A REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF Lieutenant General Ludlow; Or his Answer to the Officers at Dublin, examined: With a concluding Word to the present authority in Parliament.  
By E. W. an Actor in the late change in Ireland.  Tempora mutantur, sed non mutamur in illis. 
LONDON, Printed by Tho. Newcomb, over-against Bainards-Castle in Thames-street. 1660.   

A Reply to the Answer of Lieut. General Ludlow, or his Answer to the Officers at Dublin examined; with a concluding Word to the present Authority in Parliament.  
THough, to the understanding Reader, who by comparing, knows when a Letter is answered, I need have done no more, then to have taken the same Letter (which he saith is answered) and affixed it in the end, calling it a Reply to the Answer; yet because those Worthies, to whom the Answer appeals for Justice, may with the less expense of time see how insufficient the Answer is, and how unjustly the subscribers of the Officers Letter, are aspersed almost in every page of the pretended Answer, by the nickname of persons that have been for a late single Persons interest, I have therefore assumed (though unwillingly) this trouble by way of Replication: and therefore,  
Sir; As I am not inclined to detract from your merits, wherein they are praiseworthy, so I would have gladly seen the like ingenuity in yourself, towards the Gentlemen, who rather have deserved your praise hitherto, then to have been the objects of your frowns and indignation, for what they have done.  
It seems your stomach will not easily digest any that submitted to the late Government of a single Person, though they had no hand in setting him up; but why do you not quarrel with that Scripture, Rom. 13. Let every soul be subject to the higher Powers, for the powers that are, are ordained of God? Let me ask you this Question from commonwealth principles (though I doubt not but your tart words would be silenced from that Text) Can you imagine, That if all such were excluded, your petty peevish Interest (to say no more of it) would be enough to carry on that Good old Cause so much pretended to? when yet you saw by experience what knocking of heads there was at your Wallingford-House-meetings, To which you so much frequented (though to the blot of your former service) and when advised to the contrary by your known friends, surely you that are ready to condemn the Parliament, for narrowing their interest now, do much more condemn yourself, if that be your opinion.  
Your great care in your answer, is, to make the world believe, That you are the only Person, that hath stood unshaken (as to the Parliaments cause) in the late Protectors day; But 'tis sufficiently known to many witnesses from your own mouth, That your trouble was not, That Oliver had pulled out the Parliament; But that he was seated in the chair of State, contrary to a former engagement, and so your expected good things, were not like to be accomplished by him. As for the Parliament, you could have been contented then (as well as since) if they had never met more: and why then do you condemn others for the same things you are guilty of yourself, namely for want of affection to this Parliament? Did not all the Armies of the three Nations, all the Fleets at Sea, all or most part of the Cities, Burrows, Towns, and Counties of this commonwealth, yea, and all Plantations of English abroad own his authority by Letters and Addresses, and were there not in all these (think you) as faithful men to the Parliament as yourself?  
I might here tell you that you acted sometime yourself under him; for you could be contented to receive pay, as Lieutenant General, Colonel and Captain, and I believe you would have done so to the last day of his reign, had not Orders been given by Fleetwood to cross you out of the musters. Your distinction here of being the Parliaments Lieutenant General, will not serve your turn; for any sober man may see, That though you abhored him (as the Jews did swine's flesh) yet you loved the broth of abominable things. In the front of your second page you say, The Officers and soldiers (within your precinct) of Duncannon, at your coming expressed much grief and trouble for the Parliaments interruption; But truly Sir, if their after-carriage be considered, which I know you are bound to justify, I want faith to believe that their sorrow was unfeigned.  
But your Irish Harp will make no music, unless you touch upon the same string, and therefore you say in the same page, That you sent to Ross, Waterford, and other places to press them to declare for the Parliament, not in show only, but in reality. Answ. Truly Sir, if you might be Judge, no doubt but you would pass as severe a censure upon the persons, as you do upon the actions of those, which yet your Masters have judged to be real in what they have done, witness their Thanks sent them for their good service.  
