AN Historical Review Of the Late HORRID FANATICAL PLOT, IN THE Rise, Progress, AND DISCOVERY Of the SAME.  
LONDON, Printed for Arthur Jones at the Flying-Horse near St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. 1684.   

To the Right Worshipful, Sir Peter Daniel, Knt. Alderman and Sheriff Of the CITY of LONDON.  
SIR,  
I Am not Insensible, how great a Presumption I Commit, in casting myself and the ensuing Treatise at your Feet: Nor without a great Measure of Confidence, (which your repeated Favours have often Emboldened) should I ever have Attempted the same: For which, as in the first place, I am Obliged to Entreat your Pardon, so in the next, your Acceptance.  
As Inducements whereunto, I have no Gilded Commendations to Adorn the Present, no Flowers of Rhetoric or Eloquence to Embellish the same; All that I can say in its Behalf, being no more than what the Loyalty of my Intentions was, in Writing it; I did it for a good End, to Expose the Nations Worst Enemies, and Unriddle their Plots and Conspiracies.  
And though hereby I'm Assured of Contracting the Ill-Will and Censure of too many, who are, and (in spite of Heaven itself,) will continue Incorrigible, I shall Despise their Malice, and under the Umbrage of your Patronage Rest secure.  
Nor indeed, could I ever have made Choice of a better Security to defend my well designed, though mean, Performances, then Prefixing your Name thereunto; All Good and Loyal Men Revere it, and the Worst have an Awe and Regard for't; so strong are the Charms of Virtue, that where she cannot Absolutely Conquer Inbred and Established Vice, yet the most Vicious Esteem the Victor, and in their Hearts acknowledge her Powers.  
Your Early Loyalty Triumphed in the Worst of Times, when Goodness was out of Fashion, you Wore it; The prevailing Faction could neither Shame nor Fright you, and your Practice made good your own Maxim, That steady Loyalty is the surest Foundation of the Kingdom's Felicity.  
But Pardon me, (Dear Sir,) if I break off in a Theme I could never say Enough, and all that could be said, were much too little, and give me leave to Conclude with my Wishes, for your Temporal and Eternal Happiness, who am  
Your Obliged, and Humbly Devoted, Servant, F. N. W.   

An Historical Review Of the Late HORRID Fanatical Conspiracy, &c,  
AS Previous to the Relation of the late Fanatical Plot, to show the unreasonableness, as well as Impiety of the same; It will not be unnecessary to take a short Scheme of the Times wherein the same happened. To which end, we need look no further back in our Annals, than the days we have lived in, nor certainly can we meet with in all the past Records of ours or any other Nations, any instances of Ills so Infamously Notorious as those which these may afford us, pretermitting such which an Act of Oblivion did but too mercifully bury in Silence, though our Memories cannot obliterate the same, seeing the like Actors, and Actions designed on our present Theatre, as fatally made up the Tragedy of our late Disasters, which brought as well the best of Kings to the Axe, as the best of Governments to Anarchy and Confusion.  
The Night of suffering under which we then lay, was so long and tedious, that our hopes were almost enveloped in its shades, and despair had got so strong a possession of our Spirits, that we lay groaning under our burdens, with Tempers as unactive and frozen, as Slavery, and Fear could make them; to complain was a Crime, to redress, a Treason; the first a certain Forseit of our Estates, the latter of our Lives. When Providence, Almighty Providence, for no less could Finish our Redempton, raised up our beteared Eyes, to behold the Daystar, which ushered in the Morning of that Felicity, we have since enjoyed in the happy Restauration of his Majesty. A day which in all future ages will be certainly Recorded amongst the most fortunate, this Isle was ever blest with. A day wherein Religion and Monarchy, like two Wintered Roots that had been long buried in the Grave of Earth, began to Sprout, and put on the Springing Livery of Summer, and Increase. A day wherein Right, like an Intercepted Current, flowed again in its own Channel, and visited those Banks from which it had been so long estranged. Our Churches reduced from Stables, and Garrisons to the Temples of the Omnipotent: Our Benches from Seats of Injustice, to those of Law, Equity and Conscience: Our Preachers disarrayed of their Buss, Disarmed of their Swords and discarded from these pretences, to give Place to the Judicious and Pious. Our Doctrines purged of Schism, and Heresy, and in short, whatever was in itself Relig●ous, Peaceable, Just, and Righteous, took the upper hand of Atheism, Hypocrisy, Confusion, and Deceit.  
Nor was the shine of this Glorious hour like the Promising Beams of a Beauteous Morning, which was soon overshadowed by the rising Clouds of a weeping Noon, but so settled, and Established, were its resplendent Rays, that under the Universal Influences thereof, our Vineyards increased, and our Barns were filled with the replenished Harvest of all sorts of Happiness, in so great a measure, that certainly no Nation in the whole Universe, not our own in the most Celebrated times of Peace, and Plenty, could ever boast the like. 'Twas then we began to see the difference between a Tyrant that had Usurped his Master's Throne by feigned Artifices and Injurious Arms, and preserved the same by close Impiety, and holy Cheats, and a Lawful Prince, whose undoubted Right gave him as Indisputable a Title thereunto, as his Merits have since shown him worthy thereof. The noise of War, and Bloodshed, was drowned in the still Waves of slowing Peace, No siege Alarmed the Muse's Palace or dispersed their Votaries, the Citizen was fearless of, and safe from Plunder, the Ploughman unaffrighted could Sing at his Labours, knowing his propriety to their Increase, and each Man under his own Vine, bless the Patron of their safety. Happy, happy, had we been, could we have been thus contented; but so luxuriant is the temper of too many amongst us, that Heaven itself should it have showered down Gold into their Chest, and Treated them with Celestial Viands, yet they alas! Would never have been contented, but like the Murmuring Israelites, in prospect of their Canaan, have looked querulously back to their Egyptian Bondage, and longed for the Onions, and Garlic, they there fed on; a greater Instance of which I would boldly challenge all Histories to give me an account of, than this which now Employs my Pen, Which, I'm afraid, will scarce in future Ages receive its due Credit, it being so unreasonable in itself, and so Impious in its design; a design not only to have destroyed the Ancient Government of three Realms, the Established form of the best Religion, and the continued Calm and Serenity, we had so long enjoyed even then, when Christendom was embroiled in Blood and Arms, and scarce one corner of the European World, besides our own, was disengaged; but also that great and Merciful Monarch, kind as a giving God, and bounteous as Heaven, who preserved the first, Encouraged the second, and held the Balance of the last Impardonable Ingratitude! by what Name shall I style thee? By what Title shall I distinguish thee from those lesser Crimes that fill the Legends of the Infernal Deeps? To call thee Rebellion, or Treason, how insignificant is the Name? These imply some Cause, some Oppression to Instigate them; thine had none, unless thy too great Tranquillity, and Increase pampered thee, and like the Ass in the Fable, thou spurnest thy Feeder, tell me ye unsatisfied, Can any of you complain that you were hardly used? Did you ever in vain Implead for your own, and return from the Courts of Justice without Redress? Did you ever Lament the loss of any thing that was Tortously wrested from your Possession? Were you ever Plundered, or Sequestered, Imprisoned, or Enslaved, Banished or Ruined? You cannot be so Impudently, so Notoriously base, to Answer in the Affirmative; no, 'twas the lust of Power Enticed you, and the embraces of a Throne, that your Arms sought after, whilst the gay Delusion, like the wand'ring Fires that misguide the nighted Traveller, lead you on through Bogs, and Quagmires, where, that you might the more safely pass, you disburdened yourselves of those unnecessary Loads of Religion▪ and Conscience that might retard you, and changed the substantial part thereof, for Shadows and Paints that deceive the Spectators, and are less troublesome to the bearer; wherefore to undeceive those whom your false▪ Appearances have miss, I shall hereby endeavour to expose the nakedness of your ends in the Repetition, of what in matter of Fact, hath been obviously enough proved, and collect in a few sheets the work of Volumes; to begin therefore with the miraculous Discovery of the late Popish Plot, as the same was generally esteemed, a work of Omniscient Power, so did His Majesty, and the great Council of the Nation, as became Wise, and Just Governors, take the same into Examination, and probed the Wound to its full depth, applying fit Remedies thereunto for its cure, not only by cutting off the Proud Flesh that grew about it, but also healing up the Breach it had made, and purging the state of that Body Politic, it had reached from the remaining Infections, the same by a new relapse might have fell into, by such wholesome and Proper Methods, as the quality of the distemper required; when instead of Resting satisfied therewith, the Dissenting part of the Nation (under which Title I may Justly Rank the whole Fanatical Sect) like Ignorant Quacks fell out with the Prescriptions, and if they could not be admitted to destroy the patient by their unskiled preparations, nothing less would serve their ends. Hence it was they began to assume to themselves that Liberty, of aspersing their Superiors, in Common Prints, Libels, and Pasquil's at their very Gates, whilst their Coffeehouses, and Tables afforded no other Discourse then the wise Methods of altering the Fundamental, and Integral parts of that Government they lived under, nor could any Man speak his own Judgement, if the same was not tuned to their lyre, and danced to their Extravagant Measures, at no less rates than the hazard of his Liberty, & Penance to boot; Incomparable Justice! The People's Magna Charta, and the Multitudes by Law; yet such were the only Patriots who owned it, such the Defenders of our Property, who Intruded most arbitrarily upon it, and those the honest Preservers of our Freedom, who Thieved it from us, till the Insolency of the Populace was grown to that height, our great Master was threatened by it through the side of his Royal Brother, & forced at last to say, as the Almighty to the Dissenting Waves, Warring against the Established shore, Hitherto shall ye go, and no farther. Nor was it less than necessary, to prevent the inundation of that Throne, on which he sat; but as the Waves, when so stopped, murmur against the shore that bounds them, and dash their saucy Billows at its Imperial Feet, so did the Clamorous and Ill mannered vulgarity, by bold, and Charter forfeiting Petitions, stuffed with little less than Treason, and sufficiently with scandal, approach the Sacred Seat of Majesty; which, I'm afraid, too many of them thought too strongly fixed; and though the general Cry was Religion, Property, and a Parliament, 'twas a Common Wealth at the bottom, and nothing less would satisfy this all ask Party. Why otherwise should they stand in open Defiance, against such very Acts their own Representatives had upon Mature and serious Deliberations confirmed, as particularly those which were made against the Nonconformists, and Schismatics, to which either no respect is to be had to those Assemblies that Constituted the same, or those Laws are fit, and just; and why they should be so severe against them, in the Days of Queen Elizabeth, before such time as they had broke out into an open Rebellion, and should now remit of their severity, when by frequent Rebellions and Extravagant Books, and Sermons, they had Incorporated those Dreadful Principles Inconsistent with all Governments, into the body of their Divinity, I see not the least umbrage of reason for— but alas, they care no more for Parliaments than Kings, and think them only infallible, when like themselves they connive at pulling down all Right, Religion, and Order, as some did but too nearly Accomplish. As a System of which Principles, I think not Improper to insert an Expression in the Prayer of one of their Celebrated Divines, since fled for a Scotch Traitor, just about such time as the Westminster Parliament was dissolved, after some Encouragement of the People to be unannimous against the so much feared Popish Doctrines, and Counsels— Oh Lord, pursues he! if thou hast designed this spot, this little spot England, as the scene on which the Battles of Christ, and Antichrist is to be fought, let us have the honour of it, and begin quickly, let this be called the Valley of the Valley of Decision: Judge than you, who will not be blinded, with what was most aimed at, and wonder no more that at the next meeting of that grand Assembly at Oxford, such Troops of Colleges, and Swords-men, attended the same, they hovered there like Vultures over the Field of gathered Warriors, expecting the News of Battle and Slaughter, to satisfy their Voracious Maws; But Thanks, Ten Thousand Thanks to the great Governor of Heaven, and his Immediate Substitute, our Gracious Sovereign, who baulked their Expectations, and sent them angrily home, repining at the Disappointment.  
