw before him, or to follow it by Land, he might assure himself, that along the Banks of another River much greater than this, he should find a Country abounding with all things, whose Inhabitants were covered with Plates of Gold. There was no need of saying any thing more to Pizarre to incite him to any kind of Enterprise; who presently sent two of his Guides to Zumaque with Orders to his Officers to come and join him, who marched immediately, and surmounting all the Difficulties of the way, arrived much fatigued to the Town of Coca. Pizarre having rested 'em some few days, and afterwards put them in Battalia before the Cacique, who was much terrified at them; he amassed almost all the Provisions of his whole Province to make a Present of them to Pizarre, that by this Magnificence he might civilly acquit himself of his new Acquaintance, who was more impatient of his stay than the other; and the next Morning having filled his Troops along the River, he took his leave of the Cacique, presenting him with a fine Sword, and put himself at the head of his Cavalry, and followed the pleasant Course of the River. This good way did not last long, but they had Rivulets to swim over, must go up-hill and downhill in uneven ways, and march forty three days without finding any Provision for his Troops, or any Fords or Canoes by which to pass the River.   

CHAP. V.  
The Discovery which Pizarre made of the River of Coca, and Oreillane's floating on this River by Pizarre's order, and so entering into the River of Amazons.  
THis long March having mightily fatigued our Travellers, they were stopped by a very surprising sight: The River was pressed by two Rocks, one on each side its Passage, at no more than twenty foot distance from one another; and the Water going through this Straight, precipitated itself into a Valley, and made a Leap of two hundred Fathom. Here it was that Pizarre caused that famous Bridge to be made for his Troops to pass over, which is so much boasted of by the Spanish Historians. But finding the Way not at all better on the other side, and their Provision growing more and more scarce every day, Pizarre resolved to make a Brigantine to carry by Water all his sick Men, Provisions, Baggage, and a hundred thousand Livres in Gold which they had got amongst amongst. This was no small Difficulty, but Industry and Necessity surmounted it; and the Vessel being finished, Pizarre embarked all in it that hindered his March, and gave the Command of it to Francis Oreillane with fifty Soldiers, giving him express Order not to part far from him, but to come every Night to the Camp. He observed this Order exactly, till his General seeing all his Men were much pinched with Hunger, commanded him to go and seek some Provisions and Cottages, where his Men might be refreshed. Oreillane had no sooner received his Orders, but he launched out into the middle of the River; and the Rapidity of the Stream carried him as fast as he could wish, for he made above a hundred Leagues in three days without the use of either Sails or Oars: The Current of Coca carried him into another River which was much larger, but nothing near so swift; he made his Observation of it one whole day, and seeing that the farther he went down, the more the River widened, he did not doubt but this was that great River which had been so often and in vain sought after. The Joy he conceived at his good Fortune so transported him, that it made him quite forget himself; so that he thought of nothing but the Enjoyment of this good Success; and trampling upon his Duty, Oath, Fidelity and Gratitude, he had now nothing in view but how to bring about the Enterprise he was contriving.   

CHAP. VI  
Oreillane hoping for an extraordinary Success from the Discovery of this River; and being willing to have the sole Glory of it, leaves his General, and makes himself the Head of this Enterprise.  
TO this end Oreillane persuaded his Companions that the Country whither they were arrived, was not the same with that which their General had described; that it had not that great Plenty the Cacique had told him he should find at the joining of the two Rivers; that they must certainly float along farther to find that pleasant and fertile Country, where they might store themselves with Provisions; and besides that, they all saw there was no likelihood of getting up this River again, which indeed they came down in three days, but, as he believed, could not make the same way back again in the space of a whole Year; that it was much more reasonable to wait for their Company on this new River, and that in the mean time it was necessary for 'em to go seek Provisions. Thus concealing his Design, he hoist up the Sails, and abandoning himself to the Wind, to his Fortune, and to his Resolution, he thought of nothing but of pursuing the course of the River, till he should discover it quite to the Sea. His Companions were startled at the manner of his putting in execution the Design he had been proposing to 'em, and thought themselves obliged to tell him that he went beyond the Orders of his General; and that in the extreme want he was in, they ought to carry him the little Provision they could find; and that he had given sufficient Evidence that he had some ill Design, because he had neglected to leave two Canoes at the Bank of the two Rivers, as the General had appointed him, for his Army to pass over in. These Remonstrances were made to him chiefly by a Dominican Friar named Gaspard de Carvajal, and by a young Gentleman of Badajos in Spain, called Fernand Sanches de Vargas. The Consideration they had for these two Persons occasioned a Division of the Company in this little Vessel into two Parties; and from Words they were like to have fallen to Blows, but that Oreillane stifling their Gratitude by his Dissimulation, by fair Protestations and great Promises appeased this Disorder. By means of the Friends he had in the Vessel he gained most of the Soldiers that were against him to his side; and seeing the two Heads of the other Party left almost alone, he caused Fernand Sanches de Vargas to be set ashore, leaving him quite alone, without Victuals and without Arms, in a dismal Wilderness, bounded on one side with high Mountains, and with a River on the other: He had more Prudence than to treat the Friar after the same manner, yet he gave him to understand, that it was not for him to penetrate any more into the Pretensions of his Commander, unless he had a mind to be severely chastised: After this he continued his Voyage; and the next day being willing to know if he might depend upon all that were with him for the success of his Resolutions, he let 'em know that he aspired to a much higher pitch of Dignity than what he might have obtained in the Service of Pizarre, that he owed every thing to himself and his King; and that his Fortune having as it were led him by the hand, to the greatest and most desirable Discovery that was ever made in the Indies, namely, the great River upon which they were sailing, which coming out of Peru, and running from West to East, was the finest Channel in the new World, through which one might pass from the Northern to the Southern Sea: that he could not without betraying them all, and without ravishing from them the Fruits of their Voyage and Industry, make others share in a Favour which Heaven had reserved for them alone. That as for himself, his Design was to go into Spain, to beg of his Catholic Majesty the Government of this great Country all along this noble River; he promised them they should be all Governors of Castles and Towns, and have other Recompenses proportionate to their Valour and Generosity; that they should only follow him; that they knew him well; that he was not uncapable of the Post he designed to ask of the King, and that it was certainly due to him for having made a Discovery of the Country. That as for the Oath he had taken to Pizarre, he disengaged himself of it; that he was resolved to be commanded by him no longer; that he renounced the Power he had received from him, and would have no other Authority nor Command but what he asked of them, and what they would give him in naming him chief Commander, under the King their Master, in the Discovery of this great River.   

CHAP. VII.  
Oreillane gives his Name to this River. The Change of the Name he had given it by a Fable himself composed, to render his Discovery the more famous.  
HIS Harangue was followed with a general Consent to make him the Head of this Enterprise. He began to use his Authority in giving his Name to this great and famous River, and not content to know the course of it, he was desirous of discovering the Country it watered. He therefore went ashore to get  
Provisions, and to acquaint himself with the Inhabitants: But he found the People able to defend their Bread, and had several Battles with the Natives, who let him know they were not without Courage; nay, they were so stout and resolute in the defence of their Country, that the Women mixed themselves with the Men in the Battle, and seconded them with admirable Bravery both in shooting of Arrows, and in standing their Ground. 'Twas this that gave occasion to Oreillane, that he might render his Discovery more considerable and glorious, to tell that he had entered into a Country of vast Extent along this River, which was governed by Amazons, a sort of Women who had no Husbands, who destroyed all their Male-childrens; and who came armed at a certain time every Year in a Body to the Frontiers of their Neighbours, there to choose themselves Paramours, to prevent the Extinction of so extraordinary a Nation: And this was the reason why this River he had first called after his own Name, was since called the River of Amazons. However Oreillane pursued his Course with a great deal of Success, and the more he advanced, the more all things seemed to concur to prosper his Infidelity. As he went farther down, he found other People, not so warlike and savage as the others: They received him with a great deal of Civility, and admired all that he and his Company did, and all that they had, their Persons, their Clothes, their Arms, their Vessel, and every thing else: They looked upon 'em as a sort of extraordinary Men, were willing to enter into an amicable Treaty with 'em, and gave 'em as much Provision as they could desire.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Oreillane passes out of this River by an Arm that goes into the Sea near the North-Cape. His Voyage into Spain to beg of the King the Conquest and Government of this Country. His unfortunate Return, and his End worthy of his Treachery.  
OReillane finding himself in a Post so favourable to his Designs, stopped here for some time, and caused another Brigantine to be made larger than the former, because they were too much crowded in it. He continued there as long as was necessary to inform himself well of the Country; and having taken his Farewell of the courteous Indians, he set sail. After several days Voyage, he happily came to the place where this River goes out into the Sea, and sailed out with it; and taking good notice of the Places necessary to be observed for his Return, he coasted along a Cape, now called the North Cape, 200 Leagues from the Island La Trinidada, and sailed directly thither, where he bought a Vessel, in which he passed into Spain, and presented himself to the Emperor Charles V. at Vailladolid; he so charmed the Emperor with the agreeable recital of his Adventures, and with the fair Promises he made, that he obtained three Ships of him in which to return from whence he came, with Orders to build Forts and Houses in those places which he should find most commodious, and to take possession of the Country in the Name of this Prince. His Dispatches were soon given, but the execution of 'em was very tedious; for he was above seven Years at the Court of Spain before he could put himself in a condition to sail. About the end of the Year 1549, he embarked with all his Men; but was no sooner got to the Latitude of the Canaries, but a contagious Distemper passing from one of his Vessels into the others, took off part of his Soldiers, a considerable number of 'em was carried off soon after by the same Infection, though he was got no further than Cape-Verd, when he was advised to return back to Spain: He was so rash notwithstanding as to continue his Voyage, and to promise himself the sight of the River of Amazons for all this: And indeed he did see it, and came to the Mouth of it with his Vessels; but finding he wanted Men, he ordered 'em all to come aboard his own Ship, and quitted the two others. But the number of his Men daily diminishing, having built two Barks in an Island where he had made some stay, he only reserved himself one of them, of a pretty large size, and several times attempted to get up higher into the River. He was, in fine, necessitated to yield to his Fortune, which had forsaken him, and suffered him to go to the place of his Ruin. He was cast on the Coasts of Caracas, and from thence upon a certain Island called St. Marguerite, where he lost the last of his Men; and dying as well with Despair as Sickness, he made Charles V. lose the great Hopes he had conceived of so daring an Enterprise.   

CHAP. IX.  
This Discovery thus begun in 1540, remained imperfect till the Year 1560, when a Spanish Gentleman named Orsua, asked leave of the Viceroy of Peru to make this Discovery. His Equipage, and the beginning of his Voyage, and his parting from Quito.  
THE ill Success of Oreillane's Voyage cooled the ardent Desire the Spaniards had for the Discovery of the River of Amazons; and it seemed quite extinguished by the Civil Wars of Peru, till the Marquis de Caguete being Viceroy of that Kingdom, a Gentleman of Navarre, named Peter de Orsua, who had always entertained Thoughts worthy of his great Courage, turned his Designs on this great River, and believed he should be more fortunate than Oreillane: He presented himself to the Viceroy, and proposed his Design to him; who being well acquainted with his Merit, commended his Resolution, and was persuaded, that if so difficult a matter should succeed, it must be by the Conduct of so brave and wise a Commander. He immediately dispatched all necessary Orders for him, and caused a Publication of his Attempt to be made throughout the Kingdom. Most of the Gentry came to offer their Service to Orsua; who was so much in every one's Esteem, that there was no Soldier so old, but would leave his Retirement with Pleasure to serve under so excellent a General. His chief trouble was to return his Thanks to so many of 'em as he could not take along with him: he made choice of such amongst 'em as were most fit for his purpose; and to carry on the famous Conquest he designed, he made all necessary Provisions both of Ammunition and Victuals, to which all the Lords and the Inhabitants of the Towns contributed with a great deal of Freedom and Liberality, being well persuaded that Orsua had Qualities that well deserved to be obliged. He parted from Cusco in 1560, with the Acclamations and good Wishes of all the Inhabitants of that Place; he was attended with above seven hundred choice Soldiers, and with a considerable number of very good Horses. Being well versed in the Map of Peru, and having for some time been laying the Scheme of his Journey, he marched directly to the Province of Mosilones, first to meet the River Moyabamba, by which he was sure of entering into the River of Amazons.   

CHAP. X.  
The Tragical End of Orsua by the Revolt of two of his Officers, who were fallen in love with their General's Lady. The yet more Tragical End of those two Rebels one after tother. And the Cruelty of one of them against his own Daughter.  
ONE would have hoped an Attempt so wisely laid, and so universally approved, should have had a happy Issue: Yet never was any Project more unsuccessful; for Orsua had taken with him one Don Fernand de Gusman, a young Man who was lately come from Spain, and another more advanced in Years, named Lopez Daguirre of Biscay, a little ill-favoured Man, whom he had made his Ensign. These two Wretches fell in Love with their General's Lady, whose Name was Agnes, and who had accompanied her Husband in all his Travels; and thinking they had a favourable occasion to satisfy their Lust and Ambition together, engaged Orsua's Troops to revolt, and assassinated him. After this Tragical Fact the Traitors who committed it, who to the number of seven or eight were in a strict Confederacy, elected Don Fernand de Gusman for their King; whose Mind was vain enough to receive that Title which became him so little: But he did not enjoy it long; for those very Persons that had given him the Quality of King, gave him his Death's Wound too, and Daguirre succeeded him, who made himself King, notwithstanding the Remonstrances of others: And naming himself the Rebel and Traitor, he gave all those he had gained to his Party to understand, that he intended to make himself Master of Guiana, of Peru, and of the new Kingdom of Grenada, and promised 'em all the Riches of those great Kingdoms. His Reign was so bloody and barbarous, that the like Tyranny was scarce ever heard of in the World: Therefore the Spaniards to this day call him the Tyrant. However he commanded Orsua's Vessels, and went down the River Coca into the Amazon, hoping to obtain one of those Kingdoms, and to make a considerable Progress into it. But having entered the Amazon, he was not able to master the Current of it, and so was constrained to suffer himself to be carried down to the Mouth of a River above a thousand Leagues from the place where he embarked, and was driven into the great Channel which goes to the North-Cape, being the same way Oreillane had taken before him. Going out of the Amazon, he came to the Island of St. Marguerite, which is to this day called the Tyrant's Port; there he killed Don Irean de Villa Andrada, Governor of the Island, and Don John Sermiento his Father. After their Death, with the Assistance of one John Burq, he made himself Master of the Island, plundered it entirely, and there committed unheardof Barbarities. He killed all that opposed him, and past from thence to Cumana, where he exercised the same Cruelties: He after that desolated all those Coasts that bear the Name of Caracas, and all the Provinces along the Rivers Venezuella and Baccho. He then came to St. Martha, where he put all to the Sword, and entered the new Kingdom of Grenada, designing to march from thence through Quito into Peru. In this Kingdom he was forced to a Battle, in which he was utterly defeated, and put to flight, but all Ways being stopped, he found he must perish; and therefore begins his Tragedy with a sort of Barbarity without Example.  
He had a Daughter by his Wife Mendoza, that had followed him in his Expeditions, and whom he loved entirely. Daughter (says he to her) I must kill thee; I designed to have placed thee on a Throne, but since Fortune opposes it, I am not willing thou shouldst live to suffer the Shame of becoming a Slave to my Enemies, and of being called the Daughter of a Tyrant and a Traitor. Die, my Child, die by the Hand of thy Father, if thou hast not Courage enough to die by thy own. She surprised at this Discourse, desired him at least to give her some time to prepare for Death, and to beg of God the Pardon of her Sins: This he granted; but thinking her too tedious in her Devotion, as she was praying upon her Knees he shot her through the Body with a Carbine; but having not killed her outright, he stuck his Dagger into her Heart. She falling down at the Stroke, cried, Ah, Father, 'tis enough!  
Soon after her Death he was taken and carried Prisoner to the Island La Trinidada, where he had a considerable Estate. His Process was made, and he condemned to be quartered; he was publicly executed, his Houses razed to the Ground, and the places where they stood sowed with Salt, as may be seen to this day.   

CHAP. XI.  
This Discovery by these sad Accidents continued thus without any farther Advancement, from the Year 1560 to 1606, when two Jesuits ventured to go and preach the Gospel along this River, and were there martyred. Many other Attempts formed since by great Persons without Success.  
THE unhappy Issue of these two Erterprises abated the Desires of others after this Discovery to that degree, that the last Age passed without any farther knowledge of this great River: But our Age has been more happy, and we have seen this great Design perfectly executed in our days. In 1606, and 1607, two Fathers of the Jesuits Society moved with the desire of the Conversion of those barbarous People, went from Quito, and pierced as far as the Province of the Cofanes, who inhabit those Parts where the Springs of the River Coca rise. Those good Fathers were willing to begin the Publication of the Gospel among these People: But the Hour of their being called to the Knowledge of God was not yet come; for they found these Men so cruel, and so uncapable of hearing the Word, that they killed one of these Fathers named Raphael Ferrier, and made the other fly for his Life.  
In the Year 1621. under the Reign of Philip IV. King of Spain, Vincent Delos Reyes de Villalobos, Serjeant-Major, Governor and Captain-General of the Country of the Quixos, resolved to attempt the Navigation of the River Amazon; but receiving an Order to quit his Government, he was obliged to lay aside the thoughts of this Adventure. Alonze Miranda formed the same Design, prepared his Equipage, and took all necessary Precautions to overcome all the Difficulties of the Attempt, but had no better success than the others, for he died without having so much as seen this famous River. Before either of these two the General Joseph de Villamayor Maldonado Governor of the Quixos, incited by the same Motives of the Glory of God, the Grandeur of the King his Master, and the Salvation of so many Infidels, had consumed all he had in the World in endeavouring to settle himself among those People that dwell on the Borders of that wonderful River.   

CHAP. XII.  
The Commission the King of Spain sent to the Governor of Brazil to make this Discovery.  
THE Spaniards were not the only Conquerors of the new World, that expressed so earnest a desire to render themselves Masters of those unknown Nations. The Portuguez were no less eager in the same Design, and knowing they were not far distant from the Mouth of the River, they were willing to believe this Discovery was reserved for them. In the Year 1626., Bonito Macul then Governor of Para received a Commission from Philip III. King of Spain, to put to Sea with some good Ships for this purpose, and try if he could overcome the Difficulties of this Discovery; but he could not put in execution these Orders of his Catholic Majesty, being called away by others more pressing, which obliged him to go into the King's Service at Phernambuc.  
In 1633, and 1634. the King of Spain being extremely impatient to see that Enterprise at last succeed, which had so many times been in vain attempted, sent very pressing Orders to Francisco Coello Governor and Captain-General of the Island of Maraguan, and of the Town and Fortress of Para, to arm a considerable Force to attempt an effectual Discovery of this River: And directed him in his Orders, in case he had no Officer near him upon whose Conduct he could depend for the execution of this Design, to go in Person himself, because he was resolved absolutely to know whether it were impossible to go up this River, and to find the Source of it, and consequently its length. Carvallo could not obey the King his Master, because he did not think himself in a Condition to absent himself from his Government, and to divide his Forces at a time when he expected to be attacked by the Dutch, who were unwilling to lose any opportunity of making their Descents into Brazil: But what he did not think feasible, without the help of a good number of Men and Vessels, was happily accomplished by the good Fortune of two Lay-Friers of the Order of St. Francis, after the following manner.   

CHAP. XIII.  
That which so many brave Men were not able to perform, was accomplished by two Lay-Friers of the Order of St. Francis, who escaped the hands of the Indians.  
THE Town of St. Francis in the Province of Quito is one of the finest in America; it is built upon one of those stupendous Mountains, which the Spaniards call Cordeliers, and Tierras, half a degree South of the Equinoctial Line; yet is it of the most agreeable Temperature, and the most plentiful and healthful Place in all Peru, and is never incommoded by excessive Heat. In 1635, 1636, and 1637, Captain John de Palacios having undertaken to attempt the Discovery of this River, to that end made a small Provision of Arms, desiring rather to acquaint himself with the Country, and to people it, than to subdue the Inhabitants of those Provinces by force of Arms. Several Monks of the Order of St. Francis were desirous to accompany him to essay the Conversion of these Barbarians, and promised themselves more Success in this Work than the Jesuits had, who 30 Years before had made the like Attempt, till they saw one of their number Father Raphael Ferrier martyred by these Infidels, as above related.  
These marched with more Precaution, and after a long Fatigue arrived at the Province of the long-haired Indians: This Country they found well peopled, but not being able to make any Establishment here by reason of the rough Treatment they met with from the Inhabitants, some of them gave over the Attempt, and returned to Quito, but others were more resolute, and continued with Captain de Palacios, together with some few Soldiers that were always faithful to him: But these being almost all destroyed in several Battles, in one of which at last the Captain himself was killed, the Monks made their Escape as well as they could, and the two Lay-Friers we have spoken of, one of whom was Dominic de Britto, and the other Andrew de Tolede, dexterously saved themselves from the hands of the Indians; and having got to their Bark, with six Soldiers that remained, abandoned themselves to Providence, and suffered their Bark to be driven at the Pleasure of the Winds and Streams.  
It pleased God so to favour their Voyage, that after they had been carried from Province to Province upon this great River, they happily landed at Para, a City in Brazil, forty Leagues distant from the Mouth of the Amazon Southward. The Portuguez possess it, and have made it a good Garrison, belonging to the Government of Maragnon. The two Lay-Friers and the Soldiers were enquired of about their long and strange Voyage, but they were all eight of 'em so stupid, that they had made no particular Remark on any thing; only they said they had passed through divers Provinces of different Barbarians, who eat the Men which they take in War. The two Cordeliers offered to return to the place from whence they came, provided they might have a Vessel and Men granted 'em to conduct 'em, hoping they should again find the same Passages of the Rivers by which they came down, and so get back again as far as Quito. They were brought from Para to the City of St. Lewis in Maragnon, James Raimond de Norogna being then Governor of that Place, who having a Zeal for the Service of God, as well as that of the King, was willing to examine these Cordelier Friars more particularly than had been done at Para. He discoursed 'em with so much Patience and Sweetness, that he made 'em talk reasonably: They told him they went from Peru, that their Monastery was in the City of Quito; that they came out with many of their Brethren to labour to convert the wild People, but that the Indians had a greater mind to eat 'em, than to hear 'em preach; that their Captain being dead, and their Brethren put to flight, they with six Soldiers had put themselves into a Bark which miraculously came ashore at Para; and that they were ready to return to Peru, if they could meet with a convenient Passage. The Governor having deliberated on this Report, believed God had offered him a fair occasion to serve his Religion and his Country, and that he ought to attempt that Design in which so many others had failed.   

CHAP. XIV.  
The Governor of Brazil on the Report of these two Cordelier Friars, attempts the Discovery of this River. The Preparation he made for it, and the Commission given to Don Pedro de Texeira, who parted from Para in the Year 1637.  
Done Pedro de Norogna resolved to make Preparation for this Enterprise, and caused it to be published: at this News many offered themselves to serve on this occasion. The Governor retained such as he thought most proper for his Design; and that he might have a Man capable of giving him an exact account of all he should see during so long a Voyage, he chose Capt. Peter de Texeira, a Man of Courage, Conduct, and Probity, to command the Fleet. This Gentleman with a great deal of Joy received a Command so suitable to his Inclinations, for he had been all his Life seeking occasions of serving his King to the prejudice of his own private Interest, and in the peril of his Life: and according to his desire he had the Glory of accomplishing the most difficult, and most illustrious Enterprise of his time. He parted from Para the 28th of October 1637. with forty seven Canoes of an indifferent bigness, wherein besides Ammunition and Victuals he embarked seventy Portuguez Soldiers, and twelve hundred Indians to row and to bear Arms, who together with their Wives and Servants made two thousand Persons: They entered into the mouth of the River on that side that is nearest to Para, and happily avoided those Rocks that come just to the surface of the Water, and stop the Passage of Vessels in many places. However they were almost a Year without seeing the end of their Voyage: indeed having no Guides upon whose Fidelity and Experience they could depend in steering their Course; and besides, being sometimes carried to the South, and sometimes to the North by the Violence of the Streams, they did not make the Advance they would have done if they had been used to navigate the River. Besides, Texeira being obliged to provide for the Subsistence of all those People he carried with him, and perceiving his Provisions diminished considerably every day, was forced from time to time to send Parties in some of the Canoes to make Descents sometimes on Islands, and sometimes on the Continent, to procure a Supply.   

CHAP. XV.  
The Difficulties Texeira found in his Voyage, both from the People he carried with him, and from the length of the way; and the happy Descent of his advanced Squadron into the Country of the Quixos, belonging to the Government of Quito.  
OUR Travellers were not advanced half way their Voyage, before the Indians were weary of their Labour, and quitting their Oars, began to murmur, and make loud Complaints that they had been engaged in so tedious a Voyage. 'Twas in vain to tell 'em they would soon be at the end of it: they desired Texeira to dismiss 'em, and finding he put 'em off from day to day, many tacked about and returned to Para. The General perceived, that on this occasion he must use Prudence rather than Force, therefore he did not cause them that were fled back to be pursued, but endeavoured with all imaginable Mildness to hinder others from following their Example: To this end he treated the Indians that remained with very kind Words, and so extremely pleased 'em with his Discourse, that those that heard him conveyed it from one Canoe to another with those external Demonstrations of Joy and Satisfaction, which they use to express in their Assemblies, so that they unanimously cried from all the Canoes, that they were willing Texeira should continue his Voyage, and that they would never leave him. The General having given 'em his Thanks for their goodwill, caused some Brandy to be distributed through all the Canoes, assuring 'em they would in a little time arrive at the Place designed. And not content in having spread this Report among 'em, to fix the Indians the more firmly in their Resolution, he thought it necessary to do somewhat that might still make a greater appearance for their Encouragement. To this purpose he visited all the Canoes, and chose out eight of the best of 'em, which he loaded with Provision, Soldiers and Rowers. He made Colonel Benedito Rodriguez d'Olivera, a Native of Brazil, Commander of this Squadron; and having communicated his Design to him, sent him away with a Charge to send him often such News as might be most agreeable to the Indians. Olivera was no ordinary Man, he had naturally a quick and piercing Wit; and having been all his Life brought up with the Indians, he had so well studied their Actions and Countenances, that they could hardly dissemble so well, but he could with one cast of his Eye discover what was in their Minds; so that they looked upon him as a Man that could divine what others thought; and from this Conceit they had not only a great Veneration for him, but stood so much in awe of him, that they yielded him a blind Obedience in what he commanded 'em. It is not to be questioned after this, whether those in the eight Canoes which he was to command were very willing to go with him. His Men were so industrious one while at their Oars, and another while at their Sails, that they overcame all the Obstacles that presented, and safely arrived on the 24th of June 1638, at the place where the River of Pagamino enters into the Amazon. There is a Port near that place called after the Name of the River, where the Spaniards had fortified themselves, and had built a Town to keep the Quixos in subjection, who had not yet been well accustomed to the Yoke.   

CHAP. XVI.  
The Descent of General Texeira, and the Orders he gave for the Preservation of his Army in his Absence.  
IF the Impatience they were in to make their Descent had not stopped 'em at this place, they would in sailing some time longer have met with the Entrance of the River Napo, of which some account shall be given hereafter; where they would have met with better Entertainment, and would have been less exposed to the Losses and Inconveniences which they suffered in this Country. The very day they landed Colonel Benedito dispatched a Canoe to his General, to give him advice of the Success of his Voyage, and in how little time he might also arrive at the same place. This News being spread through the Fleet, inspired them with new Vigour, when their Courage was almost exhausted with the tedious length of their Toil and Hunger together. Texeira made an Improvement of this good Success like a prudent Man, and confirmed the Assurance that had been given 'em of their near approach to the place where they were to land, and followed Benedito with great Expedition: The Portuguez and the Indians performed their Duty with great Emulation, and every day that came about they concluded the next would be the last of their Voyage. In fine, the Day so much longed for appeared; and the General, to acquit himself of his Promise, landed all his Men at the mouth of a River that descends into that of the Amazons through the Province of those Indians that wear their Hair as long as that of Women. These People formerly kept a good Correspondence with the Spaniards, and consented to their Establishment in their Country: but having been forced to take up Arms against Captain Palacios for the ill Treatment they had received from his Soldiers; and having killed the Captain himself in a Battle, they remained implacable Enemies to the Spaniards. The Portuguez General who had never been informed of this Rupture, was desirous to refresh his Troops in this Country, finding it to be a very fine, fruitful and commodious place; he therefore pitched his Camp in the Angle of Land which was formed by the two Rivers, and having well entrenched it towards the Plain, he there placed his Portuguez and Indians, and made Captain Peter Dacosta Favotta, and Captain Peter Bajou the chief Commanders over 'em. These two wise and valiant Officers gave their General the greatest Proofs imaginable both of their Conduct and Fidelity. They continued encamped in this place for eleven Months, in which time they endured extraordinary Inconveniences, for they were often obliged to fight with these long-haired Men to obtain a little Food to live upon; and many of the Soldiers fell sick, partly by the bad Disposition of the Air, which could not be wholesome between two Rivers, and partly from so tedious a Confinement to their Camp.   

CHAP. XVII.  
The Arrival of the Portuguez at Quito. The general Joy, and the Emulation of the Portuguez and Spaniards on the account of this Discovery.  
TExeira for his own part made the best of his way with a few Men in some of his Canoes, to join Col. Benedito; and having received an account of him, he left his Bark where the River ended, and went on foot to find him in the City of Quito, whither he had arrived some days before. The coming of General Texeira completed the Joy which all the People of Quito, as well the Clergy as others, had received from a Discovery so much desired by 'em all. All the Portuguez were entertained and caressed by the Spaniards with the Endearments of Brethren, not only because they were all Subjects of the same King, but because by their means they were assured of a Way which they had never hitherto been able to pass, on the side of Peru, and which they saw was now discovered from the Sea quite to the Sources of this famous River. The Spaniards boasted that they were the first that had navigated it from its Source to the Sea; and the others bragged that they had not only sailed upon it, but had passed quite up it, made a thorough Discovery of it, and knew it from its Mouth on the side of Brazil to its very Source near Quito. All the Religious Orders of that City were filled with extraordinary Joy, thanking God for the Favour he had shown 'em in calling 'em to dress a Vineyard that had not been yet cultivated; and all offered themselves with great Readiness to go and preach the Gospel in those Regions.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
The Return of General Texeira to Brazil by the River Amazon, and the Commission given to the Reverend Father Christopher d'Acugna a Jesuit, to observe all the Particulars of this Discovery, and to give a Relation of them.  
QVito is a Royal Seat, where there is a Precedent and Assistants: These Officers considering the Importance of this Discovery the Portuguez had made, and how much both the Interest of Religion, and that of his Catholic Majesty might suffer, if an Affair of this Consequence should be neglected, were unwilling to take any measures of their own, but only to write about it to the Count of Chinchon, who was then Viceroy of Peru; who having deliberated on the matter with the principal Men of the Council of Lima, which is the Sovereign Court of that great Kingdom, returned an Answer to the Precedent of Quito, who was then the Licentiate Don Alonze de Salazar, and required him by an Order dated the 10th of November 1638, to send General Texeira to Para with all his Men by the same way he came, and to furnish him with all things necessary for his Voyage; he likewise ordered him to choose two Spanish Gentlemen of good account, and to agree with the Portuguez General that they might embark with him, to make a faithful Report of the whole Course they should steer in this long Voyage, that his Catholic Majesty might receive from Eye-witnesses, and those of an unreproachable Reputation, a good account of what they had discovered, or might farther observe in their Return.  
Many Persons, zealous for the Service of the King their Master, presented themselves to have a share in so great an Enterprise; amongst others Don Vasques d'Acugna, Knight of the Order of Calatrava, and Lieutenant to the Captain General of the Viceroy of Peru, and Corregidor of Quito, offered himself to go on this Expedition. The Respect he bore to his Prince made him seek this new occasion of serving him with the same Affection he had done for above fifty Years himself, and his Ancestors all their days on the like occasions. He desired of the Viceroy that he would permit him to furnish the Ammunition and Equipage for this Adventure at his own proper Charge, without pretending to any other Interest in the matter, than that of seeing his Master well served. But the Viceroy not knowing how to spare him from the Post he was already in, after having commended his Zeal for his King, and the Greatness of his Offers, engaged him to continue in his present Station; and to gratify him, nominated his Brother Father Christopher d'Acugna in his place, who was animated with no less degree of Generosity than the other, and counted it no small Happiness to be able by these means to serve his Prince on so important an Occasion.   

CHAP. XIX.  
The Departure of Father D'Acugna. The way the Spaniards and Portuguez took together to get to the River Amazon.  
THE Portuguez General being prepared for his return to Para by the River Amazon; and the Royal Audience of Quito having well considered that it might very much turn to account for some Jesuits to make this Voyage with him, that they might take exact notice of every thing worthy of Observation on this great River, and carry the Relation of it into Spain to his Catholic Majesty, signified their Mind to the Provincial of the Jesuits, which at that time was Father Francis de Fuentes, who taking it for a great Honour, that so much Confidence should be put in the Members of his Community as the discharge of so important an Affair, confirmed the Nomination that had been made of Father Christopher D'Acugna, though he was Rector of the Jesuits College at Cuence under the Jurisdiction of Quito, and gave him Father Andrew Dartieda, Professor of Divinity in the same College, for his Companion. These two Jesuits received their Orders by Patents issued from the Chancery of Quito; the Purport of which was, that they should go without delay with the Captain Major Peter de Texeira, and that after they were arrived at Para they should go into Spain, to give the King an Account of all they should observe in their Voyage. These Fathers readily obeyed the Orders they had received, and accordingly set forward on the 16th of January 1639, to begin a Voyage that lasted ten Months before they arrived at Para, where they entered into Port the twelfth day of December in the same Year. As they left Quito, they took the way of those high Mountains on foot, from which that great River of the Amazons derives its Sources, a River which has nothing in its rise wherein it excels other Rivers, but is so very much augmented in its Course, that the Mouth of it is eighty four Leagues in breadth. These Jesuits took all the care they could, and laboured with all possible Accuracy to observe every thing that was worth a Remark; they took the Latitudes in every place of the River where they could do it; they took an account of the Names of all the Rivers that run into it, and of all the Nations that inhabit the Borders of it: They took notice of the Quality of the Lands, of the Goodness of the Fruits, of the Temperature of the Climates, and of every thing that is serviceable to the Life of Man; they entered into Commerce with the People of the Country: In a word, they forgot nothing that they thought might conduce to furnish them with a perfect Knowledge of those Provinces, which had never been entirely discovered till then. Therefore they that read this Relation, are desired by one of those Fathers, who undertook to expose it to the World, not to disbelieve what he has written, because he can prove that what he affirms for a Truth, is really so, by above thirty Spaniards and Portuguez that accompanied him in this Voyage; and he hopes the Reader will not imagine he makes no Conscience of affirming things that are untrue in a matter of this Weight and Importance.   

CHAP. XX.  
The general Idea which Father D'Acugna gives of this River, and the Eulogiums he gives it after he had viewed it throughout.  
ON the famous River of Amazons is the richest, most fertile, and best peopled Country of Peru; and without an Hyperbole 'tis the largest and most eminent River in the World; it passes through divers Kingdoms of a vast Extent, and enriches more Provinces than the Ganges, that vast River that waters part of the East Indies; than the Euphrates, which after it has run through Persia, comes across Syria to throw itself into the Sea; or than the Nile, which comes out of the Mountains of Cuama, and passing through Africa, and the most barren Countries in the World, turns them into fruitful and delicious Provinces by the overflowing of its Waters. In a word, the River Amazon nourishes an infinitely greater number of People, and carries its fresh Water a great way further into the Sea, than any of those mighty Rivers, although these have given their Names to entire Gulfs, or troubled the Sea with their Waters to a considerable length. A great many more Rivers fall into the Amazon than into the Ganges; and if the Banks of the latter are covered with gilded Sand, those of the former are filled with a Sand of pure Gold, and the Waters that always wash them are continually discovering Mines of Gold and Silver in the Bowels of the Earth. In short, the Places it waters are an Earthly Paradise; and if Men did but lend their Assistance▪ Nature in that Country as they 〈…〉, all the Borders of that great River would be full of large Gardens perpetually filled with Fruits and Flowers: It sometimes overflows its Banks, and thereby renders all the Ground fruitful through which its Waters pass, and that not only for one, but for several Years. After all these extraordinary Improvements, the change of Seasons is not necessary to the Provinces situate near this great River. They find every thing near 'em, abundance of Fish in their Waters more than they can wish; a thousand different kinds of Animals in the neighbouring Mountains, all sorts of Birds in such plenty as can hardly be imagined: The Trees always loaded with Fruit, the Fields with a plentiful Crop, and the Bowels of the Earth consisting of precious Mines of all sorts of Metals. In fine, among the vast number of People that dwell along the Banks of this River, there are scarce any to be seen but what are handsome, well made, and very ingenious in all things they are concerned about.   

CHAP. XXI.  
The Source of this River, and the Emulation of all the Provinces of Peru about it.  
TO enter into a particular History of this River, I shall begin with its Original: and as there have heretofore been great Contests between eminent Cities about the Birth of divers Hero's of former Ages; so there is no less Emulation among the Provinces of Peru, which of them should be the Mother of this great River, because the true Source of it is unknown to this day. The City of Lima, as magnificent and as potent as it is, boasts that she has the Mountains of Ganneo and the Cavaliers within her Jurisdiction, and the Fountainhead of the Amazon seventy Leagues above her: But this is not the Source of it, but of another River that runs into the Amazon. Others maintain that the Source of this great River proceeds from the Mountains of Moida in the new Kingdom of Granada, and is called the River Caquetta: but they are mistaken too, and confound the matter; for the Caquetta and the Amazon run separately above seven hundred Leagues, and when they come near together, the Caquetta seems to turn its Course, and running on the side of the Amazon at a considerable distance, thus continues it, till having at length pierced through the Province of Agnos, it comes to add its Waters to that vast River. But in a word, Peru in general claims the Original of this great Work of Nature.  
But the truth of this matter is, that the City of St. Francis, commonly called Quito, has the sole Glory of producing this great Wonder of the World. Eight Leagues from this City is found the true Source of this River beyond those vast Mountains that divide the Jurisdiction of this City from that of the Quixos, at the foot of two great Rocks, one of which is called Guamana, and the other Pulca, which stand at near two League's distance one from another. Between those two Mountains is a great Lake, and in the midst of this Lake is another Mountain, which has been torn up by the very Roots by an Earthquake, and so overturned in the Lake, which is very deep and large: 'Tis from this Lake that the great River of Amazons proceeds, within twenty Minutes of the Equinoctial Line, Southern Latitude.   

CHAP. XXII.  
The Course of this River, its Length, its different Breadth and Depth.  
THis River runs from West to East, it continually coasts along the South side of the Equinoctial Line, and is not distant from it above two, three, four or at most five Degrees in the greatest of its Windings: From its Rise to the Place where it empties itself into the Sea, it runs not above 1276 good Spanish Leagues, though Oreillane makes it 1800. It always proceeds in a winding Course, and by its great Turnings, which are like so many Arms, draws into its Channel a great number of Rivers as well from the South as the North side of it. It's breadth is different; in some places 'tis a League wide, in others two, three, and more; in other Places it does not widen itself any more for a long space, as if it were to amass all its Waters, and its whole impetuous Force together, to discharge itself by a Mouth of eighty four Leagues broad into the Sea.  
The narrowest Place of this River is a quarter of a League, or a little less, in two Degrees two thirds of Southern Latitude.  
This Straight by the Providence of God, is fitly situated for the building of a Citadel to stop the Course of the strongest Enemy that should enter by Sea through the Mouth of this River; and if an Enemy should come down by a River that runs into the Amazon called Rionegro, by building a Fort just where this River enters into the Amazon, this Passage may be so secured, that any that should attempt to get through it may be easily hindered. This Straight is three hundred and seventy Leagues from the Mouth of the River, from whence with Canoes and other light Vessels with Sails and Oars, timely Advice might be given in eight days of the Arrival of any Vessels, that the Fort at this Strait might put itself in a posture of Defence, and stop the Enemy's Passage. The Depth of this River is in some Places so great, that no Bottom is to be found: from the Mouth of it, to the River Rionegro, which is near 600 Leagues, there's always at least thirty or forty Fathom of Water in its greatest Channel. From thence upwards the Depth of it is uncertain, sometimes twenty, sometimes twelve, and sometimes eight Fathom: But at its Beginning it has Water enough to carry the largest Vessels: For though the Current be very swift; yet every day without fail there rise certain Eastern Breezes, that continue three or four Hours together, and sometimes a whole day; which hold back the Waters, so as to retain the Stream in a degree of Motion that is not violent.   