But the Officers, you say, in declaring for the Parliament, designed rather to take advantage against those the Parliament had preferred, 
Though the Officers fidelity may justly merit the places, yet all is submitted to the Parliaments pleasure, who in answer to the Armies humble representation, voted this as answer to one of the heads therein contained, that such who's good service should merit inc●uragement or rearward, should accordingly have it; and though they have merited their thanks, yet whether they have deserved their places, is at their judgement  thereby to get into their places, than out of any affection to the Parliament. Answ. Ill-will never speaks well, The best actions of the best of men shall never clear their integrity, if a bare jealous affirmation shall serve as a sufficient accusation. But in the mean time, Sir, those Officers so entrusted, were very faithful to their Masters; were they not? when others less trusted (as the like was here about London) must teach them in Commission, their duty, how to obey their Masters: the best is, as often and highly as you reflect upon them in Ireland, by an easy and due parallel, you reflect upon those few faithful ones, that remained in England and Scotland.  
But those in Ireland disputed your Authority, which was legally derived from the Parliament, for whom in the worst of times you have born your faithful witness. Answ. You are here mistaken in the dispute, which was not whether you had not an authority, but whether by your staying amongst the Parliaments enemies, and acting as one of the new lawmakers, you had not abused that authority to the forfeiting of it; But the Officers you say were not judges of that, but the Parliament. Answ. In case of Necessity, when there is no visible Authority, as than there was not (when they passed those Votes against you) they were Judges of their own safety. And when afterwards they heard of their sitting, they appealed to Caesar, whether they desired your Return.  
In the next, you tell them, That though the Officers disputed your Authority, legally derived from the Parliament; yet they could yield obedience to Sir Hardress Waller that had no Commission. Answ. His being respited by the Parliament at present, did not make null his Authority, no more than the present want of their Commissions could null all the Captains and other Officers of the Army, for than they had been like sheep without Shepherds; good reason therefore they had to own him (your Substitute having defected) who was made privy to much of the Design, some weeks before it was executed, he being next in Command. But Sir Hardress served a single persons interest whilst he might. Answ. He did no more, than the Generals at Sea, who all engaged for the service of their country, under the Command of a single person: who I suppose you do but equally asperse. But Sir Hardress, with others, subscribed a Letter to the Army in England, and bid them good speed in their undertakings. Answ. In that Letter the Army of Scotland was equally and jointly concerned and included, and therefore that Salute, which is rather your own fiction (Than any thing in reality) is to be equally shared between both. But Sir Hardress clearly espoused the army's interest, and cast off the Parliaments, by the Letter sent to General Monk. Answ. The Letter mentioned was prepared by Jones, and brought in for Subscriptions rather by way of surprise, than debate. And though his policy did subscribe to a compliance, where his opposition would have made him obnoxious, yet the honesty of his policy did quickly appear.  
Object. But that excuse may as well serve the rest of the Subscribers as Sir Hardress, and may justify all that joined with the Army; for they will all say, they did it out of Policy. Answ. Had they taken an opportunity in season to have opposed the Army, as he did, the excuse would be sufficient; but that they did not.  
In the next place you say, You did not own the Army in their late precipitate undertaking, nor acted with them otherwise, then in a military capacity, but refused to join in their Committee of safety, or Committee for Nomination.  
Answ. 'Tis true, you did not so own them (I believe) as to contrive the plot for setting up the Army as Legislators; as neither did the Army of Ireland, or the Officers, that you say were for the interest of a single person, contrive his setting up; but you could honestly submit after it was done, as they did; nay, you could join with them in the same work of New Government-making. I wonder from henceforth you should condemn others for that wherein you are ten times more guilty in another kind, and equally in the same kind with themselves, as before proved. But you acted with them only in a military Capacity. Answ. have Cromwell or Fairfax gone to the King at Oxford, and joined, or acted with them in a military capacity, would this have served for an excuse to the Parliament, or not rather as an aggravation to endanger their not being welcome, when they should return to sit at Westminster, as you have done?  
But what you did as to Government or Reformation, was always with an intention to submit the same to this Parliaments judgement.  
Answ. A sorry excuse you think is better than none. But, 1. Who knew your Intentions? 2. Who knew the Parliament would ever sit again? 3. You have here coined an excuse (such a one as 'tis) for those that were for a single person; for might not they say, they were for him, only with an intention to submit it to this Parliament when they sat.  