But here let Billingsgate Avaunt, and give place to the Mechanics and Joiner's of State, whilst in more spurious Ribaldry they rail at their Prince and Government, let Bedlam be cleared for these wiser Madmen. Reformation's on Foot, the Church is to be cleansed by the Common-Sewer, and the Laws to be rectified by Libels, Double the Watches, the Papists are in Arms, Black-bills appear, the Knife is at their Theoats, and before the next Morning the Dead shall arise, and wonder to behold themselves Living, this was the Common Cry, Incomperable Advice! But why this Dissimulation? Why not in plain English? might it not be said Rise and Defend yourselves, bring in your Plate, your Spoons, your Thimbles, and your Whistles? is the Public Credit of less value than formerly? Where are the Drums and Trumpets, your Levies and Musters? Why are the unnecessary Guards spared, say the Word, speak your Intentions in Intelligible Syllables. Your Noble Peer is ready to Assist you, Dastardly Leaders and deluded Coxcombs. But Fate had not Ripened their Aims, their Party wanted the Courage they wished them and like cunning Men, and more to be feared, Traitors ere they leapt, they viewed the Precipice, and for want of Resolution, missed their Opportunities, which the Prudence and Care of His Majesty, by the seasonable Publishing his Gracious Declaration, for the future Abrigded them of, 'twas this that opened the Eyes of the Cheated Nation, and drew the Loyal upon their Knees, in grateful Acknowledgements of his Fatherly care of their Lives, Liberties, and Estates; 'twas this dispelled those Mists, and Fogs, of Delusion, which arose from the Stenchy Vapours of their Nauseous Principles, & Designs, and clearly discovered their Malevolent Intentions. But yet so far had they spread their Poison amidst their Dissenting Brethren, that the botches and blains thereof but too plainly appeared, and were not so soon cured, the chief Magistrates were such as they themselves had set up, and Cajoled into their Service, so that here Treason was Indemnified, provided the same was carefully Committed within the Circuit of those Walls, and tho taken notice of, and brought to light, they had a free shelter from the Judgement the Law pronounced thereon, being Skreened on the Dark side of an Ignoramus Conscience.  
Happy days indeed! when to discharge a Thief▪ his Jury shall be Summoned from amidst his Brother Criminals, though he sees the Halter, he need not tremble at it, let the Law threaten him, he is assured that the same is but like the Cords of Samson, which he can break at his pleasure. But Justice will not be so satisfied, the voice of Treason, like that of Blood, is never quiet, till the Traitor meets his due Reward, nor did we long want an Instance thereof in the Fate of that unhappy Wretch who slipped the Noose here, when he was removed to another County, and came before Persons of Religion, and Integrity; they soon saw, and as soon abhorred his Crimes, regarding the quiet of their threatened Country, beyond the Clamorous Instigation of a Rebellious Throng, who neither weighed the Crime, nor danger of admitting such extravagant Scandals which he had too freequently dispersed in order to the Corruption of that fair Intelligence that ought to be managed between the King and his People. The unavoidable obloquy on the reputation of the Nations best and surest Friends, and in short, the intended Ruin of the Government he lived under; to the preservation of which, who is it can blame that Necessary, Just and Single Execution, when he lays it in the Balance with those designs that threatened the whole? Where's the severity which the Physician uses in cutting off an Infected Limb to preserve the Body? where the Imprudence, in drawing a little Blood to prevent the Frenzy of the Patient? and then especially when he is inclined thereunto, and the usual Symptoms that forerun the Fit are too visible and more than remarkably growing every hour upon him. If this be an Error, farewel Policy, our Ancestors were then in the wrong, when to restrain the undue Liberty that Men had taken to themselves in the late times of Licentiousness, when the unclosed Wounds of the Nation were Fresh and Bleeding, to Enact a prevention of those Causes which too far contributed to the same, in making Traitorous Words & Positions that aimed at the Life or Person of his Sacred Majesty, or the Roots of his Established Government, though no overt Act besides demonstrated the same to be adjudged High-Treason, yet had this been wanting, sufficient was the proof against our present sufferer, and so palpable were his Treasons, that all good Men cry out with as much Justice against those who first acquitted him, as the very Crimes themselves of which he stood Indicted— High time therefore was it for our Gracious Monarch to look about himself, and Assume the Rein of Empire into his own hands, when such mad Jehu's strove to Ascend the Chariot, and Career us to Ruin.— Nor indeed was less to be expected, as quickly afterwards was discovered in that dangerous Association, which was found in the Custody of one of the greatest Patriots of this Disaffected Party, a Villainy so close laid that no Record perhaps to future Ages shall be more Authoritative to convince Infidelity itself of their then Designs; which that the Reader may be further satisfied in, I think it not Impertinent to Abbreviate the same, and present a short view thereof to his Prospect. In the first part of which, though the same seems somewhat plausibly Penned in setting forth the dangers we are in from the Popish Priests and Jesuits, with the Papists and their Adherents and Abettors, who for several Years last passed, had pursued a most Pernicious and Hellish Plot, to Root out the True Protestant Religion as a Pestilent Heresy, and take away the Life of His Sacred Majesty, to Subvert our Laws and Liberties, and set up Arbitrary Power and Popery, etc. yet is the same continued with all Obloquy imaginable against his Royal Highness, Aspersing his Person, and loading him with False and Scandalous Designs and Counsels, whereby he had created to himself Dependants in Church and State, under expectation of his Succession to the Crown, as also that by his Influence Mercenary Forces had been Levied and kept on Foot for his secret Designs, and Parliaments unreasonably Prorogued and Dissolved, when in the hot pursuits of Popish Conspiracies and ill Ministers of State, with many other Considerations, that hereby the Treasure, Strength, and Reputation of the Kingdom was intricately Wasted and Consumed, for which ends they had in a Parliamentary way endeavoured to Exclude the said Duke from the Succession to the Crown, and Banish him for ever out of these Kingdoms of England and Ireland, but the said Means being Rejected, they thereupon thought fit to Unite themselves by a Solemn and Sacred Promise of mutual Defence and Assistance in the Preservation of the Protestant Religion, the King's Person, and their Rights in the Form Ensuing.  
I A. B. do in the presence of God Solemnly Promise, Vow and Protest, to maintain and defend, to the utmost of my Power, with my Person and Estate, the True Protestant Religion, against Popery and all Popish Superstition, Idolatry or innovation, and all those who do, or shall endeavour to spread or advance it within this Kingdom.  
I will also as far as in me lies, Maintain and Defend His Majesty's Royal Person and Estate, as also the Power and Privilege of Parliaments, the lawful Rights and Liberties of the Subject against all Encroachments and Usurpation of Arbitrary Power whatsoever, and endeavour entirely to disband all such Mercenary Forces as we have reason to believe were Raised to advance it, and are still kept up in and about the City of London, to the great amazement and terror of all good People of the Land.  
Moreover J. D. of Y. having publicly professed and owned the Popish Religion, and notoriously given life and breath to the Damnable and Hellish Plots of the Papists in their wicked Designs against His Majesty's Person, the Protestant Religion, and the Government of this Kingdom; I will never consent that the said J. D. of Y. or any other, who is or hath been a Papist, or any ways adhered to the Papists in their wicked Designs, be admitted to the Succession of the Crown of England. But by all lawful means, and by force of Arms, if need so require, according to our Abilities, will oppose him, and endeavour to Subdue, Expel, and Destroy him if he come into England or the Dominions thereof, and seek by Force to set up his pretended Title, and all such as shall adhere to him, or Raise any War, Tumult or Sedition, or by his Command, as public Enemies of our Laws, Religion and Country.  
To which End, in the Close, they Bind themselves, whose Hands are thereunto Subscribed, and every of them, jointly and severally, in the Bond of one firm and Loyal Society and Association, and do Promise and Vow before God, that with their joint and particular Forces, they will oppose and pursue unto Destruction, all such, as upon any Title whatsoever, shall oppose the Just and Righteous Orders of the said Association, and maintain, protect and defend, all such who enter into it, in the just performance of the true intent and meaning thereof; and lest the said Work should be hindered, for want of Discipline and Conduct, or any Evil-minded Persons, under pretence of Raising Forces for this Association, should attempt or commit Disorders, they would follow such Orders as they should from time to time receive from the then present Parliament, whilst sitting, or the Major part of the Members of both Houses, Subscribing the said Association, when it should be Prorogued or Dissolved, and Obey such Officers as should by them be set over them, in the several Countries, Cities or Burroughs, until the then next Meeting of the same, or another Parliament, and would give the same Obedience to it, and those who should be of it.  