CHAP. XXIII.  
The great number of Islands in this River, and the means the Inhabitants use for the Preservation of their Roots at the time of its Inundations.  
THis River is all full of Islands of all Sizes, and in so great number, that they are not to be counted, many of them being very near one to another. There are some four or five, others ten, and others 20 Leagues in compass. That which is inhabited by the Toupinambi, of whom we shall speak hereafter, is above 100 Leagues about: There are a great many very small Islands, which the Inhabitants of the Country use only to sow their Seed in; but all of these, and the greatest part of the large ones, are overflowed by the River every Year; and these regular Inundations do so enrich them with the Slime and Mud it carries along with it, that they would never become barren, though they should be every year sown with Yuca or Magnioca, which are a sort of Roots, which serve the Natives instead of Bread, and with which the Earth furnishes them in great abundance.  
Tho these frequent Inundations seem to be attended with great Inconveniences; yet the Author of Nature has taught these Barbarians to make a good Improvement of them. Before these Floods come, they gather in all their Yuca, of which Root they make a sort of Bread called Cassave, which is ordinarily used in all the Coasts of Brazil, and in many other Places both of the Continent and Islands of America. They make great Caves in the Ground, wherein they put these Roots; and having well stopped them up with Earth, leave 'em there as long as the Flood lasts: this is an infallible way of preserving those Roots which otherwise would be subject to rot with the excessive moisture of the Ground. When the Waters are run off, they open these Caves, and take out their Roots, and eat them, without finding them at all the worse for lying in the Earth. Thus as Nature has taught the Ant to store up Food enough to nourish her all the Year, no wonder she has taught the Indians, as barbarous as they are, how to preserve their Provisions, seeing the Divine Providence takes a more particular Care of Men than of Beasts.   

CHAP. XXIV.  
The Bread and Drink made by the Inhabitants to these Islands, and other Places that border on this River; and the various sorts of Fruits, Roots and Grain they live upon.  
THe Roots of Yuca we have been speaking of, serve these People for Bread, which they eat with their other Food; besides this they make a Drink of it, which they all generally esteem as the most delicious and excellent Liquor in the World. To make the Bread, they squeeze out all the Juice of the Root, and then beat and pound it, till 'tis become a kind of Meal, of which they make great Cakes, and bake them in an Oven; this they call Cassave, which has a very pleasant Taste when 'tis new, but after one day becomes very dry, so that it may be kept several Months; they ordinarily put it on the tops of their Huts, that it may keep the more dry. And when they have a mind to make their Drink, they take these dry Cakes, and temper them in Water, which they boil as long as they think sufficient, over a gentle Fire: This Paste boiled thus in Water, makes a Drink so strong by its great Fermentation, that it fuddles 'em like our Wine. They use this Drink at all their Assemblies and Entertainments, as when they inter their Dead, when they receive any Guests, when they celebrate their Feasts, at their Seedtime, and Harvest; in a word, at all times when they meet, this Liquor is the Spirit that animates 'em, and the Charm that holds 'em together. They make besides this, another sort of Drink, with a great deal of wild Fruit, of which they have extraordinary plenty; this they peel, and put in Water, with which when it is well mixed, it soon by Fermentation acquires such a Savour and Strength, that it often has a more agreeable Relish than Beer, which is so much in use in many Nations. They keep these Liquors in great Earthen Vessels, as they do in Spain, or in lesser ones, which they make of the Trunk of a hollow Tree; or else in Baskets made of Rushes, which they cover within and without with a sort of Pitch, so that they don't leak in the least. This Bread and Drink are not the only Provisions they live upon; they have many other sorts of Food in use amongst 'em, besides Fruit of various kinds, as Bonanes, Ananas, Govyaves, Amos, and a sort of very pleasant Chestnuts, which at Peru they call Almandras de la Sierra, that is Mountain-Almonds; but the Truth is, they are rather of the Figure of a Chestnut than of an Almond, because they grow in Hulls that are bristly, like those of our Chestnuts: They have Palms of various kinds, Coco-Nuts, and Dates that are very well tasted, though they are wild, and many other sorts of Fruit, that are produced only in hot Countries. They have likewise divers kinds of Roots, that are good Food, as Batates, Yuca, Mensa, which the Portuguez call Machachora, and Cajas, which are like our Saligots, and others, which are good both to roast and boil, have a pleasant Relish, and are very nourishing.   

CHAP. XXV.  
The great Plenty of Fish in this River, and which is the best sort of them.  
FIsh is so common with 'em, that when any one offers it to 'em, they proverbially say, E'en put it in your own Dish. There is so great a number of 'em in the River, that without any other Nets than their Hands, they can take as many as they please. But the Pege Buey is as it were the King of all the Fish that swim in the River Amazon, from its Source till it discharges itself into the Sea. 'Tis not to be imagined what a delicious Taste this Fish has, any one that eats it would think it to be most excellent Flesh well seasoned: This Fish is as big as a Heifer of a Year and a half old, it has a Head and Ears just like those of a Heifer, and the Body of it is all covered with Hair, like the Bristles of a white Hog; it swims with two little Arms, and under its Belly it has Teats with which it suckles its young Ones: The Skin of it is very thick, and when 'tis dressed into Leather it serves to make Targets that are Proof against a Musket Bullet. This Fish feeds upon Grass on the Bank of the River, like an Ox, from which it receives so good Nourishment, and is of so pleasant a Taste, that a Man is more strengthened and better satisfied in eating a small quantity of it, than in eating twice as much Mutton: This Fish has not free Respiration in the Water, and therefore often thrusts out its Snout to take Breath, and is by this means discovered to them that seek after it. When the Indians get the sight of it, they follow it with their Oars in little Canoes; and when it appears above Water to get Breath, they throw at it their sort of Harping-Irons made of Shells, with which they stop its course, and take it: when they have killed it, they cut it into good pieces, and broil it upon Wooden Grates, which they call Boucan; and being thus dressed, 'twill keep good above a Month: They have not the way of salting and drying it to keep a great while, because they have no great quantity of Salt, and that which they use to season their Meat is very rare with 'em, and is made only of the Ashes of a sort of Palmtree, so that 'tis more like Salt-Peter than common Salt. 
Note. This Pege Buey is very common in all the Rivers along the Coast of the Continent, and is called by the English Manati. There is a great Vend for 'em in the Antilles or Antego-Islands, whither the Captains of Merchant-Ships carry 'em, who buy 'em of the Indians that fish for 'em in the Rivers, for Knives and Bills, and make the Seamen bone 'em and salt 'em, that they may keep till they have opportunity to sell sell.    

CHAP. XXVI.  
The Means the Indians use to preserve their Fish in those Seasons wherein they can neither fish nor hunt.  
THOUGH the Indians done't know how to keep their broiled Fish very long, yet they sustain no great damage by it, because Nature has given them Industry enough to get fresh Meat all their Winter, which is the time of the Rains, during which they can neither hunt nor fish. For this purpose they make choice of some fit places where the Floods can never come, and there they dig a kind of a Pond of a moderate depth, to hold a good quantity of Water, which they enclose round with a Palisado of Stakes; they bring Water into these Ponds, and keep 'em always full, that they may use 'em as Reservers for their Winter Provisions. At the season when the Tortoises come ashore to lay their Eggs, the Indians go to lie in Ambush in the places where they know they ordinarily come; and when they see a sufficient number upon the shore, they go and turn 'em upon their Backs, to hinder 'em from retreating; and when they have thus secured 'em, they begin at their leisure to carry 'em to their Reservers: for this end, when they are at any considerable distance from their Huts, they string all their Tortoises together with great Cords through holes that they make on the top of their Shells, and turning 'em upon their Feet lead 'em to the Water, where they tie 'em to their Canoes, and so make 'em follow them home: when they are got home, they put 'em in their Reservers, and unloose 'em, feeding 'em with the Leaves and Branches of Trees which they throw into them, and take 'em out to spend as they want 'em. One of these Tortoises is enough to feed a numerous Family some time; so that 'tis not to be wondered at, that these Indians are never reduced to Scarcity, seeing they make Provision of so great a number of Tortoises, having commonly above a hundred in each Reserver; so that the proportion they provide for each Person in their Families is enough to maintain several People. These Tortoises are as large as those Targets Soldiers formerly used to defend themselves withal, and their Flesh is as good as that of a Heifer. At the time of their laying, some Females are found with two or three hundred Eggs in their Belly bigger than those of Pullet's, and as good, though not of so easy Digestion. At one Season of the Year they are so fat, that a good Barrel of Fat may be taken out of 'em, which is as good as Butter, and being salted a little, tastes extraordinary well, and keeps very well too; this will not only serve to fry Fish, but is likewise as good for Sauces as the best Butter in the World: so that these Barbarians have no absolute need of our Commodities, but make as good Provision for their Necessities, as the most civilised Nations in the World can do. 'Tis not amiss further to remark two things in respect of these Tortoises; one is, that after they have made a Hole in the Sand above the Bounds of the highest Tides, they lay all their Eggs at a time, one after another, after which they carefully cover them up with the same Sand they have digged up to make their Nest, so that 'tis impossible for any to discover the place of it. Then they return backwards into the Water, to prevent the notice of their true Track, and never come ashore again till the next Year, leaving their Eggs to be hatched by the Heat of the Sun, which is always accomplished in forty days; after which the young ones are seen to creep out of the Sand, being about the bigness of a Crown, and thus in a train, like Ants, they make to the Water. The other Remark is, that the Seamen bone 'em, and salt them, and so carry 'em into all the Colonies of the Antego Islands, a Trade in which many Captains and Merchants have found their Account.   

CHAP. XXVII.  
The Prudence these People have been taught by Necessity, and the Confidence they have in the abundance of all things which they enjoy.  
THE Indians of this happy River make this prudent Provision I have been speaking of, for a Season wherein they seem to want every thing; but their Winter being past, their Fears are carried away with it, and they have plenty of all things; so that they never take care for the Morrow: and because they don't think of wanting any thing the ensuing day, they make no other Provision for it, than in feeding themselves well to day, that they may be the stronger and more ready in seeking their Food to morrow. They have all imaginable Dexterity in catching all sorts of Fish that are in this River, and have as many ways for it as there is diversity of Seasons. When the Inundations diminish, and leave Lakes in the lower parts of the Lands that have been overflowed, they have a very pleasant Trick to take the Fish that are left in those places: They strike the Water with two or three flat Sticks, with the noise of which the Fish are no sooner stunned, but they come up to the top of the Water, as if they were dead, and suffer themselves to be taken up with the hand: Not that it is the Noise that produces this Effect, but the Quality of the Wood, which makes the Fish drunk. The Galibis who are the Natives of Cayen, and of one part of Guiana, make use of it, and call it Inecou.  
But the most common way of fishing which they use at all times, and on all occasions, is with an Arrow which they dart with one hand from a smooth little Board which they hold in t'other. This Arrow having pierced the Fish, serves instead of a Cork to show which way it moves when it is wounded; they pursue it in their Canoes, and getting hold of the end of the Arrow they draw up the Fish with it: they catch all sorts of Fish after this manner, neither small nor great can escape their Weapons. And there are so many sorts of 'em in this River, and all of 'em so excellent, that it would be too tedious a business to give an ample Description of 'em. There is one amongst the rest which the Indians call Paraque, which resembles a great Eel, or rather a small Conger, which has a very strange Property; for if a Man takes it in his Hand while 'tis alive, immediately a Coldness and Shivering seizes him, as if he were taken with a fit of an Ague; but the shaking presently ceases upon letting it go out of his Hand again.   

CHAP. XXVIII.  
The abundance of Game that is found near this River; and the divers sorts of Animals the People of these Countries live upon.  
TO prevent the Disgust these wild People might have of Fish, though it were never so good, if they should always be forced to feed upon it, and to satisfy the Desire they might have of sometimes eating Flesh, Nature has rendered the Land as favourable to 'em as the Water; for it produces Animals of all kinds, as well for the Necessity as for the Delight of its Inhabitants. But among others there is a Creature called Dautas, of the bigness of a Mule, and very like one both in Colour and Shape, the Flesh of which is as good as that of a young Bullock, only it has a more faint and waterish Taste: They have likewise a sort of Hogs in the Mountains, that are neither of our domestic, nor of our wild kind of Swine, but of a particular Species, which have a sort of Vent upon their Backs, like a Navel. All the West Indies are stored with this kind of Animals: Their Flesh is very good and wholesome, and at least may compare with that of the wild Swine that are taken in some Forests in Europe. Besides these, there is another sort resembling our Domestic Hogs: they have also Renadoes, Pacas, Cotias, Ignanats, Agotis, and other Animals which are peculiar to the West Indies, and are as good as the most delicious sorts we have in Europe. They have also Partridges, and tame Poultry like ours, which have been brought to 'em from Peru, and which from one to another have been spread throughout the Coasts of the River of Amazons. The many Lakes they have up and down breed a multitude of Geese, and other Waterfowl. 'Tis very remarkable how little Pains their Game costs 'em: We often had experience of it in our Camp. Every Evening when our Men went ashore, after they had caused the Indians that were of our Party to make us as many Huts as were necessary to lodge us (which took up some time); our Company separated, some went a hunting in the Mountains with their Dogs, others went upon the River with their Bows and Arrows, and in a few hours time we should see 'em return loaded with more Fish and Venison than all our Men could eat; and this was not once or twice only, but throughout our whole Voyage, not without our great Admiration; which gave us occasion to attribute this great Abundance to the mighty and liberal Providence of that God, who once fed five thousand Persons with five Loaves and a few Fishes.   

CHAP. XXIX.  
The agreeable Temperature of the Air in all this Country; what it is that makes Winter there, and whether the Heat be great, it being under the Line. That there is but one Inconveniency there.  
ALL along this River, and in all the neighbouring Provinces, the Air is so temperate, and the Seasons of the Year so regular, that there's no Excess either of Heat or Cold, nor any troublesome variety of Wether: For though there is every Year a kind of Winter, yet it does not proceed from the different Course of the Planets, or Distance of the Sun, for that always rises and sets at the same hour. That which most incommodes 'em is the frequency of the Inundations, which leave a great Dampness in the Ground, and by their overflowing the Plains, hinder 'em several Months from sowing and gathering in the Fruits of the Earth. By these Floods they distinguish the Winter from the Spring throughout all Peru: they call all that time wherein the Earth produces no Crop, the Winter; and they call that Season the Spring, which they employ in sowing, and gathering in not only their Maze, which is the principal part of their Harvest, but all the other Product of the Ground, whether that which grows spontaneously, or by Cultivation. These Inundations happen twice a Year all along the whole Extent of this River.  
We have observed, that those who dwell near the Mountains of Quito, suffer more Heat than those that inhabit along this River towards the Sea; the reason is, because there come Breezes from the Coast of the Northern Sea, that continue two, three or four hours in a day, and sometimes more; these Winds extremely refresh the Air, and are a great Comfort to those People that are less remote from the Sea.  
However, it must be said that the highest degree of Heat, even in the Mountains themselves, is no greater than is at Panama, and at Cartagena: for however violent it be in itself, it is every where moderated by the gentle Winds, which blow every day, and not only render the Air tolerable and agreeable to the Inhabitants, but have besides the Property of preserving all their Victuals and Stores from corrupting. I have had the Experience of it myself in the Wafers we carried with us, which at the end of five Months and a half since we parted from Quito, were as good as if they had been newly made. This made me and my Companion wonder the more, because in our Travels in almost all other Parts of America, we observed, that Bread and other things of the least Substance corrupted in a little time.  
And though all this long stretch of Land is so near the Equinoctial Line, yet the Heat of the Sun is not at all hurtful, nor the Evening Air neither, though it be very cool and moist. I have good reason to testify this, for during our whole Voyage I have commonly passed whole Nights in the open Air, without getting the least Pain in my Head, or the least Defluxion of Rheum; and yet in all other Places, the least walking abroad in a Moon-shiny Night, has very much incommoded me. 'Tis true, at the beginning of our Voyage, almost all of our Men that came from cold Countries had Agues, but were all cured by bleeding three or four times. We neither felt, nor heard of any such bad Air along this River, as there is in almost all other places of Peru that have been discovered, where People are sometimes in a moment taken with violent Rhumatisms throughout all their Limbs, which could not proceed but from a sudden Corruption of the Humours, and which in some degenerated to an incurable Palsy, and cost others their Lives. In a word, were it not for the Heats which are in most of the inhabited Parts of Peru intolerable, the Country of the River of Amazons might without Exaggeration be termed an Earthly Paradise.   

CHAP. XXX.  
The Beauty of this Country, and the abundance of Medicinal Simples, Plants and Trees it yields.  
THis sweet Temperature of the Air causes all the Borders of this River to be covered with a thousand kinds of lovely Trees, the pleasant Verdure of which is perpetually preserved by the moderate Disposition of the Air: a thousand Landscapes were presented to our Eyes still more and more fine, and more diversified, as if they emulated one another, and made us confess that Art had yet a great deal to learn of Nature, when she discovers herself after so excellent and surprising a manner. The Ground is very low in most places near the Banks of the River, but rises gradually at a distance, with little Hills that adjoin to curious Plains all covered with Flowers, without so much as a Tree; beyond these are lovely Vales all clothed with Grass and Herbs, preserved continually green by the refreshing Rivulets that run through 'em.  
Beyond all this Extent of Ground are Hills rising one above another, till they make those high Mountains which extend from one end of Peru to the other, called Cordeliers, because they are ranged in order, as if they were placed by a Line or Cord.  
There are a great many Thickets that produce all sorts of Simples, which the Indians know how to use for the Cure of their Diseases. There grow Cassia-Trees, which bear the best Cassia in all the Indies. There is excellent Sarsaparilla, Gums and Rosins, that are very good for Wounds and Bruises; and a prodigious quantity of Honey, which the Bees on all sides make in such abundance, that the store of it is not to be exhausted. This is as good to eat, as it is for the Composition of various Medicines: The Bees also make a sort of black Wax, which is however very good, and burns as well as that which is white or yellow. There are a kind of Trees, called by the People of the Country Audirovas', from which there runs an Oil of extraordinary Virtue for curing Wounds: There is another Tree called Copayba, which yields a Balm surpassing the best that is to be had in the East. In a word, there grows a multitude of different kinds of Herbs and Plants of very great Virtue, besides those that are not yet known, which would suffice to make a new Dioscorides, and a second Pliny: And it would be a matter of no small Difficulty to give an account of all the Properties of so many different Simples.   

CHAP. XXXI.  
The Multitude of Trees that grow in this Country, Cedars, and other kinds fit for the building of Vessels; and the Providence of Nature in furnishing this Part of the World with all Necessaries for that purpose, except Iron.  
THE Trees that grow along this River are innumerable, and of a surprising Tallness and Bulk. I measured a Cedar that was thirty Hands breadth in Compass; the Poplars are almost all of that size, and excellent Timber for building either for Sea or Land. Those Trees which are known in the Country, are for the most part Cedars, Coibos, Palohierro, and Palocolorado, and other such like, which are no sooner cut down, but they may be safely used; and the Vessels that are made of 'em may be launched as soon as they are finished. There is no need of any of the Materials of Europe for the building of 'em in those Parts; but only of Iron for the forging of Nails, and other pieces of Smiths Work necessary to the building of great and small Vessels. All other things are found in this Country in great Plenty: The Inhabitants make Cables of the Bark of Trees; they have Pitch and Tar as good as are to be had in Europe; and they have Oil either to render it firm and solid, or to temper its Hardness; one sort of which they draw from Fish, and another sort they get from Trees. They make a sort of Tow, which they call Ambira, so good, that no better can be used for the caulking of Vessels, and to make Musket-Match. Their Cotton abundantly furnishes 'em with Stuff to make Sails, and this grows the best of all the small Seeds they sow in their Fields. And after all, there are so great numbers of People, that one might have as many Workmen and Seamen as one pleased for the building and manning of as many Galleons as one should think meet to put upon the Stocks.   

CHAP. XXXII.  
Four things which abound on the Banks of this River, which are capable of enriching great Kingdoms.  
THere are four things along this River, which being well managed, would be capable of enriching many Kingdoms; the first is Wood for building, of which there is some found of a rare and particular Colour, like fine Ebony; and there is so prodigious a quantity of common Wood, that is worth transporting, that how much soever should be carried away, the Country can never be exhausted.  
The second thing is the Coco-tree, which serves for the Composition of Chocolat; with these the Banks of the River are covered, and throughout our whole Voyage, our Men cut scarce any thing else to make Huts of for our Camp. This Tree is very much esteemed for its Fruit throughout all New Spain, and in all other Places where it is known what Chocolat is. Every Foot of this Tree will produce eight Silver Rials, all Charges paid. And it may easily be supposed there's no need of great labour to cultivate these Trees along this River, seeing Nature, without the Assistance of Husbandry and Art, makes 'em bring forth Fruit in so great abundance.  
The third is Tobacco, of which there is a prodigious quantity along this River, which is very much esteemed by all the Natives; so that if it were raised with that Care this Plant requires, it would be the best Tobacco in the World; because in the Judgement of those that understand it, there can't be desired a better Soil and Climate for this sort of Plant, than what is to be found on this River.  
But that which is the most considerable of all, and for the sake of which in my opinion it would be very well worth the while to make firm and substantial Establishments along this River, is Sugar: This is the fourth thing; and the Traffic of it is more honourable, as well as the Profit more sure and greater for a Nation than that of the rest. And now since we are engaged in a War with the Dutch, it ought to excite an Emulation in us, and make us endeavour to furnish ourselves with those Commodities our Enemies bring from Brazil 
* Note. At the time when this Voyage was made, the Dutch, who were at War with the Spaniards, had conquered and possessed themselves of almost all Brazil, the Dutch West-India Company then having Prince Maurice de Nassau for the General of all their Troops both by Sea and Land. ; and we ought to establish ourselves with all Expedition in this Country, and set up Mills and other Sugar-Works; which would neither require very much Time, nor Labour, nor Charge, which last is that which is most feared now a days. The Ground is as good for the planting of Sugarcanes, as any is in the whole Continent of Brazil; and of this we can give Assurance, as having seen and known all those Provinces. The Soil on the Banks of this River is white and fat, of as good a kind as can be desired by those that know what belongs to the Cultivation of these Plants; and it becomes so fruitful and rich by the Inundations of the River, which by continuing a few days improve the Ground, that there is more reason to fear too great than too little a Crop. 'Twill be no new thing to make Sugarcanes grow in this Country, because we found throughout the whole Length of this great River, such as gave us sufficient Proof of the great abundance to which they might be multiplied whenever any People should apply themselves to cultivate 'em, and to make Sugar-Mills, which might be done with a little Charge at any time; not only because there's all sorts of Wood in great plenty, as I have already said, but also because there is the Conveniency of Water for 'em in as great quantity as one can desire. There is nothing wanting but Copper, which we may supply in sending it thither from our own Country, and which we may be sure will turn to a considerable Account.   

CHAP. XXXIII.  
Many other Commodities profitable for Traffic, which are found in this Country.  
BEsides these four sorts of Commodities that may be brought from these Lands that are discovered, capable of enriching the whole World, there are also many others, which although less rare, would not fail to bring a considerable Profit to a Nation; such as Cotton, that grows there abundantly, Rocou, that our Dyers use to make fine Scarlet, which is so esteemed by all Nations that have Commerce with us; Cassia, and Sarsaparilla: there are made also several Oils for the healing of Wounds which equal the best Balsams; there are found Gums and Rosins of an admirable Scent, and a certain Plant called Pita, which yields the best Thread in the World, and which the Ground produces in vast plenty; and a thousand other things, the Usefulness and Advantages of which are discovered every day.   

CHAP. XXXIV.  
Convincing Reasons to show that many of the Mountains of this Country must needs contain Mines of Gold and Silver.  
I Do not speak of the many Mines of Gold and Silver, which are discovered in the conquered Countries, nor those which Time may further discover there; but I am mightily mistaken in my Judgement, if many others may not be found in this Country more rich than all those of Peru, though the famous Mountain of Potosi be comprehended in it: I speak not this without ground, nor only with a design to advance the Value of this great River, but found what I say upon Reason and Experience; because I have seen a great deal of Gold among the Indians whom we met as we went down the River, who gave us very certain Assurances, that there were a great number of Gold and Silver Mines in their Country. This great River receives all the Waters of the richest Countries of America. On the Southside, those rich Rivers, some of which have their Sources round about Potosi, others at the Foot of Guanico, which is a Mountain near the City of Lima, flow into it; others come down from Cusco, others from Cuenca, and from Gibaros, which is the richest Country for Gold of any that has been yet discovered; so that on this side all the Rivers, Sources, little Springs and Rivulets, which run into the Sea for the space of 600 Leagues, that is from Potosi as far as Quito, render Homage to the River of Amazons, and pay it Tributes of Gold; as all the others likewise do that descend from the new Kingdom of Granada, which is no less rich in Gold than all the other Provinces of Peru. And seeing this River is the great Channel and principal Passage to all the richest Places of Peru, one may reasonably be assured, that it is the Sovereign Mistress of them all: besides, if that golden Lake hath all the Gold which the common Report ascribes to it; if the Amazons inhabit the richest Mountains in the World, as many that say they have seen 'em assure us; if the Tocantins abound so much in precious Stones and Gold, as some of the French, who have travelled in their Country, do affirm; if the Omagnas with the Reputation of their vast Wealth, were once capable of casting all Peru into confusion, and of forcing the Viceroy to send a great Army under the Conduct of Pedro de Orsua to conquer their Country; all these Places adjoin to the River of Amazons: The Golden Lake, the Amazons, the Tocantins, and the Omagnas are upon the Banks of it, as shall be shown hereafter; and in fine, this is the River that seems to be ordained by the Hand of God to be the Depository of those immense Treasures, which the Divine Providence has reserved to enrich the Greatest, most Valiant, and happiest Prince upon Earth.   

CHAP. XXXV.  
The prodigious Extent of the Countries along this River.  
THE vast Extent of Land along the Banks of this great River, is as much as an Empire of 4000 Leagues in Circuit: I think I am not much out of the way in my Computation; for if it contains in length 1276 Leagues exactly measured (though Oreillane, who first discovered and passed through it, accounts it 1800 Leagues) if each River which enters into it either on the North or Southside, runs above 200 Leagues in length, and in many places above 400, without approaching any Country that is peopled by the Spaniard on any side, there being only various Nations of Indians that are yet unknown, to be found from this River to those Places so far distant, it must be granted that the breadth of this Empire would contain above 400 Leagues at least in the narrowest part of it, which with the 1126 Leagues in length of our Account (or 1800 Leagues by Oreillane's Computation) makes very little less than 4000 Leagues in Compass by the Rules of Cosmography and Arithmetic.   

CHAP. XXXVI.  
The many different Nations which live in those Provinces, to the number of abov● one hundred and fifty.  
ALL the new World (it may well be so called) is peopled with Barbarians dispersed in different Provinces, who make so many Nations, of which there are more than 150, of whom I can speak with good assurance. I shall give an account of their Names, and describe the Situation of their Countries, having seen part of 'em myself, and received Information of the rest by those Indians that have conversed with 'em; the diversity of their Language makes the Distinction of those Nations, which are as large and as well peopled with Inhabitants as any of those we have seen in our whole Voyage: the Country is so well peopled that their Huts are near one another, and this not only in the extent of one and the same Nation, but throughout; so that the utmost Plantations of one Nation border so near to those of another, that they can hear one another cutting Wood from the last Village of one Nation into divers Plantations of the other. This near Neighbourhood does not at all serve to keep 'em in Amity one with another, but on the contrary, they are in continual War, and are daily killing and making Slaves of one another; this is the ordinary Misfortune of great multitudes, and if it were not for this, there would not be Ground enough to contain 'em. They appear valiant and resolute among themselves, but yet we never saw any in our whole Voyage who would stand their ground against our Soldiers; and none of these Barbarians had so much Boldness as to put themselves in a posture of Defence, but only made use of that shift which those that are cowardly and faint-hearted have always embraced, which is to betake themselves to flight, a thing very easy to them, because they go upon the Water in certain little Vessels so extremely light, that they make to the shore as swift as Lightning; and taking these Boats at their Backs, retire towards some Lake, of which there are a great many made by the River, where putting their Vessels again into the Water, when they are got in 'em, they defy all their Enemies let 'em be who they will, because they can't do the same with any Vessels they can have.   

CHAP. XXXVII.  
The Arms which these People use both Offensive and Defensive.  
ALL their Arms consist in Javelins of a moderate length, and in Darts made of very hard Wood, which they work to so sharp a Point, that they can easily pierce a Man through with 'em, they throw 'em with so much dexterity. They have besides these another sort of Weapon called Estolicas', in the using of which the Soldiers of the great Irica King of Peru were very well skilled; this is a Staff of about six Foot long, and three Fingers broad, made as flat as a Board; at the end of it on one side they fix a Bone made like a Tooth, to which they fasten an Arrow of six Foot long, the Point whereof is likewise headed with a Bone, or with a very hard piece of Wood, which they cut in the form of a barbed Arrow-head; so that where it hits, it remains fast, and hangs at its whole length: they take it in their Right-hand, with which they hold this Weapon by the lower end, and fixing the Arrow in the Bone that is in the upper end of it, they cast it with so much Force and Exactness, that they never miss doing Execution within 50 Paces. These Weapons serve 'em for War, for Hunting, and especially for Fishing; so that whatever kind of Fish they can perceive in the River, they shoot it, let it be never so much covered under Water: and that which is yet more to be admired is, that with these Weapons they pierce Tortoises, when, after they are run into the River to hide themselves, they thrust their Heads out of the Water to take breath, as they commonly do from time to time after small Intervals; they strike 'em with this Arrow through the Neck, which is the only place in which they can be wounded, because it is not covered with the Shell. For Defensive Weapons they make use of Targets, which they make of Canes split in two, and which they so fitly and closely join one with another, that though they are much lighter, yet they are no less strong than those others which they make of the Skin of the Fish Pegebuey, of which I have spoken before. Some of these Nations make use only of Bows and Arrows, which are esteemed among all the others for the force and swiftness of 'em. There are abundance of venomous Herbs, with which some of these Nations make so subtle a Poison, that their Arrows being rubbed with it, never draw the least Blood without taking away the Life at the same time.   

CHAP. XXXVIII.  
Their manner of living together. Of their Commerce, and of their making Boats for their Traffic.  
ALL the Nations that live on the Banks of this great River dwell together in great Colonies, and all their Commerce and Traffic is carried on by Water as it is at Venice, or at Mexico, in little Barks which they call Canoes; these they make with Cedar-wood, and the Providence of God provides these for 'em in such abundance, that without their being at the trouble of cutting 'em down, and of drawing 'em from the Mountains, they are sent to 'em with the Current of the River, which to supply the Necessities of these People, tears up Cedars for 'em from the highest Mountains of Peru, and brings 'em down to the foot of their Cottages, where they may every one choose which they think most fit for their purpose: but the wonder is, that among so great number of Indians, every one of whom has need of one or two of these Trunks of Trees for the Service of his Family to make a Canoe or two (for indeed they all have of 'em) there's none of 'em has any more trouble to procure 'em, than that of going to the River side, and tying a Cord to the first Tree that floats along, and bringing it over against his Hut, where he stops it till the River retires; and as soon as it is dry, they with the same Industry apply themselves to hollow them, and make such Canoes of them as they want.   

CHAP. XXXIX.  
The Tools which they use to cut and cleave Wood, to plain it, and to make their Household Stuff.  
ALL the Tools which they have either to make their Canoes, to build their Huts, or to do other necessary Jobs, are Axes and Hatchets, not such as have been forged by ingenious Smiths, but such as have been formed in their Fancies by Necessity, which is the Mother of Invention, and has taught 'em to cut the hardest part of the Tortoise-shell (which is that under the Belly of it) into Leaves of about a hand's-breadth, and not quite so thick as ones Hand. After having dried it in the Smoke, they whet it upon a Stone, then fasten it to a wooden Helve, and make use of this Tool to cut every thing they fancy, as well as if it were the best Axe that can be, but with a little more pains. They make their Hatchets of the same matter, and the Handle they put to 'em is a Pegebeuy's Jawbone, which Nature seems to have purposely fitted to this use. With these Instruments they finish all their Works, not only their Canoes, but their Tables, their Cupboards, their Seats, and their other Household Goods, and that as completely as if they had the best Joiners Tools that are in use among us. There are some among these Nations who make their Axes of Stones, which they grind to an Edge with main Strength; these are much stronger than those of Tortoise-shell, so that they will cut down any great Tree which they have a mind to fallen, with the less fear of breaking 'em, and with much more speed. Their Chizzels, Plains and Wimbles, which we use for the finest Works of Joinery (in which they work excellently well) are made of wild Hog's Teeth, and of the Horns of other Animals, which they graft in to Wooden Handles, and make use of 'em as well as we can do of the best that are made of Steel.  
Almost all these Provinces produce Cotton more or less, but the greater part of 'em make no use of it for Clothing, but on the contrary, the most of 'em go stark naked, as well Men as Women, and are no more ashamed of appearing so than if they were in the primitive State of Innocency.   

CHAP. XL.  
The Religion of these People, and what they believe concerning their Idols. The Discourse of a Cacique on this Subject.  
THE Religion of these barbarous People is much alike, they all worship Idols, which they make with their own Hands; to one of them they ascribe the Authority of governing the Waters, and put a Fish in his Hand in token of his Power; they choose others to preside over their Seedtime, and others to inspire 'em with Courage in their Battles; they say these Gods came down from Heaven on purpose to dwell with them, and to show them Kindness. They don't signify their Adoration of these Idols by any outward Ceremonies, but on the contrary, seem to have forgotten 'em as soon as they have made 'em, and putting them in a Case let 'em lie, without taking any notice of 'em so long as they imagine they have no occasion for their Help; but when they are ready to march out to War, they set up the Idol in which they have placed the hopes of their Victories, at the Prow of their Canoes: so when they go a fishing, they take that Idol with 'em to which they attribute the Government of the Waters; yet they have not so much Faith in any of 'em, but that they freely acknowledge that there may possibly be a God who is greater and more powerful than these. I made this Judgement upon what passed between us and one of these Savage People, who yet showed nothing in his Conversation that savoured of a barbarous Education: This Indian had heard some of our Men speak of the Almighty Power of God; and considering what he had seen with his own Eyes, that our Army had navigated this great River throughout its whole Course, and after having passed through so many different Warlike Nations, was returned without having received the least Damage or Prejudice from any of 'em, he thought this could not be, unless the Assistance and Power of God had conducted us: upon this Imagination he came to meet us, and with a great deal of Concern and disquiet of Mind signified to us, that for all the kind Entertainment he had given us, he desired no other Recompense but that we would leave him one of our Gods, seeing they were so good and powerful, that so he might take him and his Vassals into his Protection, that he might make 'em live in Peace and Health, and continually give 'em whatever they stood in need of for their Preservation. Our Men did not fail to promise him whatever he desired, and would fain have set up the Standard of the Cross in his Village for a certain Mark. This is a Custom the Portuguez have introduced throughout all places where Idols are worshipped; I know not whether they do it from a true Principle of Zeal, as the Action itself seems to signify, for there is a great deal of reason to doubt that they set up the sacred Sign of the Cross only for a specious Pretext to make Slaves of the poor Indians, whom they carry away from their very Houses, either for their own Service, or to sell 'em to others; which gave me an extreme Compassion for these People who done't seem unteachable, and might be more easily brought to the Knowledge of the true God by a courteous and gentle Carriage, than by all the Rigour that can be used upon 'em. What I have said is certainly true, that when the Portuguez have been kindly received and well treated by these honest and charitable Indians, they in return to all their Hospitality only leave 'em the Sign of the Cross, which they set up in the most eminent place of their Habitations, commanding 'em to keep this holy Sign with so great Care that it may never be defaced; and after this when this Cross happens either to be thrown down by the Injuries of the Wether, or to be worn out, or it may be to be maliciously broken in pieces by some of those Idolatrous Indians who bear no respect to it, the Portuguez never fail to condemn 'em all as guilty of the Profanation of the Cross, and as such, declare both them and all their Children and children's Children perpetual Slaves. This was the main reason that engaged me to forbid the Portuguez to leave the Cross among these People; besides, I was not willing that this Cacique that had asked us for a God, should have any occasion to believe that our God was a piece of Wood, and that this had the Power and Divinity of him that saved us on the Cross, for fear of confirming him in Idolatry. I therefore comforted him the best I could, and told him the God we worshipped would be always with him, and advised him to pray to him for whatever he wanted, and to put his Trust entirely in him, telling him I believed he would one day favour him with the Knowledge of the true Religion. By this it appears that this Indian did not believe his Idols were powerful Gods, seeing he was so ready to forsake 'em to worship a greater Deity, if we would have given him one.   

CHAP. XLI.  
The Discourses of two other Caciques, which show the Capacity of those People's Minds.  
ANother of these Barbarians gave us to understand that his Sentiments were not different from those of the former which we have been relating. This Indian who had more Knowledge, but less Honesty than the other, knowing that there was no Divinity, nor any Power in his Idols, set up himself for the God of all his Country. We received Information of this some Leagues before we arrived at the place where he dwelled, and sent him word that we were coming to bring him Tidings of the true God, who was much more powerful than he could pretend to be, and entreated him not to retire from his House, but to wait for our Arrival. He did so, and we had scarce set our Feet to Land on the shore of this Country, but he came to us big with Curiosity to inquire what News we could tell him of that God, about whom we had sent such a Message to him. I held a long Discourse with him, to inform him what God was; but because he would needs see with his own Eyes the God that I preached to him, I was forced to leave him in his own Blindness: He told me himself was God, and begotten by the Sun; affirming that his Soul went every Night into Heaven to give Orders for the succeeding Day, and to regulate the Government of the Universe; such was the Insolence and Pride of this Savage Creature.  
Another of 'em showed himself much more reasonable; for when I was enquiring of him how it came to pass, that seeing his Companions retired into the Mountains at the approach of our Fleet, he alone with a few of his Relations durst come near us, and expose themselves to lie at our Mercy without fear. He answered that he had considered that such Men as had once got up that River in spite of so many Enemies, and were returned in like manner without receiving any harm, could be no less than the Lords of this great River, and would be sure frequently to return to bring it into Subjection, and to people it with new Inhabitants; and the case being thus, he was not willing to live always in fear and dread in his House, but chose rather to render himself to 'em in time, and willingly to acknowledge them for his Masters and Friends, whom the others would one day be constrained to receive and serve by Force.   

CHAP. XLII.  
The Veneration they have for their Wizards, and the Ceremonies of their Funerals.  
LET us now resume the Thread of our History, and return to the Customs of our Indians. 'Tis very remarkable how much Esteem▪ and Respect all these Nations bear to those Wizards they have among 'em, which proceeds not so much from the Love they have for 'em, as from the continual Fear they live in of receiving some Mischief or other from their Hands. There is a certain House devoted to the use of these Sorcerers, in which they perform their superstitious Exercises, and converse with the Devil, (a very common thing with 'em in this Place) which serves for no other purpose. They also keep the dead Bones of these Sorcerers with as much Veneration as if they were the Relics of Saints: when they have put their Bones altogether, they hang 'em in the Air in the same Cotton Beds those Wizards used to lie in while alive. These are their Masters, their Preachers, their Counsellors, and their Guides: They have recourse to them in their Doubts to obtain the Resolution of 'em; and when they are in the greatest Rage against their Enemies, they apply themselves to these Conjurers for poisonous Herbs, by which they execute their Revenge upon 'em.  
For the Burial of their Dead there are different Ceremonies among 'em; for some keep 'em in their own Houses, that by having 'em always before their Eyes, they may (as they pretend) on all Occasions be put in mind of Death: But certainly if they did it for this intention, one would think they should keep the Remains of their Dead in better order than they do. Others burn their Carcases in great Pits, and with them all the deceased Party possessed when alive: But in short, they all, one as well as another, celebrate their Funerals for many Days together, with continual Mourning and Weeping, which they only interrupt with Drinking, and that they do even to the Excess of Drunkenness.   