You say in Page the eighth, The Officers design is to make molehills Mountains, to asperse and not justify, and therefore they quarrel with the title of Dear friend, written to Jones. Answ. They cite those words for this end, to let you know what cause they had to be jealous that you, who were a friend to their enemy, could be no good friend to them; had such a Title been written by any member of this house to Inchequin after his Revolt, it had been enough to have made the whole house jealous, that such a member was no good friend to them (notwithstanding the pretence of private real friendship. But what you did therein (you say) was prudential, he having your sword in his hands. Answ. That is, you called him friend till you could appear his enemy, as Sir Hardresse called General Monk Enemy, till he could appear his friend. The difference lies only in this, Sir Hardresse made haste to do the one, when you delayed to do the other.  
The next clause you say, that is aggravated against you is, That we seem to be necessitated to look towards the long Parliament; it is feared, if they come in without conditions they will be very high.  
To which, whether you have given a sufficient Answer, let the world judge; for who knew your Intentions to escape, or the way by Miniard, as you say in your Letter; or who can believe it, that shall consider what you say afterwards? That when Fleetwood heard Dublin had declared for the Parliament, he sent you away. The gloss by which you would evade this charge (if I should appeal to yourself) is such, that you will not allow to others, viz. You writ so to Jones (out of policy) to let him see it was his prudence as well as his duty, Not to do any thing in opposition to the Parliaments authority, or to yourself, who was invested therewith. Answ. He was like to do but little either against the Parliament, or yourself, when before your going out of London, you heard he was imprisoned; for the mischief he had done was before, of which you had notice by several private letters. And had you went according to the invitations in those letters, you had been most affectionately received, whereas your mition from their enemy was reason to the contrary.  
The last clause in your Letter; you say, the Officers have to object against you, is this, I hope ere this the Commissions for setting of civil justice on the wheels, are come to your hands. At which you wonder it should be imputed as a crime to you, by those who were free, that the Administration of civil Justice should be derived from a military hand, during the Protectors Reign. 'Tis therefore to be feared, you say, they rather dislike the persons than the thing itself.  
Answ. The Imputation of it as a crime to you, was, because the Authority of that Sword, that pulled out the Parliament, was thereby justified, when yet you would have the world to believe you were pleading against the Army to bring them in; and if it were always your principle to oppose the sword's Authority, why was it not in this? the truth is, your words may here be justly retorted, That you dislike persons and not things; for you can make use of it as a discriminating Act against all that submitted to it in a single person, and yet you can find Arguments to plead for it, when it relates to the Army.  
But you say, 'Tis the lawyer's opinion, That whosoever is actually in power, may set the wheels of justice going. Answ. But the Army in England had nothing to do with Ireland, nor could they be in actual power, when there was a balancing power in General Monk, that opposed them. And if the Army in Ireland should have argued thus, to set their Wheels of Justice going, no doubt but you would have had better grounds for those reports you have raised, than yet you had. I wish it may be prevented by a timely a consideration of their sufferings; Necessity is lawless.  
But you seem much to rejoice that you have so just a Bar to appeal unto, as that of the Parliaments, who you doubt not but will protect you against the malicious prosecution of any Cavilerish spirit whatsoever.  
Answ. In this you would insinuate the Subscribers to be Cavileers, and therefore they may equally rejoice with you, as well for their own sakes as for yours; they have that power to appeal to now sitting, for whose restitution they have so freely adventured their All. 2. I will not say 'tis as strange to see how you interfere in your Principles, who can now own them as a Parliament, when not long since (you told some of themselves) you did not look upon them as a Parliament, but as a Company of honest Gentlemen that met there for the good of their country, and upon that account you joined with them.  
In concluding of the Paragraph, page 10. you say, If to be fai●hfull and constant to the Parliament, in opposition to a single person, kingship, &c. If to bear witness against such as are disaffected to public interest, or as are vicious in their lives and conversations, &c. be high Treason, you then confess yourself guilty.  
Answ. If that were all, I should say the same with you; But stay Sir, there is somewhat else: Is it fidelity to this Parliament, for a General of Ireland to come from thence, and sit in the Counsels of their enemies? would this have been judged so, had any Member of the house, or General of their Army gone to sit with the King's Counsels, as I said before, in Oxford? Nay, have not the house already determined it in their Sentencing of Sir Henry Vane, and Major Sallaway? Is it fidelity to the Parliament to be engaged as one of the chief to settle a new foundation of Government for these Nations? Is this to bear your witness, against such as are disaffected to the Parliaments Interest? Who were ever against the Parliament, if such be not, that shall presume to pull out their Masters, and make null their laws, and yet with such you could join; whether this be the substance of the Articles, or all that is to be said, I will not determine. But certainly, if these things are not Treason, they are highly criminal. For (to make the best of it) can any rational man think that 'tis a sufficient plea for a General of an Army, to quit his duty as a General, to run to the enemy's Counsels to entreat them to let their Masters sit again.  