Nor would they, for any respect of Persons or Causes, or for Fear or Reward, separate themselves from the said Association, or fail in the Prosecution thereof, during their Lives, upon pain of being by the rest of them Prosecuted and Suppressed, as Perjured Persons, and Public Enemies to God, the King, and their Native Country.  
To which Pains and Punishments they voluntarily Submit themselves, and every one of them, without Benefit of any Colour or Pretence, to Excuse them.  
In Witness whereof, they were to put their Hands and Seals, and agreed to be ready to accept others thereafter into the same.  
Upon the whole, let any serious Man debate, what this amounts to less than rankest Treason, where they come, in the last Clause of it, to the perfect point of Levying of War, positively agreeing, that they will Obey such Officers, as either the Parliament, or the Major part of the Members, either Sitting or Dissolved, or the Major part of the Subscribers of the said Association, should appoint, utterly Excluding their useless Sovereign from any Right or Directions therein. (But I suppose, they thought it probable, He would scarce have joined with them, to have Destroyed Himself and His Guards,) The latter of which they Bind themselves to, and consequently include the former. Manifest and open Treason, yet this plainly proved to have been taken in the Lord Shaftsbury's own Closet, with Eight other Witnesses at the same time, who severally Testified against him, as rank Treason and Designs as ever Debauched a Nation, obtained no more Credit with another of our Ignoramus Juries, then if Contradictions or Impossibilitiesh add been endeavoured at, by them; insomuch, that the Innocent Lord was Discharged, and a new Holiday added to the Calendar of the Presbyterian Saints, for his Deliverance, which that the same might be conveyed to the Memories of their Posterity, a Medal was framed, where on one side thereof the Face and Title of our Hero, was delineated, and the Reverse presented us with a Palace becoming his honour, the Tower of London, with the Sun displaying his Beams o'er the same, adorning the Spires and Buildings of that almost Betrayed City, with this Motto, LETAMUR. And Judge then, if we had not cause for it, to behold Treason pass Muster, with Impunity, and the most Notorious of Criminals Disgoaled and Ushered in, as on the Shoulders of Triumph, with Songs and Io Paeans before him, whilst Fires of Joy lighted his way into the Bosom of that Town he at the same time intended to lay waste (as the sequel of this History shall Evince.) Audacious Impudence, not to be paralleled by former Precedents, or practised in any Civil Government, and yet the pretence is Zeal for the Public Good, the Catiline was his Country's Patriot, the Bulwark of their Liberties, the Defender of their Rights, and Opposer of those Invasions that were pretended against them: Oh well veiled Hypocrisy! Methinks I see the Devil in samuel's Mantle, with his demure Priests about him, Plotting to have no King in Israel, that they might do what was right in their own Eyes! Methinks I hear them Rejoicing at the Success of their Erterprises, and Confidently, as of old, Canting, That Heaven is Auspicious to their intended Designs, in that it so far favours them! But alas, the Day will not long last, the Eye of Providence beholds the Counterfeit, and is too watchful over his Chosen, his Anointed David, to let the Counsels of this Achitophel succeed, to the Enthroning the Rebellious Absalon in His stead, or Defeat the Succession, that by the Gift of Heaven, as well as his own Merits, is in all probability reserved for a more Wise and Glorious Proprietor; One whose Fame, like that of solomon's, has already reached to the outmost Limits of the World, and is justly the Admiration of the present, as he shall be of future Ages, who much about this time returned from an Honourable Exile in the Neighbour Realm, whereunto the Malevolence of the said Aspiring Party, had too long Confined Him, to the Grief of all Loyal English-Men, tho' the Advantage of that Country where he then Resided, the Influence of whose Gracious Presence, like that of the generative Rays of Light, having there produced so general a Reformation, and Increase of all sorts of Benefits to the Inhabitants, that mentioning the same, I cannot but give you a short Account thereof, as the Pens of their own Writers have Confessed, that Men may learn to know, he is not so Invaluable a Governor, That an Inroad should be made upon the Laws of God and Nature, to Exclude him, but on the contrary, fall down on their Faces with Confusion, to beg his Gracious Pardon for Thoughts so Incongruous to his Glories, and their own Peace.  
For that it can't be denied, but that before his R. H. came to Scotland, the Fields were every Sabbath covered with Armed Men, upon the pretext of hearing Seditious Sermons, His Majesty's most undeniable Prerogatives were upon all occasions controverted, Masters contemned by their Servants, Heritors by their Tenants, Ministers of the Gospel Invaded, Wounded and Assassinated, Church's left waste, or insolently perturbed, when frequented, Principles of Assassination Preached and Practised, all such as owned, or served the Government, Affronted and Menaced, and nothing but Pasquil's and Defamatory Libels, publicly Vented and Praised.  
Whereas now People are gathered in from Fields to Churches, God Almighty is served with Reverence, the King as his Vicegerent, with respect, the Royal Prerogative is neither stretched nor baffled, the Privy-Council have been taught, by his R. H. sitting so long amongst them, to show as much Clemency as may consist with firmness, and to sustain their Justice by their Courage. All Animosities and Differences amongst the Nobles are composed and forgot, the Thefts and Robberies in the Highlands, which were formerly so great a Reproach to the Government, and a Ruin to the People, are now not only secured against by present Punishment, but prevented by suitable and proportionable Remedies, such as Commissions of Justiciary, Security taken from Heritors and Chieftains of Claus, settling of Garrisons in convenient places, and giving Moneys for Intelligence to Spies; Ministers are so much protected and encouraged, that one can hardly think, if he had not known their former Condition, that ever the People had any Unkindness for them; Men do not now lust after News and Conventickles, but employ those thoughts and that time upon their private Affairs, which they formerly misspent in following their Expensive Field Preachers, securing themselves and their Estates by a pleasant peaceableness from the fears as well as the damage of Fines and Punishments. They meet with no Pasquil's nor hear of Visions, and in short, Men honour the Laws by which they are protected, and those Magistrates by whose Ministry they enjoy this Peace and Quiet. But as these were the effects of his R. H's Conduct in the North, so did we find that the Blessing of his Presence did extend itself to us also on his said return, who finding how near our Neighbours Scotch Copy was to our English Original, looked upon the same Methods in putting the Laws into due Execution, the only means to reduce ours, as it had done that Nation to a true Temper of Obedience, which His Majesty and Council resolving to effect, as on the one hand it was a satisfaction to all his Loyal Subjects, so on the other did it drive the Dissenting Party to their utmost Asylum, who, like Spiders, bur●…ed with the Poison they sucked of that Flower the Industrious Bee gathered up her Honey from; for soon after, the Choice of New Magistrates being the Work of the great City, so Tumultuous was the Faction, that instead of Civilly meeting and proceed●ng in the Ancient Forms and Customs they were wont to do, knowing they were but too nearly concerned therein, and that if they could not get Sheriffs for their turn, the Structure they had been so long a rai●…ng would shatter into pieces, but Virulent and Ill-mannerd Libels were daily spread abroad and vented, stuffed up with Ironical Expressions and Insinuations of Arbitrary Practices and Designs in his Majesty, Corruption and Insufficiency in his Ministers, Popish Successors, French Confederacies, Plots, Perjuries, Impostors, Subornations and Reflections on the Lord Mayor and the Honourable part of the citizens and the lawful Government of the City, insomuch, that every impartial Eye fairly beheld their Designs to embroil and Enrage the Multitude to something worse than the Riots they committed at the said Election, for what other Construction would ever then be put upon it, than what has been since plainly discovered, that the same was an Incitation to Sedition, and what more proper Arguments than those that were used to bring about the same, You know (says one of them) what your Privileges and Rights are, 
The Right of Fleeting Sheriffs of London and Middlesex briefly M●●●…●●d Declared, Page 4.  and pray Remember, That by your Oaths, you are Bound to maintain the same, nor can you be Ignorant that the Design of Wresting your Privileges of Choosing Sheriffs, is merely in order to hang as many of you as a few Men, whom I shall forbear to mention, shall think meet. Did ever any (proceeds he) of our former State Ministers concern themselves in these matters. Alas, there were not heretofore such Machinations against our Lives, Laws, and Fortunes, and therefore accordingly as you acquit yourselves in this Affair, you may expect either to live safely, or become a Sacrifice to those Men, who having forfeited their own Lives to the Law, would preserve them by Exchange for yours, and a little above it is discoursed abroad (says he) That unless my Lord Mayor can obtain his will of Imposing a Sheriff upon the City, he intends to Dissolve the Court, which let him do at his Peril.  
Thus far proceeds this Virulent Pamphletere, and upon the whole pretermitting the Controversy of the Right, which the Reader may find settled and decided in that Judicious and Ingenious Peice, Styled, The Lord Mayor Right of Electing a Sheriff Asserted against all Pretensions of a Populor Faction. I say, upon the whole, we have further Reason to acknowledge the Providence of Heaven, that those strange & unnatural Designs which then lay Dormant in the Breasts of the Factious were not sufficiently awaked, for certainly as they had then amused the People the same might have proved extremely Mischievous, if not Fatal, to the Peace we were then under. But that great Work being over, and the Magistracy Settled and Confirmed in the Hands of Loyal and Worthy Gentlemen, the Faction began to loose Heart and sink in the Estimation of themselves and Policies, being no longer supported with Encouragement from hopes of Ignoramus Juries, and other Refuges, they had so long shelterd in, insomuch that nothing less than an open Rebellion was left them to accomplish what their Seditious Arts and Designs had failed them in, yet as Dying Men struggling with the last efforts of Nature, whilst the least part of Life about them was unextinguished, their Voices we heard, and their Fruitless endeavours strove to recover their wont Principles, but in vain was their Attempt, though they threatened the present Mayor and Sheriffs with Actions and Arrests to amuse the Vulgar, and were so Bold, to put the same in Execution on their Chief Magistrate, even while he was acting in that Sphere, whereinto he had been regularly Chosen, and legally Constituted, till His Majesty was forced to Interpose His Authority, and call them to an Account for their Riotous and Extravagant Proceedings, and upon a fair Trial, and undeniable Evidence, setting forth the Customs and Usage of Elections, He obtained Judgement against several of the most Notorious of them, who had been the greatest sticklers therein, and withal, thought it absolutely necessary, to Inquire into the Abuse of Franchises, to make a Regulation sufficient to restore the City to its former good Government, wherein His Aim was not so much for their Punishment, though he had sufficient Incitations thereunto, as their Good, to which End, he brought and obtained Judgement, in a Quo Warranto, against their Charter, but to show His Mercy, as well as His Power, when He had them at His Feet, though before they denied a Submission to His Gracious Pleasure, upon their Humble Petition, He offered the Confirmation thereof again to them, reserving to Himself only the Power of Approbation in the Choice of some few of their Officers, which had been as much for their Benefit, as the general Peace and Good of the City, to have Granted but this, the remaining Sparks of the Faction thought too much to be allowed, even when the whole was at His disposal, and happily fell into His Hands; but during the time that these Affairs were managing in the Courts above, a more close Cabal of Hellish and Impardonable Rebels, were every Day Assembled, for carrying on and perfecting the main Plot upon His Majesty's Sacred Person, as also that of his Royal-Highness, and the Loyal Party, who were to be Massacred upon their Rising; In the handling of which, I shall first give a draught of the Design in the general, and then descend to speak of the particular parts thereof, as the same were in Proof against those who Suffered a Condign Punishment for their said Treasons.  