CHAP. XLIII.  
The Constitution of their Bodies, and the Disposition of their Minds; their Dexterity, Manners, and Inclinations.  
IT may be said in general, that all these People are well made; they have an agreeable Air, and a Complexion much less tawny than that of the Brazilians; they have a ready Wit, and a great deal of Dexterity in the Exercise of their Weapons; their Conversation is sweet and peaceable, and their Inclinations very agreeable. We had sufficient Opportunity of knowing this by the Commerce we had with many of them: For they presently had such a good Opinion of us, that they did not make the least difficulty of trusting their Lives and all they had besides in our Hands. Some of them continued with us a considerable time, eating and drinking with our Men without showing the least Suspicion or Apprehension of Danger: Nay they had the Civility to give us their Huts to lodge in, while several of their Families crowded themselves in one or two, that we might have the Accommodation of the rest. The Indians we had with us offered 'em a thousand insolent Affronts, and we could not possibly hinder 'em from insulting over 'em; but they patiently bore all, and without the least Resentment. All this, together with the slender Veneration they seem to have for their Idols, give us great ground to hope, that if ever the Knowledge of the true God of Heaven and Earth, and the Doctrine of the Gospel should be preached to 'em, there will be a great prospect of their becoming good Christians.   

CHAP. XLIV.  
The principal Mouths by which the River of Amazons empties itself into the Sea, and the chief Rivers of Peru that run into the Amazon.  
WE have hitherto treated in general of this Noble and Famous River of Amazons; now 'tis but reasonable we should enter upon the Detail of our Account, and speak particularly of its Sources and Passages: I shall therefore give a Relation of its Ports, and distinctly observe all the Rivers that seed it, and maintain its prodigious Greatness. I shall even advance into all the Countries it waters: I shall make observation of its Depths in several Parts of it, and of the particular Inclinations of the many sorts of People it maintains. I design to omit nothing that's worthy of notice, because I have been an Eye-witness of it; and having been sent by one of the greatest Monarches in Christendom, on purpose to make accurate Observations on every thing upon this great River, it may be I am more capable than another to give an account of what was given me in charge. I shall say nothing of the principal Mouth of this River into the Ocean on the side of Para; for it has long since been known by all that sail into America; it is well known that it lies under the Line at the utmost Confines of Brazil: Nor shall I say any thing of that Mouth of our River by which the Tyrant Lopez Daguyrre invaded the Island of La Trinidada; because I never saw it, and those that have been there have told me there is no direct Entrance into the River of Amazons by the Mouth, it being the Mouth of another River that has Communication with the Amazon by several Arms, which from one space to another extend themselves far from it, and enter into the Sea with this other River. My Intention is only to give the Inhabitants of the conquered Countries of Peru an account of the Passages they have to the River of Amazons, or rather of the Rivers of each Province that empty themselves into it. I have already said, that as we came down it we saw its Banks opened by many Rivers and Rivulets both on the South and North sides: Therefore if any embark on these Rivers, they must necessarily fall into the Amazon. But because 'tis not certainly known from what Provinces they draw their Original, and upon what Towns their Sources border; and because 'tis yet less known in those places whence they spring, whether they fall into this great River or no, I shall endeavour to remove these Doubts, and shall treat of eight of 'em, which I have taken particular notice of, and all that know these Provinces will confirm the Report I give. Three of 'em pass from the side of the Amazon, and go down toward the new Kingdom of Granada: Four others we saw on the Southside; and there's another, which runs under the Equinoctial Line, and at length empties itself into this great River.   

CHAP. XLV.  
Of the Rivers of Caqueta, Putomayo, and Aguarcio, which come from the new Kingdom of Granada, and enter into the River Amazon on the North-side.  
THe first Entrance that we discovered to fall into this River (which may be termed a Sea of fresh Water) on that side that looks towards the new Kingdom of Granada, is through the Province of Micoa in the Government of Popayan, following the Current of the great River Caqueta, into which all those others that descend on the side of St. Foy, Bogota, Jimanas, and Cagnan, come to render Homage as to their Lady and Mistress. This River is very famous in the Country for the Numbers of Indians that inhabit the Banks of it. It has a great many Arms that extend themselves into very remote Provinces, and return to join themselves to that Body from which they separated from a great multitude of Islands, that are all inhabited by an infinite number of wild People. This River continually takes its Course parallel with the Amazon, always running along by it, though at a considerable distance, and from one Place to another sending Arms of Water towards it, big enough to be taken each of 'em for whole Rivers; at last gathering itself together at the Latitude of four degrees, it discharges itself into our River: and 'tis by that Arm of it, which is nearest to the Province of the Aquas, that one must directly take ones Course to go down unto the Amazon, because there are some Arms that tend towards the North; and they that shall be so imprudent as to embark on this Arm, will certainly be exposed to the same Danger that befell Capt. Fernand Perez de Quesada, who having embarked on the Caquetta with 300 Men, and suffered himself to be carried along the side of St. Foy, arrived in the Province of Algodonal, from whence he was forced to retire with much more haste than he came, though he was so well attended with a good number of Men.  
The second most remarkable Entrance we find on the North side is by the Town of Pasto, which also depends on the Government of Popayan. From this Town you must cross the neighbouring Mountains called the Cordeliers, which is a difficult incommodious Journey, because of the badness of the Ways, which you must travel partly on Foot, and the rest on Horseback. You'll at length arrive at the River Putomayo, on which you must embark; and sailing down it, it will bring into the famous River of Amazons, at the Latitude of two Degrees and a half, and 330 Leagues below the Port of Napo. The same Way that leads to the River Putomayo, leads in like manner to the River Aguarico; because when you leave the Mountains, 'tis but turning near Succombios, and near that Town you meet the River Aguarico, otherwise called the golden River: you need only follow the Stream of it to enter into the Amazon, and the Entrance of it is almost under the Line, where the Province of the long-haired Indians begins ninety Leagues below the Port of Napo. This is the third Passage, which is discovered into the River of Amazons on the North side.   

CHAP. XLVI.  
Of the River Coca, and the River Pagamino, which enter into the Amazon on the South side.  
UNder the Line there is another River, by which one may descend into the Amazon; it passes across the Province of Quixos, and is nearest to the City of Quito, beginning at the City of the Cofanes, where it takes the Name of Coca, and from all along hence it amasses together such great Quantities of Water, that it may well be said to make the principal of all those Channels that compose this great Freshwater Sea. The Navigation of this River is very troublesome and difficult, by reason of the great Sreams of Water that trouble it all along, till it meets the River Napo; but this last, and the others that enter into the Amazon on the other side of the Line toward the South, are navigated with much more ease. The first of these is the River Pagamino, which is none of the most commodious and pleasant: it is three days Journey by Land from the City of Avila, which likewise belongs to the Government of the Quixos. 'Twas by this River the Portuguez Fleet entered, and landed within the Jurisdiction of Quito. This River enters into the Amazon below the River Quito, and the Napo, at a place called La Junta de los Rios, twenty five Leagues below the Port of Napo. When the Portuguez returned, we found a better way to join their Fleet than that which they lighted on in coming into this Country: For we went straight from Quito to Archidova, which likewise belongs to the Government of the Quixos, and is under the Jurisdiction of Quito; from whence by one day's Journey only (which we traveled on foot, it being in the Winter, that is in the time of the Rains, but might be performed on Horseback at any other Season) we arrived at the Port of the River Napo. This River is great and rich, and all the Inhabitants of the neighbouring Ports under the Government of Quito account it the Depository of their Treasures; for they every Year gather from its Shores all the Gold they need to defray the Expense of their Families. Besides, this River abounds with Fish, and the Fields near it are full of Game; the Soil is very good, and requires but little Charge to cultivate it: It returns the Husbandman prodigious quantities of all sorts of Grain: This is the principal and best Way that can be taken to go from the Province of Quito to the River of Amazons; 'tis much more commodious and easy than all the rest. Yet I have heard on that side, that near the Town of Ambatte, which is 10 Leagues from Quito on the River Bamba, there is another River that comes to discharge itself into the Amazon, and that there is in it but one fall of Water caused by the Currents, that at all obstructs the Navigation of it: This way is very commodious to bring one into this great River about 60 or 70 Leagues lower than the Port of Napo, by which means we may cross through the whole Province of the Quixos.   

CHAP. XLVII.  
Of the Rivers of Curaray and Maragnon.  
THE seventh way of coming at the River Amazon is on the side of the Province of the Macas, which also appertains to the Government and Jurisdiction of Quito; from the Mountains of this Province there descends a great River called Curaray, by following the Course of which you'll fall into this great River at 2 degrees Latitude, and 150 Leagues below the Port of Napo: all the space of Land is well peopled with several different Nations.  
The eighth and last Passage into our great River is on the side of St. Jago, from the Mountains of the Province of the Maguas, the most powerful of all the Rivers that render Tribute to the Amazon: It waters all that great Country so distant from it, and is there called Maragnon; but at its Mouth, and some Leagues higher, it bears the Name of Tumburagna. This River enters into the Amazon at four degrees Latitude, and more than 300 Leagues above the Mouth of it; it is so deep, and has such impetuous Currents, that the Navigation of it is troublesome, and somewhat dangerous: but the Assurances we have that there are great numbers of Idolatrous and Barbarous Indians inhabiting these large Countries it waters, will make those that are animated with Zeal for the Glory of God, and the Salvation of Souls, easily surmount some Difficulties. It was to make an Essay of so noble an Enterprise, that in the beginning of the Year 1638, two of our Society passed through the Province of the Maguas in quest of these large Countries, from whom I received a great many Letters, in which they give an account of the endless Extent of this River, and of the innumerable Provinces they received certain Intelligence of from time to time. This River Maragnon joins with Amazon 230 Leagues below the Port of Napo.   

CHAP. XLVIII.  
Of the River Napo.  
THis River Napo, of which I have had occasion to speak so often, has its Source at the foot of a great Desert called Aulizana, which is 18 Leagues from Quito; and, which is very wonderful, though this Place is so near the Equinoctial Line, yet this as well as many other Plains that are upon those Mountains called the Cordeliers, is always covered with Snow, that serves to temper the Heat under the Torrid Zone, which is so excessive, that one would think it should render all those Countries not habitable (as St. Augustin says of them) which yet by means of this perpetual Refreshment, are the most temperate and serene Regions that have been discovered since the Age wherein that great Saint flourished. This River of Napo from its Source takes its Course between great Rocks, which render it unnavigable till it comes to touch that place which is called the Port of Napo, where the Vezinos, or Inhabitants of Archidova, have their Plantations and Gardens; there it becomes more smooth, and less rapid, and bears upon its Waters those little Canoes the Indians use for their Traffic: however, it retains something of its Roughness and Impetuosity for five or six Leagues below this Port; and then all on a sudden becomes calm and smooth, and so remains till it enters into the River Coca, which makes the space of about 25 Leagues; during which space it has a good Bottom, and a smooth Course, and affords the largest Vessels a very safe Passage. The Conjunction it makes with the River Coca is called La Junta de los Rios, the joining of the Rivers; and this is reported to have been the place where Francis d' Oreillane and his Men arrived, and made that Brigantine in which he sailed and discovered all the River of Amazons.   

CHAP. XLIX.  
Of the Town of Anose where Capt. John de Palacios dwelled, with whom there were the two Lay-Friers who made their Escape down to Para (spoken of before.)  
FOrty seven Leagues below the place where these Rivers join, on the Southside, is situated the Town of Anose, which is a Plantation made by Capt. John de Palacios, who (as I said before) was killed by the Inhabitants of the Country: 18 Leagues below this Town on the North-side lies the River Agarico, which enters into the Amazon; this River is sufficiently famous not only for its Air, which is none of the best, but also for the quantity of Gold that is found in its Sands, from whence it has had the Name of the Golden River these hundred Years. At the Mouth of it on one side as well as t'other of the River of Amazons begins the great Province of the long-haired Indians, which extends on the North-side for above 180 Leagues, and continually receives great quantities of Water from the Amazon, which makes divers Lakes of a great Compass and Depth. The first Notices that the Inhabitants of Quito received of this Country gave 'em a very great desire to make a Conquest of it, because of the great number of Indians with which this Province is peopled. And indeed there have been at several times some Essays of this kind made, but always in vain, witness the last of 'em that had such bad Success, when Capt. John de Palacios was killed, as has been already said.   

CHAP. L.  
The Place where General Texeira left his Fleet of Portuguez.  
'TWas in this Province of the long-haired Indians at the Mouth of the River which bears their Name, and enters into the Amazon 20 Leagues below the River again, that by the Order of General Texeira forty Portuguez of his Fleet, with 200 of the Indians they brought with 'em, continued constantly for the space of eleven Months: At first they found nothing but good Entertainment of all sorts from the Inhabitants of the Country, to whom in return they gave all Necessaries they had occasion for; but this did not continue long. This was too great a Familiarity for Men that knew themselves guilty of the death of the Spanish Captain; for they being the Authors of this Fact, knew well enough that the Blood they had shed cried for Vengeance against 'em, and therefore being under Apprehensions of being chastised for their Boldness on the least occasion that should offer, they mutinied, and after they had killed three of our Indians, took up Arms to defend their Lives and Lands. The Portuguez on this occasion acted like themselves, and presently sought to be revenged; for it being contrary to their Humour to put up Injuries, or to suffer Indians to take the liberty of acting with so much Insolence as this, they betook themselves to Arms, and with their wont Courage, for which they are so famous, flew upon their Enemies, and repulsed them with so much Vigour, that with the loss of a very few Men they killed a considerable number of Indians, and took above 70 of 'em Prisoners; some of whom died in the places of their Confinement, and the rest made their Escape, so that in a little time there was not one of them left. These Portuguez did not get much by their Victory, for they now found themselves reduced to such Extremity, that they saw they must either perish for want of Food, or else be obliged to go with their Swords in their hands to fetch Provision out of the very Mouths of their Enemies. Accordingly they resolved to make Incursions into the Country, and either by fair means or soul to get a Supply for their pinching Necessities. Some of 'em went out to fight, and others kept the Camp; but both the one and the other in spite of all their Bravery did not fail to meet with frequent and violent Insults from their Enemies, who omitted no fit occasion to give 'em all sorts of Alarms, and to do 'em all the Mischief they could, especially upon the River, where they surprised a great many of their Vessels, some of which they pillaged, and broke others of 'em in pieces: and yet this was not the greatest Damage they did our Men; for they laid Ambuscades for our Indians, and cut the Throats of all that fell into their hands: 'Tis true, for every Man they killed, the Portuguez killed six of them; but this Chastisement was nothing comparable to what the Portuguez used to make the Indians suffer for such kind of Revolts. These People were called by the Spaniards who saw them first, the Hairy Indians, because throughout this Province the Men as well as the Women wear their Hair quite down to their Knees. Their Weapons are Darts, their Houses are Huts made very neatly and curiously with the Branches of Palm-Trees: Their Food is like that of all the other Indians upon the Amazon. They are always in War with their Neighbours at the Head of this Province of the long-haired Savages on the Southside; on the other side of the River of Amazons, they have for their Neighbours the Avixiras, the Yurusnies, the Zaparas, and the Yquitoes, who are on one side enclosed by the River Curaray, and on the other by the Amazon, into which the former empties itself 4 Leagues below the Province of the long-haired Indians, at near two degrees Latitude. Eighty Leagues below Curaray on the same Southside, the famous River Tumburagua, which, as I said before, descends from the Province of the Maynas, by the Name of Maragnon, enters into the Amazon; and is so impetuous and violent, that it preserves its Waters entirely together, while it runs with its ordinary Swiftness several Leagues forward into the Amazon without mixing with it, which makes it extend above a League in Breadth at its Mouth: at length it acknowledges the Superiority of the Amazon, and pays it not only the ordinary Tribute, which the other Rivers render it, but another more considerable Advantage besides of many sorts of Fish, that are not found in the River of Amazons, till you come to the Mouth of this River.   

CHAP. LI.  
The Province of the Aguas, their Manners and Customs.  
SIxty Leagues below the River Tumburagua begins the Province of the Aguas, which is the most fertile and spacious of all the Provinces we found along this great River of Amazons; the Spaniards vulgarly call it Omaguas, by a corruption of its proper Name, and to make it answer to the Situation of their Dwellings; because the Word Aguas in their Language signifies without, or abroad. This Province is above 200 Leagues in length, and is so well peopled, that the Villages are situate very close one to another; so that almost as soon as you are passed one, you discover another. The Breadth of this Country in all appearance is but of small extent, it being no greater than that of our River; for the Habitations of these People are in all the Islands throughout the whole Length of it, which are in great number, and some of which are very spacious: and considering they are all either peopled, or at least cultivated for the Sustenance of the Inhabitants, one may easily imagine there must needs be vast numbers of Indians in a Country that extends 200 Leagues in Length. This Nation is the most reasonable and best civilised of all those that dwell along this River. This Advantage they received from those that not long since went down amongst 'em from the Country of the Quixos; where after having had Peace with the Spaniards for a long time, they were at last wearied with the ill Treatment they received from 'em, and embarking in their Canoes, suffered themselves to be carried down with the Stream of the River, till they met with other Indians of their Nation, upon whose Strength and Power they could rely, and accordingly took up their Residence with 'em. These last Comers introduced among the others several things they had seen practised by the Spaniards, and taught 'em how to live after a more civil and regular manner. They were all clothed, both Men and Women, with all the Decency imaginable; their Garments are made of Cotton, of which they gather a prodigious quantity; and they do not only make Stuffs enough for their own use, but make a great many to sell to their Neighbours, who are mightily taken (and that not without reason) with the Beauty of those pretty Works with which they deck their Stuffs: they make some very thin Clothes, which are not only woven with Threads of different Colours, but the Paint of 'em is disposed with so much Art in the weaving, that the different Threads can't be distinguished one from another. They are so submissive and obedient to their principal Caciques, that these whom they look upon as their Princes, need speak but a Word to have whatever they command put in execution.  
This whole Nation has been so long accustomed to make their Heads flat, that as soon as their Children are born they put them in a kind of Press; forcing Nature after this manner with one little Board, which they hold upon the Forehead, and another much larger, which they put behind the Head, and which serves them for a Cradle; and all the rest of the Body of the newborn Infant is as it were enclosed with this piece of Wood: they lay the Child upon his Back, and this Board being bound fast to that which is upon the Forehead, they make the Head of the Child almost as slat as one's Hand; thus there being no room for the Head to grow, but by spreading itself wide from one Ear to the other, they are extremely disfigured by this violent Artifice.  
The Aguas have perpetual War with several other Nations both on the one and the other side of the River. On the South side among other Enemies they have the Curinas, who are so numerous, that they not only very well defend themselves on the side of the River from innumerable Multitudes of the Aguas; but at the same time likewise sustain the Efforts and Shocks of other Nations, that come a great way down the Country to make War with them. On the North side the Zoeunas are Enemies to the Aguas, and are, by the Accounts I have had of them, no less numerous, nor less stout than the Curinas; which appears in that they maintain a War against a great number of Enemies, that come down from Places a great way up in the Country.   

CHAP. LII.  
The Love these People have for the Captives they take in War, and the Calumny they buy under in being reported to eat 'em.  
THese Aguas make Slaves of all the Prisoners they take in War, and use 'em for all kinds of Service; however they treat 'em with so much Love and Kindness, that they make 'em eat with themselves; and there's nothing in the World displeases 'em more, than to desire 'em to sell 'em, as we found by experience on several occasions: I remember once at our Arrival at an Indian Town, they received us not only with all the Marks of Peace and Amity, but even with all the Tokens of extraordinary Joy: They offered us all they had for our Sustenance, without requiring any thing in return: We on our parts showed that Civility to them that became us; we bought their painted Cotton-Cloth, which they very willingly parted with; we desired 'em to sell us some Canoes, which are better to them than the best and swiftest Horses, and they presently offered 'em to us; but when we began to talk with 'em about their Slaves, and to importune 'em to sell us some of 'em, this was to them the most uncivil and inhuman Discourse that could be: one of them presently gave us to understand that he would no longer keep company with us; another showed himself mightily troubled at the matter: On the one hand they were very diligent to hide 'em from us, on the other to get some of 'em that were with us out of our Hands; in a word, they gave us Signs enough to convince us, that they had a greater esteem for their Slaves than for all the rest of their Goods, and that they had rather part with all they possessed besides than part with them. And this being the truth of the matter, 'tis a malicious thing of the Portuguez to report that the reason why the Aguas are unwilling to sell their Slaves, is because they fatten 'em, and keep 'em to eat at their Feasts: This is a Calumny they have invented, to palliate the Cruelties they have exercised upon these poor Wretches. I may farther add, that at least as far as concerns the Nation of the Aguas I have found the contrary true by the Testimony of two Indians that were Natives of Para, who came up with the Portuguez as far as Quito, and ran away when they were arrived there; who falling into the hands of these People, were made Slaves, and remained with them eight Months: these assured me they had been out with them at their Wars, and that they never saw 'em eat any of their Enemies, when they had taken 'em, and made Slaves of 'em: 'twas true indeed (they said) when they had taken any of their Enemies that had the Reputation of being Valiant and Great, they killed 'em at their Feasts and Assemblies, only out of fear of sustaining some considerable Damage by 'em, if they should suffer 'em to live; but that they did not eat these neither when they had killed 'em, but when they had cut off their Heads, which they used to hang up in their Huts as Trophies, they rolled their Bodies into the River.  
I don't deny that there are some Caribees in those Parts that eat their Enemies without any Sentiments of Horror; but this is a Custom peculiar to them, and is not practised among other Indians. And this I desire may be taken notice of and credited, that Human Flesh has never been sold in any of the Public Shambles of this Nation, as the Portuguez have reported; who under the pretence of revenging such kind of Cruelties, commit those that are incomparably greater themselves, since they are so inhuman and barbarous, as to make Slaves of those that were born free and independent.   

CHAP. LIII.  
The great Cold in those parts under the Line in June, July and August, and the reason of it.  
AFter we were got down about 100 Leagues more or less into the Country of the Aguas, and so had passed about half way through this vast Province, we arrived at a Town of this Nation, where we were obliged to continue three days; we there felt it so extreme cold, that those of us that were born and bred in the coldest Province of Spain, were constrained to put on more Clothes. This so sudden change of the Temper of the Air surprised me, and gave me the Curiosity to inquire the Cause of it, of the People of the Country: they told me it was no unusual thing in their Quarters, that every Year for three Moons (for thus they count and mean for three Months) they felt the same Cold; these three Months are June, July and August: but this Answer did not satisfy me, who was willing to have a more solid and perfect knowledge of the reason of this so piercing Cold. Upon Consideration I found that the Winds passing through that vast and mountainous Desert, which is situate a great way up in the Country on the Southside, all those three Months, and so bringing along with them the cold Air occasioned by the Snow with which those Desert Mountains are covered, cause these surprising Effects in the Neighbouring Countries under the Torrid Zone. And for this reason I don't question but the Situation of this Country is capable of making the Ground produce good Wheat, and all other sorts of Grain and Fruits, that grow in the Soil of Quito, which is in like manner situated under the Line, or very near it, and yet is made very fertile and fit for all sorts of Grain and Fruits, and this by reason of that fresh Air brought thither by the Winds that come off from the Mountains which are covered with Snow.   

CHAP. LIV.  
Of the River Putomayo, which comes from the new Kingdom of Granada, and the River Yotau, which comes from the Neighbourhood of the City of Cusco.  
SIxteen Leagues below the place where we felt so much Cold, on the North-side we met with the great River Putomayo, which is so famous in the Government of Popayan in the new Kingdom of Granada. This is a very great and wide River, because it receives 30 other very considerable Rivers before it falls into the Amazon. Those that inhabit the places about its Mouth call it Iza, it comes down from the Mountains of Pasto in the Kingdom of Granada: there's abundance of Gold found in the Sand and Gravel of it; and we were assured that the Banks of it were extremely well peopled, so that a Troop of Spanish Soldiers coming upon this River, found Enemies enough to constrain 'em to retire with some loss. The Names of the Natives that inhabit these Parts are the Yurinas, the Guaraicas, the Parianas', the Zyas, the Ahyves, the Cuvoes; and those that are nearest the Source dwell on both sides of the River, as being the Lords and Masters of it, and are called the Omaguas; the Aguas of the Islands call 'em the true Omaguas.  
Fifty Leagues below this Mouth of Putomayo, we found on the other side the Mouth of another fine large River, which takes its Rise near Cusco, and enters into the Amazon at the Latitude of three degrees and a half; the Natives call it Yosau, and 'tis esteemed above all the rest for its Riches, and for the great number of People it maintains; the Names of whom are these, the Tepanas, the Gavains, the Ozuanas, the Morvas, the Naunos', the Conomamas, the Mariavas, and the Omaguas, which are the last Nation that dwell upon this River towards Peru, and by consequence are the nearest Neighbours the Spaniards have on that side. This Nation is accounted to be very rich in Gold, because they wear great Plates of Gold hanging at their Ears and Nostrils: and if I don't mistake, these Indians are the same with those I have read of in the History of the Tyrant Lopez Daguirre, to whose Country Pedro d' Orsua was sent by the Viceroy of Peru to make a Discovery of it, because of the great Reputation they had of being the most wealthy People in America; however, Pedro d' Orsua missed his way, and instead of taking the River Yotau, sailed upon an Arm of another River which enters into the Amazon some Leagues below the other; so that when he was fallen down into the Amazon, he found himself so far below these People, whose Country he went to discover, that he perceived it impossible to get up to 'em, not only because of the Impetuosity of the Currents, against which he was afraid to hazard himself, but likewise because of the Discontent all his Soldiers expressed at so difficult an Enterprise. This River Yotau abounds with Fish, and its Banks with all sorts of Venison and wild Fowl; and is besides very Navigable, because it has a good Bottom, and a very gentle Current, by what I have been able to learn from those that dwell upon its Banks.   

CHAP. LV.  
The utmost Borders of the People called the Aguas, who possess the space of 54 Leagues along this River, and the River Yurva which comes from the side of Cusco.  
IN following the Course of the River of Amazons we came down about fourteen Leagues lower, and arrived at the utmost Bounds of the long Province of the Aguas, which is a Town well peopled, wherein they keep a strong Garrison; this being the principal Fort they have on that side to resist the Eruptions of their Enemies for the space of above 54 Leagues along this River. They are the sole Masters of its Banks, so that their Enemies don't possess an Inch of Land there: but the Bounds of their Country are so narrow, that from the Banks of the River you may see the remotest Villages they have on the Continent. They have a thousand small Rivers that fall into the Amazon, and that serve to convey 'em into the Country for what they want; on the North-side the Curis and the Quirabas are their Enemies, and the Cachiguaras' and the Jucuris on the Southside. We could not come at the sight of these Nations, because our Orders would not permit us to go so high into the Country; but we discovered the Mouth of a River which we may with good reason call the River of Cusco, because, according to the Relation which I have seen of the Voyage of Francis Oreillane, this River goes North and South from the City of Cusco; it enters into the Amazon at the Latitude of 5 degrees, and at 24 Leagues distance from the last great Village of the Aguas. The Natives call it Yurna; the Country is well peopled, and on the Right-hand, as you enter into this River against the Stream, are the same People I have spoken of before, who inhabit the Banks of the River Yotau; for they extend themselves from the Banks of one of these Rivers to the other, and so dwell between 'em both, almost as in an Island; and, if I am not mistaken, it was by this last River that Pedro d' Orsua came down from Peru into the Amazon.   

CHAP. LVI.  
Of the Nation of the Curuzicaris who possess the space of 24 Leagues along this River: Of their Husbandry, and Ingenuity in making all sorts of Utensils, and Earthen Ware.  
TWenty eight Leagues below the River Yurva, on the same Southside, begins the great and potent Nation of the Curuzicaris, in a Country all covered with Mountains and Precipices. This Nation inhabits only the Bank of the Amazon on the Southside, and possesses above 24 Leagues of it in length. This People is so numerous, that their Villages are very near one another, so that we could scarce make four hours sail, but we found new Plantations; and sometimes we found their Towns so long, that we could not get clear of 'em in half a day. We found abundance of those Villages without one Soul in 'em, all the Inhabitants being frighted away with the false News, that we put all to Fire and Sword, and that the least Evil they were to expect from us, was to be all made Slaves: The greatest part of 'em retired as far as the Mountains: But though these People are so timorous, that they may well be termed the greatest Cowards upon the River of Amazons, yet we saw in all their Houses the Marks of a great deal of good Husbandry and Neatness; for we found abundance of Provisions which they had laid up in store, and which is more, a great deal of household-goods, amongst which, the Vessels they had made to eat and drink in, were the neatest and most commodious of any we had yet seen through the whole Course of this great River. They have in the Marshy Places where they dwell, a sort of Earth very good to make all kinds of Vessels; of this they make great Pots or Jars, in which they make their Drink and knead their Dough, and Pans and Pots to boil in, and a sort of Ovens in which they bake their Bread; they likewise make Drinking-Cups and Basins of it, and very neat Frying-pans: They make great quantities of all these Utensils to carry on the Trade they have with all the neighbouring Nations, who having occasion for all these pieces of Householdstuff come from all Quarters to procure 'em in this Country, and carry them away in great Burdens, giving in exchange for 'em all sorts of things this People want, which are not produced in their own Country. The first Village the Portuguez of our Fleet met with in coming up the River of Amazons, they called the Golden Town, because they found some pieces of Gold there, which these People had received in exchange from those Indians that wear Plates of Gold at their Ears and Noses. This Gold was carried to Quito, and upon trial the greatest part of it was found of the ●●ineness of twenty three Carrats: But the Natives observing the Greediness of our Men, and how eagerly they hunted after more of these little Plates of Gold, took care to hide ●em all, so that in a little time they were none of 'em to be found. And they took such exact care of the business at our return, that although we found a great many of these Indians, yet there was but one of 'em that had these Far-pendants, and those very small ones, which I bought of him.   

CHAP. LVII.  
Of the Golden Mine, and the River Yquyari which springs out of it, and yields all those Plates of Gold, of which those People make their Pendants.  
THE Portuguez Fleet, as they came from Para to discover this great River of Amazons, could not get any certain knowledge of many things that are to be met with there, because they came away without Interpreters, and could obtain none to inform 'em and give 'em a faithful account of things: So that if the Portuguez pretend to give a good account of any Matter, it must be only from what they have learned of the Indians by Signs, which are ordinarily very uncertain and equivocal, because every one is apt to apply them to what his Fancy leads him; these Difficulties ceased at their return, and it pleased God to favour us with such good Interpreters, that I can affirm that all that is contained in this Relation, is written upon the certain Knowledge and ample Discovery of all things by the means of the Interpreters we carried with us. 'Tis from them I have the Account I am now going to give of that Mine from whence the Natives have those Golden Pendants for their Ears and Noses which we saw. Over against this great Village a little higher on the North-side, there enters into the Amazon a River called Yurupaci; going up this River you arrive at a place where you are to go ashore, to cross the Country for three days Journey, at the end of which you meet another River called Yupara, by sailing on which you meet with the River Yquiari, which is that the Portuguez call the Golden River; it springs from the foot of a Mountain hard by: Here the Natives amass Gold together in prodigious quantities; they find it all in Spangles, or Grains of a good alloy; they beat these small Grains of Gold together till they form those little Plates which they hang at their Ears and Noses, as we have said before. The People of this Country that find this Gold, trade with it among their Neighbours, who are called the Mavagus; as for the other they are called the Yuma Guaris, which is as much as to say, the Metal-gatherers; for Yuma signifies Metal, and Guaris those that gather it up: and under this general Name of Yuma they understand all sorts of Metals, therefore they called all the Iron Tools that we had, as Axes, Hatchets, Bills, and Knives, by the same Name of Yuma. The way of getting to this place seemed to me to be very troublesome and difficult, because of changing the Rivers so many times, and of making so long a Journey across the Country; which giving me no satisfaction, I could not be at rest till I had discovered an Advantage more easily attainable, of which I shall discourse hereafter.   

CHAP. LVIII.  
The Affectation of this People to have great Holes made in their Ears and Nostrils, at which they hang their Plates of Gold.  
THese Savages go all naked both Men and Women, and their Riches only serve 'em for a small Ornament with which they deck their Ears and Noses; for they put the Gold they get out of the Mines to no other use than that of adorning themselves: they all generally have their Ears bored for this end, and they affect to have the Holes made so vastly wide, that one may almost thrust ones Fist through the Hole in the tips of some of their Ears; this is the place at which they hang their Jewels, and they commonly wear in them a handful of Leaves made up close together, to keep their Ears constantly in the same Figure. This passes among 'em for the greatest piece of Finery in the World. On the other side of the Amazon, over against this high Country which the Curazicaris possess, there is a flat Country all intersected with Rivers (and particularly with several Arms of the River Caqueta) which run along through it: so that this Country is all made up of Islands enclosed by great Lakes, that extend several Leagues in length, till at last all these Waters crowd together, and pour themselves into the Rionegro, and so fall into the Amazon. All these Islands are peopled with many different Nations, but those that possess the most Land are the Zuavas.   

CHAP. LIX.  
Of the River Yupara, and the short Cut it makes to the Golden Mountain.  
FOurteen Leagues below the Village which the Portuguez call the Golden Town, on the North-side, we saw the mouth of the River Yupara, which is that by which one may enter into the Golden River; and this is the most direct, the most sure, and shortest way to come at that Golden Mountain that is so vastly rich. This Mouth is at the Latitude of two degrees and a half, and so is that Village which is situate four Leagues lower on the Southside on the Edge of a great Precipice, at the foot of which is the Mouth of another great and fine River, which the Natives call Tapi, the Banks of which are inhabited by a great number of Indians called the Paguavoes. I have already said that the Nation of the Curazicaris takes up above four and twenty Leagues of the Length of this Country; and I add, that all their Lands are very high Ground, where you may see very pleasant Fields and fine Pastures for cattle; there are also Groves of Trees that extend a great length, and a great many Lakes that abound with Fish; which would be a great advantage to any that should make Plantations in those parts.   

CHAP. LX.  
An Account of many other Nations, and of divers Rivers that descend into the Amazon; and of the Golden Lake that is so famous in Peru.  
TWenty six Leagues below Tapi the River Catua falls into the Amazon, at the Mouth of it it forms a great Lake of Water, that looks green; it has its Source far up in the Country on the Southside, and its Banks, as well as those of other Rivers, are peopled with Indians: Yet 'tis said, another River, that comes on the North-side, and falls into the Amazon six Leagues below Tapi, and is called Agaranatuba, far exceeds all the other Rivers for the multitude of different Nations that inhabit its Banks. One may also have Communication with the River Yupara, of which we have spoken above, by the way of this River. The People it maintains are called the Yacarets, etc. All these Nations speak two different Languages, and 'tis in their Country (if what is talked in the new Kingdom of Granada be true) that this so much desired Golden Lake is to be found 
* He means the Lake of Parima, which all Geographers place under the Equinoctial Line in Guiana, and upon the Banks of which is that pretended City of Manoa del Dorado, which the Peruvians built when they fled thither to save themselves from the Cruelty and Tyranny of the Spaniards, according to the opinion of many of their Authors; which has often engaged that Nation in very expensive Attempts: but the Hopes of finding this rich Country have still failed of success. The Essay that Sir Walter Raleigh made to this purpose, and which he was so eagerly set upon, was no less unhappy; for it cost him his Son's Life, who was killed by the Spaniards in this Expedition, as well as his own Head, which was taken off at London by King James soon after his Return from America. And indeed this Manoa deal Dorado may be called the Philosopher's Stone, or rather the Spaniards Chimaera, in search of which they have employed immense Sums to no purpose, at several Times, and under several Commanders, and must needs have lost a great number of Men in above sixty different Expeditions or Attempts which they have made. , which has so long made the Inhabitants of Peru very uneasy. I don't affirm this as a Certainty: It may be it will please God one day to put this Matter out of doubt. There is another River that enters into the Amazon sixteen Leagues lower than Araganatuba, and bears the same Name; but it is to be observed that these two are indeed one and the same River divided into two different Arms, and therefore both bear the same Name, till they empty themselves into the Amazon. Two and twenty Leagues below this last Arm of Araganatuba, are the utmost Limits of this great and rich Nation of the Curazicaris, who inhabit one of the best Cantons of Land we have met with in all the Extent of this great River.   

CHAP. LXI.  
Of the warlike People called Yorimaus.  
TWO Leagues lower begins the Country of the most renowned and warlike Nation of any all along the River of Amazons; these People made all the Portuguez Fleet tremble when they went to land in their Country, as they came up from Para. They are called the Yorimaus, they dwell on the Southside of the River, and not only possess all the Continent along its Banks for above sixty Leagues successively, but likewise the greatest part of all those Islands the Amazon makes in that long space: for though the Extent of Land this People possess is confined within the Space of a little above sixty Leagues on the River Amazon, yet having all the Islands besides within the same space, and all the Continent a good way up in the Country, they are as numerous as any Nation we saw wherever we set foot to land all along the River. The greatest part of the Yorimaus are well made, and of a better Shape than the rest of the Indians; they go naked as well as others, but one may well see by the Air of their Countenances, that they have a greater dependence upon their Courage than the other Savages: they came amongst us, and went from us with the greatest Assurance that could be; and there passed no day, but above 200 Canoes full of Women and Children came aboard our Admiral, bringing with them all sorts of Fruits, Fishes, Meal and other things, which we bought of 'em in exchange for Glass-Buttons, Needles and Knives. This was at the first Village of the Yorimaus, which is built at the Mouth of a fine River, that seemed to us to be very impetuous, by the great Force with which it repulsed the Waters of the Amazon, as it ran into it. I don't doubt but the Banks of it are inhabited, as well as those of all the others, by many different Nations; but we could not learn the Names of 'em, because our Fleet only passed by the Mouth of it.   

CHAP. LXII.  
The Length of the Country which these People possess, and the great Islands they inhabit in the River of Amazons.  
TWo and twenty Leagues below this first Plantation of the Yorimaus, we met with the greatest Village we had yet seen on this great River: The Houses joined to one another, and continued so to do above a League in length: each of these Houses contains not only one Family, as is customary in most Cities in Europe, but in those that were least filled there dwelled 4 or 5 entire Families, and more in the greatest part of 'em. By this may be conjectured what an incredible multitude of people must needs live in that one Town. We went to their Houses, and found all there in profound Peace. They waited for our coming, without being at all alarmed by it, and furnished us with all necessary Provisions, which our Fleet began now to want. We continued five days in this Place, and stored ourselves here with a Provision of above five hundred Measures of Meal of 
* This Meal of Magnioc the Author speaks of, is baked and eaten instead of Bread or Cassave, as well in this Country he speaks of, as on almost all the Coasts of Brazil, where the Captains of Ships store themselves with it, when they are in want of Biscuit. This kind of Meal will not only keep good oftentimes as far as Portugal, but will sometimes serve again in other Voyages, when they are over-stock'd with it. It has this Property with it, that 'tis more fit for long Voyages than Cassave, because it keeps better. 'Tis true it becomes very insipid at last, and so would the best Bread we make, if kept as long. And 'tis further to-be noted, that this baked Meal can't be made into Bread, and that the Indians bake it in great Earthen Basins over the Fire almost as Confectioners do their Sweatmeats; after which they dry it yet more in the Sun, when 'tis prepared for long Voyages. When you are passed the River of Amazons, the Indians on the other side of the Line know neither how to make it, nor the use of it; they only make Cassave, which is Bread made of this same Meal of Magnioc before it is baked: There is also a particular way of preparing that to make it keep well for long Voyages, but not so well as this baked Meal.  Magnioc; so that we had more than enough of it to accomplish our Voyage, which as we continued from thence, we perpetually met with the Villages of this Nation one soon after another; at last we arrived at a place thirty Leagues below this great Town, which in all appearance is the chief Strength of this Nation. 'Tis a great Island made by one Arm of the Amazon, as it goes to join itself to another River that comes to fall into it; and both together run against the Banks of this last River, which are inhabited by so great a Multitude of people, that 'tis not without reason that their Neighbours fear and respect 'em, if it were only for their Numbers.   