You tell them again in Page 11. Of your intentions to 〈◊〉 thorough into Ireland, in order to compose the difference there. Answ. But why were not your intentions put in practice till within two days of the Parliaments sitting; can any man judge your intentions to be real, when your Actions were contrary? Had you been made a Prisoner for endeavouring to escape, the Army in Ireland would have unanimously declared for you: But it seems there was no such danger; for in the same pag. you say, You had laboured with the Lord Fleetwood, that you might repair to your charge above a month or five weeks before he sent you; an ill sign your intentions were real: for to use your own words in the same page; had that power any longer prevailed, you had stayed longer with them, (I am sure nothing less can be employed:) But you say, Fleetwood having received a letter from Captain Algat, that Ireland had declared for the Parliament, he then thought it necessary you should repair to your charge. Answ. It seems you were one of those soldiers that was under Authority, when you were bid stay, you stayed; and when you were bid go, you went. And is this to show your fidelity to the Parliament, of which you so much boast, that you would not adventure some hazards to get from their enemies? Or who will not say, The Army of Ireland had sufficient cause to conclude, That if you had been a friend to the Parliament, you had been clapped up in London, and not sent away with a Mandamus by Fleetwood.  
In page 12. you say, your brother Kempsons' name was set to the Declaration, contrary to his mind, because he did not like the company. Answ. The latter I easily believe, because he found no whimsical persons amongst them; But I assure you the former is not true, for he ordered the Clerk to set his name, after some contest had been, about the words, our Lieutenant General.  
But, you say, you looked upon it as your duty to hasten into Ireland, because many persons that had subscribed the Declaration were of a contrary principle thereto, and adhered to another interest, namely that of a single person. Answ. But suppose they had been such, are your principles so rigid and imposing (which you yet condemn in others) as you will never admit of repentance? 2. But why more hast now then good speed? had your haste been so hasty, you would have hasted over before, to have hindered that revolt that was made from the Parliament; but it seems there was no danger on that side; for if the Work were done, as you declared at Connaway, you did not care by what Instruments, so it might not be by a single person.  
In the same page to answer the Officers, you tell them, that before you left London, you took your leave of the Speaker and left the address of the Officers with him, which declared their hearty affections to this Parliament, and their resolution to stand by them, to which very few of the Subscribers hearts or hands than were. Answ. No doubt your going to the Speaker at that time was your wisdom; but certainly there would have appeared more integrity had you gone sooner, or else have published the address in Print as soon as you came to London; but when it might have done good, you could keep it in obscurity, and then discover it when be sure it was of no advantage; 'tis well their fidelity was better made known by their own Actions then by yours.  
The design of the Subscribers, you say, is now laid open by their imprisoning many persons that did declare for the Parliament, though not with them. Answ. Friendship is best known in time of straits; at such a season the Army in Ireland generally showed their fidelity, whereas several now under restraint declared not till forced to it, and the rest had publicly defected from the very beginning; but the world may see by this, who you judge to be the Parliaments best friends.  
In the next, you say, it is now out of doubt they are for the King, because the moderatest of that party have publicly declared for Sir George Booth's design. Answ. There is much fraud in a general charge; why do you not come to particulars, who they are? Indeed Sir, if it may not offend you to compare persons with persons, I must then tell you, Sir George Booths offence will appear to deserve a favourable extenuation, caeteris paribus, when the crimes of the late disturbers will be found flat rebellion. In page 13. you say, had you been upon the place of your command, as General Monk was, when the Resolution of the Army came to you, the advice of the Officers had been good, but you were in your journey towards London, when you first received the news. Answ. You received the news before you landed at Connaway in Wales, and advice was given you to return for Ireland; which if you had done, you might have been in the same posture quickly with General Monk, had there been but the like affections; the want whereof you sufficiently discovered to Sr. Henry Ingoldsby; when you told him, That if those in power (meaning the Army) would do but as good things for the Nations; so the work was done, you cared not who were the instruments; a strange expression for a Parliaments General, who stands so much to vindicate his constant good affection.  