About the beginning of October, 1682. when the Chief of that Factious and Seditious Tribe found that the Magistrates of the City was settled, as is before mentioned, their impatiency was such, that they immediately Consulted of Rising in an open Rebellion, for which, some of them thought themselves so well prepared, that they could not fail of attaining their Ends, when ever they should break into Arms.  
Upon which, there was a Meeting of some of the Principal of the Conspirators, to agree of the best and readiest Methods, to Master His Majesty's Guards, and Seize His Royal Person; but upon Consideration, they found it necessary to add more Arrows to their Quiver, and Strings, than one, to their Bow, that if they missed their Aim at first flight, the Second might hit their Mark, they therefore thought fit to prepare their Friends in the several Counties, Cities and Towns, of England, as also the disaffected Party in Scotland, to join with them, without which any Attempt in the City of London, or upon the Guards aforesaid, appeared too Rash to be undertaken, so that the thoughts of a present Rising was then laid aside, and they disposed themselves to find, by a Correspondence with Scotland, and the several parts of this Kingdom, how far they might be Assisted by a general Insurrection, so that in Humane probability they might not fail of Success, whence the Reader may Observe, that this was not an Airy Notion, or Embryo of hot Brains, but laid as deep, and as designedly and proportionably form, as the Wisdom of Man, or Counsels of Contriving Rebels, could Studiously Effect.  
Moreover, whilst this first Design was framing, some Villains were likewise carrying on that Horrid and Execrable Plot of Assassination aforementioned, of His Majesty, and Royal Highness, His Dearest Brother, in their coming from Newmarket, and Money was deposited for that purpose; but by the shortness of the time, His Majesty being then immediately upon His Return, and for want of necessary preparations, they were forced to defer the Execution of it till further opportunity.  
It was then proposed amongst them, whether they should Attempt the same at His Majesty's next going to Newmarket, in March following? To which, an Objection was started, That those Guards which usually remain here some time after His Majesty's Departure, would be capable of making a great Opposition upon the Arrival of the News; for which reason, and because they were not then in a readiness, it was Agreed to be done at His Return thence. The Scene where this Fatal and Execrable Wickedness was to have been perpetrated, was the House of one Richard Rumbald a Malster, called the Rye, near Hokesdon, in the County of Hertford; and it was Resolved, That Forty Persons in Number, who were to be the Actors in the Tragedy, under the Command of the said Richard Rumbald, should hide themselves in or near the said House, and when His Majesty's Coach should come over against them, than Three or Four to Shoot with Blunderbusses at the Postilion and Horses, and if they should miss their Aim, some were to be ready in the way, who in the Habit of Labourers, should Turn a Cart across the Passage, and so stop the Coach; others were appointed to Shoot into the Coach where His Majesty and Royal Highness were to be, and others to Fire upon the Guards that Attended them, Resolving withal, That upon the same Day, many Lords and other Persons of Quality, whom they supposed favourable to their Designs, should be Invited to Dine. in London, that they might be the more ready to appear amongst the Citizens, upon Arrival of the said News; the Actors in the said Assassination having contrived their manner of Escape, by a nearer passage than the usual Road, by which means they hoped to get to London as soon as the News could be brought thither, thinking it would not be difficult, upon their perpetration of this Abominable Fact, to possess themselves of the Government, presuming on the Numbers of the Disaffected. But least the Blackness of such an Action might deter any from joining with them, they prepared to Palliate the same, as far as they could, by some True Protostant Fanatical Remonstrance or Declaration, which was ready to be Printed and Dispersed in that Confusion, to Amuse the People; and lest the Officers of State, and the Magistrates of the City, with the Militia thereof, and other of His Majesty's Loyal Subjects, should be able to put some stop to those Floods of Ruin and Desolation, which would hereby have inevitably overwhelmed the better part of the Nation, they Resolved to follow this Blow with a Massacre, wherein they particularly designed the immediate Slaughter of the said State Officers, the then Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs, and the Magistracy of the City, and all others, who had been any ways Eminent for their steady and unbiast Loyalty. But here again the Finger of Almighty appeared in his Wonderful Providence, to Defeat these Counsels, by a sudden Fire at Newmarket, which necessitated His Majesties Return thence, before the time he had appointed; Happy, Miraculously Happy, Flames! May the Ashes you made, be Consecrated, and the Ground, you laid waste, the Foundation of a Temple to the Omnipotent, where Songs of Joy and Praise may be Sung, to Times last Period, for the occasional Deliverance you afforded us. Yet these Villains, hardened in Impiety, were not hereby discouraged from pursueing the same Bloody Design, but Resolved to Travel forward therein, till they reached the outmost step to effect the same; and proposed with themselves, that it might be done, either in His Majesty's passing from Windsor to Hampton-Court, or in His then intended Journey to Winchester, or when He should go by Water in His Barge, or under Bedford-Garden-Wall in Covent-Garden, when He should pass that way, or at the Bull-Feast, which was then shortly after intended, in Red-Lyon-Fields, they being informed, His Majesty and Royal Highness would be there. And that they might be the better prepared, when the occasion should offer itself, by having a certain Number of Arms lying always ready, for that purpose Arms were bespoke for Forty Men in all haste, (viz.) Thirty Carbines, with Belts and Swivels, Thirty Cases of Pistols, and Ten Blunderbusses, which were accordingly made and paid for.  
And for their more easy drawing their Party together, against the time of Execution, they contrived to divide the Cities of London and Westminster, and the Suburbs, into Twenty parts, from each of which, they expected Five Hundred Men to be ready on the first Onset, and some Agitators were to give an Account of Men to be furnished in each Division, and give out Orders to them, as there should be occasion.  
And to the end, the Forces they should Raise, might be the sooner Modelled into the Form of an Army, there were a Hundred old Officers, who had been Engaged in the late Rebellion, (thereby the better fitted for this,) ready in Town to take the Command of them; in the pursuit of which Desperate, Cruel and Ineterate, Projects, they continued, till they knew that Discovery had been made thereof to His Majesty.  
During all which time, the other more principal Conspirators were not unemployed, but carried or managed their other Design, for a general Insurrection in both Kingdoms, and the late Earl of Shaftsbury who had at first pressed them to a sudden Insurrection, which he would have had to have been before, or at least, on the 17th of November, being the Anniversary of Queen Elizabeth, when People generally gave themselves the Liberty of Solemnising the same in Extraordinary Crowds, and on that Account, would be less suspected, and the sooner Raised, sent to the rest of the Conspirators, at a Meeting appointed by them, to know their Resolution, and finding them either timorous or unprepared to Venture upon the same, Conveyed himself, with some others of his Crew, secretly into Holland, to avoid the Danger he might be in, by a Discovery, the greatest piece of Policy, perhaps, that ever that said Earl, though a Famed Machiavelli, ever in his Life was to be Esteemed for; but his thus withdrawing himself from their Counsels, did not discourage them from pursueing their Pernicious Infernal Designs, though it made them a little more Cautious; whereupon a New Council was appointed, of Six Persons, that were to have the Chief Management of Affairs, in order to the aforesaid Insurrection, by a Correspondency with their Party in Scotland, and the several parts of this Kingdom, and because an Intercourse of Letters was thought dangerous, it was held necessary, that some Person should be Entrusted with a Message into Scotland, to Invite the Heads of the Disaffected Party there, to come hither under pretence of Purchasing Lands in Carolina, but in truth, to Concert with them, the best Means for carrying on the Design Jointly in both Kingdoms; and a Treaty was thereupon had with Archbold Cambell, late Earl of Argile, who then stood Attainted of High Treason, and had made his Escape from Justice, who Demanded 30000l. at first, but afterwards Agreed to Accept of 10000l. for Buying of Arms in Holland, and making other Provisions previous to the said Rebellion, in Scotland, in which said Council of Six, several Debates were managed, As whether the Rising in this Kingdom, should be first in the City of London, where, by reason of the vast Number of the Disaffected, that might readily Unite, they might easily Master the Guards, or rather in some Remote Parts, whereby His Majesty would be under a necessity of sending His said Guards to Suppress them, and thereby the Rising in the said City would become more Secure and Effectual; but at last it came to this Resolution, as most convenient, That it should be in all parts at the same time, lest the City might be Defended by the Militia thereof, without help of the Guards, which might be sent for Suppressing any Insurrection in the Country; to which they all Consented, and disposed themselves for Compassing the said Design, which was very near taking Effect, just as the same, by the Mercy of the Almighty, on the 12th of June, 1683. came to a Discovery, by the Confession of Mr. Keeling, 
Page 10. Walcot 's Trial.  who greatly troubled at his Concernt herein, (being one of those who should have been Employed in the Assassination mentioned,) thought, he did very ill in not discovering the same, in so much, that he had no Peace, Satisfaction or Content, nor could he mind his Business, or take that Rest that at other times he was wont, Ruminating with himself, that if it were a Sin in David, to Cut off the Him of Saul's Garment, much more would the same have been in him, to have Murdered so Good and Gracious a King: Which the said Conspirators coming to hear of, they began each of them to shift for their Safety, and met about the same at the Lodgings of Captain Walcot, since Executed, very early on the Monday Morning following, where some of them having Hired a Boat, to whom they had given Five Pounds in Earnest, intended for Holland, whilst others lingered about the Town, and particularly, Rumbald, who having got this Keeling to a Tavorn, began to Charge him as a Discoverer, which he was forced, by several Imprecations, to deny, or he had never been suffered to have gone thence Alive.  