CHAP. LXIII.  
The Extent of the Province of the Yorimaus, and of the River of Cuchiguara. Of a People so ingenious in working of Wood, that they equal the best Masters in Europe.  
TEN Leagues below this Island the Province of the Yorimaus ends; and two Leagues farther we found on the Southside the Mouth of a famous River which the Indians call Cuchiguara; 'tis navigable, though there are Rocks in it in some Places, and 'tis very full of Fish, and well stocked with Tortoises; its Banks are loaded with Maze and Magnioc. In a word, it has every thing necessary to make the Navigation of it easy and agreeable. All the Banks of this River are peopled with different Nations, which I shall name one after another successively, beginning with those that dwell at the Mouth of it, going on with those that dwell along the River upward, which are the Cuchiguaras', and bear the same Name with the River Cuchiguara, etc. and in fine, all the last are called the Curiguiriss; who, according to the Report that Persons who have been with them, and offered to conduct us to them, gave us, are Giants of sixteen Spans height, and very stout; they go naked as well as the others, and wear great Plates of God at their Ears and Nostrils: We were informed that 'twould be a Journey of two Months to go into the Province of these Giants from the Mouth of this River. When we had passed some space farther, we found on the Southside the People called the Caupunas and the Zurinas, which are the most ingenious and curious handicraft Men that we saw in all the Country. Without any other Tools than such as I have spoken of before, they make Chairs in the Form of Beasts, with so much Curiosity, and so commodious for a Man to sit at his Ease, that I think the Invention of Man cannot contrive better. They make Estolicas', which are their ordinary Weapons, of a very slender Stick, with so much Art, that 'tis not to be wondered at that other Nations in the Country are very desirous of them; and which is very strange, they'll cut a raised Figure so much to the Life, and so exactly upon any corpse Piece of Wood, that many of our Carvers might take Pattern by them. 'Tis not only to gratify their own Fancies, and for their own Use, that they make these Pieces of Work, but also for the Profit it brings them; for they hereby maintain a Trade with their Neighbours, and truck their Work with them for any Necessaries to serve their Occasions.   

CHAP. LXIV.  
Of the River Basurara, and the great Islands it forms: Of the People that inhabit those Parts: Of their Arms, and the Commerce they have with the Dutch that inhabit Cayenne.  
THirty two Leagues below the Mouth of Cuchiguara we met the Mouth of another River on the North-side, called Basurara by the Natives: This River extends itself a great way up in the Country, and forms several great Lakes, so that the Country is divided into divers large Islands, which are all peopled with an infinite Number of Inhabitants. These Lands lie very high, and are never overflowed by the Inundations, let them be never so great. This Country abounds with all sorts of Provision, as Maze, Magnioc, all kinds of Fruit, Venison, Wildfowl, and Fish, and yields its Inhabitants a liberal Maintenance; which makes it abound as much in Men as in all other things. All the People that live in the large Extent of this Country are called by the general Name of Carabuyavas, and are divided into particular Provinces, some of which are called the Ceraguanas, etc. All the Indians use Bows and Arrows; and among some of them I saw Iron Tools and Weapons, as Hatchets, Halberds, Bills and Knives. I asked them, by our Interpreters, from whence they had those Instruments of Iron: they answered, that they bought them of the People of that Country that dwelled nearest the Sea on that side, who had their Goods in exchange for 'em; that they were white Men like us, and made use of the same Arms, as Swords and Guns, and had Houses upon the Sea-Coast; that the only difference between them and us was, that they had all light-coloured Hair. These Tokens were sufficient to assure us that these were the Dutch that were in possession of the Mouth of the Smooth River, or the River Philippe, some time before. It was in the Year 1638, that they made a Descent into Guiana, which depends on the Government of the New Kingdom of Granada, and not only made themselves Masters of the whole Island, 
* The Guiana is a considerable part of the Continent, and not one of the Islands of the Ocean, as our Author seems to signify in this place; yet it may well enough be said, that he spoke more truly than he thought, and that the River Orenoque, or Paria, parting from the River of Amazons, to come afterwards to discharge itself into the Sea over against the Island of La Trinidada, betwixt the ninth and tenth Degrees of Northern Latitude; it may very well be, I say, that Guiana by these means becomes an Island, comprehending all that Extent of Land between the Mouth of Orenoque and that of the Amazon, quite to the place where these two great Rivers divide to take their Course asunder, till they fall into the Sea at above 300 League's distance one from another. All this Interval is what Geographers commonly call in their Maps the Coast of Guiana. In this place the Island of Cayenne is situate, which is so famous either for the divers Adventures which the French Colonies have had at several times in establishing themselves there, or for the divers Battles they have had as well with the Indians as the Europeans, to maintain their Ground there, in which they have succeeded so well, that 'tis now one of the most considerable and advantageous Colonies they have in all America.  but came upon it by such a Surprise, that the Spaniards had not time to carry away the Holy Sacrament of the Altar, but left it in Captivity in the Enemy's hand: They promised themselves a great Ransom from us to get this holy Pledge out of their hands, knowing what Respect and Love the Catholics have for the precious Body of their Saviour; but our Men took another Course, which was, to betake themselves to their Arms, and compose good Companies of Soldiers who were resolved to go with the Courage of Christians to expose their Lives to deliver their Saviour from the hands of his Enemies. They were big with these just and pious Resolutions, which could only be inspired from Heaven, when we parted from thence to return into Spain, to render an Account of our Voyage.   

CHAP. LXV.  
Of the great River called Rionegro, [or the Black River] because its Waters are so clear, that they look black again: and of a fit Place to fortify upon this River, which would be a means to obtain the Sovereignty of the Amazon by the way to it from the North-Cape through the River called Riogrande.  
ON the same North-side, thirty Leagues or something less from Basurara, we met with the largest Mouth, and the finest River of any that come to throw themselves into the Amazon. It runs a Course of 1300 Leagues in length; the Mouth of it is a League and a half wide, which is at the Latitude of four degrees; and to speak a little pleasantly, one may say, this mighty River is so haughty, that 'tis offended to meet with a greater than itself; and as the incomparable Amazon stretches out its Arms to receive it, this proud River disdains to be so embraced as to lose itself in the other's Waters, and therefore keeps separated from it, and fills up half the Bed of the Amazon itself for above the length of twelve Leagues, so that the Waters of the one may be easily distinguished from the other by those that sail in this Channel. The Portuguez had some Reason to call this the Black River, because at its Mouth, and many Leagues above, its Depth, together with the Clearness of those Waters which are poured into its Channel from several great Lakes, make it appear black, as if it were died, though when it is put in a Glass it looks as clear as Crystal. It takes its Course from West to East at its beginning, but has such great Windings, that in a very little space it changes its Course to different Points; but the Course it runs for several Leagues before it empties itself into the Amazon, is again from West to East. The Indians that live upon the Banks of it call it Curiguarura; but the Toupinambous, of whom we shall speak presently, give it the name of Vrama;, which signifies [Black Water] in their Language. They also give another name to the Amazon, which it retains in those Parts, namely, Pajanaquris, which is as much as to say [the Great River], to distinguish it from another, which though it be a great River, however is much less than this, and named Pajanamira, which enters into the Amazon on the Southside, a League below the Black River. We were assured that this River was inhabited by a great number of People of different Nations, the last of which wear Clothes and Hats like ours, which sufficiently convinced us that th●se People were not remote from our Cities in Peru. Those that dwell on the Banks of the Black River, possess a great deal of Ground; they are called Canicuaris and Curupatabas; and the last Nation is that of the Quaravaquazanas, that dwell upon one Arm of the Black River: and 'tis by this Arm, as we were sufficiently informed, that one may pass into the Riogrande, the Mouth of which goes into the Sea at the North-Cape, near which River the Dutch have established themselves.  
All these Nations make use of Bows and Arrows, the most of which they poison with the Juice of Herbs. All the Lands upon this Black River are situate very high, the Soil is very good, and if manured, would yield plenty of all sorts of Fruit (even such as we have in Europe) in some places that lie well to produce 'em. There are a great many fine and pleasant Fields all covered with excellent Pasturage sufficient to nourish an innumerable stock of all sorts of Cattle. There are likewise abundance of good Trees, the Timber of which is very good for all sorts of Carpenter's Work, whether for Land or Water: And besides this great plenty of Wood, the Country yields very good Stones, and that in vast Quantities, fit for the noblest Buildings. The Borders of it are stored with all sorts of Game. Indeed it has but a few Fish in comparison with the River of Amazons; the reason of which is from the exceeding Clearness of the Water: But to make amends for this Defect, the Lakes which are in the Country, and pour their Waters into this River, yield the Inhabitants more Fish than they need. This River has at the Mouth of it the best Situation in the World for the making of a Fort, and plenty of Stones to build it, which would be very proper to hinder our Enemies from coming by this River to enter into the great Channel of the Amazon; not that I think this to be the best place of all for a Fortification for such a purpose, but rather several Leagues above this Mouth, in an Arm that goes to cast itself into the River called Riogrande, whose Mouth (as I have already said) is in the North Sea: there we might place all our Forces with the greatest Certainty of entirely stopping the Passage of our Enemies into this new World, which they so passionately desire to discover; and which they will some time or other attempt, if they are not prevented by securing this Passage. I dare not affirm that this River called the Riogrande, into which the Arm of the Black River enters, is the Smooth River, or the Philippe, for both enter into the Sea toward the North Cape; but by all the Observations I have made, I am very inclinable to believe that it is the River Philippe, because 'tis the first considerable River that enters into the Sea beyond the Cape. But this I know for certain, that the Riogrande is not the River Orenoque, because the principal Mouth of it into the Sea is over against the Island of La Trinidada, which is above a hundred Leagues below the Place where the Philippe empties itself into the Sea. It was by this River that the Tyrant Lopez Daguirre passed into the North Sea; and seeing he made this Voyage very well, some body else may as well succeed in the same Attempt, and follow the Course which another has steered before him.   

CHAP. LXVI.  
A Mutiny happens in the Portuguez Fleet, when they see themselves so near home without having got any Treasure: they take up a Resolution to go and pillage the People upon the Black River, and to get Slaves, but are prevented by Father D' Acugna.  
OUR Fleet lay still at Anchor in the Mouth of the Black River on the 12th day of October, in the Year 1639, when the Portuguez Soldiers calling to mind that they were now almost as good as at home, and had got nothing these two Years since they went out, began to look upon the end of their Voyage as the greatest Misfortune that could befall them, and to tell one another, that since they had reaped no other Advantage by all the Labour and Hardship they had passed through but the loss of two long Years, and the Increase of their Miseries, they ought to consider what they had to do while opportunity offered itself; and that it would be a ridiculous thing to expect of his Catholic Majesty the Reward of those Services they had rendered him in the Discovery of so many Countries, seeing a great many others before them, who had been prodigal of their Blood, and hazarded their Lives for the Advancement of the Grandeur of Spain, had for all that died upon a Dunghill, not knowing to whom to apply themselves for the Relief of their Necessities. These seditious Words being received with Applause by the greatest part of the Portuguez, they immediately resolved to speak their Minds to their General, and to engage him one way or other to fall in with their Designs.  
No sooner had they taken up this Resolution, but they addressed themselves to him, telling him, it was needless for them to represent to him the miserable Condition they were in, since he knew it as well as themselves; that they had now been for two Years roving up and down upon these Rivers, where they were every day in danger of perishing, either by Hunger or excessive Labour, or by the Arrows of the Savages; and therefore begged him to compassionate their Necessity, and not to take it amiss that they sought some Relief; that they were sure that only along the Black River they could get as many of those Slaves which the Indians had taken in War, as would turn to a considerable account to them; and though they should bring nothing home from their Voyage but these Slaves, they hoped they should not be ill received by their Friends at Para, but that if they should return home emptyhanded, and should bring no Slaves with them after they had passed through so many populous Provinces, the Inhabitants of which durst come to their very Doors to make Slaves of them, they should be reckoned the most cowardly and infamous Wretches in the World.  
The General considering he was but one against a great many, and perceiving a Mutiny was already formed in the Minds of the Soldiers, thought it not his best way to irritate them any more, but gave 'em permission to put this Enterprise in execution, seeing the Wind favoured their Entrance into the Black River, and seemed to invite 'em to this Project. The Portuguez were transported with Joy that they had obtained this Leave, and there was not one amongst 'em but promised himself at least 300 Slaves for his share. This Resolution gave me no small Uneasiness, for I did not well know what were the General's true Sentiments of this Attempt; but I soon found both that he had Courage and a great deal of Generosity, and that he was a mortal Enemy of such Violences as the Soldiers were going to commit; for my part, by the Grace of God, I thought myself strong enough not to need fear any thing, and therefore made a firm Resolution with myself, rather to die a thousand times if it were possible, than consent to any thing that would be against the Glory of God, or against the Service of his Catholic Majesty. At the same time I went to celebrate the holy Mass, and after I had done, I retired with my Comrade, that we might consult together by what means to hinder so barbarous and diabolical Resolution; and we agreed to make an open Protestation against their Rashness and Disobedience.   

CHAP. LXVII.  
The Order given to the Fleet to set sail, which was done without noise. And of the River of Wood or Cayary, and the divers Nations that inhabit its Banks, from whence there is a short cut to the Mountain Potosi.  
I Communicated our Resolution to the General, who was very glad to find me of his Mind, but confessed nothing could be more bold than my Protestation. However, he gave signal Proof of the greatness of his Courage on this occasion; for he caused the Paper containing my Protestation to be published through the Fleet, at the same time commanding the Seamen to furl the Sails, and to put all things in readiness to pass out of the Black River the next day, and to return into the Amazon to finish our Voyage. This Order was put in execution, for we went back the day following; and continuing our Course 40 Leagues lower on the Southside, we found the great River of Wood, which is a Name the Portuguez gave it when they came from Para, because of the vast quantity of pieces of Timber this River carried down with it: But the proper Name of it among the Indians that dwell near it is Cayari; it comes (as I have said) from the Southside, and, as we were told, is formed of two great Rivers, which meet together some Leagues above the Mouth of it. And in all probability, seeing it was by this River that the Toupinambous came down into this Country, one may venture to affirm, that there is no shorter and surer way to come at the Province of Potosi, than by the way of this River. There are many Nations inhabiting the shores of it; the first on the side of the Mouth of it are the Zurinas, and the Cayanas, and above them are the Vrarchaus, the Anamaris, the Guarinumas, the Curanaris, the Pepunacas, and the Abacaris. From the Mouth of this River as you go down the Amazon you meet with the Zapucayas, and the Wbaringas, who are excellent Workmen in Wood: below them are the Guaranaquacoes, the Maraguas, the Guimajis, the Burais, the Punovis, the Orequaras', the Aperas, and other Nations, of whose Names I can give no certain account.   

CHAP. LXVIII.  
Of the Island of the Toupinambous, who came out of Brazil when it was conquered by the Portuguez, and made themselves Masters of this Island.  
TWenty eight Leagues below the River Cayari, as we continued our Course on the Amazon on the Southside, we arrived at a great Island 60 Leagues in breadth, and consequently above 200 Leagues in compass. This whole Island is peopled with the valiant Toupinambous, who when Brazil was conquered, voluntarily exiled themselves from their Country, choosing rather to quit all the Province of Fernambuco than to lose their Liberty, and to submit themselves to the severe Government of the Portuguez: They left above 84 great Villages where they had planted themselves, and came away so universally, that there was not one living Soul left in all their Houses. They took their way on the lefthand of those great Mountains called Cordeliers, which begin at the Straight of Magellan, and cross through all Southern America, from North to South. They passed all the Rivulets and Rivers that descend from those Mountains to discharge themselves into the Ocean. Some of 'em came as far as Peru, and dwelled with the Spaniards towards the Source of the River Cayari: they continued with 'em some time; but a Spaniard having caused one of 'em to be whipped for killing a Cow, they could not put up this Injury, but resolved all to be gone; and making use of the Advantage of the River, they all embarked in their Canoes and went down it as far as this great Island, where they now dwell. They speak the general Language of Brazil, which extends through all the Country that the Portuguez have conquered as far as Maragnon and Para: They told us, that when their Fathers left Brazil, not knowing how to get Sustenance all together in the Deserts through which they were to pass, they were constrained during a March of above 900 Leagues to separate by reason of their multitude, so that some went one way, and some another; and by this means all the Mountains of Peru called the Cordeliers are peopled with the Toupinambous. This is a very brave and valiant Nation of Indians, as they made themselves appear to be to the People whom they found in this Island, where they are at present estastlished. For in all appearance these Toupinambous were very few in comparison of the Inhabitants of this Island when they arrived there, yet 'tis certain they so often beat, and so entirely subdued all those they fought with, that after they had destroyed whole Nations, they forced the rest to leave their Native Country in fear, and to go and plant themselves in very distant Regions. These Warlike Savages use Bows and Arrows with great dexterity, and have so noble a Courage, and Greatness of Mind, that in these Qualities they seem not to come behind the most accomplished Nations in Europe. But though almost all of 'em are but the Children or grandchildren of those that came from Brazil into this Island, yet it is to be observed that they begin to degenerate from their Ancestors, by the Alliances they contract with those of this Country, and by their accustoming themselves to the manner of living used by the original Inhabitants. They all received us with Demonstrations of extraordinary Joy; and let us know, that they thought to resolve in a little time to enter into a Treaty with us, and to put themselves in the number of the Allies and Friends of the People of Para. This Declaration of theirs pleased me very much, and made me hope that no small Advantages would accrue to our Nation by it: For if these valiant People once become of our Party, it must needs be an easy matter for us to bring all the other Nations of the River of Amazons to reasonable Terms, since there is none of 'em but tremble at the very Name of the Toupinambous.   

CHAP. LXIX.  
Of the Ingenuity of the Toupinambous; of their Language; and the Account we received of the Salt-Pits in Peru.  
THese Toupinambous are a very ingenious and intelligent People; and having no need of Interpreters to treat with them, because (as I have said) they speak the general Language of Brazil, which many of our Portuguez, that have been born and bred there, speak as well as they, we had the Advantage of a very particular Account of divers things, which I am going to relate, and which may be believed on their Report, because they are a People that have roved abroad, and subjected all the neighbouring Countries to their Power. They told us, that on the Southside near their Island there are two Nations among others upon the Continent that are very remarkable; one of 'em are Dwarves as small as little Children, and are called Guayazis, the other is a Race of People that come into the World with their Feet turned behind 'em, so that those that are unacquainted with their monstrous Shape, and should follow their Track, would run from 'em instead of overtaking 'em; they are called Matayus, and are tributary to the Toupinambous, whom they are obliged to furnish with Hatchets made of Stone to fallen great Trees with, when they have a mind to clear a Piece of Ground; for they frame these Hatchets very neatly, and 'tis their whole business to make of 'em. They told us moreover, that on the other side of the River, that is Northward, there are seven Provinces adjoining one to another, which are very populous; but because they are a People but of mean Courage and Strength, and only feed upon Fruits and some small wild Animals, without ever fight one with another when they are angry, or ever taking up Arms to defend themselves from other Nations, they are of no account in the Country. They further told us, that themselves had been a long time at Peace with another Nation, whose Confines extend to those we have just spoken of, and had a regular Trade with 'em for all Commodities, wherewith either Country abounded; and that the principal thing they had from this People was Salt, for which they gave 'em other things in exchange; and that this Salt came from a Place not far distant from 'em. If this be true, these Salt-pits would be of great advantage to the Spaniards, and would serve 'em not only for those parts of the Country that are conquered, but also for the more commodious establishing of Colonies on the Banks of this great River. But if there should be nothing in this Story on this side, it is not to be doubted but Salt is to be found in great abundance along those Rivers that come down on the side of Peru; because in the Year 1631, when I was in the City of Lima, two Men went from thence at two different times to seek some, and came back with as much as they could carry: they told us they came to a certain Place, where they went on one of the Rivers (in all appearance one of those lesser Rivers that form that great one, which falls into the Amazon) and arrived at a Mountain all of Salt, of which the Inhabitants made great advantage, being become very rich by the Traffic they had in exchange for it from those Indians that came a great way to buy it; not that it is any strange thing in Peru, and in all the Mountains, to see Rocks of Salt-stones, the Salt of which is very good; for no other is made use of in all that Country: 'Tis got out of the Rock with Iron Instruments in great pieces, each of which weigh 5 or 6 
* The Aroba is a Weight of 25 Pounds, as the Quintal is of a 100 Pounds.  Arobas. This Province of the Toupinambous is sixty six Leagues in length, and ends with a great Town situated at the Latitude of 3 Degrees, as is also the first Town of the Indian Aguas, of which we have spoken before.   

CHAP. LXX.  
Of the Amazons, an Account of their Manners and Customs.  
THese Toupinambous likewise confirmed the Report which is spread throughout this great River of the Renowned Amazons, from whence it borrows its true Name, by which it has been known from the very first Discovery of it to this day, not only by those who have navigated it, but also by all Cosmographers who have given any good account of it. It would be very strange if the Name of Amazon should have been imposed on this River without any reasonable Ground; and that though it well deserves a Name that might render it famous, it should only be known by a fabulous one: This does not seem at all probable that such a River as this, that possesses so many Advantages above all others, should have derived its Glory from a Title that does not belong to it; like what we see in some Men, who when they have not Virtue enough to obtain the Glory they desire by their own Merit, are so mean spirited and disingenuous to deck themselves with the advantageous Qualities of others: But the Proofs that give assurance that there is a Province of Amazons on the Banks of this River, are so strong and convincing, that it would be a renouncing of moral Certainty to scruple the giving credit to it. I don't build upon the solemn Examinations made by the Authority of the Sovereign Court of Quito, in which many Witnesses have been heard that have been born in those Parts, and lived there a long time; and of all things contained in their Frontier Countries, one of the principal which is particularly affirmed by 'em is, that one of those Provinces near our River is peopled with a sort of warlike Women, who live together, and maintain their Government alone, without the Company of Men; that at a certain Season of the Year they seek the Society of Men in order to perpetuate their Race; but at all other times live together in their Towns, and employ themselves in manuring the Ground, from which with hard Labour they procure all Necessaries for the Support and Comfort of Life. Nor will I insist on other Informations that have been made in the new Kingdom of Granada, at the Royal Seat of the City of Pasto, where several Indians were examined, and particularly one Indian Woman, who affirmed that she had been in the very Country which these valiant Women inhabit, and whose Account was in every respect conformable to what had been before asserted in the foregoing Relations: but I can't conceal what I have heard with my own Ears, and the Truth of which I have been enquiring after from my first embarking on the Amazon; and I must say I have been informed at all the Indian Towns where I have been, that there are such Women in the Country as I have above described; and every one that gave me an account of 'em did it by Characters so exactly agreeing with the rest, that if there be nothing in it, it must needs be said that the greatest Lie in the World passes throughout all America for one of the most certain Historical Truths. However we had the clearest Information of the Province where these Women dwell, of their singular Customs, of the Indians that correspond with them, of the Ways into their Country, and of those Indians with whom they converse to prevent the Extinction of their Race in the last Village, which makes the Frontier Town between them and the Toupinambous.   

CHAP. LXXI.  
The best Account of the Amazons of America.  
THirty six Leagues below this utmost Village of the Toupinambous, as you go down our Great River, you meet with another on the North-side, which comes from the very Province of the Amazons, and is known among the People of the Country by the Name of Cunuris. This River bears the Name of those Indians that dwell nearest to the Mouth of it: Above these first People higher up the River Cunuris you meet with other Indians called Apotos', that speak the general Language of Brazil; higher still you find the Tagaris, and lastly the Guacaras, who are the People that have the Privilege to converse with these valiant Women, and enjoy their Favours. They dwell upon huge Mountains, that are prodigiously high, among which there is one that lifts its Head a great Height above all the rest, which is so buffeted with Winds, that it is quite barren, and looks very bare; the Name of it is Yacamiaba. These Women (as has been said) are very courageous, and have always maintained themselves alone without the help and assistance of Men; and when their Neighbours come into their Country at a time concerted with them, they receive 'em with their Weapons in their Hands, which are Bows and Arrows, and which they exercise as if they were going against their Enemies; but knowing well that the others done't come to fight, but are their Friends, they lay down their Arms, and all run into the Canoes or other little Vessels of these Indians, and each Amazon takes the Hammock (a Cotton Bed they hang up to sleep in) which she finds next at hand; this she carries home, and hangs up in a Place, where the Owner of it may know it again when he comes; after which she receives him as her Guest, and treats him those few days they continue together. These Indians afterward return to their own Dwellings, and never fail to make this Voyage every Year at the appointed time. The Girls which they bear are brought up by their Mothers, and instructed in the use of Arms, as well as inur'd to Labour, as if they were ambitious to advance the wont Valour of their Predecessors still to a greater Height. As for the Male-childrens, 'tis not certain what they do with 'em: I saw an Indian who told me, that when he was a Child he was with his Father at such an Interview, and assured me, that they gave the Male Children to their Fathers the next time they came after their Birth. But the common Report is, that they kill all their Males as soon as they are born: and this is generally supposed to be the truest Account. Time will discover the Truth of this Matter. 'Tis certain they have Treasures in their Country, enough to enrich the whole World: The Mouth of this River, upon the Banks of which the Amazons dwell, is at the Latitude of two Degrees and a half.   

CHAP. LXXII.  
Of the River Vexamina, and the Straight of the Amazon, where it is but a quarter of a League in breadth.  
AFter having crossed the Mouth of the true River of Amazons, we came down 24 Leagues more upon our great River, and on the same North-side found another small River called Vexamina, which enters into the Amazon just at the place where, this great and spacious River grows narrow and is so shut up by the Land, that it contracts itself into the space of a little more than a quarter of a League. The Situation is extremely favourable for the building of two Forts on the two Banks of our incomparable River, which would not only obstruct the Passage of an Enemy that should come up this River from the Sea, but would also serve for Custom-houses for the Entry of every thing that should be carried down from Peru this way, if this River should ever be inhabited and stocked with the People of our Nation. Tho this Strait is at 360 Leagues distance from the Sea, yet the flowing and ebbing of Tides are perceived here; for the River is seen to increase and diminish every day, although not so sensibly as some Leagues below.   

CHAP. LXXIII.  
The River of the Tapajotos; their Courage, their poisoned Arrows, and the manner of their treating the Portuguez Fleet.  
FOUR Leagues below this Straight, on the Southside, is the Mouth of the great and noble River of the Tapajotos, which borrows its Name from that of the Inhabitants of the Province which it waters. This Country is well stocked with Indians; the Land of it is very good, and abounds with all sorts of Provision: These Tapajotos' are a courageous People, and are dreaded by all the Nations that dwell near 'em, because they invenom their Arrows with so subtle a Poison, that they kill those they wound, there being no Remedy found powerful enough to resist their Venom. This was the only Reason why the Portuguez themselves were so long their Neighbours without having any Commerce or Alliance with them, though they were very desirous of obtaining their Friendship; but when they would have obliged 'em to quit their Country, and to come and inhabit the Places which the Portuguez had conquered, the Tapajotos would never give their Consent to it, because nothing in the World touches 'em more sensibly, than to talk to 'em of leaving their native Country. Not but that they received our Men very kindly, and with a great deal of Joy, when they landed in their Country: We had large Experience of their Kindness when we lodged at one of their great Towns, which contained above 500 Families, where for a whole day they were continually coming to visit us, bringing us Hens, Ducks, Fish, Meal, Fruits, and all other things we wanted, with so much Freedom and Confidence in us, that the Women and Children did not care to go out of our sight: Nay they frankly told us, that if the Portuguez would let them alone to enjoy their own Houses, they should come if they pleased, with all their Hearts, to dwell amongst 'em; and that they would receive 'em, and serve 'em as their best Friends as long as they lived.   

CHAP. LXXIV.  
The ill Treatment these People received from the Portuguez at this time.  
ALL the Civilities of the Tapajotos were not sufficient to touch the Minds of People that mind nothing but Self-interest, and the Gratification of their covetous Humour, such as those that go to conquer these Countries, proposing nothing to themselves in so long and difficult an Enterprise, but to get a great number of Slaves to sell, or truck for other Goods; who therefore had scarce Patience to hear the Proposals of these poor People, much less so much Justice as to treat 'em with Civility and Reason; but having got a Notion that these People had abundance of Slaves to wait on 'em, began to treat 'em as Rebels, to commit great Outrages upon 'em, and to menace 'em with a cruel War. All things were in this posture when we arrived at the Fort of the Portuguez called Destierro, that is [the Fort of Banishment] where their Troops were coming together to put in execution this barbarous Design. I not being able wholly to hinder it, however endeavoured by the best Methods I could take, at least to suspend the execution of it for a little time, till I could give the Governor of Para advice of it. He that was to command in this Expedition was Benoise Maziel, the Governor of Para's Son, who was constituted in the Office of Sergeant Major of the State. He gave me his Word that he would not advance to put his Enterprise in execution till he had received fresh Orders from his Father. But I had scarce left him before he embarked as many Soldiers as he could in a Brigantine armed with Pieces of Canon, and in other less Vessels, with which he came suddenly upon 'em to surprise 'em. These poor People immediately accepted Peace, with a thousand Testimonies of their good Affection to the Portuguez; and when they had submitted their Persons to their pleasure, Maziel commanded 'em to bring him all the poisoned Arrows they had, which was what they most feared: These poor Wretches presently obeyed, and they were no sooner disarmed but the Portuguez made 'em all come together, and enclosed 'em like Sheep in a Fold, securing 'em with a strong Guard; and immediately let lose a great many Indians of their own Company, whom they brought with 'em, who for doing of Mischief are like so many unchained Devils; and these in a very little time sacked this whole Town, so that they spoiled and broke every thing in it; they seized all the Daughters and Wives of these miserable Creatures, and committed such abominable Violences before their Eyes, that one of the Company that gave me an account of this Action, protested to me, that he had rather never have any Slaves, than to procure 'em at this rate; and that he would sooner leave all those he had in possession, than see such Cruelties committed again.   

CHAP. LXXV.  
That such kind of Treatment makes these People hate the Europeans, and that they have as much Subtlety as Courage to defend themselves.  
THE Inhumanity of the Portuguez did not stop here; for they having no other design than that of procuring Slaves, were not satisfied in having the Masters in possession: therefore they endeavoured to affright these poor Indians, whom they kept under Guard, with terrible Menaces, and made 'em tremble at the thoughts of the new Cruelties they said they would exercise on 'em, if they would not give 'em Slaves; and on the other hand promised them, that if they would, they should not only have their full Liberty, but they would consider 'em as their best Friends; and besides, would give 'em as many Iron Tools and Cotton Clothes in exchange for 'em, as should fully satisfy 'em. What could these poor Creatures do more than abandon themselves to the Discretion of their Enemies? They saw they were in their hands, deprived of their Arms, their Houses plundered, their Wives and Daughters ravished. They therefore offered to procure 'em a thousand Slaves, and sent some of their Company to get 'em together; but these poor Wretches were fled away to secure themselves while the Town was pillaging; therefore they could not possibly get above two hundred: These they delivered to the Portuguez, and promising to procure all the rest for which they had engaged, were set at liberty. In the Condition these poor Creatures were, they would have given their very Children for Slaves, to come to a Composition with their Enemies, as they have frequently done. The Portuguez put all these Slaves in a Vessel, and sent 'em to Maragnon and Para. This I assert as a thing I saw with my own Eyes: This Prey was very grateful to the Portuguez; and their Success in this Expedition so encouraged 'em, and excited their Avarice, that they soon made preparation to go and seek a greater Booty of this kind in another Province more remote upon this great River. 'Tis not to be doubted but they exercised still greater Cruelties, because in these Expeditions there go very few that have any Honour or Conscience, who might be capable of assisting him that commands, to restrain the Soldier's Barbarities. These things must needs enrage all the Inhabitants of this River against the Name of the Portuguez. And I doubt not that when an Attempt shall be made to pacify the Commotions, and allay the Hatred these Violences have caused among those People, it will be found a matter of that great difficulty that 'twill scarce ever be accomplished; whereas in the State we left these People upon the River when we passed by their Countries, nothing could have been more easy than to have made a General Peace with them. These are the Conquests of Brazil so much talked of, and this is the Traffic the Soldiers live upon: and let me add, this is the true and just Cause for which God punishes these miserable Soldiers to that degree, that they are perpetually in War and Trouble, and have scarce Bread to eat. And I believe, if it were not that God in some sort makes use of 'em to accomplish his Designs upon the Indians, and that they are continually engaged in War against the Dutch, and have already obtained several Victories over those 
* Note, That this Discovery was made at a time when the Portuguez were continually driving the Dutch from one Garrison or another in Brazil, of which they had possessed themselves not long before; and the Conquest the Dutch made of this Country was the occasion of the Establishment of the West-India Company in Holland, as well for the carrying on of Trade in this part of America which the Portuguez possessed, as for the completing of the Conquest of it. But 'tis now above 30 Years since they have had any thing beyond the Line. On this side of the Line they yet possess Surinam on the Continent, and the Island of Corassol, or Curazao; and they have still a great many strong Places on the Western Coast of Africa, and several Factories in divers places on that Coast.  Heretics; if it were not, I say, for these things, I believe our Lord Jesus Christ would have long since extirpated such cruel and abominable Conquerors. But to return to the Tapajotos, and the famous River upon the Banks of which they dwell; I say, the bottom of this River is very good, so that a great English Vessel some Years ago went a considerable way up it, with a design to make Plantations in this Province, and to settle the Trade of Tobacco with the People of the Country, to which end they offered 'em very advantageous Terms: but the Tapajotos would accept of none, but surprised the English unawares, and killed all they could come at after they had seized their Arms, which they keep to this day. Thus they made the rest leave the Country in more haste than they come to it; for they escaped in their Vessel, and by setting Sail with all speed avoided such another Rencounter, which would have destroyed 'em all.   

CHAP. LXXVI.  
Of the River Curupatuba, and the Account we received of Mountains of Gold, Silver, Azure, and precious Stones, among the Inhabitants of this River.  
ABout forty Leagues below the Mouth of the River of the Tapajotos we met with the River Curupatuba, which comes down on the North-side of the Amazon, and gives its Name to the first Indian Town that is at Peace with the Portuguez, and under the Protection of their King. This River is not very big, but very wealthy, if the Natives are to be believed, who assure us, that at the end of six days Voyage up the Stream of it, there is a little Rivulet, in the Sand and Banks of which there is a great quantity of Gold found below the place where it washes the foot of an indifferently large Mountain called Yuquaratinci. The Indians moreover told us, that near this River there is another place called Picari, from whence they have often taken a sort of Metal harder than Gold, but very white (without doubt they mean Silver) with which they were wont formerly to make Hatchets and Knives; but finding the Tools made of this Metal were apt to have their Edge turned when any Stress was put to 'em, they did not make any account of 'em. They further gave us an account, That near the Straight I have spoken of, there are two Hills, one of which by the Signs they gave of it, is in all probability a Hill of Azure; and it seems the other, which they call Penagara, when the Sun shines, or when the Nights are clear and bright, glitters and sparkles as if it were full of rich Diamonds. They assured us that horrible Noises were heard in it from time to time, which is a certain sign that this Mountain contains Stones of a great Value in its Entrails.   

CHAP. LXXVII.  
Of the River Ginipape, which has Treasures of Gold in its Banks, and is famous for a good Soil for Tobacco, and Sugarcanes.  
THE River Ginipape which comes down on the North-side, and enters into the Amazon 60 Leagues below the Villages of Curupatuba, promises as great Treasures and as rich Mountains as those of which we have just now spoken. The Indians assure us of so much Gold along the Banks of it, that if it be according to their Relation, this one River possesses more Riches than are in all Peru. The Lands this River waters are of the Government of Maragnon, which is in the hands of Benedito Maziel: And without counting the great Extent of this Country, which alone is larger than all Spain joined together, and that it contains several Mines of which we have very certain knowledge; I shall only say that generally the Ground of it is of the best kind for the Production of all sorts of Grain and Fruit, and what may turn to the Account of those that inhabit it, that is to be found in all the vast Extent of the great River of Amazons. This Country is situate on the North-side, and comprehends several great Provinces of Savages. But that which is yet more considerable is, that in this Country are those Fields so famous for the Production of prodigious quantities of Tucui. Our Enemies the Dutch have given a Reputation to these Lands, and have often found by Experience, not only the Goodness and Fertility of the Soil, but also the vast Profits with which this alone is capable of enriching its Inhabitants: Therefore they could never forget this sweet place, but have made Plantations there several times, though to their Damage and Sorrow, because they have been always forced out of 'em by the Portuguez. Therefore 'tis worth Consideration▪ that this Place is very good to make great Plantations of Tobacco, and that there's no part of all the Countries that have been discovered that is better for the planting of Canes, and for making of Sugar. This Soil returns all the Cultivation that is bestowed upon it with Usury, and produces all sorts of Provision in extraordinary plenty: There are very fine pieces of Pasture-ground, which in their vast Extent would feed an infinite number of all sorts of Cattle. Six Leagues above the place where this River empties itself into the Amazon, the Portuguez had a Fort which they called Del Dostierro, that is [The Fort of Banishment] kept only by thirty Soldiers, and some pieces of Artillery, which was of more use to keep the Indians that are reduced under the Power of the Portuguez, in Fear and Subjection, and to maintain the Authority of the Governor, than to secure the River and obstruct the Passage of an Enemy. This Fort has been since demolished by Benedito Maziel with the Consent of the Governor of Curupa, which is thirty Leagues lower down the River: But it is to be remarked, that it was situate in a place of some Consideration, seeing their Enemy's Vessels were obliged to pay Custom for their Passage that way.   

CHAP. LXXVIII.  
Of the River Paranaiba.  
TEN Leagues below the River Ginipape on the Southside is a fine, large and noble River that comes to render Homage to the Amazon, into which it discharges itself by a Mouth two Leagues wide. The People of the Country call it Paranaiba; there are upon the Banks of it some Villages of Indians that are at Peace with the Portuguez, and that have settled themselves upon the Mouth of this River, in Obedience to the Orders of the Governor of this Province. There are many other Nations further up in the Country, but we could not have any satisfactory Account of 'em any more than of divers other things upon this great River.   

CHAP. LXXIX.  
A farther Account of the River of Amazons: Of the multitude of Islands near the Mouth of it, inhabited by an infinite Number of People of different Nations.  
TWO Leagues below the River Ginipape, of which I have given some account in the 77th Chapter, our River of Amazons begins to divide itself into divers great Arms, which form that great Number of Islands that seem to float upon its Waters, till it enters into the Sea. These Islands are inhabited by Nations that differ one from another, both in their Languages and Customs. Not but that most of 'em understand the Language of Brazil very well, which is the general Tongue in those Parts. The Number of these Islands is so great, and the People that dwell in 'em so different, that 'tis not possible for me to give a particular Account of what is observable amongst 'em, without composing another Volume. However I'll name some of the most considerable and best known amongst 'em, as the Tapuyas, and the valiant Pacaxas, which last dwell on the side of a River (the Name of which they bear) that enters into the Amazon eighty Leagues above the River Paranaiba, and upon the Bank of this last River too. These Islands are so well peopled, that there's no end of the number of the Inhabitants of 'em, nor indeed of their Villages; insomuch that some of the Portuguez assured me, they had seen no Countries better stocked with People through the whole Extent of the Amazon.   

CHAP. LXXX.  
Of the Town of Commuta.  
FOrty Leagues below the Pacaxas lies the Town of Commuta, which formerly was much noted not only for the multitude of its Inhabitants, but likewise because it used to be the place of rendezvous, where the Indians assembled their Armies when they were about to make any Incursions upon their Enemies: But since Brazil has been conquered, it is almost uninhabited, the People being retired into other Parts; so that Provision is scarce there, only for lack of a little Care and Pains to manure the Ground, which still retains its former Fruitfulness; and that's all that remains there, unless it be a small number of the Natives: Thomas 'tis the most lovely Situation to dwell in, and has the most agreeable Prospect in the World, so that it would continually furnish those that should settle in it with all the Conveniences and Pleasures of Life.   