The next thing you seem to vindicate yourself in, is in the election of the Officers that were to be sent to London, where you say, if they were designed in opposition to the Parliament, it was contrary to what you intended; and General Monk Commissioners having consented, made you the more willing. Ans. But their meeting to such an end was not contrary to your knowledge, it being the third Article; and surely you could not plead ignorance, what the Articles were, when you confess the Commissioners before mentioned had signed them.  
But you had the better hope of such a meeting of the General Council, because as you say, Three parts of the Army had not been engaged in that Interruption, only that part about London.  
Answ. 'Tis the same thing to justify an evil act when done, as to be Actors in it; or else, why do you condemn the Officers in Ireland for owning the interest of a single person when set up, though they had no hand in the doing thereof? But 'tis easier to see how partial your judgement is, especially considering the declarations that were sent up to General Fleetwood from Lilborne, and several others parts, to own the Action.  
You say, your Letters to Colonel Richard's do sufficiently explain what you meant, by the advice you gave, to choose such men that were spirited to the Work. Answ. But how should the rest of the Officers, to whom you writ, know your meaning, when you never told them to whom they should apply themselves for explanation? Surely since you are so exact to remember the Contents of his Letter, amongst so many, you intended that should shelter you in case of a future storm.  
But, The Subscribers, you say, show how ready they were to comply with the Army in England, by calling an Irish Parliament to meet on the same day. Answ. Suppose the army in Ireland to supply their necessities, had taken an example from General Monk in Scotland, when all visible face of authority was pulled down by the army in England; had this been such a heinous crime? truly Sir, in condemning them for this, you do but equally charge him, whose Actions hath sufficiently appeared honourable to the world.  
You now draw on to your concluding page, and say, Thus you hope satisfactorily you have given an answer to each particular in the Letter. Answ. But how well I appeal to your Judges. The truth is, that which you call an Answer is nothing but an Evasion filled with bespattering terms, a thing you complain of in your Opposites; and the chief parts of your answer consists, either in condemning the Persons or actions of those the Parliament have justified, or pleading your own authority, which, for aught I know, you have sufficiently forfeited; Or your good intentions, which none knew but yourself.  
In your last page, you say, You have made it your practice, according to your principles, to promote an English Interest in Ireland, and to give countenance to all such who fear God. Answ. But is that the way to promote an English interest in Ireland, or to countenance such as fear God, and work righteousness? to set up Faction, and to lay aside Officers, saying, O he is a Presbyterian! what brave encouragement this was for any sober, honest Englishman to come over and plant in that Nation, let the world judge.  
But, you say, many that now pretend to wish well to the Parliament laid down their Commissions when they were restored, and some were laid aside by this Parliament, and o-others were so to be, because of their adherence to a contrary interest, and for viciousness of life and conversation. Answ. The first sort are (wilfully) mistaken, for the true reason of laying down their Commissions, was because they could not run, with those sons of error, who had the only smiles of your authority: The second sort have been already vindicated, who by their actions have showed themselves much more faithful than those, in which you so much confided: But seeing the Parliament have been mistaken in their friends once, I hope they will take heed who they trust now; And to conclude, let me here entreat our present Worthies, not to look upon their Cause to be so tottering, that they must needs go down to Egypt for help; take heed of such oaths, that will turn out men of sobriety, and not only make way for all the factious spirits of the Nations, to bring them in again to its support, who make no conscience of keeping them, but do engage men to fight against heaven; Let God be trusted with his own cause in his own way, without leaning upon such broken reeds. Those that are sober Christians, though of different persuasions, countenance; But this hath not been our case, pragmatical, saucy, impudent fellows, whose tongues were set on fire of Hell, to rail against ministry, Learning, Tyrhes, or that could preach (yea, rather prate) for tolerating all heresy and blasphemy, these have been the chief objects of favour, by which means you have lost five hundred for one in the affections of the Nations, and had so narrowed your interest, That the Parliaments cause for many years hath run retrograde, whereas, were but the House filled, a Synod called, and Religion settled, with a sober toleration, The Good old Cause would thrive in spite of Hell, without which, give me leave to tell you, A blast from the Almighty will suddenly come upon it and the Nations.  
FINIS.