This Grand Design coming thus to the Knowledge of His Majesty and Council, Warrants were forthwith Issued out against several of the Conspirators▪ as particularly, J. D. of M. the Lord Melvin, Sir Jokn Cockrane, Sir Thomas Armstrong, Robert Ferguson, who was the common Agitator, and Entrusted by all Parties, in the several Conspiracies, Richard and Francis Good enough, Richard Rumbald, William Rumbald, Richard N●lthrope, Nathaniel Wade, William Thompson, James Burton, Joseph Elby, Samuel Gibbs, Francis Charleton, Joseph Tiley, Mr. Casteers, and Mr. Lo●●▪ both Non-Con-Preachers, Edward Norton, John Row, John Ayloff, and John Atherton, but these too soon warned by the quick Monitions of a Guilty Conscience, had made their Escapes from the Hand of Justice, which in due time, is more than probable, will be too swift for such Wretched Criminals; besides these, Ford Lord Grace, being Apprehended, and Examined before His Majesty in Council, was Committed to the Tower, but in his way thither, got from the Custody of the Sergeant at Arms, and made his Escape; and Arthur Earl of Essex, being likewise Committed to the said place, for the Treasons aforesaid, whether under a Sense of his own Gild, or the Utter Despair of his Royal Master and Benefactor's Mercy, whom he had so highly wronged, prevented the Sentence of the Law, and laid Murderous Hands on his Life, by Cutting his own Throat; several others were taken and Committed, amongst whom, the Lord William Russell, Algernoone Sidney Esq Thomas Walcot, John Rouse and William Hone, whose Cases we now come more particularly to Treat of, which is the Second part of that Method I proposed, and wherein I shall Glean only what was materially Witnessed against them, and is proper for the further parts of this History, whereby the way, and from what has been before said, I would entreat the Reader to take Notice, that there were Two several Designs on foot, the one, The Murder of the King, and the Utter Destruction of the Government, in which the Three latter were concerned; the other, Singly against the Government, in which was the Two first. But these Two, like Sister-Springs, rose both from one of the same Corrupt Fountain, and though the Channels, in which they wandered, were for sometime different, yet at last they were both designed to Meet and Embrace each other in the wide Ocean of Anarchy and Confusion.  
At the Trial of Captain Walcot, the 12th of July, 1683. for the said Treasons, Evidence was given by Colonel Rumsey, to the following Purport, That about the latter end of October, or the beginning of November, he was with the late Earl of Shaftsbury, who acquainted him, the D. of M. the Lord Russell, Lord Grey, and Sir Thomas Armstrong, were at Mr. Shepherds, the Merchant's House, to whom he desired him to go, and know what they had done about the Raising Arms at Taunton, who Answered him, (when he came there to them,) That Mr. Trenchard had failed them about Men, and they could proceed no further at that time; which Answer being conveyed to my Lord, he said, There was no dependence on those Gentlemen, and that he would leave England; after which, a Meeting was had by several of the Conspirators, Goodenough, Wade, and others, Captain Walcot being then in Holland, where it was proposed, No good was to be done by a general Rising, but the surest way, was taking off the King and the Duke, to which End, they sent a Letter to Mr. Ferguson, (without whose Aid they could not carry the same on,) to Holland, who thereupon coming over, Captain Walcot came with him on Ash-wednesday in February, after which, several Meetings were had about the same matter, wherein it was Concluded, at His Majesty's coming from Newmarket, a Party should Kill the Postilion, others the Coach-Horses, whilst Rumbald Charged the Coach wherein His Majesty and Royal Highness were to be, and Walcot the Guards, to which End, they were to meet at Hokesdon aforesaid, and in Case their Blunderbusses missed, they were by their Swords to finish the same. But this was put off, on the King's unexpected return thence, on occasion of the Fire, their Men being unprepared, though the same was laboured in by Mr. Ferguson, and Captain Walcot undertook to go down and ask. But this Design being then for that time prevented, they Agreed to Raise Money to provide Arms, Captain Walcot being present, Mr. West undertook the Arms, Mr. Ferguson the Money, Goodenough and Rumbald to provide Men, for the like intent, against His Majesty's Person, as He came from Windsor to Hampton-Court, or at the Playhouse, as opportunity should serve, and a general Rising was intended, to which end the City was to be divided into several parts, and accounts were taken of the numbers of Men in the several Devisions by Goodenough and others; This was the sum of Colonel Rumseys Evidence.  
The next that appeared was Mr. Keeling, 
Page 8. Walcot 's Trial.  whose Evidence was, That some time before the King went to Newmarket, he was at the Sun Tavern with Richard Rumbald and Richard Goodenough, etc. That Goodenough called him aside and asked him what Men he would procure to go down to Newmarket to Kill the King and the Duke, he answered him he thought none. But the Question being renewed several other times, he had in the mean while some Discourse with one Burton and Thompson, Burton told him one Barber would be concerned and Tompson also, the Friday after, being the Day which the Fire happened in at Newmarket, Rumbald came to his House to see those Men he could Procure, and the next day he met him, and asked whether they were willing to go down to the Rye (meaning his House) there being, as he said, no better convenience for the Design then that in England, it being a House entire to itself, and very remote from Neighbours, besides the Advantage of a Court or Wall, using this as an Argument to prevail with those Persons, That it would be keeping one of the Commandments in Killing the King and the Duke, for if it be not done, there will be otherwise a great deal of Blood shed. In the Afternoon they met, at the Dolphin Tavern in Bartholomew Lane, Rumbald, West, Goodenough and Hone, where West asked Rumbald whether he heard the King would come home that Night, which he Answered that he did, but hoped it would not be till Saturday, that being the day appointed to go to Rye to meet the King and Duke. But if they should, says West, how many Swan-Quils, Goose-quills, Crow-Quils, with Sand and Ink, must you have, Six, says Rumbald, of the first, Twenty the Second, and Twenty or Thirty of the last; by these Canting Terms did they disguise the Names of Blunderbusses, Muskets, Pistols, Powder and Bullets; but what concerned the Prisoner, only was, That he see him at the Salutation-Tavern, where there was a Discourse by Mr. West concerning the Name of Keeling, saying, it signified in Dutch, Culing, and that he was their English Culing, adding, that he hoped to see him at the Head of as good an Army in Wapping, as Culing was then at Colen. This was the chief part of Mr. Keelings Evidence, only something was added, touching Goodenoughs Instructions, to try the Temper of some of his Neighbours, in those Divisions about him, by Questions at a distance, such as those, In Case of an Insurrection, or French Invasion, how are you prepared? Or, whether you would be willing to Join therein? Telling him withal, In Case the Assassination went forward, they would lay the same on the Papists, as a Branch of the Popish Plot, and that a Declaration was prepared to ease the Cautious People of their Burdens, and especially, Chimney-Money.  
I proceed next to the Evidence of Zachary Bourne, 
Page 10. Walcot 's Trial.  who Testified, That he came to be acquainted with Captain Walcot, by the means of Mr. Ferguson, who was his Lodger, and whom the Captain used to Visit, that he afterwards met him at the Dragon-Tavern upon Snow-Hill with several others, where the Result of the Business was, A speedy Design to Raise Men, and dividing the City in Twenty Divisions, Seizing the King and Duke of York, and setting up Monmouth; That Mr. Goodenough then brought an Account of 3 or 4000 Men out of those Divisions, he had an Account of; That at another time, Captain Walcot being present, 'twas Discoursed, To have Seized my Lord Mayor and Sheriffs, and some of the Aldermen, and Chief Ministers of State, about Town; That the Saturday before the Discovery, he met at Captain Tracies, and Monday afterwards, at Captain Walcots, where Ferguson, Goodenough, West and Norton, were present, but nothing was concluded, he leaving them on the Debate, of Killing Keeling. Thus much Mr. Bourne.  