CHAP. LXXXI.  
Of the River of the Tocantins, and of a French Man that sailed into this Country to fetch the Sand of it.  
BEhind the Town of Commuta passes the River of the Tocantins, to throw itself into the Amazon, and has the Reputation in this Country of being very rich, and that not without good reason in all appearance: yet the Worth of it has not been yet known by any, but only by one French Man, who was wont to come ashore upon the Banks of it every Year, and returned with his Vessels loaded only with the Earth, out of which, by refining, he got a quantity of Gold. 'Tis said he enriched himself with this Trade, without ever daring to let the Natives know the Value of the Earth he carried away, for fear they should become his Enemies, when they came to know what Riches were in their Sands, and so should take up Arms against him to hinder him from transporting this Commodity as he was wont to do. Some Portuguez Soldiers going from Phernambuc some Years ago, with a Priest in their Company, passed over all the Cordelier Mountains, and arrived at the Source of the River of the Tocantins, with a design to make some new Discovery, and to seek for some Golden Mountains; and having a mind to know this River, and to go down quite to its Mouth, were so unhappy as to fall into the hands of the Tocantins, who killed 'em every one. And 'tis not long since the Chalice was found in the hands of these Indians, with which the good Priest celebrated Mass during his Travels.   

CHAP. LXXXII.  
Of the Fort of Para which is in the hands of the Portugeze, and of the Island du Soleil, or of the Sun, and the Commodiousness of it for Plantations.  
THE Great Fort of Para is built Thirty Leagues below Commuta, it belongs to the Portugeze, and is under the command of a Governor, who has the oversight of all other Officers of Garrisons belonging to this Government; he has for his Garrison ordinarily Three Companies of Foot, under the Command of as many Captains, who are obliged to be always ready at hand for the preservation and defence of this Fort; but the Officers as well as the Governor of the Place, are under the Jurisdiction of the Governor of Maragnon, and are absolutely to obey his Orders. The Government of Maragnon is at above 130 League's distance from Para down along the River, and then up towards Brezil, which occasions great inconveniencies in the Conduct of Affairs in relation to the Government of Para. And if we should ever be so happy as to plant this River with our People, it will be necessary to make the Governor of Para Independent, and Absolute, as the Person who possesses the Keys of the whole Country. Not that the place where the Fort of Para is now Situated, is the best that can be chosen in the Opinion of many Persons of good Judgement; but if this Discovery be further Improved and Advanced; it will be an easy matter to change it; and I don't find any place more proper for it than the Island du Soleil which is Fourteen Leagues below the Mouth of the River: This is doubtless the place to be absolutely fixed on, not only because it affords abundance of Advantages for the Accommodation of Life, the Ground being extraordinarily Fertile, and capable of maintaining as many People as one can desire to settle there; but also for the convenient harbouring of Vessels: 'Tis a great Harbour sheltered from all sorts of bad Winds, in which Ships may ride with great Safety, and when they have a mind to Sail, they need only wait for the full of the Moon, at which time the Sea is higher than ordinary, and they may pass over all the Sands, which renders the entrance of this River difficult; which is none of the least Conveniencies. This Island is above Ten Leagues in Compass; there is very good Water in it, and abundance of both Sea and River-Fish, there is an infinite number of Crabs, which are the ordinary Food of the Indians, and other poor People; and is now the main support of Para; for there is no Isle all there about, wherein they go more a Hunting for the Subsistance of the Garrison, and Inhabitants of it, than in this.   

CHAP. LXXXIII.  
Of the Mouth of the River of Amazons, Eighty Leagues in Breadth, joining to the North-Cape on one side, and to the Coasts of Brezil on the other.  
TWenty Six Leagues below the Island of the Sun directly under the Line, this great River of Amazons is 84 Leagues wide, bounded on the Southside by Zaparara, and on the other side by the North-Cape, and here at last discharges itself into the Ocean. It may be said to be a Sea of Freshwater, mixing itself with the Salt-Water-Sea. 'Tis the Noblest and Largest River in the whole known World. This is the River otherwise called Oreillane, and by some Maragnon, so often desired, and so much sought after, and so often missed by the Spaniards of Peru; and here at Length it flows into the Sea, after it has watered a Country of 1276 Leagues in Length, after it has furnished a multitude of Nations with its Fruitfulness and Plenty; and in a word after it has divided America into Two Parts, almost in the widest Place of it; and furnished the Natives with a great Channel into which the Best, the Richest and most Pleasant Rivers, that come down from all the Mountains and Coasts of the New World discharge their Waters. And 'tis farther remarkable, that against the Mouth of it, for above 30 Leagues at Sea, you may take up Freshwater during the Ebb of the Tide, which is an extraordinary refreshment to those Ships especially that, in coming from Europe, have Sailed ●2000 Leagues before they Arrive here.  
Thus in short I have given a Relation of an ample Discovery of this great River. Which tho' it possesses so great Treasures, yet excludes no Nation in the World from 'em, but on the contrary, invites all sorts of People to reap the Profits of the Riches with which 〈◊〉 abounds. It offers to the Poor a plentiful Maintenance, to the Labourer the Liberal Recompense of his Toil; to the Merchant a Profitable Trade; to the Soldier an Occasion of Signalizing himself▪ to the Rich an Improvement of their Wealth; to Gentlemen Honourable Employments; to Noblemen Large Provinces; and to Kings themselves Empires, and a New World. But those who of all others are called upon to promote such new Conquests, and aught to be most heartily concerned in 'em, are such as with the greatest Affection, seek the Advancement of the Glory of God, and are Zealously bend to design the Salvation of the Souls of an Innumerable Multitude of Idolatrous and Heathenish Indians, who want the Help and Light the Faithful Ministers of the Gospel should furnish them withal, to dispel the shadows of Sin and Death, with which those poor Wretches have been so long benighted. And let none Excuse themselves from an Attempt of this kind: Here's Work enough to employ every one of us, and how great a Number soever of Labourers should devote themselves to it, there will still be more wanting for so great a Harvest. This New Vine-yard will still want more hands to Cultivate and Dress it, how able and how fervent soever they should prove, who shall be engaged in this Service, But it is rather to be wished than expected, that we shall ever see this New World Subjected to the Keys of the Church of Rome. I hope all the Illustrious Catholic Princes of Christendom, (to whom may it please the Almighty to grant many and happy Years,) will each of 'em be inspired from Heaven with Zeal for so Holy an Enterprise as the Conquest of Souls; some by their wont Liberalities, for the Maintenance and Subsistence of Priests and Ministers of the Gospel, and others by their care to provide and convey Clergymen into those Countries: And all of 'em have reason to esteem it a great happiness for them that in the Age wherein they live, this difficult and troublesome way should be opened, to bring more Nations, and those more populous at once into the Bosom of the Church, than all the rest that have been hitherto discovered in the whole New World.   

CHAP. LXXXIV.  
A Computation of the Longitudes, Latitudes, and Distances of Places upon this Great River.  
FROM the Mouth of Napo, which is on the South of the Amazon, to Anete, are Forty seven Leagues. Anete is under the Line, on the Southside of this great River.  
From Anete to the Aguarico, Eighteen Leagues. The Mouth of this River, is on the North-side of the Amazon and under the Line also.  
From the Aguarico to the Chevelus Twenty Leagues. The Mouth of this River is also on the North of the Amazon, and declines a little from the Line towards the South.  
From the Chevelus to the Curaray, Forty Leagues. The Mouth of this River is on the South of the Amazon, in the Second Degree of Southern Latitude.  
From the Curaray to the Maragnon, Eighty Leagues. The Mouth of this River is on the South of the Amazon, having Four Degrees of Southern Latitude, and Three Hundred and Seven Degrees and Fifty Minutes of Longitude.  
From the Maragnon to the beginning of the Province of the Omaquas, Sixty Leagues. All this Province consists in great Islands.  
From the beginning of this Province to a certain great Habitation of the same, One Hundred and Nineteen Leagues. This is an Isle, on the Southside of the Channel of the Amazon, having three Degrees of Southern Latitude, and Three hundred and twelve Degrees, and Fifty five Minutes of Longitude.  
From this Habitation to the Putomayo, Seventeen Leagues. The Mouth of this River is on the North-side of the great Amazon.  
From the Putomayo to the Yetau, Fifty▪ Leagues. The Mouth of this River is on the Southside of the Amazon, and hath Three Degrees Thirty Minutes of Southern Latitude.  
From the Yetau to the end of the Province of the Omaquas, Fourteen Leagues. In this place there is a great and puissant Habitation in an Isle.  
From the end of this Province to the Cuzco, Twenty five Leagues. The Mouth of this River is on the Southside of the Amazon having Five Degrees of Southern Latitude, and Three Hundred Fifteen Degrees, and Fifty Minutes of Longitude.  
From the Cuzco to the Village of Gold, Twenty eight leagues. This place is on the South-bank of the Channel of the great Amazon.  
From the Village of Gold to the Yupura, Fourteen Leagues. The Mouth of this River is on the North-side of the Amazon, and hath Three Degrees of Southern Latitude.  
From the Yupura to the Tapi, Four Leagues. The Mouth of this River is on the Southside of the Amazon.  
From the Tapi to the Catua, Twenty five Leagues. The Mouth of this River is on the Southside of Amazon, and towards the Green Lake, which is form by the great Amazon.  
From the Catua and the Green Lake to the First Mouth of the Araganatuba, Six Leagues. This is on the North-side of the Amazon.  
From the First Mouth to the Second of the Araganatuba, Sixteen Leagues, on the North-side of the Amazon.  
From the Second Mouth of the Araganatuba to the end of the Province of Curusiraris, Twenty two Leagues. All this Province is on the South of the great River.  
From the end of Curusiraris to the beginning of the Province of Yoriman, Two Leagues, on the Southside of the Amazon.  
From the beginning of Yoriman to a great and very long Habitation, Twenty three Leagues, on the South of the River to Four Degrees of that Latitude, and Three hundred nineteen Degrees, and Thirty Minutes of Longitude.  
From this long Habitation to the Isle Yoriman, Thirty two Leagues. On the South-bank side of the Amazon.  
From this Isle to the end of the Province of Yoriman, Ten Leagues; on the Southside of the Amazon.  
From the end of Yoriman to the Cuchuguara Two Leagues. The Mouth of this River is also on the South of the Amazon.  
From the Cuchuguara to the Basurura Thirty two Leagues. The Mouth of this River is on the North-side of the Amazon, and hath Four Degrees, Thirty Minutes, of Southern Latitude.  
From the Basurura to the Rio Negro, or Black River, Thirty Leagues. The Mouth of this River is also on the North-side of the Amazon, having Four Degrees of Southern Latitude, and Three Hundred Twenty Two Degrees, and Twenty Minutes of Longitude.  
From Rionegro unto the Modera are Four Leagues; the Mouth of this River being on the South of the Amazon.  
From the Modera to the beginning of the Isle Topinambas Twenty Eight Leagues. This great Isle is in the River of the Amazons, towards the Southside.  
From the beginning to the end of this Isle, Sixty two Leagues. In this place is a Great and Puissant Habitation of the Topinambi having Three Degrees of Southern Latitude, and Three Hundred twenty seven Degrees, Thirty Minutes of Longitude.  
From the end of Topinambas to the Cunuris, Thirty Leagues; the Mouth of which River is to the North of the Amozone.  
From the Cunuris to the Bosphore of the Amazon, Twenty four Leagues. This Straight hath Two Degrees and Forty Minutes of Southern Latitude; and Three hundred and twenty eight Degrees, and Fifty Minutes in Longitude.  
From the Bosphore to the Tapajosoes, Forty Leagues; the Mouth of which River is on the Southside of the great Amazon.  
From the Tapajosoes to the Curupatuba, Forty Leagues; the Mouth of which River is on the North-side of the great Amazon.  
From the Curupatuba to the Fort of Destierro, Fifty four Leagues; which Fort is also on the North-side of the great River.  
From the foresaid Fort to the Ginipape, Six Leagues; the Mouth of which River is on the North-side also, having Two Degrees of Southern Latitude, and Three hundred thirty one Degrees and Fifty Minutes of Longitude. And about Two Leagues from this Ginipape towards the Sea, the great River of Amazons begins to open by little and little towards its great Mouth into the Sea.  
From the Ginipape to the Paranaiba, Ten Leagues; the Mouth of which River is on the Southside of the Amazon.  
From the Paranaiba to the Pacaxas, Forty Leagues; the Mouth of which is also on the South of the Amazon.  
From the Pacaxas to Commuta, Forty Leagues. This place is also on the Southside of the Amazon.  
From Commuta to Para, Thirty Leagues. This Town is also on the South-bank of the great Mouth of the Amazon, having one Degree and Thirty Minutes of South Latitude.  
From Para to the Isle du Soleil, Fourteen Leagues. This Isle is also near to the same South-bank. And from Para to Zaparara, Forty Leagues; which is a Cape on the extremity of the South-bank of the great River, having Thirty five Minutes of South Latitude, and Three hundred thirty seven Degrees and ten Minutes of Longitude. So the whole length of this great River of Amazons, is One thousand two hundred seventy six Leagues.  
From the Ginipape to Corupa, which is on the North-side of the Mouth of this River, Thirty Leagues.  
From Corupa to the North Cape, the distance is not well known: This Cape is on the extremity of the North-bank of the great River, having Forty five Minutes of North Latitude, and Three hundred thirty three Degrees, and Fifty Minutes of Longitude.   
The End.   

AN ACCOUNT OF A VOYAGE UP THE River de la Plata, And thence over Land to PERU. With Observations on the Inhabitants, as well Indians and Spaniards; the Cities, Commerce, Fertility, and Riches of that Part of America.  
By Mons. Acarete du Biscay.  
LONDON: Printed for Samuel Buckley, at the Dolphin over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. 1698.   


A MAP of the Provinces PARAGUAY and TUCUMAN with the River Plate▪ London Printed for S: Buckley▪   map of the Plate River   

A Relation of Mons. Acarete du Biscay's Voyage up the River de la Plata, and from thence by Land to Peru, and his Observations in it.  
THE Inclination I always had to Travelling, made me leave my Father's House very young, but I can truly aver, that I was not so much prompted to it out of pure Curiosity to 〈◊〉 Foreign Countries, as out of hope 〈◊〉 acquire Knowledge and improve my ●●dgment, which for the future might 〈◊〉 helpful to me, not only in my private concerns, but likewise render me more serviceable to my King and Country, which I declare was the chief aim of my Voyages. I went first into Spain, where 〈◊〉 tarried long enough to learn their language, particularly at Cadiz. The fancy took me to go to the West-Indies possessed by the Spaniards, for I often heard them talk of the Beauty and Fertility of the Country, and the great Riches they draw from thence, but then I was at a loss how to bring it about, because 'tis very difficult for a Stranger, to get into those Parts; but there happened a conjuncture which favoured my Design, and gave me an opportunity to proceed in it, in the manner following.  
In the Year 1654., Oliver Cromwell at that time Protector of the Commonwealth of England, sent Admiral Blake with a Squadron of Men of War towards the Coasts of Algarve and Andalousia, to wait for the Spanish Galleons which come yearly from the Indies. The Spaniards being advertised of it, resolved to equip a Fleet with all expedition to oppose the English and frustrate their design: To this end they set out 28 Men of War and 6 Fireships, under the Command of Don Paul de Contreras, whose Vice-Admiral was the Amirante Castana, on board whom was I. The Two Fleets came up with each other, near Cape St. Vincent, where they stayed many Days; but the English perceiving they were like to make nothing on't, retired towards Lisbon, and the Spaniards stood into Cadiz, where all the Galleons safely arrived in the beginning of the Year 1655, except the Vice-Admiral, which was lost in the Channel of Bahama upon the Coasts of Florida. Sometime after this, the English having declared War against the Spaniards more openly, by taking Jamaica, the Navigation to the West-Indies was a long time interrupted, by their Cruisers hover about Cadiz▪ and San Lucar, where they intercepted some Ships coming from the Indies richly laden, took one of the biggest, burned Two others, and put the rest to flight, and afterwards went to the Canaries, where they burned most of the Flota that were arrived there from New Spain, and waited orders from Madrid, what course to take to escape falling into the hands of the English. While these things were doing, the Dutch who sought to make their advantage of the Troubles that the Spaniards were embroiled in, sent several Ships to the River de la Plata, laden with Goods and Negroes, which they took in at Angola and Congo: These Ships being arrived in that River, and come up to Buenos Ayres, the Inhabitants of the place who had a long time been deprived of the Supplies which they had used to receive by the Spanish Galleons (who were hindered by the English from making their constant Voyages) and were besides in want of Negroes and other things, wrought so far upon the Governor, that for a Present which they obliged the Hollanders to give him, and satisfying the Customs due to the King of Spain, they were permitted to Land and Trade there.  
Mean time the Spanish Ministers (apprehending lest the Interruption of the Commerce, and the scarcity of European Commodities in those Parts, might constrain the Inhabitants to Traffic with Strangers (which 'tis their Interest to prevent as much as they can) thought fit to grant Licences to several of their private Subjects to Trade to the Indies at their own proper risk. A certain Cavalier took one of them, and fitted out a Ship at Cadiz, where I abode at that time; I resolved to go in her, and that the more willingly, because I had formerly had some dealings with him. He very friendly consented to let me go under his Name for his Nephew, that I might conceal my being a Foreigner, which if known would have stopped my Voyage, because in Spain they allow none but Native Spaniards to go in their Ships to the Indies. We set Sail about the latter end of December 1657, in a Ship of 450 Tuns, and in 105 Days reached the Mouth of the River de la Plata, where we met a French Frigate, Captain Foran Commander, and fought her some time, we got clear of her, and continued our Course till we came before Buenos Ayres, where we found 22 Dutch Ships, and among them 2 English, Laden homewards with Bulls-hides, Plate, and Spanish-wool, which they had received in exchange for their Commodities; a few days after 3 Dutch Ships going out of the Road encountered Captain Foran and another Frigate, named the Mareschale, Commanded by the Chevalier de Fontenay; after a tough dispute the Hollanders boarded and took the Mareschale, put all her Men to the Sword, and the Chevalier among the rest.  
This accident alarmed those of Bevenos Ayres, and made them put themselves upon their guard, imagining there was a French Squadron come into the River to make an attempt upon their Country. Whereupon they resolved to send for aid to Count Albaeliste, Viceroy over all the Spanish Acquisitions in America, and Resident at Lima in Peru; who caused to be Levied with much difficulty and some force but 100 Men, which were not sent to them till 8 or 9 Months after, under the Command of Don Sebastian Comacho.  
But before I proceed further, 'tis fit I deliver my Observations concerning the River de la Plata, and the Countries through which it runs. In those Parts 'tis called the Paraguay, but more vulgarly the Great Parana; probably, because the River of Parana falls into it above the Town de las Corrientes. ' Its Mouth (which lies in the 35th. Degree of Southern Latitude, on that side the Equinoctial Line) is between Cape de Castilloes and Cape de Sant Antonio, about 80 Leagues distant from each, Tho' it be deep enough every where, yet the commonest Road into it, and most used by Sailors is on the North-side, from Castilloes to Montvidio, which is halfway to Buenos Ayres, and notwithstanding there is a Channel on the same North-side from Montvidio to Buenos Ayres, the shallowest place in which is Three Fathom deep, yet for more security they cross over against Monvidio into the South Channel, because 'tis broader and has Three Fathom and a half Water at least where 'tis shallowest; all the bottom is muddy till within 2 Leagues of Buenos Ayres where lies a sand Bank, there they take in Pilots to Steer them to a place called the Posso just before the Town, distant a Cannon shot from Shore, wherein no Vessels may enter but such as have a Licence from the King of Spain, those that have no such permission are obliged to Anchor a League Lower. The River is full of Fish, but of them there are hardly more than Seven or Eight sorts good to eat, there are abundance of those Whales called Gibars, and Seadogs who commonly bring forth their young ashore, and whose Skin is fit for several uses. I was told that about 5 or 6 Years before I came there, the River was almost dried up for some days, no Water being left but only in the middle Channel, and there so little, that they forded it on Horseback, as one may do most of the Rivers that fall into that de la Plata, in which there are likewise a great many Otters, with whose Skins the Savages Cloth themselves.  
The Country on the North-side of the River de la Plata is of great extent, Inhabited by none but Savages, called Charuas; most of the little Islands that lie all along the River, and the Shore sides are covered with Woods full of Wild Boars. From Cape de Castilloes up to Rio Negro, as well as from the same Cape to San Paulo bordering upon Brasil; the Coasts are uninhabited, tho' the Country, especially along the River seems to be very good, having little Rivulets running down from the Hills through the Plains. The Spaniards settled first there, but afterwards removed to Buenos Ayres, because 'twas troublesome to cross over the great Parana to go to Peru.  
I went ashore frequently beyond Rio Negro, but never farther than Three quarters of a League into the Land, there are but few Savages to be seen, and they have their Habitations a good way up in the Country; those I met with were well made, with long Hair and very little Beard; they wear nothing but a great Skin, made of little ones patched together, that hangs down to their heels, and a piece of Leather under their Feet, tied with Straps about their Ankles. For Ornament they bind a Fillet of some Stuff about their Heads, which comes over the Forehead, and keeps the Hair back behind. The Women have no other Garment but these Skins, which they gird about their Wastes, and cover their heads with a sort of little Hats made of Rushes of divers Colours.  
From Rio Negro to Las Corrientes and the River of Parana, the Country is well stocked with Bulls and Cows, there are likewise a great many Stags, whose Skins they sell for right Buff. The Savages about Rio Negro are the only People from the Sea thither, that keep Correspondence with those of Buenos Ayres, and the Casiques, and Couracas their Leaders do Homage to the Governor of that Place, from whence they are but about 20 Leagues distant. One of the chief Spanish Towns on that side is Las Siete Corrientes, Situate near the place where the Two Rivers Paraguay and Parana meet. Upon the Parana stand Three or Four Villages pretty far from each other, and thinly Peopled, tho' the Country be very proper for Vine-yards, and has enough planted already to supply the Neighbouring Parts with Wine. The Inhabitants are under the Jurisdiction of a Governor resident at Assomption, which is the most important Place the Spaniards have in that Country, and stands higher up the River Paraguay on the North-side; 'tis the Metrapolitan City, a Bishop's Seat, has several very neat Churches and Convents, and is well crowded with Inhabitants, because a great many Idle People, and such as have run out their Fortunes and can live no longer in Spain or Peru, flock thither as to their last refuge. The Land abounds in Corn, Millet, Sugar, Tobacco, Honey, Cattle, Oaks fit for Shipping, Pinetrees for Masts, and particularly in that Herb, called, the Herb of Paraguay, which they drive a great Trade in all over the West-Indies; and this obliges the Merchants of Chili and Peru, to hold a Correspondence with those of Paraguay; because, without that Herb (with which they make a refreshing Liquor with Water and Sugar, to be drank lukewarm) the Inhabitants of Peru, Savages and others, especially those that work in the Mines, could not subsist, for the Soil of the Country being full of Mineral Veins, the Vapours that rise out of the Ground suffocate them, and nothing but that Liquor can recover them again, which revives and restores them to their former Vigour.  
In this City of Assomption, the Native Indians, as well as Spaniards are very courteous and obliging to Strangers. They indulge themselves in a great deal of liberty, even with respect to Women, insomuch that being often necessitated to Sleep in the open Air (because of the excessive Heat) they spread their Quilts in the Streets, and lie there all Night Men and Women together: Nor is any Body scandalised at it. Having plenty of all things good to eat and drink, they give themselves up to Ease and Idleness, and done't much trouble themselves with Trading abroad, nor heaping up Money, which upon that account is very scarce among 'em, contenting themselves with trucking the Commodities of their own Product, for others more necessary and useful to them.  
Further up in the Country, that is to say, towards the Head of the River Vrugay, in the Province of Paraguay, are many Settlements of Colonies, transplanted thither by the Jesuits Missionaries, that prevailed upon the Savages in those Parts, who are naturally tractable, to quit their Woods and Mountains, and come and dwell together in Villages in a Civil Community, where they instructed them in the Christian Religion, taught them Mechanics, to play upon Musical Instruments, and several other Arts convenient to Human Life. Thus the Missionaries who came upon a Religious Motive, are largely recompensed by the Temporal Advantages which they reap here. The report that there were Golden Mines in this Country, could not be kept so close, but that the Spaniards had some inkling of it, and among others, Don Hiacinto de Laris Governor of Buenes Ayres, who about the Year 1653, had orders from the King of Spain, to go and visit these Settlements, and examine into their Wealth. At first coming he was well received, but perceiving that he began to inspect their Riches, and search for Gold, The Savages who are shy of working in the Mines, took up Arms, and forced him and his Followers Fifty in Number to depart out of their Country. The Governor who succeeded him, informed himself more particularly of this matter, and to make the best use of his Intelligence, interred into a strict Alliance with the Jesuits of his own Government, who hold a Correspondence with the rest of their Fraternity; and having got a considerable Sum from the Hollanders for leave to Trade at Buenos Ayres, he engaged the Jesuits to furnish him 100000 Crowns in Gold for the value in Silver, for lightness of Carriage. But this same Governor being arrested by the King of Spain's Order, for permitting the Dutch to Trade at Buenos Ayres, his Gold was seized and confiscated, which upon trial proved to be much finer than that of Peru, and by this and other Circumstances, they discovered, that it came from the Mines found out by the Jesuits in these parts.  
On the Southside of the River de la Plata, from Cape Sant Antonio, to within 30 Leagues of Buenos Ayres, 'tis dangerous Sailing, because of the Banks that lie in the way; wherefore they always go on the North-side, as I said before, till they come up so far, than they cross over to the Southside which is very safe; especially when the Wind blows against the Stream of the River and swells it; for when a Westerly Wind blows from Land, the Water falls; however when the Water is at the lowest, 'tis Three Fathom and a half deep, both in the North and South Channels. When we entered into the South-Channel, we came in sight of those Vast Plains extending to Buenos Ayres, and thence as far as the River Salladillo, 60 Leagues short of Cordova, which are so covered with all sorts of Cattle, that notwithstanding multitudes of them are daily destroyed for their Skins, there's no Sign of their diminution.  
As soon as we arrived at the Cape of Buenos Ayres, we gave notice of it to the Governor, who understanding that we had the King of Spain's Licence for coming thither, (without which he could not have permitted us entrance into the place, unless he would have broke his Orders) he sent the King's Officers on board to visit our Ship, according to custom, which done, we landed our Goods, and laid them up in a Warehouse hired for the time of our stay. They consisted chiefly in Linen Cloth, particularly that made at Roven, which goes off very well in those Parts, as also in Silks, Ribans, Thread, Needles, Swords, Horse-shoes, and other Ironwork, Working-tools of all sorts, Drugs, Spices, Silk and Wollen-Stockings, Woollen-cloth, Serges, and other Woollen-Stuffs, and generally in every thing fit for Clothing: which as we were informed were proper commodities for those Parts. Now the Custom is, that as soon as a Licenced Ship (that is to say which has the King of Spain's Permission) comes to Buenos Ayres. The Governor of the Place, or Captain of the Ship dispatches a Messenger to Peru, with the Letters from Spain, if he has any; or else to acquaint the Merchants with his Arrival, whereupon some of them immediately set out to Buenos Ayres, or else send Commissions to their Correspondents, to buy up what Wares they think convenient. 'Twas my fortune to be sent upon both these Errands, for among a great many Letters that we brought with us, was a large packet from his Catholic Majesty for Peru, enclosed in a Leaden Box, as all the Dispatches from the Spanish Court to the Indies commonly are; to the end, that if the Ship that carries them should be in eminent peril of falling into an Enemy's Hands, they might be flung over board and sunk. This Packet was entrusted to my care, wherein were many Letters to the Viceroy of Peru, and other Prime Officers in those Parts, signifying the Birth of the Prince of Spain: and I carried likewise an Inventory attested by the King's Officers at Buenos Airs of the greatest part of our Lading, to be shown to the Merchants of Potosi; they relied upon the conditions of the Goods as specified in the Inventory, and so bargained for what they liked, but their effects did not come to 'em till Seven or Eight Months after.  

A Description of Buenos Ayres.  
BEfore I say any thing of my Journey to Peru, I will set down what I observed remarkable at Buenos Ayres whilst I tarried there. The Air is pretty temperate, much as 'tis in Andalousia, but not quite so warm, the Rains fall almost as often in Summer as Winter; and the Rain in sultry weather usually breeds divers kinds of Toads, which are very common in this Country, but are not venomous. The Town stands upon a rising Ground on the side of the River de la Plata, a Musket shot from the Channel, in an Angle of Land made by a little Rivulet, called Riochuelo, which falls into the River a quarter of a League from the Town; it contains 400 Houses, has no enclosure, neither Wall nor Ditch, and nothing to defend it but a little Fort of Earth surrounded with a Ditch, which commands the River, and has Ten Iron Guns, the biggest of which is a Twelve Pounder; there the Governor resides who has but 150 Men in Garrison, which are formed into Three Companies Commanded by Three Captains, whom he appoints at will, and indeed he changes them so often, that there is hardly a Wealthy Citizen but has been a Captain; these Companies are not always full, because the Soldiers are drawn by the cheapness of Living in those Parts to desert frequently, notwithstanding they endeavour to keep them in the Service by a large pay, which is per diem Four Reals, worth 1 s. 6 d. English, and a Loaf of 3 d. ob. which is as much as one Man can eat. But the Governor keeps 1200 tame Horses in a Plain thereabouts for his ordinary Service, and in case of necessity to mount the Inhabitants of the Place, and form a small Body of Cavalry. Besides this Fort, there is a little Bastion at the Mouth of the Rivulet wherein they keep Guard, there are but Two Iron-Guns mounted upon it, each carrying a Three Pound Ball; this commands the place where the Barks come ashore to deliver or take in goods, which are liable to be visited by the Officers of the Bastion when they lad and unlade. The Houses of the Town are built of Earth, because there is but little Stone in all those Parts up as far as Peru; they are thatched with Canes and Straw, have no Stories, all the Rooms are of a Floor, and are very Spacious; they have great Court-yards, and behind their Houses large Gardens full of Orange-trees, Lemon-trees, Figtrees, Appletrees, Pear-trees, and other Fruit-trees, with store of Herbs, Cabbages, Onions, Garlic, Lettuce, Peas, Beans, and especially their Melons are excellent, the Soil being very fat and good; they live very commodiously, and except Wine, which is something dear; they have plenty of all sorts of Victuals, as Beef, Veal, Mutton, Venison, Hares, Coneys, Pullet's, Ducks, Wild-geese, Partridges, Pigeons, Turtles, and all kind of Wildfowl; and so cheap, that one may buy Partridges for a Penny a piece, and the rest proportionably. There are likewise abundance of Ostriches who herd in Flocks like Cattle, and tho' they are good Meat, yet none but the Savages eat of them. They make Umbrellas of their Feathers, which are very commodious in the Sun; their Eggs are good, and every body eats of 'em, tho' they say they are of hard Digestion. I saw one thing of these Creatures very remarkable, and that is, while the Hen sits upon the Eggs, they have the Instinct or Foresight to provide for their Young; so five or six days before they come out of the Shell, they set an Egg in each of the four Corners of the place where they sit, these Eggs they break, and when they rot, Worms and Maggots breed in 'em in prodigious numbers, which serve to nourish the Young Ostriches from the time they are hatched till they are able to go farther for their sustenance. The Houses of the better sort of Inhabitants are adorned with Hangings, Pictures, and other Ornaments and decent Movables, and all that are tolerably well to pass are served in Plate, and have a great many Servants, Blacks, Moulatos, Mestices, Indians, Cabres, or Sambos, who are all Slaves. The Negroes come from Guinea; the Moulatos are begotten by a Spaniard upon a Black; the Mestices are born of a Spaniard and an Indian, and the Sambos of an Indian Man and a Mestice, all distinguishable by their Colour and Hair. They employ these Slaves in their Houses, or to cultivate their Grounds, for they have large Farms stocked with Grain in abundance, as Wheat, Barley and Millet, or to look after their Horses and Mules, who feed upon nothing but Grass all the Year round, or to kill Wild-Bulls, or in fine to do any kind of Service. All the Wealth of these Inhabitants consists in Cattle, which multiply so prodigiously in this Province, that the Plains are quite covered with 'em, particularly with Bulls, Cows, Sheep, Horses, Mares, Mules, Asses, Swine, Deer, and others, insomuch that were it not for a vast number of Dogs, who devour the Calves and other young Beasts, they would overrun the Country, they make so great profit of the Skins and Hides of these Animals, that a single Instance will be sufficient to show how far it might be improved by good hands: The 22 Dutch Ships that we found at Buenos Ayres were each of them laden with 13 or 14000 Bull-hides at least, which amount to above 300000 Livers, or 33500 l. Sterling, bought by the Dutch at Seven or Eight Reals a piece, that is under an English Crown, and sold again in Europe for Twentyfive Shillings English at least. When I expressed my astonishment at the sight of such an infinite number of Cattle, they told me of a Stratagem sometimes made use of, when they apprehend a descent from any Enemies, that is matter of greater wonder, and 'tis this; they drive such a Herd of Bulls, Cows, Horses and other Animals to the Shore-side, that 'tis utterly impossible for any number of Men, even tho' they should not dread the fury of those Wild Creatures, to make their way through so great a drove of Beasts. The First Inhabitants of this place, put every one their mark upon those they could catch, and turned 'em into their enclosures, but they multiplied so fast, that they were forced to let 'em lose, and now they go and kill them according as they want 'em, or have occasion to make up a quantity of Hides for Sale. At present they mark only those Horses and Mules which they catch to tame and breed up for Service. Some Persons make a great Trade of sending them to Peru, where they yield 50 Patagons, or 11 l. 13 s. 4 d. Sterling a pair. Most of the Dealers in Cattle are very Rich, but of all the Trading People the most considerable are they that Traffic in European Commodities. Many of whom are reputed worth 2 or 300000 Crowns, or 67000 l. Sterling. So that a Merchant worth no more than 15 or 20000 Crowns is looked upon as a mean Retailer; of these last there are near 200 Families in the Town, that make 500 Men bearing Arms, besides their Slaves who are three times that Number, but are not to be reckoned of any Defence, because they are not allowed to bear Arms: Thus the Spaniards, Portuguese, and their Sons (of whom those that are born upon the place are termed Criolos, to distinguish them from the Natives of Spain) and some Mestices are the Militia, which with the Soldiers in Garrison, compose a Body of above 600 Men, as I computed them in several Musters, for they draw out on Horseback Three times a Year near the Town on Festival Days. I observed there were many Old Men among them that did not carry Fire-arms, but only a Sword by their side, a Lance in hand, and a Buckler at their shoulder: Th●●● are also most of them Married and Matters of Families, and consequently have no great stomach to Fight. They love their Ease and Pleasure, and are entirely devoted to Venus; I confess they are in some measure excusable in this point, for most of their Women are extremely pretty, well shaped, and clear skinned; and withal so faithful to their Husbands, that no Temptations can prevail with them to loosen the Sacred Knot: But then if their Husbands transgress, they are often punished with Poison or Dagger. The Women are more in Number than the Men. Besides Spaniards, there are a few French, Hollanders, and Genoveses, but all go for Spaniards, otherwise there would be no dwelling for them there, especially those that differ in their Religion from the roman-catholics, because the Inquisition is settled there.  
The Bishop's Revenue amounts to 3000 Patagons, or 700 l. Sterling per Annum. His Diocese takes in this Town and Santa Fe, with the Farms belonging to both; Eight or Ten Priests Officiate in the Cathedral, which is built of Earth as well as the Houses. The Jesuits have a College; the Dominicans, the Recollects, and the Religious de la Mercy, have each a Convent. There is likewise an Hospital, but there are so few poor People in these Parts that 'tis of little use.   