Mr. West's Evidence was, That he came Acquainted with the Captain the last Summer Vacation; that the Captain told him, That there was a Design of an Insurrection to be made in Three Weeks or a Month, and that he did not know, whether he should be concerned, but that my Lord Shaftsbury was Engaged therein, and that he had an Expectation of being a Colonel of Horse, and Asked him, If he would have any Command under him? That the said Lord had another Design on the King and the Duke, as they came from Newmarket, in October then last, but withal, that he Abhorred any such thing, that it was ungenerous, and he would be concerned no further than the general Rising, and Asked him to lend him a Suit of Silk-Armor, and desired him, to bespeak him a good strong Tuck; but the said Designs being put off, as he understood, by means of Mr. Trenchard, who had discoursed, of what Forces he could Raise in the West, But when the Duke of Monmouth sent for him, his Heart failed him, and he declaring it, my Lord Grey called him Coxcomb, this was about the 17th of November; That Captain Walcot told him, Mr. Ferguson had the Conduct of the Assassination, in October, and that he was acquainted with the Insurrection, and was a great Man in it; That he met Mr. Ferguson, who entertained him with a long Discourse of the Miseries of Scotland, and that the People were in Slavery and Bondage, and would be so here, if they did not free themselves, to which, there were Two ways, One, a general Insurrection, but that was gone off, the other, the Killing the King and the Duke, which was the more Compendious, and added, that he supposed the same was best, and proposed to meet at his Chamber, as a place of privacy, to Treat of the same; they met accordingly at his Chamber, and Ferguson proposed several ways of doing it, One, as the King and Duke had their private Meetings at St. James', where it was an easy thing for a Swords-Man to do it; That Mr. Ferguson, and the Captain, both told him, There was a Design to have done it at my Lord Mayor's Feast, in the Hall, or on their Return in St. Pauls-Church-Yard, or at Ludgate, but the King not Dining there, it was disappointed; another way was proposed, that they might do it as the King and Duke went down the River, lying behind some small Ship in a Hoy, or some such thing, and so overrun their Barge, or if that failed, to break a Plank with their Blunderbusses, and so Sink it; another way, at the Playhouse, where Forty or Fifty Men should be placed in the Pit, with Pocket or Hand Blunderbusses, Pistols and Swords, and when the Music struck up between the Acts, to Fire on the Box, but this was held hazardous, and therefore they thought it better to do it as he came back, under Bedford-Garden-Wall, because there was a Convenience for a great many Men to walk in the Piazzas, and another parcel of Men might be placed in Covent-Garden-Church-Porch, and within the Bails, where Horses could not come; That this was before Mr. Ferguson went for Holland, with my Lord Shaftsbury, and Captain Walcot; That in the mean time, he met Colonel Rumsey very often, but nothing was agreed, till they sent for Mr. Ferguson back, upon whose Arrival there was a Meeting at the Five Bell's Tavern, and several times afterwards at his Chamber; where Ferguson, Goodenough and Rumbald, undertook to provide the Men for the Assassination, whereupon Debates were had, whether it should be done as His Majesty went or came? To the first it was Objected, that the Guards were left here and there, and they went together, but very often returned apart, and nothing being prepared, it was Resolved, as he came back; That it was then Considered, what Arms should be provided, and the matter lest to Mr. Rumbald, and he was to provide Blunderbusses, Carbines and Pistols; That several Meetings were had, where they brought and conferred Notes about the Men, whose Names, as he remembered, were, amongst others, Keeling, Burton and Hone, and as he thought, one Manning; That afterwards he Asked Mr. Ferguson, what provision of Money he had made? To which he Answered, That when the Men were ready, he should have Money, and not before, for that Money being before Raised, it was put into the Hands of One who never returned it, and that my Lord Shaftsbury did often Complain of that Abuse; That it was Debated, how these Arms should be Conveyed to Rumbald's House, and proposed, the same might be sent down in Chests, in SmithfieldCarts, or by Trusty Watermens, who were to Cover them with Oysters; others, that Men should carry them, but no way Resolved; And than it came to be Debated, how they should get off, and how manage the same, some were to fall on the Postilion and Horses, others on the Coach, a Third Party under Captain Walcot, which he ndertook, who should fall on the Guards; That Rumbald undertook to Bring them off, and that there was a Gate he would shut on the Horse Guards, and they might, when the thing was done, avoid the Road-ways, but come over the Meadows by Hackney-Marsh, but Captain Walcot thought it better to Retire within his Wall, and there keep till Night, it being a place they could, against any Force, Defend for a Days time; That Captain Walcot told him, In Case of an Assassination or Insurrection, my Lord Shaftsbury had prepared a Declaration, and would have had him done the like; saying, That he would have several People do the same, to pick one good out of all of them; and said, That he had some Collections himself towards it; and showed him a Paper, in which was Observations of all the Passages in the Three Kings Reigns, King James, King Charles' the First, and this King, which he called Attempts to bring in Arbitrary Government, and Popery, and concluded, Taxing them with some Personal Vices, and that the Government was Dissolved, and they free to Settle another in its stead; That when the News of the Fire came, they Adjournd to his Chamber, and Considered what they should do, they were not ready, nor had no Horses, so that the same was laid aside; That it was afterwards Agreed at another Meeting, where the Captain was present, Mr. Ferguson, Goodenough, Norton, and one Aylisse, that Arms should be Bought, the Number were, Ten Blunderbusses, Twenty Two Inches in the Barrel, Thirty Carbines, Eighteen Inches, and Thirty Cases of Pistols, Fourteen Inches; That he was put upon it to Buy the same, the rather, for that he had a Plantation in America, and might have on that Account a Pretence; but Mr. Ferguson was to pay the Money, which in some great time afterwards he did, saying, he had but just then received the same, and paid him Ninety Three Guineas, which he supposed, the Moneys of Mr. Charleton; That in Case this Assassination had gone on, it was Designed, the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs should be Killed, and as many of the Lieutenancy as they could get, and the Principal Ministers of State, my Lord Hallifax, my Lord Rochester, my Lord Keeper, and that they would Hang him on the said Tree that College had Hung; Sir John Moor was to be Killed, and to be Hung up in Guild-Hall, as a Betrayer of the Rights and Liberties of the City; and the than Lord Chief Justice Pemberton, Fleyd, and Hung up in Westminster-Hall, with a great many of the Pentional Parliament, as Betrayers of the People's Rights; That the Prisoner was sometimes by, at these Discourses; That Mr. Ferguson Declared, he had told some Nonconformists, and they desired him to forbear; but adds he, They are Silly People, and do not know how to distinguish, between Killing a Prince for difference in Religion, and Destroying a Tyrant for Preservation of the Right and Liberties of the People; That it was an Action would make all the Kings in the World Tremble, and Teach them to use their Subjects Kindly; That it was the Design at the same time, the Mayor and Sheriffs were to be Killed, that Mr. Papillion and Mr. Dubois should be forced to take the Sherievalty on them, and if they refused it, they should be used as others; and that Sir Thomas Gold, Sir John Shorter, Alderman Cornish, should be set up for Mayor, but rather, the last, as the fittest Person; That the Kings Natural Sons were good Lusty Lads, and it would do well to keep them for Porters and Watermen, and my Lady Ann should be Married to some Country Gentleman, for a Breed, to keep out Foreign Pretences.  
I have been something larger in the Repetition of this Evidence, than was at first intended, but the same being so material, to Prove the Horridness of the most Barbarous part of the Design itself, as well as that Concern, which the Prisoner had therein, and on which his Fate depended, that I hope the Reader will Excuse me, and from the whole, Consider with himself, That nothing less than the Watchful Eye of Heaven, could possibly have Guarded His Sacred Majesty from the several Attempts, so often renewed against him, by this Malevolent Party, Set on, and Encouraged, by the Cant and Hypocritical Zeal of a Scotch Whig; Whose only Design it was, to Murder His Royal Person, and overthrow the Government, because not Squared to his Precise and Rebellious Measures.  
But to return to my Subject, The Evidence abovesaid, so plainly and palpably made out, did admit of no Plea nor Excuse in the Wretched Prisoner; nor indeed, could he have any Face to deny the same, there being, besides this, a Letter that was intercepted, under his own Hand, to the Secretary of State, wherein he doth, as much, as plainly Confess the same, Acknowledging it as his first Crime, and that his Life was at the King's Mercy, and that if his Death would do Him more Service, he was willing to Surrender it; That if His Majesty would admit him to Come in, & use Mercy, he would tell all he knew, concerning England, Scotland and Ireland, which he thought, would be more material, than any other Discoverer could Tell; Which plainly shows, that he had a deeper Hand in this Mischief, than any of those that had given Evidence against him. Upon the whole, when my Lord Chief Justice came to Sum up the Evidence, having taken Notice of the Material Passages aforesaid, and given his Directions to the Jury, they Brought him in, deservedly, Guilty of the Indictment.  
The next in order, who came to Trial for the aforesaid Treasons, was, William Hone a Joiner, with whom, in short, I shall no further trouble the Reader, than his own Confession, That he was drawn in by Mr. Goodenough, and was one of those that was to Murder His Majesty and his Royal Highness, whose Names they Disguised, under that of the Blackbird and Goldfinch.  
Nor shall I much Enlarge the Bulk of these Sheets, with that of John Rouse, who could not deny his Concern in the Treason's aforesaid, though his Post was something of another Nature, than the Two former, which I shall forthwith give you some Account of, begging leave only to take Notice, of the Justice of Heaven, which now overtook this Miserable Wretch, he having been too long known in the Government, for a most Malicious Disturber of it, and had once before been brought to the Bar for High Treason, at a Time, as Sir George Jeffries, our present worthy Lord Chief Justice, 
Page 63.  than took Notice of, When the Common Justice of the Nation could not be Obtained in that place, 
Rouse's Trial.  insomuch, that the Judges who came to Execute Justice, had more reason to fear being Executed upon the Bench, than the Prisoner at the Bar. To proceed, This Gentleman was to take Care, to Manage a Party of Men, who were to take the Tower of London, and the Evidence against him, were first, Mr. Lee, who Testified, That Mr. Goodenough having Acquainted him, that there was an Apprehension, that the Rights and Privileges of the Nation were Invaded, and that it was time to look to themselves, for Popery was Designed, and Arbitrary Power, and Asked him, whether he would Engage in that Affair to prevent it, and withal, that the City was to be divided, as is before mentioned, and desired to know, whether he would Engage in one part of it? He Answered, His Acquaintance was not where he Lived, but he would get a part where he was known, and afterward told Mr. Rouse of this, as also, that Mr. Goodenough had further informed him, the Design was to Set up the D. of Monmouth, and Kill the King and Duke of York, but that all Parties must not know of it; and the People should be only Acquainted, there was like to be a Foreign Invasion, etc. and if they seemed ready & compliant therein to Assist, then to discourse them nearer. That Mr. Rouse told him, he had before known it, and that he would provide Arms for 100 Men, and that nothing was to be done, unless the King was seized, adding, That he remembered since 41 the King went and set up his Standard, but that he was then for seizing him, not taking his Blood, and that 'twas a convenient thing for a Ball to be played upon Black-heath, and to that end, that several Sea-Captains should be spoken to, that he himself had engaged Ten, and that the Affair should be managed, that he that won should take it, that when they had so done, every Captain should take his Party, and tell them they had other Work, and then go with Long Boats and Arms and seize the Tower, That Mr. Goodenough was acquainted therewith, and approved thereof. That Rouse went several times to view the Tower, and took one Mate Lee with them, which Mate directed them to Traitor's Bridge, and said, it was an easy place, and that he would undertake to do it with a 100 Men, provided they had but Hand Granades; That Mr. Rouse met in this Business with 2 Sea-Captains, whom he said was to be Two of the Undertakers, and that they were willing thereunto. That Mr. Rouse was afterwards of Opinion, for taking off the King and Duke both, for then, said he, there's no Man can have a Commission to fight for them, and that he had been a Traveller, and presumed to say, That the King was Sworn in France and Spain to bring in Popery and Arbitrary Government in so many Years, and therefore it was no Sin to take him off, adding, that he had it under his own Hand.  
Mate Lee Testified, That Mr. Rouse Asked him, if he could not get some Seamen fit to make Commanders of Ships, for, says he, with the Guard Ships at Deptford we must Secure the Tower, and Whitehall both, or we do nothing, And besides this, One Thomas Corbin Testified, Tho the same did not more Affect the Prisoner, then to show the Temper of the Villain, That before the Oxford Parliament, the said Mr. Rouse said, he did foresee, the same would be but a short Sessions, but these frequent Dissolutions and Prorogations of Parliaments, adds he, will not avail the King, for whatever he hath, the Parliament had given him, and might take it away when they pleased, at which, a Slander by, bid him have a care what he said, he replied, the King had forfeited His Crown, and had no more Right to it then he had. To all which Evidence against him, the Prisoner he had no more to offer for himself, but that, as to the first Witness, the Words that he Testified against him, were not really said by him, but first mentioned by the said Lee to him, of all which; he had not lest matter of proof, besides his own Assertion, and indeed, these matters did so Quadrate and Correspond with the Temper of the Prisoner, that they were the more readily receptive of Credit, which was made plain, in the Corroborating Evidence of Corbin, before mentioned, so that the Jury presently gave in their Verdict of his Gild.  
And thus I have gone thro', as intended, the first and most Tremendous part of this Conspiracy, which I shall Sum up in the Words of the late Lord, Chief Justice, now, Sir Francis Pemberton, at the end of Walcot 's Trial, 
Page 24.  This Design, says he, hath gone into other of the King's Dominions, and is to be feared, 
Walcot's Trial.  is larger than the King knows; 'Tis time to Nip these Treasons, when they are gone so far, surely a more Barbarous was never thought of by Mankind. We have had certainly as many Engagements to the King, as any Subjects ever had to any Prince whatsoever; He hath done as many Acts of Grace, We have Lived as Peaceably, as any People under a Prince can ever expect to do; He hath showed Himself with as much Kindness, with as much Lenity, even to His very Enemies, as any Prince that we ever Read of; The Preservation of our Religion, and the Laws of the Kingdom, our Laws and Libertees, and all our Happiness, depend as much upon His Life, as they ever did upon the Life of any Prince, or ever can do; so that we ought all to be Concerned, even to the last drop of our Blood, to Preserve Him. But how this Mischievous Design should enter into the Hearts of Men, to Undertake to Kill Him in such a Villainous and Barbarous manner, may justly make us Astonished. Thus far my Lord.  
Which brings me to the Second Part of this Design, wherein the next Unfortunate and ill Advised Gentleman, my Lord William Russell was too nearly Concerned, who on the 13th of the said Month, at the Old Bailie aforesaid, was Arraigned and Indicted of the same, whereupon, after his Lordship made a Challenge of the Jury, for that they had not freehold, in which Point his Lordship had his Council allowed him, upon the hearing of whom, the Court was of Opinion, That the same was no good Challenge, in Case of Treason, for that they had not freehold within the City. But satisfied his Lordship, that there was no Hardship in the Case, the Reason of the Law for Free-holds, being only to the Intent, that no slight Persons should be upon the Jury, where the Life of a Man, or his Estate, comes in Question; But in the City, the Persons that are Impanelled, are Men of Quality and Estate, and have much to lose, therefore, in Substance, his Lordship had as much, as if the Challenge had been allowed; so that the Jury being called over, after Exceptions made against Thirty One of them, they proceeded to Read the Indictment, and Call the Evidence; The first of whom, that I may not Interfere with what hath been before taken Notice of, were Colonel Rumsey, and Mr. Shepheard, the substance of whose Testimony, was, That my Lord Russell was at the House of Mr. Shepheard, when Colonel Rumsey brought the Message aforesaid, from the Lord Shaftsbury, about the Rising at Taunton, that he heard the same, and Approved of the Answer, and that there was a Discourse of seeing what Posture the Guards were in, which was to be done by the Duke of Monmouth, Lord Grace and Sir Thomas Armstrong; thus far Colonel Rumsey. That at the same time, a Declaration, or some Papers purporting as much, and setting forth the Grievances of the Nation, were there Read by Mr. Ferguson, but could not tell, whether my Lord heard the same, or was by when it was Read, but that he was by when they Discoursed of Seizing the Guards; so far Mr. Shepheard. The next was my Lord Howard, whose Testimony, as it chiefly concerned the Second Branch of the Plot, on which we now insist, I shall pursue the same in its several Steps, as it was by him Declared, (viz.)  
That he was Acquainted with Captain Walcot, and Introduced him into that of my Lord Shaftsbury, where he soon gained a Confidence with the said Earl; That Captain Walcot came to him, and told him, that the People were so sensible their Interest was going, by the Violence offered to the City, in their Elections, that they would put a stop to it if possible; That there were several Consults and Meetings about it, and that they began to put themselves into a Posture to Act, some had furnished themselves with good Horses, which they kept in secret and blind Stables, that divers intended it, and he would Embark in it, and having an Estate in Ireland, Ordered his Son to turn his Stock into Money, to which End, he sent his Son thither about August; That the Fermentation growing higher, and every Day seemed nearer to Action; That afterward going into the Country, he received Letters from him, wherein in a disguised Cant, he gave him Notice, that the Negotiation he had with his Correspondents was going on, and in good Condition, and earnestly desired him to come to Town; This was about the middle of September; That he came to Town on Michaelmas Day; That Captain Walcot Dined with him the next, where he told him, that my Lord Shaftsbury was withdrawn from his House, and though he had absconded from divers others, would willingly speak with him, and for that purpose, had sent him to him, with whom he went, and finding my Lord alone, my Lord told him, That however Innocent he was, yet he, and all Honest Men, were unsafe, so long as the Administration of Justice was in such Hands, as would Accommodate all things to the Humour of the Court, That in the sense hereof, he Retired, and that he did not doubt, Affairs were so ripened, and things so prepared, but that he would be able, by those Men that were in readiness in London, to stop the Torrent; but complained, The Design was much retarded, by the Deportment of the D. of Monmouth, and the Lord Russell, who had withdrawn from his Assistance, and their own Engagements, for that when he had got such a form Force, as he had, in London, they told him, the Country was not prepared to Concur with him, which he looked on as an Excuse, and an Instance of their Intentions to desert him; That if they would lose the Honour of it, he would do it himself; To which the Lord Howard Asked him, what Forces he had; his Answer was, he was Assured of Ten Thousand Brisk Boys, who would follow him on holding up his Finger, and that they would possess themselves of the Gates, and these Ten Thousand, in Twenty Four Hours, would be Multiplied into Fifty Thousand, and be able to Sally out, and Possess themselves of Whitehall, by Beating the Guards; That he was certain of the Undertakement, but Confessed it a great Disappointment, that the Lords had sailed him; That he did Consent with some Persuasions, that the Witness should speak to those Lords, but added, He would find they would wave it, or give deferring Answers. That accordingly, my Lord Howard went to the D. of Monmouth, and told him the Earls Complaint; That the D. told him, he thought the Earl Mad, and that he was so far from Encouraging him, that he told him from the beginning, and so did my Lord Russell, that there was no good to be done then in the Country; That he Asked the D. whether he was willing to Meet, who told him, with all his Heart; That he did go back to my Lord Shaftsbury, and told him what the D. had said, to which my Lord replied, 'twas False, and that they were afraid to own it, adding he had reason to believe, there was some Bargain between the Father and Son, to save one another, for when he had brought him to Action, he could never get him to put on; That they had different Prospects, that he was for his Personal Interest, but his People (as he termed them) was for a Commonwealth; That an Interview between them, would but widen the Breach, and that he dared not trust him; That his Friends were gone so far, they could not retreat, for that it was Communicated to so many, it would take Air; But that their Party was Brisk, and that they had a Thousand or Fifteen Hundred Horse, who would be able to Scour the Streets, and hinder them from Forming a Force against them; But no Interview would be admitted, only he added, that he might let them know what forwardness he was in, and that if they would Correspond with him, they might, or he would go on without them; Which Message the Lord Howard carried back to the Duke, and at length obtained their Consents to a Meeting, which, with much ado, the Earl consented to, but the time appointed was put off, apprehending himself in some Danger; That after this he did not see the Earl, but heard that my Lord Russell had, and that they had put off the Rising for a Fortnight, on Condition, that those Lords, and several others, should be prepared to Raise the Country at that time; This was told him by the D. of Monmouth, who added, That they must be now in Action, for that there was no holding it off longer, and that he had been at Wapping all Night, and never saw a Company of Bolder Brisker Fellows in his Life, and that he had been round the Tower and seen the Avenues thereof, and that it would not be difficult to make themselves Masters thereof in a short time, that he thought it would have come to Action, but that the Duke afterwards told him, the Gentlemen in the Country would not stir, hereupon they were in a great hurry, and Captain Walcot▪ came several times to him and Discoursed thereof, saying, It was a Dishonour of the Lords they were backwards to perform their Parts, but they resolved notwithstanding to go on; and, That they were resolved to Rise, and believed, that a smart Party might perhaps meet with some great Men, That he acquainted the Duke herewith, and that there was some dark intimation, as if there might some attempt be made on the King's Person, at which, the Duke in a Passion struck his Breast, and cried out, God so, Kill the King, I'll ne'er suffer that, and hereupon went to the Playhouse to find out Sir Thomas Armstrong to send him about the City to put it off, That the day the King came from Newmarket, several of the Conspirators Dined in the City, where a Notion was conveyed about, that some bold Action would be done that Day, and comparing it with the Kings coming home thought it might be upon him, That my Lord Grey hereupon swore, that if the same was attempted it could not fail, but His Majesty's safe Arrivel put by the Expectation, and what was next Determined was the Rising on the 17th of November. But the Proclamation against Bonfires then coming out, fearing the same was discovered, it was put off, all which, my Lord Shaftsbury taking notice of, took Shipping and went away. That afterwards, fearing a Discovery; the same having so far spread itself, it was thought that it would not be safe to retreat, and withal considered, that an Affair of this Weight consisting of of such infinite particulars, it would be very necessary, That there should be one general Council that should take upon them the care of the whole, upon these Thoughts a Cabal was Erected amongst themselves, which consisted of Six Persons, who were the Duke of Monmouth, the Earl of Essex, the Lord Russel, Mr. Hampden Junior, Algernoon Sidny, Esq; and