Monsieur Acarete du Biscay's Journey from Buenos Airs to Peru.  
I Left Buenos Ayres, and took the Road to Cordova, leaving Santa Fe on my right hand, of which place take this account, 'tis a Spanish Settlement dependant upon Buenos Ayres, the Commander is no more than a Lieutenant, and does nothing but by order from the Governor of Buenos Ayres. 'Tis a little place containing 25 Houses, without any Walls, Fortifications, or Garrison, distant 80 Leagues from Buenos Airs Northward, Situate upon the River de la Plata, large Vessels might come up to it, were it not for a great bank that obstructs the passage a little above Buenos Ayres. Nevertheless 'tis a very advantageous Post, because 'tis the only passage from Peru, Chili and Tucuman to Paraguay, and in a manner the Magazine of the Commodities drawn from thence, particularly that Herb already spoken of, which they cannot be without in those Provinces. The Soil is as good and Fertile here as at Buenos Airs; and the Town having nothing remarkably different from what has been observed of Buenos Ayres, I leave it, and proceed upon my Journey. 'Tis counted 140 Leagues from Buenos Airs to Cordova, and because some parts of the Road are uninhabited for a long way together; I furnished myself at my departure with what I was informed I should stand in need of; so I set out having a Savage for my Guide, with Three Horses and Three Mules, some to carry my Baggage, and the rest to change upon the way when that I rid upon was tired.  
From Buenos Ayres, to the River Lucan, and even as far as the River Recife, 30 Leagues, I passed by several Habitations and Farms cultivated by the Spaniards, but beyond Recife to the River Salladillo, I saw none. Let it be observed by the way, that these Rivers as well as all the rest in the Provinces of Buenos Ayres, Paraguay and Tucuman, that fall into the River de la Plata are fordable on Horseback; but when the Rains or any other accident swells them, a Traveller must either swim over, or else get upon a bundle in the nature of a raft, which a Savage hawls over to the other side. I could not Swim, and so was forced to make use of this expedient twice or thrice when I could not find a Ford. The way was this, my Indian killed a Wild Bull, flayed the Hide off, stuffed it with straw, and tied it up in a great bundle with thongs of the same Hide, upon which I placed myself with my Baggage; he swum over hawling me after him by a Cord tied to the bundle, and then he repassed and swum my Horses and Mules over to me.  
All the Country between the River Recife and Salladillo, tho' uninhabited, abounds in Cattle and all sorts of Fruit-trees, except Walnut and Chestnut-trees; there are whole Woods of Nectarine-Trees, Three or Four Leagues in compass, that bear excellent Fruit, which they not only eat raw, but bake them, or dry them in the Sun, to keep, as we in France do Prunes: They seldom use any other than the Wood of this Tree for common firing at Buenos Ayres, and thereabouts. The Savages that dwell in these Parts are distinguished into two sorts, those that voluntarily submit to the Spaniards are called Panpistas, the rest Serranos, both clothed with Skins, but the last set upon the Panpistas as their mortal Enemies wherever they meet with them. All Fight on Horseback, either with Lances pointed with Iron or Bones sharpened, or else with Bows and Arrows, they wear Bulls-hides fashioned like a Doublet without sleeves, to defend their Bodies. Their Chiefs that command over them in War and Peace, are called Couracas. When they take any one of their Enemies, alive or dead, they meet all together, and after they have reproached him, that either he or his Relations were the death of their Kindred or Friends, they cut and tear him into pieces, which they roast a little and eat, making a drinking Bowl of his Scull. They feed mostly upon flesh either raw or dressed, and particularly Colt's flesh, which they like better than Veal. They catch abundance of Fish likewise in their Rivers. They have no settled places of abode, but ramble up and down, several Families together, and live in Tents.  
I could not inform myself exactly what Religion they were of, but I was told that they looked upon the Sun and Moon as Deities, and as I travelled along, I saw a Savage upon his knees with his Face to the Sun, who cried out and made strange gestures with his Hands and Arms. I learned from the Savage that accompanied me, that he was one of those they called Papas, who in the Morning kneel towards the Sun, and at Night towards the Moon, to supplicate those fancied Divinities to be propitious to them, to give them fair Wether, and Victory over their Foes.  
They make no great Ceremony in their Marriages; but when a Relation dies, after they have rubbed his body with a certain Earth that consumes all but the Bones, they preserve them, and carry as many of them as they can conveniently about with them in a sort of Chests, and this they do in token of their affection to their Kindred; indeed they are not wanting in good Offices to them during their Lives, nor in their Sickness and Death.  
Along the River Salladillo, I took notice of a great many Parrots, or Papagays, as the Spaniards call them, and certain Birds, called Guacamayos, which are of divers Colours, and twice or thrice as big as a Parrot. The River itself is full of the Fish, called Dorado, which is very good to eat. There is also a Creature in it, whether 'tis Meat or Poison no body knows, it has Four Feet and a long Tail like a Lizard.  
From Salladillo quite to Cordova, you go along a very fine River, that abounds with Fish, which is neither wide nor deep, for it may be forded over. On the Bank of it you meet with little Plantations every Three or Four Leagues; which are like Country Houses inhabited by Spaniards, Portuguese, and the Natives, who have all the necessary accommodations of Life they can wish, and are very Civil and Charitable to Strangers; their principal Wealth is in Horses and Mules, in which they Trade with the Inhabitants of Peru.  
Cordova is a Town Situate in a pleasant and fruitful Plain upon the side of a River, bigger and broader than that I have just spoken of: 'Tis composed of about 400 Houses, Built like those of Buenos Ayres. It has neither Ditches, nor Walls, nor Fort for its defence; He that Commands it is Governor of all the Provinces of Tucuman; and tho' it be the place of his ordinary Residence, yet he is wont now and then, as he sees occasion, to go and pass some time at St. Jago de l' Estro, at St. Miguel de Tucuman, (which is the Capital City of the Province) at Salta and at Xuxui. In each of these Villages there is a Lieutenant, who has under him an Alcalde and some Officers for the Administration of Justice. The Bishop of Tucuman likewise usually resides at Cordova, where the Cathedral is the only Parish Church of the whole Town; but there are divers Convents of Monks, namely of Dominicans, Recollects, and those of the Order de la Mercy: and one of Nuns. The Jesuits have a College there, and their Chapel is the finest and richest of all.  
The Inhabitants are Rich in Gold and Silver, which they get by the Trade they have for Mules, with which they furnish Peru and other Parts; which is so considerable, that they sell about 28 or 30000 of 'em every Year, which they breed up in their Farms. They usually keep 'em till they are about Two Years old, then expose 'em to Sale, and have about Six Patagons a piece for 'em. The Merchants that come to buy 'em, carry 'em to St. Jago, to Salta and Xuxui, where they leave 'em for Three Years, till they are well grown and become strong, and afterwards bring 'em to Peru, where they presently have Vent for 'em, because there as well as in the rest of the Western part of America, the greatest part of their Carriage is upon Mules. The People of Cordova also drive a Trade in Cows, which they have from the Country of Buenos Ayres, and carry to Peru, where without this way of Subsistance 'tis certain they would have much ado to live. This kind of Traffic makes this Town the most considerable in the Province of Tucuman, as well for its Riches and Commodities, as for the Number of its Inhabitants, which are counted to be at least 5 or 600 Families, besides Slaves who are three times the number. But the generality of 'em of all degrees have no other Arms but a Sword and Poignard, and are very indifferent Soldiers, the Air of the Country, and the Plenty they enjoy, rendering them Lazy and Cowardly.  
From Cordova I took the way of St. Jago de l' Estro, which is 90 Leagues distant from it. In my Journey I from time to time, that is Seven or Eight Leagues, met with single Houses of Spaniards and Portuguese, who live very solitarily; they are all Situate upon small Rivulets, some of 'em at the Corners of Forests which are frequently to be met with in that Country, and are almost all of Algarobe-wood, the Fruit of which serves to make a Drink that is sweet and sharpish, and heady as Wine; others of them in open Fields, which are not so well stocked with Cattle, as those of Buenos Ayres, but however there are enough of 'em, and indeed more than needs for the subsistence of the Inhabitants, who also make a Trade of Mules, and Cotton, and Cocheneil for dying, which the Country produces.  
St. Jago de l' Estro is a Town of about 300 Houses, without Ditches or Walls, Situate in a flat Country, surrounded with Forests of Algarobe; it lies on an indifferently large River, Navigable for Boats, and pretty well stored with Fish. The Air is very hot, and sultry, which makes the Inhabitants lazy and effeminate. Their Faces are all very Tawny; they are mightily given to their Divertisements, and mind Traffic very little. There are 300 Men that can bear Arms, taking in as well the Savages as Slaves, and they are all ill Armed, and but very mean Soldiers. The greatest part of the Women are handsome enough, but have generally a kind of swelling in the Throat, which they call Coto in the Language of the Country, and seems to be much the same with what we call a Wen. The Country is sufficiently stored with Wildfowl, Venison, Wheat, Rye, Barley; and Fruits, as Figgs, Peaches, Apples, Pears, Plumbs, Heart-Cherries, Grapes, etc. There are abundance of Tigers, that are very fierce and ravenous; Lions that are very gentle; and Guanacoes that are as big as Horses, with very long Necks, little Heads, and very short Tails, in the Stomaches of these Creatures the Bezoar-stone is found. There are Four Churches in this Town, namely the Parish-Church, that of the Jesuits, that of the Recollect Friars, and one more. Here the Inquisitor of the Province of Tucuman has his residence; he is a Secular Priest, and has Commissaries or Deputies under him, whom he places in all the other Towns of the Province.  
After I had continued Three Days at St. Jago, I went from thence to Salta, which is 100 Leagues from it, and leaving St. Miguel of Tucuman on the left hand, which is a Town under the Jurisdiction of St. Jago, I took the Road of Esseco, finding in my way some little Villages of Spaniards here and there, and very few Savages. The Country is flat, and consists partly of Fruitful Plains, and partly of Forests full of Algarobe and Palm-trees; which bear Dates somewhat less than those in the East-Countries, as well as many other sorts of Trees and Plants, amongst others, those that yield Pitch, and those that produce Cocheneil and Cotton. There are divers small Lakes, about which there are great quantities of Salt produced, which is used by the People of that Country. I stayed one day at Esseco, to prepare myself some Provisions to live upon. It's Situation is upon a very handsome broad River, which yet may be forded on Horseback. This Town was formerly as big and as considerable as Cordona, but is now ruined, there being not above 30 Families left in it, for the rest deserted it, because of the great number of Tigers that infested 'em, devouring their Children, and sometimes Men when they could surprise 'em, besides an incredible number of Venomous Flies, that sting very smartly, with which the Country is filled for four or five Leagues about the Town; so that there's no going abroad without being masked. This Country is also sufficiently Fruitful in Wheat, Barley, Vines, and other Fruit-trees; and would abound in Cattle if the Tigers did not devour 'em.  
From Esseco to Salta is 15 Leagues: And this space of Land, would be like that I have just now spoken of, but that it is Gravelly in some places. One may easily discern Salta about 2 Leagues before one comes at it; because it stands in the middle of a fine Plain, which is fertile in Corn, Grapes, and other sorts of Fruit, Cattle, and other necessaries of Life: Encompassed in some places with Hills, and some pretty high Mountains. The Town is upon the bank of a Little River, over which there is a Bridge: It may contain about 400 Houses, and 5 or 6 Churches and Convents, the Structure of which, is like that of those I have before described. 'Tis not encompassed with any Walls, Fortifications or Ditches; but the Wars the Inhabitants have had with their Neighbours, have trained them in Martial Discipline, and rendered 'em more careful to have Arms in a readiness than formerly: They are about 500 Men, who all bear Arms, besides Slaves, Moulatos, and Blacks, who are three times as many. 'Tis a place of great resort, because of the considerable Trade they have, in Corn, Meal, Cattle, Wine, Salted Meat, Tallow, and other Commodities wherewith they Trade with the Inhabitants of Peru.  
Twelve Leagues beyond it lies Xuxui, which is the last Town of Tucuman on the side of Peru. There are up and down on the Road a great many Cottages or Farms, and more than in any other place, tho' the Country is not so pleasant nor so fruitful, being almost nothing else but Hills and Mountains. This Town of Xuxui contains about 300 Houses: 'Tis not very full of People, because of the continual Wars the Inhabitants of it, as well as those of Salta, have with the Savages of the Valley of Calchaqui, who are continually harasing of 'em. The Cause that set these Wars on Foot is as follows; The Governor of Tucuman, Don Alonso de Mercado, and the Villa Corta, having received Information, that the House of the last Incas or Kings of Peru, which was called the White-house, was in this Valley, and that there was a great deal of Treasure there, which the Natives kept as a mark of their Ancient Grandeur, gave advice of it to his Catholic Majesty, and begged leave to make a Conquest of it, and subject it to his Government, as it had fared with so many other places which he obtained. To accomplish his design, he thought meet to employ Don Pedro Bohoriers a Moor, and Native of Estramadura, as being a Person who had been accustomed to converse with Savage People, and was capable of carrying on Intrigues amongst 'em, and so more fit than another, to make this design succeed; but the business had a quite contrary Event. For this Bohoriers, when he was got among the Savages of this Valley, and had gained their Affections, instead of acquitting himself of his Commission, endeavoured to establish himself in Power amongst 'em, in which he succeeded so well, that by his Craft and good address, he brought 'em to choose and acknowledge him for their King; after which he declared himself against this Spanish Governor, and began a War with him towards the end of 1638, and several times routed him and his Forces, which gave occasion to several of the Indian Natives, that were under the Dominion of the Spaniards, to throw of their Yoke, and join with the People of this Valley, who by these additions have rendered themselves somewhat formidable. Hither also the Slaves of Peru, particularly those that serve in the Mines, fly, when they can find an opportunity to make their escape: And the safe retreat they find here, draws a great number of 'em to this place; insomuch that the Spaniards would not have half Men enough to work in the Mines, if they did not get Negroes from Congo, Angola, and other places on the Coast of Guinea, by means of divers Genoese that go thither to fetch 'em, and sell 'em to them at a price concerted between 'em.  
From Xuxui to Potosi they count a 100 Leagues, the way is very troublesome, and there is but this one Road to go from Tucuman to Peru. Two Leagues from Xuxui I began to advance to the Mountains, between which there's a little and very narrow Valley, that reaches as far as Omagoaca, which is 20 Leagues beyond, and along it there runs a small River, which one is obliged to pass and repass very often. Before you are got 4 Leagues in this Road, you meet with Vulcanos, or Burning Mountains, full of Sulphurous matter, which break out in Flames from time to time, and sometimes burst open and throw quantities of Earth into the Valley, which makes the way so dirty when a Rain comes soon after it, as it almost always happens, that sometimes you must be forced to stay Five or Six Months, or till the Summer comes to dry it to make it passable. These Vulcanos continue for 2 Leagues upon this Road, and in all this space, there are no Houses either of Spaniards or Savages, but beyond it all along as far as Omagoaca, there are a great many little Cottages, inhabited only by Indians, and depending on some Towns of theirs, which are governed by their Chiefs, whom they call Couracas, who have a Cacique over them, whose Orders they obey, and whose residence is at Omagoaca, which is a Town of 200 Houses, built of Earth, and standing in no good Order. The Land about it is none of the best, however they sow Wheat there, and a great quantity of Millet, which the Indians ordinarily use. As for Cattle, they have very few, and commonly eat Beef dried in the Sun, which is brought them by those that Trade with 'em; they have also Goats and Sheep of their own Product.  
The most of these Savages are Catholics, and live according to the Rules of the Roman Catholic Religion; they have a Church at Omagoaca, which is supplied with Priests, who go from time to time to celebrate Mass there: These Priests dwell at Socchoa, which is the Plantation of Don Paulo d' Obaudo, who is a Spaniard, but born in this Country, and is Lord Proprietor of it, which contains not only all the Valley of Omagoaca, but likewise a great space of Land beyond, and is a Country of about 60 or 80 Leagues in extent, where there are a great many Vigognes' of whose Wool this Lord makes a very considerable Advantage. He takes these Creatures with a great deal of ease by means of his Subjects the Indians, who have no other trouble than that of making a great Enclosure with Nets about a Foot and a half high, to which they tie a great many Feathers that are blown to and fro by the Wind, after which the Savages hunt these Creatures, and drive 'em within the Nets, as they do Wild-Boars in France into the Toils; when this is done, some come on Horseback within the compass of Ground in which they are enclosed, and while the poor Beasts dare not go near the Nets for fear of the Feathers that play about 'em, they with certain Bowls fastened to Cords, knock down and kill as many of 'em as they please.  
From Omagoaca to Mayo, they count it 30 Leagues, & there's nothing to be met with along this way, but a very few Plantations of Savages, because 'tis so very Cold here in the Winter, that 'tis hard to be endured.  
The way from Mayo to Toropalca is through very pleasant Plains, there are Two hundred Houses in the Town, inhabited by Catholic Savages, only one Portuguese lives there with his Family.  
Beyond Toropalca, is the Country of Chichas which is very Mountainous, and is stored with divers Mines of Gold and Silver, and Work-houses where they prepare the Metal. 'Tis 25 Leagues in extent as far as Potosi, where I arrived after a Journey of Sixty three Days.   

A Description of the City of Potosi, and the Mines there.  
I Was no sooner alighted from my Horse, at a Merchant's House to whom I had been recommended, but I was conducted by him to the Precedent of the Provinces of Los Charcas, to whom the Order I carried from the King of Spain was directed, as the Principal Director of his Catholic Majesty's Affairs in this Province, in which Potosi is Situate, which is the place of his Ordinary Residence, altho' the City de la Plata is the Capital. After I had delivered the Order to him, I was brought to the Corregidor, to deliver that which belonged to him, and afterwards to those other Officers for whom I brought Orders; they all received me very well, particularly the Precedent, who presented me with a Chain of Gold for the good News I had brought him.  
But before we go any farther 'tis convenient I should give some description of the City of Potosi, as I have done of others. The Spaniards call it the Imperial City, but no body could ever tell me for what reason; 'tis Situate at the Foot of a Mountain, called Arazassou, and divided in the midst by a River, which comes from a Lake enclosed with Walls, which lies about a quarter of a League above the City, and is a kind of reserver to hold the Water that is necessary for the Work-houses of that part of the City, which is on this side of the River, over against the Mountain, is raised upon a little Hill, and is the largest and most inhabited part; for on that which is on the side of the Mountain, there's scarce any thing but Engines and the Houses of those that Work in 'em. The City has neither Walls, Ditches, nor Forts for its defence, there are reckoned to be 4000 Houses well built of good Stone, with several Floors, after the manner of the Buildings in Spain. The Churches are well made, and all richly adorned with Plate, Tapestry, and other Ornaments, and above all those of the Monks and Nuns, of whom there are several Convents of different Orders, which are very well furnished. This is not the least populous City of Peru, with Spaniards, Mestices, Strangers, and Natives (which last the Spaniards call Indios) with Moulatos and Negro. They count there are between 3 and 4000 Natural Spaniards bearing Arms, who have the Reputation of being very stout Men and good Soldiers. The number of the Mestices is not much less, nor are they less expert at a Weapon, but the greatest part of 'em, are Idle, apt to quarrel and Treacherous, therefore they commonly wear Three or Four Buff-wast-coats one upon another, which are proof against the point of a Sword, to secure themselves from private stabs. The Strangers there are but few, there are some Dutch, Irish, and Genoese; and some French, most of whom are of St. Malo, Provence or Bayonne, and pass for People of Navarre and biscay. As for the Indians they are reckoned to amount to near 10000 besides the Moulatos and the Blacks: but they are not permitted to wear either Swords or Fire-Arms, no not their Couracas and Caciques, tho' they may all aspire to any degree of Knighthood, and to Benefices, to which they are often raised, for their laudable Actions, and good Services. They are also forbidden to wear the Spanish habit, but are obliged to clothe themselves in a different manner, in a close-coat without sleeves, which they wear next their Shirts, to which their Band and laced Cuffs are fastened, their Breeches are wide at bottom after the French fashion; their Legs and Feet naked. The Blacks and Moulatos being in the Service of the Spaniards, are habited after the Spanish Mode, and may bear Arms, and all the Indian Slaves after Ten Years service are set at liberty, and have the same privileges with the others. The Government of this City is very exact, by the Care which is taken by Twenty four Magistrates, who are constantly observing, that good orders be kept in it; besides the Corregidor and Precedent of Los Charcas, who directs Officers after the manner of Spain. It is to be observed, that excepting these two Principal Officers, as well at Potosi as every where else in the Indies, all the People, whether Knights, Gentlemen, Officers or others, are concerned in Commerce: of which some of them make so great an advantage, that in the City of Potosi, there are some reckoned to be worth, Two, some Three, and some Four Millions of Crowns; and a great many worth Two, Three, or Four hundred thousand Crowns. The common People to live much at their ease, but are all proud and haughty, and always go very fine, either in Cloth of Gold and Silver, or in Scarlet, or Silk trimmed with a great deal of Gold and Silver-Lace. The Furniture of their Houses is very Rich, for they are generally served in Plate. The Wives both of Gentlemen and Citizens, are kept very close, to a degree beyond what they are in Spain; they never go abroad, unless it be to go to Mass, or to make some Visit, or to some public Feast; and that but rarely. The Women here are generally addicted to excess in taking Coca: This is a Plant that comes from the side of Cusco, which when it is made up in Rowls and dried they chew, as some do Tobacco; they are so heated, and sometimes absolutely fuddled by it, that they have no command of themselves at all: 'Tis likewise often used by the Men, and has the same effects upon them. They are otherwise very Temperate in eating and drinking, tho' they have before dwelled in places well stored with all sort of Provisions, as Beef, Mutton, Fowls, Venison, raw and preserved Fruits, Corn and Wine, which are brought hither from other parts, and some from a great distance, which makes these Commodities dear, so that the meaner sort of People; especially those that have very little beforehand, would find it hard enough to live there, if Money were not very plenty, and easy to be got by them that are willing to work.  
The best and finest Silver in all the Indies, is that of the Mines of Potosi, the principal of which are found in the Mountain of Aranzasse, where besides the prodigious quantities of Silver that have been taken out of Veins, in which the Metal evidently appeared, and which are now exhausted, there is almost as great quantities of it found in places where they had not digged before; nay from some of the Earth which they threw aside formerly when they opened the Mines, and made Pits, and Cross-ways in the Mountains, they have taken Silver, and have found by this, that the Silver has been formed since that time, which shows how proper the Quality of this Ground is for the production of that Metal: But indeed this Earth does not yield so much as the Mines that are found by Veins among the Rocks. There are besides these another sort of Veins of Earth which they call Paillaco, which are as hard as a Stone, and of the Colour of Clay, which were slighted heretofore, and yet as Experience has since taught, were not so contemptible as was supposed; since Silver is got out of 'em with so little Charge, that there is no inconsiderable profit found in the Work. Besides the Mines of this Mountain, there are a great many others about the Country at a greater distance, that are pretty good, amongst others those of Lips, of Carangas, and of Porco; but those of Ouroures that have been lately discovered are better.  
The King of Spain does not cause any of these Mines to be wrought on his own account, but leaves 'em to those Persons that make the Discovery of 'em, who remain Masters of 'em after the Corregidor has visited 'em, and declared 'em Proprietors, on the accustomed Conditions and Privileges. The same Corregidor describes and marks out the superfices of the Ground, in which they are allowed to open the Mine on the outside, which does not for all that, limit or restrain their work underground; every Man having liberty to follow the Vein he has found, let the extent and depth of it reach never so far, tho' it should cross that which another has digged near it. All that the King reserves for himself, besides the Duties we shall hereafter speak of, is to give a general direction by his Officers, for all the work of the Mines, and to order the number of Savages to be employed in 'em; to prevent the disorders that would arise, if every Proprietor of the Mines should have liberty to set as many of 'em to work as he pleased; which would frequently give occasion to those that are most powerful and Rich, to engross and have so great a Number of 'em, that few or none would remain for others to employ, to keep their work going forward: for this would be contrary to the King's Interest, which is to make Provision that that there be a sufficient number of Slaves for all the Mines that are opened. For this end he obliges all the Couracas or Chiefs of the Savages, to furnish every one a certain number, which they must always keep complete, or else are forced to give twice as much Money as would have been paid in Wages to those that are wanting, if they had been present. Those that are destined for the Mines of Potosi, don't amount to above Two thousand and two or three hundred, these are brought and put into a great Enclosure which is at the Foot of the Mountain, where the Corregidor makes a distribution of 'em to the Conductors of the Mines, according to the Number they want, and after Six days constant Work, the Conductor brings 'em back the Saturday following to the same place, where the Corregidor causes a review to be made of 'em, to make the owners of the Mines give 'em the Wages that are appointed 'em, and to see how many of 'em are dead, that the Couracas may be obliged to supply the number that is Wanting: for there's no Week passes but some of 'em die, either by divers accidents that Occur, as the tumbling down of great quantities of Earth, and falling of Stones, or by Sickness and other Casualties. They are sometimes very much incommoded by Winds that are shut up in the Mines; the coldness of which joined to that of some parts of the Earth, chills 'em so excessively, that unless they chewed Coca, which heats and fuddles 'em, it would be intolerable to 'em. Another great hardship which they suffer is, that in other places, the Sulphurous and Mineral Vapours are are so great, that it strangely dries 'em up, so that it hinders 'em from free respiration; and for this they have no other remedy, than the Drink which is made with the Herb of Paraguay, of which they prepare a great quantity to refresh and moisten 'em, when they come out of the Mines at the times appointed for eating or sleeping; this Drink serves 'em also for Physic to make 'em Vomit, and cast up whatever incommodes their Stomaches. Among these Savages they ordinarily choose the best Workmen to break up the Oar between the Rocks; this they do with Iron-barrs, which the Spaniards call Palancas, and other Instruments of Iron; others serve to carry what they dig in little Baskets to the entrance of the Mine; others to put it in Sacks, and load it upon a sort of great Sheep, which they call Carneros de la Tierra, they are taller than Asses, and commonly carry Two hundred Pound weight; these serve to carry it to the Work-houses which are in the Town along the River, which comes from the Lake I have spoken of before. In these Work-houses which are a Hundred and twenty in Number; the Oar is refined, of which take the following account. They first beat it well upon Anvils with certain great Hammers, which a Mill continually keeps at work, when they are pretty well reduced to Powder, they pass it through a fine Sieve, and spread it upon the Ground about half a Foot thick in a square place that is very smooth, prepared for the purpose; then they cast a great deal of Water upon it, after which they with a Sieve spread upon it a certain quantity of Quicksilver, which is proportioned by the Officers of the Mint, and also a Liquid substance of Iron, which is prepared by Two Millstones, one of which is fixed, and the other is continuly turning, between these they put an Old Anvil, or some other Massy piece of Iron, which is worn away and Consumed with Water by the turning Millstone, so that 'tis reduced to a certain Liquid Matter. The Oar being thus prepared, they stir it about and mix it, as Men do when they make Mortar, for a Fortnight together, every day tempering it with Water; and after this they several times put it into a Tub, wherein there is a little Mill, which by its motion separates from it all the Earth with the Water, and casts 'em off together, so that nothing but the Metallick Matter remains at the bottom, which is afterwards put into the Fire in Crucibles, to separate the Quicksilver from it, which is done by Evaporation, for as for the Iron substance, that does not Evaporate, but remains mixed with the Silver, which is the reason that there is always in Eight Ounces (for example sake) Three quarters of an Ounce or thereabouts of false Alloy.  
The Silver when thus refined is carried to the Mint, where they make an Essay of it whether it be of the right Alloy, after which it is melted into Barrs or Ingots, which are weighed, and the fifth part of 'em deducted, which belongs to the King, and are stamped with his mark; the rest appertain to the Merchant, who in like manner applies his mark to them; and takes 'em away from thence when he pleases in Barrs, or else converts 'em into Reals and other Money. This fifth part is the only profit the King has from the Mines, which yet are esteemed to amount to several Millions; But besides this, he draws considerable Sums by the ordinary Impositions upon Goods, without reckoning what he raises upon Quicksilver, both that which is taken out of the Mines of Guancavelica, which are Situated between Lima and Cusco; and that which is brought from Spain, with which Two Vessels are loaded every Year, because that which is taken out of these Mines is not sufficient for all the Indies.  
They use divers ways of Carriage, to Transport all the Silver that is annually made about Potosi for Spain; first they Load it upon Mules, that carry it to Arica, which is a Port on the South-Sea, from whence they Transport it in small Vessels to the Fort of Lima, or Los Reys, which is a Fort upon the same Sea, Two Leagues from Lima; here they Embark it with all that comes from other parts of Peru, in Two great Galleons that belong to his Catholic Majesty, each of which carry 1000 Tuns, and are Armed each with 50 or 60 Pieces of Canon; these are commonly accompanied with a great many small Merchant Ships as Richly Loaded, which have no Guns but a few Petareroes to give Salutes; and take their Course towards Panama, taking care always to send a little Pinnace 8 or 10 Leagues before to make discoveries. They might make this way in a Fortnight's time, having always the help of the Southwind which reigns alone in this Sea; yet they never make it less than a Month's Voyage, because by this delay the Commander of the Galleons makes a great advantage in furnishing those with Cards that have a mind to play on Shipboard, during the Voyage, which amounts to a very considerable Sum, both because the Tribute he receives is Ten Patagons for every Pack of Cards, and because there is a prodigious quantity of 'em consumed, they being continually at play; and there being scarce any body aboard, but is concerned for very considerable Sums. When the Galleons arrive at Panama on the Continent, they put their Lading ashore, and wait to hear of those from Spain, who commonly about the same time, or a little after, arrive at Portobelo, which is 18 Leagues from the North-Sea; in the mean time they carry thither part of the Gold, Silver, and other Commodities of this Fleet which are designed for Europe, upon Mules by Land, and part by Water upon the River of Chiagre, in Boats made of an entire piece of Wood called Piragovas'. A few days after they are unladen, and after the Galleons are likewise arrived from Spain; a very great Fair is held there, for a Fortnight together, in which they Sell and Barter all sorts of Goods necessary for each Country; which is performed with so much honesty, that the Sale is made only by the Inventories, without opening the Bales, without the least Fraud. The Fair being ended, they all retire to the places to which they respectively belong. The Galleons that are to return into Spain, go to Havana, in the Island of Cuba, where they wait for the Arrival of the Flota of la Vera-Crux in New Spain; as soon as that has joined 'em, they continue their Course together, passing through the Channel of Bahama along the Coast of Florida, they touch at the Island of Bermudos, where they commonly meet with Advice of the State of Affairs in Europe, and with orders to direct them how to avoid any disasters, and to perform their Voyage in safety. As for the Galleons of Peru, after they have taken in a new Cargo at Panama, they return to Lima, steering divers Courses, because of the Contrariety of the Wind, which keeps 'em Two or Three Months at Sea. Being there, they dispose of what they have for Peru: And the rest of the Goods is taken off by the Merchants of Chili, who give a great many Commodities of their Country in exchange for 'em; as Goats-leather, which in the Language of the Country is called Cordovan, Cordage, Hemp, Pitch and Tar, Oils, Olives, and Almonds, and above all a great quantity of Dust of Gold, which is taken out of the Rivers of Capiapo, Coquinbo, Baldivia, and others which fall into the South-Sea. And now we are speaking of the Commodities of Chili, some small matter must be said concerning this great Province or Kingdom. At the Mouths of those Rivers, of which I have just been speaking, there are good Ports, and Cities, each of which consist of about 4 or 500 Houses, and those sufficiently stocked with People. The most considerable Cities upon the Sea-Coast, are Baldivia, lafoy Conception, Copiapo and Coquinbo. Baldivia is Fortified, and has a Garrison in it, usually composed only of Banished Men, and Malefactors of the Indies; the Three others are Cities of Trade. Farther up in the Country is St. Jago de Chili, which is the Capital of all Chili, where there is likewise a strong Garrison, and some regular Troops, by reason of the continual War they have with the Savages, called Aoucans'. Beyond it in the Mountains, lies the little Province of Chicuito, of which the principal Places are St. Juan de la Frontera, and Mendoca, round about these Towns, there grows a great deal of Corn, and abundance of Vines, which furnish the Country of Chili, and the Province of Tucuman as far as Buenos Ayres.  
Three Weeks after my Arrival at Potosi; there were great rejoicings made for the Birth of the Prince of Spain, which lasted for a Fortnight together, during which time all Work ceased, throughout the City, in the Mines, and in the Adjacent places, and all the People great and small, whether Spaniards, Foreigners, Indians, or Blacks, minded nothing else but to do something extraordinary for the Solemnising of this Festival. It began with a Cavalcade, made by the Corregidor, the Twenty four Magistrates of the City, the other Officers, the Principal of the Nobility and Gentry, and the most eminent Merchants of the City; all richly Clothed. All the rest of the People, and particularly the Ladies being at the Windows, and casting down abundance of perfumed Waters, and great quantities of dry Sweetmeats. The following days they had several Plays, some of which they call Juegos de Toros, others Juegos de Cannae, several sorts of Masquerades, Comedies, Balls, with Vocal and Instrumental Music, and other Divertisements, which were carried on one day by the Gentlemen, another day by the Citizens; one while by the Goldsmiths, another while by the Miners; some by the People of divers Nations, others by the Indians, and all with great Magnificence, and a prodigious Expense. The rejoicings of the Indians deserve a particular remark, for besides that they were richly clothed, and after a different manner, and that Comical enough; with their Bows and Arrows; they in one Night and Morning, in the Chief Public place of the City, prepared a Garden in the form of a Labyrinth, the Plaits of which were adorned with Fountains spouting out Waters, furnished with all sorts of Trees and Flowers, full of Birds, and all sorts of Wild-beasts, as Lions, Tigers and other kinds; in the midst of which they expressed their Joy a Thousand different ways, with extraordinary Ceremonies. The last day save one surpassed all the rest, and that was a Race at the Ring, which was performed at the Charge of the City with very surpizing Machine's. First there appeared a Ship Towed along by Savages, of the bulk and burden of a 100 Tuns, with her Guns and Equipage of Men clothed in Curious Habit, her Anchors, Ropes, and Sails swelling with the Wind, which very luckily blew along the Street through which they drew her to the great public place, where as soon as she arrived, she saluted the Company, by the discharge of all her Canon; and at the same time a Spanish Lord, representing an Emperor of the East, coming to Congratulate the Birth of the Prince, came out of the Vessel attended with Six Gentlemen, and a very fine Train of Servants that led their Horses, which they mounted, and so went to salute the Precedent of Los Charcas, and while they were making their Compliment to him, their Horses kneeled down, and kept in that Posture, having been taught this Trick before. They afterwards went to salute the Corregidor, and the Judges of the Field, from whom when they had received permission to run at the Ring against the Defendants, they acquitted themselves with great Gallantry, and received very fine prizes distributed by the hands of the Ladies. The Race at the Ring being finished, the Ship and a great many other small Barks that were brought thither advanced to attack a great Castle wherein Cromwell the Protector, who was then in War with the King of Spain, was feigned to be shut up; and after a pretty long Combat of Fireworks; the fire took hold of the Ship, the small Barks, and the Castle and all was consumed together. After this a great many pieces of Gold and Silver were distributed and thrown among the People in the Name of his Catholic Majesty: And there were some particular Persons that had the prodigality to throw away Two or Three Thousand Crowns a Man among the Mob. The Day following these rejoicings were concluded by a Procession, made from the great Church to that of the Recollects, in which the Holy Sacrament was carried, attended with all the Clergy and Laiety; and because the way from one of these Churches to the other had been unpaved for the Celebration of the other rejoicings, they repaired it for this Procession with Barrs of Silver, with which all the way was entirely covered. The Altar where the Host was to be Lodged in the Church of the Recollects was so furnished with Figures, Vessels, and Plates of Gold and Silver, adorned with Pearls, Diamonds, and other Precious Stones, that scarce ever could any thing be seen more Rich: For the Citizens brought thither all the rarest Jewels they had. The extraordinary Charge of this whole time of Rejoicing, was reckoned to amount to above 500000 Crowns.  
These Divertisements being ended, the rest of the time that I continued at Potosi, was employed in completing the Sale of the Goods, the Inventories of which I had brought with me, and I obliged myself to cause these Goods to be delivered in a certain time at Xuxui, and to pay all the Charge of Carriage so far. I took most of my Payment in Silver, namely in Patagons, Plate, Barrs, and Pignas, which is Virgin-silver; and the rest in Vigogne Wool, and when I had quite finished the business for which I was sent to Potosi; I left the place to return to Buenos Airs the same way I came. I loaded all my Bales upon Mules, which is the ordinary way of Carriage to pass the Moutains which divide Peru from Tucuman. But when I was arrived at Xuxui, I thought meet to make use of Wagons, which is much more Commodious, and thus I continued my Travels; and after a Journey of 4 Months happily arrived at the River of Lucan; which is 5 Leagues from Buenos Airs; where I met with Ignatio Maleo, who was got thither before me; he came thither by the River in a little Boat, which we resolved to make use of, to convey most of the Silver I had brought with me, privately to our Ship; we thought meet to take this Course to avoid the risk we must have run of being Confiscated, if we had brought our Vessel by Buenos Ayres, because of the Prohibition of the Exportation of Gold and Silver, tho' this order is not always very regularly observed, the Governor sometimes, suffering it to be carried out privately, Conniving at it, for some present, or else not being very strict in taking notice of it.  
I must not omit here to tell the reason why the Spaniards will not suffer the Silver of Peru, and of other Neighbouring Provinces to be Transported by the River of la Plata, nor all sorts of Vessels to go and Trade there without Permission: It is from this Consideration, that if they should give way to a free Trade on that side, where the Country is good and Plentiful, the Earth Fruitful, The Air wholesome, and Carriage Commodious; the Merchants that Trade in Peru, Chili, and Tucuman, would soon quit the way of the Galleons, and the Ordinary Passages through the North and South-Seas, and through the Continent, which is difficult and Incommodious; and would take the way of Buenos Ayres: And this would infallibly cause most of the Cities of the Continent to be deserted, where the Air is bad, and the Necessaries and Accommodations of Life are not to be had in such plenty.  
When we had secured our Silver by the precaution we had used, I came to Buenos Airs with the rest of our Goods; where I was no sooner Arrived, but our return to Spain was resolved on. But least any thing should be found on board us to give occasion for any Seizure, when the King's Officers should make their usual Visit on our Vessel, before it went out of the Port; we thought convenient at first to Embark only those Commodities that took up the most room, as Vigogne Wool, Leather of several sorts, amongst others 16000 Bulls-hides, with a great many other Bales and Chests belonging to the Passengers that were to return with us, and about 30000 Crowns in Silver, which is the largest Sum that is permitted to be carried away, to supply all necessary charges that may occur in the Voyage, and to pay off the Ship. But after this Visit was made, we made an end of Embarking the Silver we had hidden, which with the rest of the Lading might amount to about Three Millions of Livers.  
We parted from Buenos Airs in the Month of May 1659., in company of a Dutch Vessel, Commanded by Isaac de Brac, which was also richly Laden; he engaged us to steer our Course with him, because his Ship leaked; and this fault increasing in the sequel of the Voyage, we were obliged to put in at the Island of Fernande de Lorona, within 3 Degrees and a half of the Line on the Southside. It proved well for us, as well as for the Dutch, that we stopped here. For having a mind for fear of the worst to take in a new Provision of Freshwater here, we perceived the greatest part of that we had taken in at Buenos Ayres was run out, and of a Hundred Barrels, which we thought we had remaining of our Store; we had but Thirty left. Therefore tho' the Water we found there had a very flat Taste, and had this ill quality, that it presently cast them that drank of it into a Looseness, we were however necessitated to fill our Barrels with it. And an Accident unhappy enough befell those of our Men that went to fetch it from the Rock out of which it sprang, for having stripped themselves almost naked, to work the more commodiously, the heat of the Sun scorched 'em so vehemently, that it made their Bodies all over red, and afterwards those parts upon which the Sun darted its Rays with the greatest violence, were full of Buboes and Pustules, which were very troublesome, and made 'em very uneasy for a Fortnight's Time.  
I went ashore to see this Island, which is about a League and an half in compass, and uninhabited. One of our Pilots told me that the Dutch possessed it, while they held Fermanbues in Brasil, and that they had a small Fort there, some small remains of which were still left, that they sowed Millet and Beans there, of which they had a tolerable Crop, and that they bred up a great many Fowls, Goats and Hogs. We saw a great number of Birds, of which some were good to eat; we continued there Four days, but when we saw the Dutch could not be so soon in a condition to continue their Voyage, being obliged to put their Cargo ashore, and to lay their Vessel upon one side to refit; we set sail, and after a Voyage sufficiently troublesome by the Storms we suffered, which sometimes drove us towards the Coasts of Florida, and sometimes upon others, we at last discovered the Coasts of Spain. Instead of going to Cadiz, being under apprehensions of meeting the English who were still at War with the Spaniards; we thought convenient to make to St. Andero, where we happily arrived about the middle of August. We were immediately informed that the Spanish Galleons came to Moor at the same Port in their return from Mexico, for the same reason that brought us thither, and that they set Sail but Two days before our Arrival. And because the Officers of the King of Spain, that had been sent to 'em were still there, we thought best to treat with them, as well to save the Fine we had incurred, for not returning to the place from whence we were sent out, as that we might not be troubled with a visit from them. And for 4000 Patagons, which we presented 'em, we were excused and exempted from any search. We therefore put our Silver and other Commodities ashore there, part of which was afterwards sent to Bilboa, and part to St. Sebastian, where in a little time they were sold and distributed to several Merchants, who Transported 'em to divers places to put 'em off. When we had finished the Sale of all our Commodities, there was an exact account stated among those that were concerned in the Ship, both of their Charge and Profit of this Voyage; about the detail of which I shall not trouble my head. I shall only say, to give a short account of it in Gross, that the Charge consisted first in 290000 Crowns employed in buying the Goods with which our Vessel was Loaded at Cadiz, and in paying the Deuce of Exportation from Spain. 74000 Livers for the Freight of the Vessel for 19 Months, at the rate of 3200 Livers per Month, 43000 Livers more for the pay of 76 Seamen great and small for the time, at the rate of 10 Crowns per Month one with another. 30000 Crowns spent in Victualling the Ship for that time, as well for the Ships Crew as for the Passengers, there being a very good Provision made, because in those long Voyages beyond the Line the Sailors must have good Sustenance, and the Passengers must have a great many Sweetmeats, good Liquors, and other Costly things. More 2000 Crowns for the Deuce of Entry at Buenos Ayres, and in Presents to the Officers of the Place; and 1000 Crowns in Custom at our going from thence; more in Expenses, Imposts and Charges in carrying our Goods from Buenos Airs to Potosi, and from Potosi to Buenos Ayres, at the rate of 20 Crowns for a Quintal or 100 weight; more 4000 Crowns to procure an Exemption from being searched and visited at our return to Spain. And in fine some other Expenses, as well in Customs of Entry, when we Landed our Goods in Spain, as in some other things not fore-seen, which did not amount to any great Sums. These were almost all the Principal Articles of the Charge, which being deducted and paid, the Profit was found to amount to 250 per Cent. Comprehending that which was got by the Hides, which came to 15 Livers a piece, that being the Ordinary Price, tho' they cost but a Crown at the first hand; and likewise what was got by the Passengers, of whom we had above 50 on board us, as well in going as coming, which was not inconsiderable; for one Man who had nothing but his Chest paid 800 Crowns, and the rest paid proportionably for their Passage and Diet.  
We were told at St. Andero, that the Dutch Vessels which we had seen at Buenos Ayres were safely arrived at Amsterdam, but that the Spanish Ambassador being informed that they came from the River de la Plata, and had brought thence a prodigious Quantity of Silver and other Commodities, as well on the account of some Dutch Merchants, as for several Spaniards, who had taken the opportunity of the return of these Vessels to come back into Europe, and had remitted their Money from Amsterdam to Cadiz and Sevil by Bills of Exchange, besides the Dutch Goods which they sent thither, had given advice of it to the Council for the Indies at Madrid, who judged this Money and these Effects liable to Confiscation, because all Spaniards are Prohibited from Trading upon Foreign Vessels, and from Transporting Silver to any other place besides Spain; and accordingly had seized and confiscated the greatest part of 'em, the rest being saved by the precautions some of the Merchants took, who were not so much in haste as the others. The same Ambassador having remonstrated at the same time, what would be the Consequence of Tolerating Strangers to continue to trade in the River of Plata, without putting any restraint upon 'em, the Council had so much regard to his advice, as to Equip a Vessel with all speed at St. Sebastian, which they Loaded with Arms and Men, to send to Buenos Airs with very strict orders, as well to seize the Person of the Governor for having suffered these Dutch Vessels to come and Trade in the Country, as to take an exact account of the Acquaintance and Intelligence the Dutch had gotten there, as also to re-establish things so well there, in fortifying the Garrisons, and in Arming them better than they had yet been in time past, that for the Future they might be in a condition to resist Foreigners, and to hinder their Descent and Communication in the Country. Soon after our Arrival, Ignatio Maleo the Captain of our Ship, received an Order from the Court of Spain to come to Madrid, to inform the Council for the Indies of the Condition in which he found and left things at Buenos Ayres: He was desirous that I would accompany him thither, which I did. As soon as we arrived at Madrid, he gave in the Memories, not only of all he had observed in the River of Plata, but also of the means that might be used to hinder Strangers from having the least thoughts of Trading there, and that first by keeping Two good Men of War at the Mouth of the River, to dispute and hinder the Passage of such Merchant Ships as should attempt to go up to Buenos Airs; in the second place by sending every Year Two Ships Loaded with all things the People of those parts have occasion for. That being this way sufficiently supplied, they might have no thoughts of favouring the descent and entrance of Strangers, when they should come thither. He moreover made a proposal of changing the usual Way of carrying Goods, which are sent to Peru, and brought them by the Way of the Galleons; that it might be settled on the River of Plata, from whence he assured 'em, the Carriage of 'em by Land to Peru, would be more conveniently performed, and at a cheaper Rate, as well as with less Risque, than any other Way. But of all these Proposals the Council of Spain relished only that of sending to Buenos-Ayres Two Vessels laden with Commodities proper for the Country. And Maleo having obtained a Grant, and a Commission for this Purpose, upon the Assurance of it, we returned to Guipuscoa, to make Preparation for this Voyage, and to set our Affairs in order; which we so well dispatched, that in a little time, we had a Vessel ready to set sail, which Maleo ordered to be bought at Amsterdam, and to be brought to the Port from whence we were to go, being partly laden with Dutch, and with other Commodities, taken up at Bayonne, St. Sebastian, and Bilboa, bought in gross at a Venture, in which Affair I was employed, having undertaken it by Maleo's Commission.  
During these Preparations, and while we waited for the Dispatch of the Grant, that had been promised him by the Council of Spain, it happened that the Baron of Vateville being in haste to go into England, in Quality of Ambassador from his Catholic Majesty; and having Orders to make use of the first Ship that was ready to Sail, took Maleo's Vessel; which, yet served only to carry his Baggage, the King of Great Britain having sent him a Frigate at the same time, in which he crossed the Sea. During the Stay, which Maleo was obliged to make in England, he made new Provision for his Voyage to the Indies; and seeing his Grant was not yet sent him, he thought it expedient to take a Commission, from the Baron of Vateville, as Captain-General of the Province of Guipuscoa, in my Name, and that of Pascoal Hiriarte, commanding his Ship to go in pursuit of the Portuguese, on the Coast of Brezil; that this might serve us for a Pretext, to go into the River of Plata. Being fortified with this Order, we embarked, and having stopped at Haure de Grace to set N— ashore, who thought good to return to Madrid, to solicit a Commission also from the Council of Spain, for the Two Vessels, with which we agreed, that they should come and join us at Buenos-Ayres; we continued our Course, and after many cross Winds, we arrived in the River of Plata:. As we entered into it, we met Two Dutch Vessels that came from Buenos Airs; the Captains of which informed us, that one of 'em could by no means obtain leave to Trade there; but that the other Arriving there before him, in a conjuncture when the Government was obliged to send a very important Message in all haste to his Catholic Majesty, relating to his Service, was so happy, by the promise he made of taking the Courier, who was ordered for Spain on board him, as to find means of disposing of all his Goods, and of bringing away a very Rich Cargo, in which he spoke the very Truth; for he had the prudence before he came to the Port, to take out his richest Goods, and leave 'em in an Island below, and only reserved those of the greatest bulk to be exposed to the View of the Officers, of which he had made a false Envois at the price of the Country, separate from the general one, and had made the Value of his Cargo to amount to 270000 Crowns. He agreed with the Governor to leave these Goods with him, provided he would give him for 'em 22000 Hides at a Crown apiece, 12000 pound of Vigogne Wool at 4 Livers 10 Sous per Pound, ane 30000 Crowns in Silver to pay the Charges of Equipping his Ship; which was performed accordingly. But under the pretence of his Bargain, and while the Leather was Loading in the Vessel, the Captain underhand sold his Richest Commodities, and for the Value of 'em which amounted to 100000 Crowns, he got at least 400000. Thus the Captain of the Ship and the Governor both made a great Advantage; but this Governor whose Name is Don Alonza de Mercado and de Villacorta, being a very disinterested Man, and not at all greedy of Money, declared that the Profit of this business was for the King his Master, and gave him advice of it by this Courier.  
Being separated from these Vessels, we came to an Anchor before Buenos Airs; but for all the Instances and Offers we could make one time after another to this Governor, we could never obtain his Permission to put our Goods ashore, and to expose 'em to Sale to the People of the Place; because we had no Licence for it from Spain. He only consented to let us go into the City from time to time to procure Victuals for our Men, and such other Necessaries as we wanted. He treated us with this Rigour for Eleven Months, after which there happened an Occasion which obliged him to use us better, and to enter into a sort of an Accommodation with us. There was another Spanish Ship in the Port, the same that a Year before had brought Troops and Arms from Spain, to reinforce the Garrisons of Buenos Ayres, and of Chili, of which I have spoken above; which contined here all this time upon her own private business, but the Captain that Commanded her could not manage his Affairs with so much secrecy, but it came to the Governor's Ear, that he designed in prejudice of the Prohibition that was made, to carry away a great quantity of Silver, and indeed he seized on a Sum of 113000 Crowns that was just ready to be carried of, of which the Captain could have no restitution made; and fearing a greater disapointment, namely that he should be seized, he set Sail to return into Spain, without waiting for any Letters for his Catholic Majesty, with which the Governor would have entrusted him, together with the Information he had received of the Intelligence the Dutch had gotten in the Country, which he had a mind to send into Spain with all speed, as well as some Persons whom he had seized, that were guilty of holding this Correspondence with the Dutch, among whom there was a Captain, named Alberto Janson, a Dutchman. The flight of this Spanish Vessel therefore obliged the Governor to alter his carriage toward us, and to facilitate the Return of our Vessel, which he thought good to make use of, for want of another to carry his Letters and Prisoners into Spain; upon condition we would take upon us this Charge, he suffered us after a tacit manner to do our business, and to carry off 4000 Hides; but we having great Acquaintance with the Merchants of the Place, managed our Affairs so well, that under the Umbrage of this permission, we sold all our Goods, and brought away a Rich Cargo, in Silver, Hides, and other Commodities, after which without losing any time we took our Course for Spain.  
At our Arrival in the River of Corunna in Gallicia, we received Advice by the Letters which N— sent us to the Ports upon all the Coasts, that there was an Order from the King of Spain to seize us at our return, because we had been at Buenos Airs without leave. Upon this we resolved (after we had sent the Letters and Prisoners, that were committed to our Charge to the Governor of Corunna by the hand of the Sergeant Major of Buenos Ayres, who came about the Affairs of that Country in our Vessel) to pass out of that River, and to go 6 Leagnes from thence into the Road of Barias, where I found a small Vessel, in which I loaded the greatest part of what I had on my own account, and that of my Friends. The Governor of Corunna receiving advice of it, dispatched a Hoy after me to stop me, but I used that precaution and diligence, that this Hoy could never come up with me, so that I happily arrived in France at the Port of Socca, where I by this means saved the fruit of my Labours and long Voyage. The great Ship which I left in the Road of Barias had not so favourable a Lot, and one may say, was shipwrecked at the very Port; for having left the Road of Barias, to get speedily to that of Santonge, to secure all the Goods she had on board, except 4000 Hides, of which her Bill of Lading gave an account, and having begun to put 600 Hides into a Dutch Vessel that she met there, the bad Wether constrained her to put in at the Port from whence she first went out, where she was Confiscated with all her Cargo for the use of the King of Spain, under the pretence before spoken of, that she had not the Permission of his Catholic Majesty for her Voyage.  
While these things were transacting, the Sergeant Major of Buenos Ayres Arrived at Madrid, and the King of Spain having Caused the Informations he brought to be examined, which principally insisted upon the necessity there was of sending new Recruits of Men and Ammunition, to augment the Carisons of Buenos Ayres, and of Chili, the better to secure the Country against the Erterprises of Strangers, and also from the attempt of the Savages of Chili, immediately ordered Three Vessels to be Equipped for this purpose, the Command of which was given to N—. There was good store of Ammunition Embarked in 'em, but for Recruits of Soldiers, there were but 300 Men, of whom the greatest part were sent into Chili. In the same Vessel there were Lawyers sent, to form a Court of Common-Justice, which they call an Audience, at Buenos Ayres, where there were only some Officers for the Decisions of Petty Matters before, the Greater Causes being remitted to the Audience that is Established at Chaquisaca, otherwise called la Plata, in the Province of Los Charcas, 500 Leagues from Buenos Ayres.  
When N— returned from this Voyage, he came to Oyarson in the Province of Guipuscoa his Native Country, from whence he sent me an account of himself, and we agreed to have a secret Interview upon the Frontiers; accordingly we met, and gave one another an account of the Affairs in which we were both concerned; and by this account we found there were about 60000 Livers due from him to me, which he has not yet paid.   
FINIS.   

A JOURNAL OF THE TRAVELS OF JOHN GRILLET, AND FRANCIS BECHAMEL INTO GVIANA, In the Year, 1674.  
IN Order to Discover the Great Lake of PARIMA, and the many Cities said to be situated on its Banks, and reputed the Richest in the WORLD.  
LONDON: Printed for Samuel Buckley. 1698.   

A LETTER written from the Island of Cayenne, in the Month of September, 1674.  
Cayenne, Sept. 2. 1674. Reverend Father,  
THE Discovery that I and Father Bechamel, have made of divers Savage Nations on the Continent of Guiana, near the Island of Cayenne, obliges me to draw up a brief Relation of our Voyage, and to present it to your Reverence, that you may know what Employment we may have here, and how many Missionaries may find a fit Occasion for the Exercise of their Zeal. If I had had some Companions whom I might have left with the Nouragues and the Acoquas, I should have pierced much farther into the Country; but the Nouragues who were our Guides, not daring to advance farther into the Country of the Acoquas, to retain the good will of 'em both, we should have left a Missionary in each of these Nations, that the Acoquas might have conducted us to their Friends, who (as far as I can conjecture) reach quite to the Equinoctial Line. We might also have passed to the West of the River Maroni, and have entered into an Alliance with the Nations that extend to the River of Surinam, upon which the Dutch have planted (1) a Colony: but since we have confined ourselves to those Countries that are from Three Degrees of Northern Latitude to the Equinoctial Line, we need not be afraid that the People of any European Nation will trouble us in our Missions, because there's no gain to be made by 'em; besides, that we run the risk of being Massacred by the Natives. 'Tis from your Reverence that we expect Support and Assistance so far as you are capable, and shall think convenient in sending us Missionaries of a Vigorous Constitution, of great Virtue, and of a Disposition ready to suffer hardships; because in these parts there can little or no Accommodations be brought to relieve them in case of Sickness; for the less one carries thither so much the better; besides that the Ignorance and Barbarity of those People always give a Missionary just occasion to fear, that they take up mischievous Resolutions against him at the very first shadow of dissatisfaction they receive. I expect here a good number of Missionaries to dispose up and down this vast Country; and I hope your Reverence will not refuse this Request; which obliges me particularly to recommend myself to your good Prayers, who am  
Reverend Father, Your most Humble, and most Obedient Servant in our Lord, John Grillet, of the Society of JESUS.   

A JOURNAL OF THE TRAVELS, etc.  
THE Reverend Father Francis Mercier having been sent from France, in Quality of Visitor of the Missions of our Society, both in the Islands, and Continent of the Southern America, by the Reverend Father, John Pinet, Provincial of the Jesuits in France; with the Reverend Father Gerard Brion, Superior-General of the said Missions, and Father Mace, and Father Alarole; he arrived in the Island of Cayenne the 21st of December, 1673. and parted thence Ten Days after: During his Stay there, he regulated divers Affairs, as well Temporal as Spiritual; and among other Things, finding we had yet no Knowledge of any other People, but the Galibis, and Aracarels, our Neighbours, who dwell near the Sea, and among whom the Fathers of our Society employed their Talents, with abundance of Zeal; he resolved to attempt a Discovery of those Nations that lie remote from the Sea. It was my Happiness to be chosen for so pious a Work; and I was particularly instructed by my Orders, to discover the Acoquas, a very populous Nation, according to the Report, some Nouragues, who frequent the Galibis, gave us; withal, telling us, they were a Warlike People, and used to eat Men. One of these Nouragues being asked, Two Months before the Arrival of the Reverend Father-Visitor, If it were true, that the Acoquas used to eat their Enemies, answered, That he came from 'em Four Months ago, and then they had just made an end of boiling in their Pots, and eating a Nation, which they had destroyed. I desired the Reverend Father, Francis Bechamel, for my Comrade, who has a great Deal of Zeal for these Missions, and has an extraordinary Faculty of learning strange Languages; besides that, he already understood the Tongue of the Galibis, which many of the Nouragues also speak; some of whom we were obliged to take for our Guides, to conduct us to the Acoquas; for we yet know no other Way to come at 'em, but through the Country of the Nouragues: And Father Bechamel took care to provide some Galibis, to conduct us to the Nouragues, who dwell above the Source of the River (2) Wia, and to buy some Cassave and Paste of (3) Ovicou for his Voyage, which we counted would be for about Ten Days.  
This Father having provided all Necessaries; namely, Three Galibis, some Cassave, and Paste of Ovicou, in hopes of finding by the good Providence of God, either Fish, or Venison, with the Assistance of our Indians, we left the Port of Cayenne the 25th of January, taking our Leave of the Reverend Father Brion, Superior-General, and Father Mace, and Father Bechet; but particularly of the (4) Chevalier de Lezy, our Governor, who did us the Honour to conduct us together, with the Fathers of our Society, quite to the Canoe, in which we embarked in the Afternoon, having our Fisherman to steer the Canoe, and Three Indian Galibis to row with our Two Servants. All of us were of Opinion, That our Canoe was too small, and indeed it would have proved so, if we had embarked at the coming up of the Tide, for at that time the Waves are very rough near the Shoar; but we avoided this Danger by embarking a little before the Tide came up; so that we were out of all danger when the Tide began to drive us into the River, which gives its Name to this Island; besides, our Canoe being very light, and not easy to be turned, was very fit to get clear of several little Falls that are in the River Wia, which we were to pass almost quite through, till we came to the Entrance of a lesser River, that let us into the Country of the Nouragues, the first Nation that we were willing to be acquainted with, that by their Means we might find a Passage to the Acoquas. Our Way was between the Island of Cayenne, and the main Land; and in the Evening we arrived at the House of one Deslauriers, that had settled himself there; we continued with him for a certain Reason, all the next Day, being the 26th of January. Since God was pleased to protect and lead us by the Hand, as it were in all this Voyage; we must confess, that it was he who inspired us with the Resolution to begin it by the River Wia; for we knew but two Ways of entering into the Country of the Nouragues, one by the River Wia, and t'other by the River (5) Aproague; this last is very difficult, because the Falls of the Water are so great, that the Sapayes, and Galibis, that live at the Mouth of this River, require a very large Reward to perform this Voyage; and indeed, are the more unwilling to undertake it, because they are afraid of those Nouragues, that eat Humane Flesh: So, that when any of 'em go into those Parts, they stay there as little time as they can: Therefore it is scarce possible to go this Way, and if we had gone it, we should have been altogether unacquainted with those Indians, that dwell on the Coasts of the River Wia, and with the Nouragues that dwell above the Source of it. But without knowing any thing of this before, we chose to pass into the Country of the Nouragues, by the Wia, and have this Way visited that whole Nation.  
The 27th of January we left the Sieur Deslauriers somewhat late, and therefore proceeded but a little way that Day: Our Galibis brought us into a Hut of the (6) Maprovanes, as well to shelter us from a great Shower of Rain, as to lodge us (7) there that Night. These Maprovanes are about Thirty in Number, who retired from their Country, near the River of Amazons, to avoid the Persecution of the Portugese, and of those Indians called the (8) Arianes, who have almost extirpated that Nation: We found nothing there but Cassave and Ovicou; and to the 6th of February, we had nothing but Cassave, besides Two Fishes, and a Couple of Fowls, which the Galibis took, (which served us for Four small Meals) and a little Piece of Fish we met with at another Indian Cottage.  
The 28th we arrived at a Mountain, where a certain Galibi, named Maure, dwells; this is Twelve Leagues from the Mouth of the Wia: And Two Leagues below this Mountain, the Land upon the River, which is hitherto very low, and almost always overflowed, is a high, fine Country, as far as the Dwelling of the first Nouragues.  
The 29th we lay in a Wood, and so we did on the 30th, having passed by a Village of the Galibis, which contained but very few People, to make the bigger Day's Journey.  
The 31st we lodged in a Galibi's Cottage, whose Family consisted of about Six or Seven, but Three or Four of 'em were absent.  
The First of February we passed the Night in the Woods, and on the Second we lay at a Galibi's Cottage again; and this was the poorest, and most pitiful Hut that ever I saw among the Indians of this Country; there was in it only one Man, and his Wife and Children, who had nothing at all that Day to sup on. One of their Children was much swelled, and in a languishing Condition, with a continual Fever, of which we thought it could never recover; therefore Father Bechamel baptised it; and the Consolation this gave us sweetened all our past Hardships.  
The Third we went ashore in the Country of the Nouragues, after having this Day, and the Day before passed Three Falls in the River Wia, and another in the River of the Nouragues; but this was nothing in comparison of the Falls of Water we were to pass on the Rivers of Aproague and Camopi.  
And it was now time to land, for our (9) Cassave would have been spent if we had had but a little farther to go in those great Deserts, and vast Forests, that are all along upon this River; upon which there are no other Cottages but those I have been speaking of, and those of some Galibis and Areacarets, who live towards the Mouth of it, and are in all about a Hundred or Sixscore Persons. This River winds very much, and runs a Course of near Fifty Leagues.  
Our Galibis served us in this Voyage with a great deal of Respect, and gave us Access to the Chief of these first Nouragues, to whom we presented a Hatchet, to engage him to enter into an Alliance with us; they did not remember, that they had seen above One French Man before in their Country; so that the Women and Girls, who had never travelled into the Country of the Galibis, were mightily amazed at the Sight of us. If one might judge of the whole Nation by these People, one might very well say, the Nouragues are a very courteous and affable People. Some of 'em could speak the Language of the Galibis very well, and served for our Interpreters. They did all they could to seek Provision, to treat us well; but being unsuccessful in their Hunting, we had only Cassave, and a little Meat at one of our Repasts, but with great Demonstrations of their Kindness. We bought Cassave of 'em for the Supply of the Men that belong to our Canoe; and on the Sixth of February, after the Galibis had been treated with a small Feast after the Fashion of the Country, they parted from us at about Ten a Clock in the Morning.  
We also left this first Cottage of the Nouragues, on the Seventh of February, to go a Journey of Four and Twenty Leagues by Land, over very rugged Mountains; but went only half a League from thence to lodge that Night, being attended with Two young Nouragues, each of about Sixteen or Seventeen Years of Age, who were to carry our Baggage; here we were to take another Man, who had promised to carry our Provision for us, which consisted of Cassave, and Paste of Ovicou: This Man's Wife, in this Second Hut, was ill of a Cancer in her Breast, which so tormented her, and had so exceedingly wasted her, that seeing her under so terrible a Distemper, without the Help of any Medicine, we supposed she could not recover, and that in Probability, she would live morally the rest of her Days; for these People endure their Pains and Hardships very patiently, as we observed in all the Galibis; therefore we resolved to baptise her: In order to this, Father Bechamel took care to instruct her, having already made some Improvement in the Language of this People, and had likewise the Assistance of one of our young Nouragues, who understood the Galibis Tongue. This poor sick Woman received his Instructions very well, and was baptised, which was an occasion of great Comfort to us.  
The Eighth, having Bread and Paste of Ovicou enough to serve us Four Days, we set forward with our Three Nouragues, to perform our Journey of Four and Twenty Leagues, over Mountains all the way, which the Nouragues sometimes perform in a Day and a half; but ordinarily in Two or Three Days, when they have Women in their Company. One of our French Men of Cayenne, that came thence on the 27th of January, followed us closely with Seven Galibis, and overtook us where we lodged the Second Night, who gave me a Letter from the Reverend Father Brion, our Superior written the day he came away, which gave us no small joy, for it contained a great deal of Good Advice, that might be serviceable to us in our Expedition.  
This Frenchman was much fatigued with his Journey, and sent his Indians before him the day following, who in that one day being the Tenth of February, went as much ground as we could do in a day and a half, by reason of the difficulty of the ways. He having joined himself to our Company, and comparing our Nouragues with his Galibis, found a great alteration, and could not but admire the Meekness and Patience of these Three Indians, but especially their Respect. They carried our Provisions, yet they durst not take any without ask, tho' we had often told 'em that they might take of 'em when they pleased. This day we passed the River Aratay, which throws itself into the Aproague. The Aratay is a fine River, which comes from a Country that is Situate between the Source of the River Wia and the County of the Mercious, which the Nouragues say is a space of Land that extends about Seven days Journey. We were forced to pass this River Aratay which is pretty wide and deep, and the Stream of which is somewhat Rapid, in a little Canoe, in much danger of being cast away, as this Frenchman that joined us happened to be, when he repassed it in his return, where he lost what he carried with him; which was all he had in the World. After this we lodged a third time in the Woods, and on the Eleventh of February, being very weary we about Noon Arrived at the Cottage of Imanon the Nourague a Famous (10) Piaye (or Physician) in all that Country, where we found the Galibis that had advanced before us the preceding day. These Galibis mutinied against this poor Frenchman, and probably were the occasion of hindering the Nouragues of that place from selling any thing to him; so that he lost his Journey. Nay he was obliged to entreat one of our Nourague Guides to carry part of his Iron Wares, which he brought to trade with, because these Galibis refused to help him. And there was no remedy for it but Patience, since he was 80 Leagues from Cayenne, in a Nation that had no Commerce with the French.  
We did not part with our Three Guides without regret; but we could not detain 'em, because they were obliged to return for several good Reasons. The Principal of 'em whose Name was Paratou, told us, for our comfort, that in the place where we now were, which they call Caraoribo, from the Name of a little River that passes by it, we should find a great many Paratous, he meant a great many Nouragues, as good humoured as himself. But we found a great deal of difference in the Temper of those Guides we had from Caraoribo to the Acoquas, and of those we had before.  
As soon as these had left us, we entered into a good Correspondence with the Chief Camiati the Father of Imanon, by presenting him with a Hatchet; this is a very Famous Chief, and the Principal one the Nouragues have, and the next to him in Eminence, is the Chief of the Nouragues of Wia. This Camiati the day after our Arrival came to his Son's Cottage, (for his own is upon the River Aproague) he may be about 60 Years of Age, and seems to be still very Vigorous: His Countenace tho' lean has a Warlike Mien, but withal he has a Savage Aspect; his Humour is but very indifferent toward Strangers, tho' mild enough toward his own People, to whom according to the Fashion of the Country, he every day gives the Good-morrow, and the Goodnight, from the Oldest People to Children of Fifteen Years of Age. He promised us to conduct us quite to the Acoquas, when his Canoe was made, to whose Country he pretended he would go himself, and desired but the space of Ten Days to finish this Canoe; now tho' we knew well enough after what manner the Indians used to reckon, who are often Three Months in doing what they might perform in the space of Ten Days: we resolved however to continue with him to have the advantage of being under his Protection; and to persuade him, if we should find him make too long a delay, to borrow another Canoe, that was at Five Days Journey distance from us; and in the mean time to acquaint ourselves with the Language of the Nouragues as much as we could, which (as we were told) differed but little from that of the Acoquas and Mercious. The Language of the Galibis, which some of us understood, and which was very Familiar to Father Bechamel was some help to us on this Occasion. This Nouragues Tongue is not of an easy and soft Pronunciation like that of the Galibis, but has a great number of Words that must be pronounced with very rough Aspirations, others of 'em can't be pronounced without shutting the Teeth; at another time one must speak through the Nose; and sometimes these Three difficulties all occur in the same Word.  
Father Bechamel immediately began to apply himself to the study of this Language; and I made so much advantge of his Labour in which he succeeded to admiration, that by means of the Galibis Language I made a small Discourse of the Creation of the World; to make these People know something of their Creator. Imanon the Master of this Hut was the first that took delight in hearing this Discourse, and after him the Chief himself; and Five or Six others, as they were working would repeat in that very indiffent Galibis I could speak, these Words; God made the Heavens, God made the Earth, etc. Here were many Men that had each of 'em Two Wives, and one of 'em who had Three; this did not hinder me from telling 'em in the Account I gave 'em of the Creation of Mankind; that God made but one Woman for the First Man, and that he did not allow one Man to have Two Wives. And tho' all these Nouragues perceived we condemned their Custom of taking Two or Three Wives at a time, yet they said not a word against the Christian Law for not indulging the same Liberty.  
Seeing these People so docile and pliable, I was willing to try if the Songs of the Church would please 'em, and accordingly I sang the Magnificat in the first Tune, Father Bechamel and our Two Servants joining in with me. This was so grateful to 'em, that afterwards we ordinarily sang some Hymns three-times a day to their great satisfaction. Nay some of 'em learned to answer to the Litanies of the Blessed Virgin, which we sang every Evening. In the mean while our Chief's Canoe went forward but very (11) slowly, and we thought we had mnch better endeavour to prevail with him to borrow another, with which he complied, and sent Two of his Men for this end Five Days Journey from his House, to get a convenient one for us.  
It was the Twenty eighth of February, when these Men parted from us, and seeing him the next day which was the First of March dispatch away another Company of his Men, we thought convenient to make use of this occasion to engage some of 'em to carry our Baggage, whom Father Bechamel accompanied, together with one of our Servants, while I and our other Servant remained with the Chief, that we might give him no offence; because we stood in need of his Protection.  
After I had continued a Fortnight with him, making all the Children say their Prayers Morning and Evening, and repeating my little Instrustions to the greatest part of those I was acquainted with, but especially to Three Young Men who were well Married, confirming 'em in the Resolution they had made never to take a Second Wife; of which promise they seemed to make no difficulty. I set forward the Fifteenth of March, to seek Father Bechamel, and to wait for the Chief of the Cottage, who was to go by Water Five days after with his Canoe; I had but Three Leagues to go by Land, whereas it was near Fifteen by Water. From that time I found those People still more teachable, and when the Captain returned, among Four and twenty Persons, there were not above Three, but signified they took a great deal of pleasure in my Instructions. During our stay here, a Serpent came in the Night in the place where we lay, and bit a Hound, so that he died in 30 Hours after. This Accident was Injurious to us, because the Chief, and the Owner of the Dog attributed it to the Prayers which we sang; so that I durst not Sing any more, but contented myself to make every body in the Cottage say their Prayers, except three (as I said before) namely the Chief Camiati and Two other Old Men.  
The Ninth of April, after I had much importuned the Chief, that we might set forward; he told us, he was not willing to make this Voyage, and that all his Men should go to set us in our way, and should leave us when we went ashore to go by Land to the Rivers that lead to the Acoquas, whether Four of the Company should attend us. We understood that their Voyage was determined without any regard to us; however we did not scruple to pay 'em for it, being willing to make use of this Opportunity, because it was no easy matter to meet with another. However I opposed the Design of having so many Men go with us, because the Two Canoes they had were too small for such a Company: This was a great difficulty with us, and was not resolved till the next day, when we represented to the Chief, that we would leave him our little Chest, that we would take very few of our (12) things out of it for our Voyage, that when we returned I would continue with him; that if he was not pleased to assist us in our Voyage, I must return to Cayenne, that then he must never expect to see any of us again, and would have no more of our Commodities; this made him resolve to lessen the number of his Men.  
The Tenth of March we parted, being Sixteen in Number, of which the Chief would needs be one for Three days, that he might bring back his Canoe. In the Evening we went ashore into the Woods, and on the Eleventh, after we had passed several Falls of Waters in the way we made the Two days, we Arrived at a Cottage of the Nouragues, Ten Leagues from the former; here we were well received, and went forward the Third day with a Third Canoe which was very small; it carried only Two Men, a Woman, and a Girl of Ten or Twelve Years Old. We passed Two Falls that were difficult enough, and Arrived at a Third, which the Canoe could not pass, which has obliged the Nouragues to make a way to draw their Canoes by Land almost half a League, this fall is at Two Degrees, and Forty Six Minutes of Northern Latitude. The Indians drew only the little Canoe by Land; for the Chief left us and returned back with the Two others; and we who were then Fifteen in Number went to Embark in a great Canoe, that was above the Water-fall, which the Two Persons that were sent by Camiati had borrowed; Four Leagues higher, we found the Mouth of the River Tenaporibo: and went to lie in a Cottage hard by, which was yet upon the River Aproague, where we found Five Nourague Travellers, who were going to the Country of the Mercious; besides whom there was a Woman who had a little Girl of Seven or Eight Months Old that was very ill. Imanon (of whom I have spoken) was now the Chief of our Company; he is the greatest Physician (that is the greatest Juggler) of the Country: who tho' he is a great Hypocrite, and very much for plurality of Wives; yet did not scruple to acquaint us, that this Child was very Sick; when we had examined the matter we judged it necessary to Baptise her, which Father Bechamel did, at the time when these Travellers parted from us. I had before Baptised a little Girl in the Cottage of this Imanon immediately after it was born, because the Mother of it when she brought it into the World had left it in the (13) Dirt, from whence they would not take it up for a long time, being told of this disorder, and finding they would put nothing under the Infant to keep it from the coldness of the Mud, and of the Night I baptised it.  
The Fourteenth we left this Hutt, and presently entered into the River of Tenaporibo, which is very deep and rapid, tho' it winds much; we were not the First Frenchmen that had been upon this River; and we have been informed that Three English-Men were killed and Eaten there (14) some Years ago by the Nouragues: 'Tis very difficult to Navigate this River, merely because of its narrowness, and because the great Trees upon the Banks of it when they fall, often extend their Branches to the other side, so that one must either pass over or under these Trees, which is not done without a great deal of difficulty. We lay one Night in the Woods, and on the Fifteenth Arrived at a Hutt where we continued to the Eighteenth, which was the last Day we were upon this River, and in the Evening we saw the last Company of the Nouragues on this River, 80 Leagues from the Mouth of it: This Company consists of Four Huts, at a little distance one from another, wherein there are above Sixscore Persons, of a good natural Disposition, and very teachable: There was not one in the Cottage, where we lodged, but was taught by us, to pray to God every Day; this Cottage was composed of several Men, some of whom were single Persons, others were married only to one Wife, with whom they lived very well; and there is great Probability of making good Christians of 'em. This Cottage is at Two Degrees, Forty Two Minutes of Northern Latitude, and together with the Neighbouring one's, and two others at Two Leagues distance, might give employ to a good Missionary.  
We left this Hut, on the Twenty Seventh of April, towards Evening, to go and seek our Guides, who were not far off, with whom we advanced by Land, and went only Five Leagues among very difficult Mountains.  
The Twenty Ninth we travelled about Ten Leagues, in a Way a little more pleasant, and lay in the Woods as we had done the Night before. Our Three Guides showed us Two Rivulets, which they said were Tenaporibo and Camopi, that were very rapid; and Five or Six Leagues beyond, Tenaporibo is Forty Foot broad, and full Twelve in depth: And at Fifteen Leagues distance, or a little more, the River Camopi is as big as the Sein is below Paris, from whence one may conjecture what Compass it takes in its course.  
The Thirtieth we went to lodge upon the River Eiski, from whence Two of our Nouragues, went to the Nouragues of the River Inipi, to borrow a Canoe, and so to come again at us, where we lodged; for the River Eiski runs into the Inipi. This they did for our Ease, our Journey having been very hard, considering our Weakness.  
The First of May they came to us again, with a pretty handsome Canoe, wherein there were Three Nouragues, that never had seen a French Man, or any other European, in their Lives. Their Aspect was very sweet, and they seemed to be of a very tractable Disposition; when they had seen us they returned Home, and we embarked in this Canoe, a little after Noon, and came to lodge in the Woods, upon the River Inipi, where our Guides (15) mended the Canoe; and the next Day, being the Second of May, having gone down this River, which has a very rapid Stream, about Ten Leagues, we entered into the River Camopi, in which we we went Four Leagues more, and that against the Stream: For Inipi loses its Name, and with Camopi makes a great River, which goes and joins itself to the River (16) Yapoque, Five Days Voyage from thence. Camopi is very swift, and has so many difficult Falls, that 'tis no easy Matter to number them; we went up this River the Third and Fourth of May, with a great deal of Difficulty and Danger. The Fourth of May we lay upon a flat Rock, where we found a Piece of a Mined Cottage, the Covering of which our Men mended with Boughs: That Day we passed through a perilous Place, not only because of a dangerous Fall of Water; but likewise, because it was commanded by a Cottage of Nouragues, which is the Last of that Nation, the Master of it is a Morou, the Name of an Indian Nation, one of whom was hanged at Cayenne, above a Year ago, for killing a French Man: We had Reason to fear, that he would, after the Manner of the Indians, revenge this Man's Death upon us; but one of our Guides, who was also a Morou, had married his Daughter, and we hoped the Presence of this young Man, whom we then took to be a Nourague, would divert his ill Humour; as indeed it happened: And after we were got ashore upon our flat Rock, which is in the Country of the Acoquas, we were greatly comforted to see our Three Guides ask for their Supper by the Sign of the Cross, where no Person had ever done it before; and that, without having any need to be put in mind of it. But that which still increased our Joy, was, that the youngest of our Guides, who might be about Seventeen Years of Age, after Supper, of his own accord, sang in the Tune of the Church, Sancta Maria, Ora pro nobis; having been yet taught no more than that. I continued the Litanies, and he answered me. Towards Evening our principal Guide gave a Signal, with a sort of a Pipe, that may be heard at a great Distance. The next Day, being the Fifth of May, we had a very rainy Morning, which hindered us from going forward; but notwithstanding the Rain about Nine a Clock in the Morning, we saw three young Acoquas, who were sent to know who we were, we went with them towards Noon, and about Three a Clock arrived soon after them, at the first Hut of the Acoquas; which is at Two Degrees, and Twenty Five Minutes of Northern Latitude. They were mightily pleased to see us; for in all appearance, they had some considerable time before heard of our Voyage. They so familiarly acquainted themselves with us, that in Three Days time, there was not one of them that refused to pray to God; and we every Day put 'em upon saying their Prayers Morning and Evening. The Second Day our first Guide brought us to two other Cottages not far off; where we were entertained with as much Kindness, as Strangers could desire of a Savage People: Immediately, those that lived about a Day's Journey more remote received the News of our Arrival, and came to see us. They all admired our Hats, our Cassocks, our Shoes, a Gun; which we made our first Guide discharge from time to time, in great Companies of 'em; the Pictures of our Breviaries, our Writing, and the Songs of the Church, which they desired to hear a great many times in a Day. They heard our Instructions with Attention; and seemed to have very good Sentiments, and to be much affected, when we told 'em, that formerly the People of our Country were ignorant of God, and that some good People came into our Nation, who taught us, that there was a God, who would make us happy for ever in Heaven; and what we were to do, that we might go to that blessed Place: That we were come to do them the same good Office, that they might go to Heaven as well as we. That which gives me good Hopes of the Conversion of this Nation, is, that they heard those Commands of God with Reverence, which are most opposite to their ancient Manner of living. And this gives me occasion to speak more distinctly of what I have remarked in these Two Nations.  
The Nouragues and the Acoquas, in Matter of Religion, are the same with the Galibis. They acknowledge there is a God, but don't worship him. They say he dwells in Heaven, without knowing whether he is a Spirit or no, but rather seem to believe he has a Body. The Galibis call God (17) Tamoucicabo; that is as much as to say, the Ancient of Heaven. The Nouragues and the Acoquas call him More, and never talk of him but in fabulous Stories: They have a great many Superstitions, which are only like the idle Tales and Fooleries of Children, in which I never observed 'em practise any Idolatry: But I am very much afraid their Physicians, by their juggling Tricks, debauch the Women and Maids; for they have given me great Reason to think so.  
The natural Disposition of the Nouragues and Acoquas is mild; but the more remote from the Sea the Nouragues live, the more tractable you'll find 'em; for the frequent Concourse they have with the Indians, on the Seacoasts, renders 'em more uncontrollable and difficult to be treated with. 'Tis certain, the Acoquas are quite another sort of People, than the French at Cayenne imagine 'em to be, who account 'em fierce, cruel, treacherous and perfidious, to those they entertain, For if one may judge of that Nation, by near Two Hundred of 'em, whom we have seen, they are an honest, affable, pleasant People, and are very attentive and ready to receive what is said to 'em. 'tis true, they not long since exterminated a small Nation, and eat several of them; but I attribute this Barbarity to the ill Custom of the Country, rather than to the Disposition of the People; and this seems the more probable, because being informed Two or Three Days after our arrival, that there was half a Day's Journey from us, some of the Flesh of a Magapa (the Name of a People that are their Enemies) whom they had newly killed with another, while they were watching their opportunity to surprise one or other of the Acoquas alone; and besides, one of the People of the Cottage having set before us the Jaw of a young Man; we told 'em, This was not well done, and that God forbids us to kill an Enemy, when we take him Prisoner, and to eat him afterwards: At this they looked down very much without giving one Word of a Reply. Another time, the Master of one of the Cottages having heard, that the Galibis to hinder us from undertaking this Voyage, had threatened us, that we should be roasted by the Acoquas, was filled with great Indignation at it, and could not be pacified till I told him, I took those Galibis for Liars and Fools: Having moreover, told 'em, I had been made Prisoner of War by the English, and restored to the French, without receiving any harm; and that God would not allow us to kill those we took in War; they seemed pretty well to approve of this Law. And tho' this barbarous Custom is a Point so much established and received in all Times among the Acoquas, and among the Nouragues too; yet it seems, by what I have been relating, to be no difficult Matter to restrain 'em from this Savage Practice, of killing and eating their Enemies.  
Polygamy is a Second Obstacle which we found against the Christian Religion among these Two Nations of the Nouragues, and Acoquas; for where there's one Man to be found, that has but one Wife, there are six, who have each of 'em two or three. The Hope that may be conceived for the eradicating of this Vice, is, not concerning Persons that are already pre-ingaged in this evil Custom, but only those that have yet but one Wife, and young Men that are not yet married, who might be persuaded to be content with one Wife. I confess, there's no hope of working upon the others.  
The Way of Living among the People of these Two Nations, is very agreeable, and has something more courteous in it, than that of the Galibis. For Instance, Among the Galibis, those that are married, dine every one apart, and those that are unmarried eat all together; and all the Women, Maids and little Children, go to another side of the Hut to eat. The Nouragues and Acoquas do quite otherwise, for the Husband eats with his Wife, or Wives and Children with admirable Agreement and Union. They don't drink (19) much, but are great eaters; and are always Fishing or Hunting, in which they spare no Pains, to get their Living. They are all Liars, as well as all other Indians, that we know. And when they perceive their Lies are discovered, they retire, seeming to be a little ashamed, but will not fail to frame a Lie again on the next Occasion. The Nouragues endeavoured to fright us with a great many Stories of their own Invention, to make us alter our Resolution of going to the Acoquas, that we might spend all our Stock of Goods with them; sometimes telling us, they had seen the Track of some strange wild Beast; sometimes that the Caranes, their Enemies, were running up and down their Woods, and that they had observed the Steps of Three of that Nation not far from their Hut: But when they saw they could not terrify us, they did what we would have 'em. This Vice induces 'em to promise much, and to perform but little; which also is occasioned by the little Judgement they have, to esteem any thing according to the Value and Importance of it; for this makes 'em not matter what Injury they do any one, in breaking their Word; nor how much they dishonour themselves in so doing. To have a thorough Conception, how common this is in these Two Nations (which is also rife among all the Indian Nations we are acquainted with) one must compare 'em to little Children, who esteem what they see only by Fancy: They are also subject to Steal; so that some times they must be narrowly watched, or else they will be pilfering one thing or other.  
The Nouragues make about Six or Seven Hundred Persons, the Mercious, who dwell on the Westside of 'em, are equal to 'em in Number; the Acoquas are South of 'em, and concealed from us the Strength of their Nation; however, I suppose it may be three or four times stronger than that of the Nouragues; for having asked an old Woman, how many Cottages there were on one side, to which we pointed; she told us, there were Ten; then pointing toward the Quarter, where their Chief dwelled, she took a (20) Handful of her Hair, to signify to us, the great Number of Cottages there were on that side. Between the Acoquas, and the Mercious, they told us, there was the Nation of the Pirios, which the Acoquas say, are equal to themselves in Strength: On the East and South-East-side are the Pirionaus, and on the East the Pirios and Magapas, and in the midst of all these Nations the Morous, who are very barbarous. These Nations all speak one and the same Language, and are understood by the Caranes, who are the Enemies of the Nouragues. They also say, the Maranes, who are a very great People, understand the same Tongue: On the South South-West of the Acoquas are the Aramisas, whose Language borders on that of the Galibis, having a great many of the same Words in it, tho' they are unacquainted with that Nation. The Acoquas say, these Aramisas are a very great Nation. If there be a Lake of Parima, these People can't be Forty Leagues distant from it on the North-side: We could get no Account of this Lake. There was not one Indian, who when we enquired of them, whether they did not know of a vast Place of Water like the Sea, the Sand of which is Caracoli (for so they call Gold, Silver and Copper) could give me the least Intelligence of it. These (21) Aramisas are in the same Longitude, wherein the Maps place the Eastern Part of the Lake of Parima.  
After we had been with the Acoquas Twelve or Thirteen Days, the Air grew unwholesome, by an excessive Heat, at a time when there was very little Wind; which seldom fails to blow in those Countries; and indeed, 'tis that that renders 'em habitable. Father Bechamel was taken with a Tertian Ague, and the strongest of our Servants also fell very sick: We therefore pressed our Guides to return, since they were not willing to conduct us any farther, nor suffer the Acoquas to go and fetch their Chief, who dwelled at the Distance of Three Days Journey, from the Place where we were, with whom we would have contracted an Alliance. These Three Guides became insolent, upon the Supposition, that it was to honour them that the Acoquas came in such great Numbers; tho' in all appearance, it was the Curiosity of seeing us French Men that brought 'em together: They became very troublesome, especially the Morou, who gave sufficient Indications of his wicked Disposition, persuading the Acoquas, that we ought to leave them all our Wares; these so unreasonable Proposals did not much surprise us; but to give 'em good Hopes of our Return, we left an (22) Iron Tool of Half a Crown Price with one of 'em, who had but one Wife, upon Condition, that I should have a great (23) Hamock when I came again; promising I would then give him a Bill and a Knife, to make up what this wanted of the Value of it. I made choice of this Man on purpose to signify what respect I had for lawful Marriages; and he understood me very well, and promised me, he would not take a Second Wife, during the Life of this he already had, with whom he had lived at least Eight or Nine Years, for they had a Daughter about Seven Years old; however, this Project facilitated our Return.  
The 25th of May we embarked on the River Camopi, in Two Canoes; Father Bechamel was in the least of 'em, with our principal Nourague, and an Acoquas, who had a Mind to go with us to Cayenne; and I went in the other with our Two Servants, the Morou, and the young Nourague, who not taking care to guide the Vessel right, let it run so near the Precipice of a great Fall of Water, that those in the other Canoe, cried out, believing we should be lost: But these Two young Men, with much ado, brought our Canoe under a Rock, that broke the Violence of the Stream, and getting up the Rock, with all their Might, drew the Canoe out of this Danger. 'Tis abundantly more dangerous to go down these Falls, than to get up 'em; because they chose those places where the Water runs less violently to get the Canoe up with main Strength, whereas in going down 'em they take the swiftest Part of the Stream, so that one runs a greater Hazard of one's Life, than can easily be expressed.  
After having passed these Dangers, the Second Day after we embarked, our young Nourague, that had never run the like Risque before, said in his own Language, God is good, and is not angry with us. When we came to the Place, where we were to go by Land, betwixt the River Inipi and Tenaporibo, our Guides, who were well loaded with Hammocks, and other things, which they had bought of the Acoquas, were not willing to help us, which yet they would have done, if that Morou had not put 'em out of Humour: They walked very fast, as the Indians are wont to do, when they are loaded, and at last left us at Five Leagues distance from Tenaporibo; but by the Goodness of God we got through without losing our Way, by following a Path, in which these Indians had thrown little Boughs, in several places where it was not easy to discern the Track; to signify which Way they went. When we came within Three quarters of a League of the first Cottages, we heard some Nouragues calling to us, who brought us Cassave and Fish to eat, and some Ovicou to drink.  
The First Day of June our young Morou, being drunk, treated us very ill, which made us resolve to return to Cayenne in another Canoe, and in the Company of other Indians, and the rather because our Distempers increased upon us. I had a violent Fever, and a great Cough, and Father Bechamel was very ill, as well as the lustiest of our Servants. And now as we had need of the special Assistance of Providence, to find a Conveniency for our Return; so it pleased God to manifest to us, how particular a Care he took of our Preservation, in furnishing us with what we needed; not indeed, at the Time we wished, nor after that Manner we thought best, but in such a Season, and in such a Way, as was most convenient for us, till at length we arrived at Cayenne.  
The Second Day of June we made an Agreement with the first Nourague, who had done us some Service at Caraotibo, Three Leagues from Aproague, who was of a very good Temper, and was come thither with two other Nouragues of the same Place, who had a Kindness for us, and were willing to return Home as soon as they could. We determined to set forward the next Day, to prevent our Morou, and our other Guides, who were elsewhere, from opposing our Design. We were to go three Leagues by Land, or Seven by Water, to get to this Man's Canoe; but I was so ill, I could not go by Land, and our Servant was asbad as I, so that we were forced to seek a Canoe, to go by Water, the Providence God provided us a little One, which we hired, that was sunk in the Water, but was big enough to carry Four of us; namely, the Indian and his Wife, our Servant and myself. Father Bechamel, tho' very weak, had the Courage to undertake the Journey on Foot, with our other Servant. We were desirous to have gone forward the next Day, from the Place where this Nourague's Canoe lay; but we should not have been able to have undergone this Fatigue: It pleased God to provide for our Welfare, on this occasion, in permitting the Indians to detain us Eleven Days in this Place, where there were near Sixty Persons: The Chief of whom, who had a Son in the Neighbourhood of Cayenne, placed us in a Cottage by ourselves, that we might not be disturbed, with the Noise of a great Merry-meeting they were going to have, and ordered his Wife to treat us the best she could: This was partly from his good Humour, and partly to secure his Son from receiving any ill Treatment from the French at Cayenne. God was pleased, during our stay here, to give us an Opportunity again, to instruct a Woman that was almost eaten up with Cancers; so that she was at length baptised by Father Bechamel, the Day before we left this Place: This Father was so weak, that he could not repeat his Breviary walking; and yet the next Day, he was strong enough to walk near a League from thence to embark. There now remained but one Difficulty to encounter with, since we were in the Hands of Three very honest Nouragues; and that was, how to get away from Camiati's Cottage, with our little Chest that contained all our Goods; and to find a convenient Passage to the Mouth of the Aproague; for I had promised Camiati, to continue with him after my return from the Acoquas; and those People are not very easy, when they see us carry our Commodities out of their Cottages; so that we had Reason to fear, that he would detain us with him, at least Two Months, before he would conduct us to the Indians, that dwell at the mouth of the Aproague: But it pleased God to remove all these Obstructions; for our Three Nouragues promised to convey us to the Sea, upon condition that we would give 'em an indifferent Reward. And as we went by Camiati's Cottage, we found he was gone a Hunting, and those we found in his Cottage were only his Two Wives, and some Strangers, who durst not hinder us from taking our little Chest, and our Three Guides, tho' they were afraid to displease Camiati their Chief, yet knew not how to refuse to lead us to a Cottage that was a League lower, where at that time no body dwelled, and hither they were to go in order to pass by Land to Caraotibo where they dwelled, and to conduct their Wives thither, and then to come back again to us; tho' they would fain have set us ashore at Camiati's House, and left us there.  
When we Arrived at the empty Cottage, I found myself so ill, that I thought I should have died; but being somewhat recruited again, and perceiving the Master of the Canoe had a mind to go and speak with Camiati, and that one of our Servants desired to go with him, to fetch a Hound he had bought that was run away thither. I gave him an Iron-tool of half a Crown price to present from me to Camiati, that he might order his Wives to prepare me a Hamock, and bid him tell him I would pay the rest at my return, which should be as soon as I had recovered my Health: this I did to prevent his offering any injury to our Servant, and that he might not oppose us in our design of going back. The Master of the Canoe told the Story of the Affront the Young Morou gave us, and of the ill Condition of my Health, so well to Camiati; that when he had received the Present I sent him, he would needs accompany me to the Mouth of the Aproague, to the Cottage of the Chief of the Sapayes, whom he had had a mind to Visit a great while, being his very good Friend. He came accordingly the next day with one of his Sons, who was about Thirthy Years of Age, and his Two Wives, and sent home Two of our Guides, taking their places, he sent the Woman, and one of our Servants one League by Land. Our other Servant continued in the Canoe to row, or to use the Term of the Country to Pagay, with these Three stout Nouragues; we also remained in the Canoe, by reason of our Weakness, which would not suffer us to go this League by Land. They lighted the Canoe thus, that they might the better pass a fall of the River, that was so rough and difficult, that the Indians could not choose but turn pale at the extreme danger we were in. One time amongst others they toiled so hard to keep the Canoe from being carried down a precipice of Water, that when they had made shift to get under a Rock, that breaks the Violence of the Stream, they were forced to rest themselves for half a quarter of an Hour, because they were so much spent, that they could scarce fetch their Breath. I have twice been very near being cast away in two Ships, but the sight of this fall of the River was more dreadful to me, than any thing I ever saw at Sea.  
The Nineteenth of June we passed down Two of these Falls, at the first they sent the Women away by Land, and crossed the River to know of a Galibi that was lately come thither to make a new Cottage, what course they had best take to avoid being over-set, because the Bed of the River declined, so that it gave an extraordinary rapidity to the Stream; and besides there were a great many Rocks under water, against which we were liable to be dashed, and so cast away. And observing our Men were in a great perplexity in their minds about it, notwithstanding all the directions this Man gave 'em, we entreated him to conduct us through this difficult passage, promising him a Fishing-hook for his pains, which he willingly undertook, and happily performed. At the Second which was the last we met with upon the Aproague, we all went ashore and walked along the Riverside upon very uneven Rocks, and the Nouragues held the Canoe by a Line which they tied behind it, and so let it go gently down this place, which is very dangerous at Low-water, for the Flowing of the Tide covers it, tho' 'tis Twenty Leagues up the River.  
After we had passed these many difficulties by the mercy of God; we at last had no Cassave left, no Meat nor Fish, nor Ovicou, when we were distant a days Voyage and a half from the Cottage of the Sapayes, but God of his Goodness was pleased to make Provision for our great necessity; for as we coasted along the River we saw a Dog barking; upon which the Nouragues called out to know if any body were a Hunting, and presently to their great joy perceived it was their good Friend, the Chief of the Sapayes, who came to us, and saluted us all with demonstrations of Friendship. We did what the Nouragues would not venture to do, that is, to ask him to sell us some Provision; acquainting him, that neither we nor the Nouragues had any left. When he understood in what necessity we were, he sent to fetch his Canoe, which was a large one, and very well stored with Cassave, Ovicou, Meat and Fish (24) Boucaneed; which he furnished us and the Nouragues, and we paid him for it immediately. He told us his Lodging was a League off, whither he would come and meet us in the Evening, and that because his little half-covered Hut had only room enough for him and his Men, we must make another for ourselves. He came according to his word toward Night, and the next day he made Father Bechamel and me go into his Canoe, because he thought the Nouragues Canoe was overloaded.  
On the 21st we Arrived at the Cottage of this Chief of the Sapayes, where we were kindly entertained. We were no sooner got thither, but we began to think how we should get from thence to Cayenne; and we could think of no better way, than to persuade the Chief of the Sapayes to conduct us thither himself, which would have taken up Three Weeks time, and would have been a great charge to us, but the Providence of God had made Provision for us, for the next day we were informed that a Chief of the Galibis would come the day following to take a Sapaye with him to go to Cayenne, and from thence to Marovi, from whence he was to fetch his Son, who had been there with the Sapayes for Two Years, as well as the Son of the Chief of the Sapayes. He was willing to take us in his Canoe for a small matter, and we went to Lodge at a small Island, which is in the River at a pretty good distance from the Sea; here we stayed the Twenty fourth of June. I observed that the Sea came up here Eight Foot high, and concluded from thence, because it covers the last Fall of the River, that it declines but Eight Foot in the space of Twenty five Leagues from the Sea. In the Night they heard the Cry of a Bird, and said to one another in the Galibis Tongue, Hark how the Devil cries; I reproved 'em, telling 'em they were mistaken, and that the Devil had no Body, but was a Spirit as our Souls are, which they confess to be Invisible and Immortal, which yet they do not say of the Devils, but pretend that their Physicians or Piays kill 'em with great Clubs. The Nouragues of one Cottage made the Figure of a Man in the the way by which they thought the Devil came to their Cottage in the Night, to make 'em Sick; that so while he stopped at this Fantome and took it to be a Nourague, the Piays that watched for him might take their opportunity, when they saw him, to knock him on the head. We parted from this Island to go and lodge at Co, from whence the next day we saw a great many Canoes of the Galibis at Sea, which were going toward the River of Amazons, these the Master of our Canoe, and the Sapaye went to visit, drawing their Canoes along over the Mud at Low-water, and found in one of 'em the Two Young Men they were going to seek for at Marovi. They had now nothing to do but to carry us to Cayenne; and because the Sea was so rough, that they could not well bear up against it, we desired 'em to set us ashore at Mahuti, the first place we could land at in the Island of Cayenne, which they compassed with a great deal of Labour. As soon as I set my Foot upon the Sand, I fell down upon my Knees to thank God for the Protection he had favoured us with for a Hundred and Seventy Leagues, since we came from the Country of the Acoquas, for our whole Voyage was Two hundred and forty Leagues. We went to lodge at the House of Mons. Fontain, whose Estate lies in this part of the Island; and he received us with great Joy. The next day being the Twenty seventh, Father Bechet came to fetch us with Two Horses, and we borrowed another of (25) Monsieur Fontaine, and so Arrived at the Fort of Cayenne, where the Governor was pleased to treat us with all imaginable Friendship. And all the People came about us, to see us, and to signify the geat affection they had to us. In three Months I hope by the Grace of God to Visit the Marshes of the Aracarets, the Palicours, the Mayes, the Marones', and the Coussades, whose Habitations stand more thick and close one to another, than those I have given an account of in this Relation. Here's a great Field opened to the Gospel-Labourers, into which I am ready to conduct those that are willing to employ themselves in it, as well as to discover to 'em a great many other Nations: Being fully resolved by the Grace of God to expose my Life for so Glorious a purpose, as the Propagation of the Gospel, and the Conversion of such Numbers of People.   

NOTES UPON THE TRAVELS OF Father JOHN GRILLET, AND Father FRANCIS BECHAMEL, Jesuits, INTO GVIANA.  
Note (1) in the Letter.  
A Fort which the Dutch took from the English Fourteen or Fifteen Year ago, on which the English Colony depends, which is pretty Numerous, and was Established there Eight or Ten Years before under the Command of the Lord Willoughby. This Fort was built by the French in 1644, they quitted it in 1646, for the Reasons that have been reported in divers Relations.  
Note (2) P. 3. This River discharges itself into the Sea on the East-side of the Cayenne.  
Note (3) Ibid. Of Ovicou they make a sort of Drink of the Consistence and Colour of Milk, by steeping it in Water, it will keep a Month or Six Weeks in a kind of Baskets lined with the Leaves of Bonana-Trees, which are 4 or 5 Foot long, and above 2 Foot wide.  
Note (4) Ibid. The Brother of the Marquis de la Bar, who was formerly Governor, and the King's Lieutenant General in the American Islands, both by Sea and Land, and is now a Captain of one of his Majesty's Ships.  
Note (5) P. 4. The Mouth of this River is 14 Leagues Eastward from Cayenne.  
Note (6) P. 5. This is one of the Nations that fled into the Country of the Galibis.  
Note (7) Ibid. In these Huts or Cottages the Indians hang their Hammocks or Cotton-beds when the Sun sets, in which they repose themselves all Night. They ordinarily rise with the Sun, and then their Wives take down their Beds and Hammocks, and hang 'em in the Carbet, which is their kind of Hall or Outhouse, the Props of which not only serve to support the Roof, which is made of Palm-leaves, but also to hang up all the Beds of the Men and Boys in the Family, and those of Strangers, when at any time they entertain 'em. This Carbet is placed Ten or Twelve paces on the upper-side of the Cottage, in which the Women always leave their own Beds. At one end of the Cottage they commonly make Cassave, and their Liquor Ovicou; this part of it serves for the Kitchen, and for all the Work that belongs to the subsistence of the Family. Some of these Cottages have a Loft above to hang their Beds in in the Night; and then the lower-part of the Hut serves for the Carbet; where the Men spend the day (when they are at home) in making their Bows and Arrows, and what other conveniencies they want; for their business is different from that of the Women in these Parts, as well as in most other Places. But there's one thing belonging to the other Sex which the Men have usurped, that deserves to be treated on in a particular Article, of which I shall only speak a word or two here by the by. They go to bed, when their Wives are delivered, and receive the Compliments of their happy delivery as if they had endured the pain, and accordingly answer their Visitors as the Women do on the like occasion in other places. This Custom is not peculiar to the Galibis, but is used in a great many other Nations of Brasil, and in other parts of America.  
'Tis farther to be noted, that their Carbets are the places where they hold their Consultations, and deliberate on their most weighty Affairs, which is ordinarily done with great Solemnity; those that are concerned and invited, assembling together from divers places for this purpose.  
Note (8) Ibid. This Nation dwells near the mouth of the River of Amazons.  
Note (9) P. 7. This is the ordinary Bread of the Country, made of a sort of Root, which they scrape, and then press to get the Water out of it, which is a cold Poison, and will kill Men, or Beasts if they drink but half a glass of it; which for all that may be put in Sauces and Pottage, and gives 'em a better relish, provided it be but boiled tho' never so little, afterwhich it has no pernicious quality.  
Note (10) P. 11. Piaie is a Name which the Galibis give their Physicians, who besides the practice of Physic pretend also to Divination; but they profess neither, till they have made divers Experiments, one of which is so dangerous that it often makes 'em burst. They stamp the green Leaves of Tobacco, and squeeze out the Juice of it, of which they drink the quantity of a large Glass full; so that none but those that are of a very robust Constitution, who try this practice upon themselves, escape with their Lives. Besides divers sorts of Plants, Gums, and Wood they use to cure diseases and wounds, they have a way of sucking their Patients in that part of the Body in which they feel their pain; and this method is most commonly very successful.  
Note (11) P. 15. The reason why they employ so much time in making their Canoes is because after they have chosen and felled a Tree, and have with a Hatchet made it hollow, about the breadth of half a Foot, and about the same depth through the whole length of it, they hollow the rest of it with a gentle Fire; and this work, which goes on very slowly; continues in proportion to the bulk of the piece of Timber, and to the length they give their Canoe. This way of making their Canoes is very tedious, but tends much to their duration, so that they scarce ever rot, because after they are thus made, the Worm never touches 'em, which is also partly owing to the hardness of the Wood; there being scarce any betwixt the Tropics but has this quality.  
Note (12) P. 17. The Commodities that have vent among these Nations are Hatchets, Bills, Knives, Looking-glasses, Hooks, etc.  
Note (13) P. 19 'Tis the Custom of this Nation to use their Children after this manner.  
Note (14) Ibid. In the Year 1625, the English attempted to make a Settlement at Cayenne, & these Three who were devoured by the Indians were probably some of 'em, for their Establishment did not succeed, they being defeated by the Indians, for not managing themselves well towards 'em. Their Principal Plantation was at Cayenne, upon the River Remire. The same disappointment befell the Dutch some Years after.  
Note (15) P. 21. The Poop of great Canoes being commonly joined to the rest, they caulk it with a sort of fat Earth, which the Water in a little time washes away, and therefore they are obliged to put it in a fresh from time to time; and this they call mending or refitting a Canoe.  
Note (16) P. 22. The mouth of this River enters into the Amazon, and into the River of Cayenne, about 20 Leagues from the Aproague; 'twas from hence that Mons. Lecy, the Governor of Cayenne, with 10 Men drove away 6 or 700 of the Dutch, in the last Wars we had with them; tho' they had a Fort there with some pieces of Canon: At the same time they were likewise twice driven from the River Aproague, where they also had a Fort defended with Canon.  
Note (17) P. 25. Tamouci, or Tamechi signifies Old, and Cabo signifies Heaven in the Galibian Tongue.  
Note (18) P. 27. Line 9 When the English came from Barbadoes, with 4 or 5 Frigates, to make a descent upon Cayenne in the Year 1666, Father Grillet was Superior of the Jesuits there, and was some time amongst the English, who left him there with the rest of the Colony when they went away.  
Note (19) P. 28. 'Tis true, they drink but little or nothing at their ordinary meals till they have done eating, and then commonly drink one draught; but when they assemble together, either for Warlike Erterprises, or to begin a Canoe, or to launch it when 'tis made, and when they make a Chief, or admit him into their Council, after they have exposed him to several rude kind of Trials; they have extraordinary rejoicings, which frequently hold 3 or 4 days, continuing till they have drank up all their Liquor; which is what the French call Fair un Vin. For these occasions they make 3 or 4 different sorts of Drink, some of which become very strong by fermentation, as that which they call Palinot, which they make with Cassave that is baked more than ordinary: The pieces of which they pile up one upon another when they are very hot, and keep 'em thus till they begin to be mouldy, after which they mix them with Potatoes, which they cut in small pieces as well as the Cassave, and put them in great Earthen Jars, than they pour a proportionate quantity of Water upon 'em, and so leave all to ferment and work together till this Liquor is as strong as they desire; which is after about 5 or 6 days fermentation. They strain it before they use it, and then 'tis of the Colour and Consistence of Beer, of a much better taste, but much more heady and intoxicating. They have besides a great many sorts of drink, the diversity of which Results from the different Fruits of which they make 'em. But that which they ordinarily make use of, is as white as Milk, and of the same consistence. It is very refreshing and nourishing, and is composed of Cassave baked after their ordinary manner, and Potatoes boiled with it, till they are of the consistence of Paste, this they put into Baskets lined with the Leaves of Bonano-trees, in which it keeps good for a Month, and then begins to grow sour, but not quite so soon if it be kept in a cool place. When they use it they steep as much as they have present occasion for in a sufficient quantity of Water, and if they are at leisure they strain it: But they often only steep it, and drink it without straining, and if Sugar or Sugar-cains bruised be mixed with it, it comes very near the taste, and colour, and consistence of Orgeate, the use of which the French have taken from the Italians some Years since. This drink is called Ovacou upon the Continent; and Ovicou in the Islands. 'Tis believed that the reason why the Europeans can never attain to make it so good as the Indians do, is because these chew the Potatoes and Cassave, before they boil 'em together, and understand better what degree of boiling they require, to give this Liquor its greatest perfection. But the seeing this way of its preparation turns one's stomach more than the reading of it; and the Wine that washes the dirty Feet of the Grape-gatherers as they tread the Grapes is no less nauseous, but the Fermentation both of the one and the other corrects all this uncleanliness.  
Note (20) P. 30. This is their common way of expressing things they cannot number, saying Enoura, which signifies [thus much.]  
Note (21) P. 31. This Nation is situated towards the Source of the River Maroni, the Mouth of which is about 50 Leagues from Cayenne Westward, and 30 from the River Surinam; where the Dutch have a Fort, which the French built in the Year, 1644, and were obliged to quit in 1646, for want of Help from France. This Fort is 3 Leagues from the Mouth of the Surinam, on the Right-hand as you enter into it. The Lord Willoughby retired thither in 1648, or 1649, with a Colony of 1000 or 1200 English, who endeavoured to support the Interest of the King of England against Cromwell, in the Barbadoss; that is, those of the Antilles, or Antego Islands, which the English have; for the English call all those Islands, the Barbadoss, as the French call all the Antilles they possess, St. Christopher's Islands.  
Note (22) P. 32. There are several sorts of Tools proper for the Indians, of the Value of about Half a Crown, Two Shillings, Twenty-pences, Fifteen-pences, etc. as Hatchets or Axes, Bills, with Wooden Handles, others with Iron Handles, in the Socket of which they may be fixed or taken off at Pleasure; and such little Planing-Axes, as Cooper's Use; this Tool serves the Indians in making their Canoes, particularly in hollowing the inside of the Tree, they design for that use: They also use Plains to smooth the outside of the Canoes, as well as for other Works.  
Note (23) Ibid. A Hamock is an Indian Bed, made of Cotton; tho' they all hang 'em up by the two ends, when they would lie in 'em, sometimes upon 2 Trees, at 10 or 12 Foot distance, and sometimes at two of the Posts that support their Houses, or their Carbets; yet they differ very much both in the Stuff and Work. For Instance, All the Hammocks that are made from the River of Amazons to the Orenoque, are of Cotton, made full, and almost all without Fringe on the sides; most of 'em coloured with Rocou, or red Paint, quartered in Flourishes that are made with pretty good Proportion and exactness; these are most esteemed for Use, especially in the Islands, because they last a great while; and are stronger than those of Brazil, which are so thin, one may generally see through 'em, and are made of twined Cotton, much finer than those of Guiana, which are also made of twisted Cotton-thread, but courser. Those of Brazil have all a great Fringe on each side, and have for the most part very much work about 'em, the Brazilian Women are so ingenious, that there is scarce two of their Cotton Beds in a hundred, which are brought from the same place, that are made just alike: The Galibis paint most of 'em Red, after they are made, and while they are yet upon the Loom. The Brazilian Women make scarce any but white Hammocks; and if they mix either Red, or Blue, or Green, with the White, or all of 'em together (as they do frequently) they work 'em with Thread ready died, and so the Men don't touch 'em; whereas in Guiana these Beds are painted only by the Men, the Women leaving this Work to them, when they have finished the Web: They wove 'em after the following Manner, as well in Brezil as in Guiana. All their Implements are two round Sticks, about 8 or 9 Foot long, and 3 or 4 Inches Diameter; the two Ends of one of these round Sticks lie across upon two Pieces of Wood, about 8 or 9 Foot from the Ground, more or less, according to the Length the Workwoman is ordered, or designs herself to make her Bed. The other round Stick hangs directly under this, and 'tis to these two round Sticks that the Warp of the Hamock is fastened, after which they have a kind of Shuttle, which they put through the Threads, to wove it after the Manner of our Gloth: But because they put their Shuttle through Thread by Thread, one above and the other below; this Work is extremely tedious, and has need of no less Patience than theirs.  
Those of Brazil having much more work about 'em, require the more Time and Industry to make 'em; but one sort and another are very much bought in the Islands, where almost all the Europeans make use of 'em; and they are very good to use in Europe, especially in those Places, where they have but bad and uncleanly Beds, particularly Spain and Italy, whither one might carry 'em without much trouble, they being very light; for the biggest of 'em don't weigh above 5 or 6 Pound, and those of Brazil not above half so much, because they are thin and fine; with 2 Pegs, or 2 great Nails they may be hanged up any where. The Indians place the Props of their Houses at a convenient distance one from another, for this Purpose: They don't go out far into the Country without these Beds; and there are always enough left in their Houses for Strangers.  
This sort of Beds is likewise used almost in all Southern America, to carry wounded or sick People in; those that are put to this use, have at each end a great Ring, through which they put a Pole of a sufficient length for the Bed, and strong enough to bear a Man's Weight: And thus two Indians, one before and tother behind, carry the sick Man, supported in his Hamock, by the Pole which they bear upon their Shoulders.  
The Arovagues, the Araotes, and most of the other Nations, toward the River Orenoque, make their Beds of the Thread of Pite, in Network, which they hang up after the Manner the other do their Cotton Hammocks. Pite is a kind of Hemp or Flax, but much longer and whiter, of this they make their Cords for the Tackling of the Masts and Sails of their Canoes, as for other Occasions; this Pite is also much lighter and stronger than Hemp, and nothing near so apt to rot in the Water; they make very fine Thread of it to mend their Arrows, and for other such uses. Perhaps the Aloe Yuccae foliis, Catal. Plantar. Jamaic. p. 118.  
Note (24) P. 40. Boucanee that is, dried without being salted, upon a kind of Grate made of Sticks, placed about 3 Foot above the Fire, they Boucanee Meat as well as Fish; and the Word Boucaniers comes from this, because they usually live upon Meat or Fish dressed after this Manner. This Name was given to the French in the Island of St. Domingo; because, before they had Houses, as they now have in the Western Part of the Island, they lived only upon Beef thus dressed; and sold the Hides of the Bulls and Cows, which they killed, to the Captains of Ships, for Guns, Powder and Shot, Shirts and Drawers, which was all their Equipage. They were then Vagabonds in the Island, and had no Houses, but now are settled there, and plant a great deal of Tobacco in spite of the Spaniards. They are under the Command of the Governor of la Tortue, a small Island that lies near St. Domingo, on the Westside: And 'tis supposed, that the Number of these Boucaniers surpasses that of all the rest of the French in those American Islands, called the Antilles. These Boucaniers have performed such surprising Exploits against the Spaniards at Porto-Velo, at Panama, in New Spain, and elsewhere, that what we are told in the Accounts of the Country concerning 'em are almost incredible, but that a Spaniard has lately taken care to immortalize their Memory; who has in his own Language given us the History of divers Expeditions of these Adventurers, in a Volumn in 4to. Printed at Cologne, in the Year 1681, with Figures.  
Note (25) P. 43. Monsieur Fontaine is Commissary, or Assistant to Monsieur Fouret, who has very fine Sugar-Works at Cayenne.   

A RELATION OF GVIANA, AND OF THE COMMERCE THAT May be Settled there.  
GViana is a great Country, on the Continent of Northern America, which extends in Latitude, from the Equinoctial Line, to the Tenth Degree, on the side of the Arctique Pole, and in Longitude from the River of Amazons to the Orenoque, which contains near Four Hundred Leagues on the Seacoasts, with an immense Stretches into the Countries that border upon Brazil, on the Southside, and New Audalousia on the West.  
Our French Seamen are wont to call Guiana by the Name, of the North-Cape, because that is the most remarkable Cape on that Coast; and those that have Business in those Parts, commonly put ashore there, to get some Knowledge of the Country.  
This Cape is between the 2 and 3 Degrees of Northern Latitude, and between the 345 and the 346 Degrees of Longitude. This Part of the Continent is watered with abundance of Rivers, some of which will carry great Vessels up a considerable Way beyond the Mouths of 'em; and upon the Shores of 'em; an infinite Number of Plantations might be made, which would turn to a very considerable Account, as well in regard of the Traffic that might be made with the Natives, and the Fishing-Trade that might be carried on in these Rivers, and along the Sea-Coast, as of the Product of the Labour and Industry of the Planters.  
The divers Settlements the French have made there at different Times, sufficiently prove the Possibility of living in good Correspondence with the Indians, provided they be treated civilly; and with more Honesty and Sincerity than 
* Monsieur de la Bar had not yet made a Settlement there, when this Account was written.  they have done, who have hitherto had the Conduct of these kind of Erterprises, fall into their Hands. The ill Treatment the Natives have received from them, for which they have sometimes made themselves amends by way of Reprisal, have not rendered 'em irreconcilable, as we have been taught by Experience, when we have made trial of it on different Occasions.  
They are tolerably endued with good Sense, which they have opportunity to cultivate and refine by a long Train of Experiences, with which the many Years they live, furnish 'em: For they count a Man dies young, if he don't live above 100 Years.  
They have a pretty good Judgement, and have good rational Thoughts, about things within the Compass of their Notice, and within the Reach of the Light of Nature, with which alone they are furnished.  
They observe their Words with great Exactness, and inviolably practise the Maxim, of not doing to others, what they would not have others do to them.  
They are rather inclined to Peace than War, which yet they engage in, either when they have some just Quarrel, or when Revenge or Honour prompt 'em to it.  
They are sufficiently industrious, and although they have both Patience and Skill in Fishing and Hunting, yet they have the Foresight, not to let their Subsistance depend upon Hazard; and therefore willingly cultivate their Ground, in proportion to their Occasions, and the Bigness of their Families.  
Before Europe had furnished them with Tools of Iron and Steel for this Purpose, they made themselves some of hard Stones; but besides that the Labour of making 'em was intolerable, the Pains they took in using of 'em, was also so very great, that they laid aside the use of 'em, as soon as they found they could do more Work in a Day with our Hatchets, Bills and Knives, than they could do in 6 Months with their Stone Tools; which now are good for nothing, but to be kept in the Closets of the Curious, as so many Proofs of the wonderful Patience of those People.  
They speak a Tongue, which is not only understood by all the Nations, which the Spaniards on one side, and the Portugese on the other, have obliged to retire into Guiana; but is also intelligible to the Carraibes, who are the Natives of the Antilles, and use this Language: Which I have known by the Indians of the Isles of St. Vincent, St. Domingo, and others where I had occasion to converse with them. In short, this Language is spoken for the Space of above Four Hundred Leagues on the Seacoasts, and in many Places above Sixscore Leagues up in the Country.  
They bring up all sorts of tame Fowl, which they exchange with us for Toys, as well as wild Fowl, and other Game, which is there in great Plenty; as also abundance, both of Sea, and Freshwater Fish.  
They build us Houses after their Fashion, which are commodious enough for the Country; they clear our Ground and carry our Letters, they serve to load and unload Merchant Ships; and in a Word, there's scarce any kind of Service but may be obtained of 'em by a courteous Carriage, and by giving 'em a few Trifles of a small Value, when they have occasion for 'em. They undertake even to load Ships entirely with a kind of Fish, which they catch in the Rivers with a sort of Harping-Iron; and this they perform upon such reasonble Terms, that those who follow this Trade by their Means, always find an extraordinary Profit in it; because the Vent of 'em is always speedy and certain in the Islands, where there is a great Consumption of 'em made; so that one may say, this sort of Fish, and the Sea-Tortoise, are the Codfish of the Continent, and the Antego Islands.  
And 'tis the Manna, upon which the Colonies between the Tropiques live, as much as many of the Europeans, and some others, do upon Codfish. This Fishing Trade is practised all the Year in most of the Rivers on this Coast, except the Fishing for Tortoise, which holds but 3 or 4 Months in the Year; during which, the Females come to lay their Eggs in the Sand, beyond the Marks that are left of the highest Tides, and that in so great abundance, (especially on the Shores that are least frequented) as can hardly be imagined: For 10 Men can turn as many of 'em in a Night, as 100 can dress in a Week.  
In the Night, which is the only time they take to lay their Eggs, they wait till they have passed the Bounds, which the highest Tides have marked, and then turn 'em upon their Backs, and being once in this Posture, they can by no means recover themselves upon their Feet to go back into the Sea.  
Among the Plants which the Indians cultivate in their Plantations, Cotton is one of those that principally employs 'em, especially the Women who make this their particular business; and thus find means to adorn themselves; for they know how to spin it as fine as can be desired. And if the disorders that have happened in the Colonies upon the Continent, had not hindered the Establishing a Regular Traffic of it, which might have been easily accomplished; I say, if it had not been for this, all Europe might have been furnished with it, in all manner of ways in which it could have been employed, without costing the French any more trouble or charge in a manner, than that of receiving it; because of the natural and general inclination the Indians have both for Work, and for Finery; esteeming a grain of Crystal to hang about their Neck or at their Ears, as much as we should do a Diamond of the same bigness.  
Besides, it being well known, that Cotton is one of those Commodities that are consumed the most in Europe, and the Price of which is least varied, the Inhabitants of the Islands would never have left off cultivating it, if there had been Women enough to spin it, without which it can't be Transported but with a great deal of Trouble, and little Profit.  
The Hammocks or Cotton-beds which the Indians sell us for a Bill or Hatchet, are afterwards sold in the Islands with considerable Advantage; every one there having one of 'em, and there are none of them brought from any other Country than Guiana, except from Brasil, and that but rarely, because of the small Commerce the French have there.  
Their Rocou is a red Die, and valuable when 'tis natural, such as the Indians sell us, before it has been falsified by Foreigners, who carry it into Europe. See Vrucu in Catal. Plant. Jamaic. P. 150.  
There are to be had among 'em likewise divers sorts of Gums, Woods, and Roots proper for Physic, which are good Commodities in France, as well as several sorts of Wood proper for Dying; and for making of Cabinets and Inlaid Works, among which is the Letter-wood, which the French call Bois de la Chine, and which grows in no other place in the World but on this part of the Continent. The Natives cut it and carry it in great burdens quite to the Ships so cheap, that a 1000 weight of it comes to but a Crown; whereas that quantity was a long time sold for a 100 Crowns, and never for less than 150 Livres.  
Besides those Animals that are fit for sport; as Apes of divers kinds, Sapajous, Tamarinds, Sagovius, Parrots, Arras and Tocaus: I omit a great many other things, which this Country produces; and one may say, this large Compass of Ground has moreover this Advantage above the Islands of America, that there is no fear of tiring it; as we are taught by Experience, the Island of St. Christopher, and others have been in a little Space of Time, where the Land is become almost barren, merely by being overburdened with continual Crops, because it can never be suffered to rest, by Reason of the small Portion of Ground that every Inhabitant possesses; which yet does not hinder 'em from raising every Year a prodigious Quantity of Sugar, besides Ginger, Indigo, Cassia, and other Commodities that are cultivated and made there.  
This Country of Guiana is diversified with Hills, Plains and Meadows; and there are scarce any Mountains but would turn to a good Account, if they were manured: The Land is every where so fertile, that one Man may easily get, with his own Hands, a Livelihood for Twenty People, the Cultivation of it is so very easy. The Fruits of it are excellent, and very plentiful; and all our sorts of Corn grow there all the Year round, without distinction of Seasons, and that in a very little time: And there being no Winter, the Trees are alternately covered with Blossoms and Fruits, and always with Leaves.  
The Air is very good, and the Climate very Temperate, tho' it be between the Tropiques; for the Heat is continually mitigated by a fresh East-wind, which blows all the Year, except in the Night, when the Breezes come from the Land, which are only felt one or two Leagues toward the Sea.  
The Waters are excellent, and keep good throughout the longest Voyages, as has been often experienced in Europe, where they are never found to stink at the Return of the Ships, that have taken in their Provision of 'em in this Country. It must not be omitted, that there are on this Coast a great many Islands so proper for the Feeding of Cattle, that provided some necessary Precautions be observed, there is no doubt but there would in a short time be as great a Number of 'em produced (if a Stock were carried thither) in proportion, as in the other Islands, whither Ships go every Day for Hides; as they do to St. Domingo, and elsewhere.  
This Account being drawn up only as a Succinct Memoir of Guiana in general, and of Cayenne in particular; I thought not meet to extend it further, nor to give the Detail of a Country, where the French have now a Colony, from whence a more ample Information may be expected.  
FINIS.