the Lord Howard, That about the middle of January, all these Parties met at Mr. Hambdens' House, where it was agreed their Province was to take care of the whole, the things to be thereby considered of, were agreed to be, whether the Insurrection was most proper to begin in London or in the Country, or both at one Instant. To which it was said, in the Country, the Duke of Monmouth giving it as a Reason, that it was impossible by a rude Rabble hastily got together, to oppose a Form Methodised and well Governed Force, and therefore whatsoever Numbers could be gathered in the City would be quickly suppressed before they could Form themselves, that in the Country they might without the same fear they would be here Subject to, and that being likewise remote from Town it would put the King on the Dilemma that he must send his Forces to Reduce them, or not: if he did, the City was left take & would give them opportunity to Rise and come back upon the King's Forces, if not they might have time to form their Numbers and be better ordered, it was further considered what Arms was necessary to be got, and how disposed, what Towns were most disposed to Action, that it would be necessary to have a Common Bank of 25 or 30000l. to answer the occasions of such an undertaking, but the last and greatest was to draw in Scotland to consent with them, which at the next meeting, the same Persons being all Six there, where at my Lord Russel's own House, it was resolved some Persons should be sent to my Lord Argyle, to settle an understanding with him and others, to Scotland, to invite some Persons hither who best understood the State and could give Account thereof, the Persons agrreed were Sir John Cockram, Lord Melvill, and one campbel, and accordingly Aaron Smith was agreed to be sent, and Colonel Sidney to take Care of the Affairs. This was the Tenor of my Lord howard's Evidence, which, together with what was before repeated, was the sum of what was proved against the Prisoner, to which his Exceptions were first in general against the Evidence for that they were concerned in this matter, by their own showing, and then particularly against my Lord Howard, that before he came as a Witness against him, he had declared to the Earl of Bedford in the hearing of my Lord Anglesey (who Testified the same in the behalf of the Prisoner) that the said Earl had a wise Son and a worthy Person, one that could not be in such a Plot, as the same was, or suspected for it, and that his Lordship might expect a good Issue in that Affair (his Son being then Committed) and that concerning him, he knew nothing against him or any Body else. The same words at another time spoken, or the like Effect were Testified against him by Mr. Howard, and Dr. Burnet to the same Purpose, only adding some Imprecations his Lordship had made to confirm what he sa●d: to which objection my Lord Howard replied, That the Circumstances he was under obliged him to outface the matter. Several other Witnesses were brought to prove the Prisoner's Reputation and Sobriety of Life, but the Evidence was so plain and undeniable against him, and the Consequence so great, that all good Men abhorred his Crime at the same time they had Compassion on his Circumstances; and even then when by their Oaths and Consciences the Jury were bound to find him Guilty, they pitied his Misfortunes. I now proceed to the Trial of Colonel Algernoon Sidney, (which though the same doth not fall in order of time, yet its necessary to give the Account thereof, it being the close of the Evidence touching the main Plot) who came to be Arraigned the 17th of November last, and Tried the 21th. wherein I shall pretermit all such Testimony as was given in general, and which is before touched, previous to what most concerned him, by West, Rumsey, and Keeling, as also the former and introductory part of what my Lord Howard Testified, which I have taken notice of in the preceding Pages.  
That which chiefly concerned the Prisoner, was the two Meetings and Consultations afore mentioned, at Mr. Hambdens, and my Lord Russel's, as also the business of Scotland debated, in the latter, to which Colonel Sidney propounded, that he would take Care of the Person, and that he had one in his thoughts, and named Aaron Smith, who was looked on as a Proper Person, and was accordingly sent by him, as he himself told the Lord Howard, and that he gave him about 60 Guineas to supply his Charges, and had received a Letter from him on his way to Newcastle. A Second part of the Evidence against the prisoner, were several Papers found in his House, which were by three Witnesses proved to be of his own hand writing by Persons that were conversant with the same, in which Papers there was a continued Thread of Argument laid down, not in one single Proposition but a whole Series of Reasoning, in which were these Positions, That the King derives all his Power from the People That 'tis Originally in the People, and that the measure of Subjection must be Judged lie the Parliament, and if the King does fall from doing his Duty, the People will exact it. And this he lays down as no ways prejudecial to him, for, says he, The King may refuse the Crown if he do not like it on these Terms, But if he does accept it he must expect the performance will be exacted, or revenge taken by those he hath betrayed, than he sets up an Objection and argues against it, Ay! but shall the People Judge in their own Cause, which he thus Answers, it must be so, for is not the King a Judge in his own Cause? How can any Man else be tried and Convicted of any Offence, if the King may not be Judge in his own Cause, for to Judge by a Man's self or his Deputy, is the same thing, and so a Crime against the King cannot be Punished, and then he takes notice of it as a very absurd Position the King should Judge in his own Cause, and not the People. That would be to say, the Servant entertained by the Master should Judge the Master, but the Master shall not Judge the Servant, and after this sort of Argument he comes to this settled Position. We may therefore, says he, change or take away Kings (without breaking any Yoke, or though 'tis made a Yoke) the injury therefore is in imposing the Yoke, and there can be none at all in breaking it. But he goes on in the said Papers by way of Answer to an Objection, that if there be no Injury yet there may be an Inconvenience if the beadless multitude should shake off the Yoke, But says he, I would fain know how the Multitude comes to be headless, and there gives you instances in story, and from Foreign Nations comes home to the English, and tells you how all Rebellions in latter Ages have been headed, and tells you the Parliament is the Head, or the Nobility, and Gentry, that Compose it, and when the King fails of his Duty, the People may call it, the Multitude therefore is never▪ headless, but they either find or create a Head, so that upon the whole, here is a plain and awowed Principle of Rebellion Established upon the strongest reason he hath to back it, which with the other Evidence against him was sufficient to prove his Compassing the Death of the King. The Affirmations he makes is, when Kings break their Trusts they may be called to an Account by the People, this is the Doctrine he Brooks and Argues for, and in another part of the Book, he says, That the Calling and Dissolving of Parliaments is not in the King's Power. So that the King having Called and Dissolved Parliaments, in so doing he hath broke his Trust, and Consequently by his Arguments may be called to an Account by the People and Deposed, which is certainly a Treason of the Deepest Tincture, and which the Jury upon Consideration thereof, and the other sufficient Prooffs against him, so found, and brought him in Guilty, upon the whole, we have here met with an Account of one of the most Atrocious and Villainous Designs as any Recored in the whole World can furnish us with, and particularly in this last Gentleman's Case, wherein it was the more Dangerous, in that he proceeded upon the Foundation of his Reason, it was his beloved Principle, the avowed Guide of his Actions, that by which he led the steady course of his Life, and he that is convinced of these Principles, what will he not do, what will he leave undone to accomplish and bring about his Designs, how wary will he be in his Actions, which way to bring them securely about, and so much the more dangerous is the Conspiracy in him, by how much more it is rooted, and how deep it is, you have heard, he Writes it as his Principle, that it is lawful to Depose Kings who breaks their Trust, and that the Revolt of the whole Nation in that case deserves not the Name of Rebellion, sad must our state then surely be when People are Impious for Conscience sake, and Ruin and Destroy the Government for the good of it.  
Having thus far Traveled through the preceding particulars, I doubt not but every impartial Eye will clearly behold the Malevolent Intentions of this Fanatical Frenzy, and accordingly Eschew all such Doctrines, and Principles, as shall secretly connive at, or openly abet the same, which had they now taken Effect, let us stay alittle to consider the condition this Miserable Nation, and People would have thereby been Immersed in, But here Imagination must supply the defect of my Description, for 'tis not enough to say we should have lost the best of Kings, the best of Governments, the best of Religions, and the best Friends and Maintainers of each, but alas, who of us had been safe? unless we could have yielded to have Joined with this Impious and abominable Faction, which had to any considering or good Man been less Eligible, than Martyrdom itself.  
It had been enough to have Condemned us that we had any thing to lose, the Extravagant Heir would never have complained his Father's hours too slowly wasted, but have turned Parricide and correpted them, the Servant would scarce have yielded to have borne the Remainder of his Seven Years Yoke, but have eased himself thereof in the Slaughter of his Master, the Slave had dominioned o'er his Lord, the Base and Scoundrel World have seated themselves on the Benches of State and Justice, whilst, our Streets had been channelled with Blood, our Fields been filled with Slaughter, our Houses with Rapine, and ourselves Mourning over their Fates, who had got the start of us, only some few tiresome and melancholy minutes which had been spent in the Expectation of our threatened and advancing danger.  
This I say, had been the Case of the most Innocent amongst us, and may not we therefore, as on the one hand Praise our God, for our Deliverance, so on the other with a Just and Pregnant Indignation, set our mark, of regret and abhorrerenc on those Principles and Parties, that endeavoured, (nay give me leave to say, as far as we can Pry into the Closets of their Breast, or Judge of what is there stored by their words and Actions,) do but yet too much endeavour to accomplish the same upon us.  
Why otherwise should there be any one amongst mankind so much an Infidel to Sense and Reason, as to proclaim his Doubts or Hesitations (which by the way are only to amuse the Vulgar) of the Credit of this Fanatical Conspiracy, which hath been so demonstratively made Evident that the Light in the Heavens is not more obvious to our natural, than this to out Intellectual Capacities.  
But least the Poison of such Amusements should too far spread themselves, (Amusements which the Promoters understands to be so) I shall take a short view of the Parties Condemned, as they were too fatally by their Treasons, drove to the outmost brink of Life, and stood ready to Launch into the Ocean of Eternity, at which time it might be well expected, however their carriages had represented them to the World, as Traitors and Injurious Persons to the Government they lived under, the Dread of that Tribunal to which the Rope and Axe had summoned them, would in some measure work them to a True and Penitent Confession of those Crimes for which they came thither.  
As to the Three first, Walcot, Hone, and Rouse, who suffered together at Tyburn on Friday 20th of June 1683. these three severally confessed the Crimes that brought that unhappy Fate upon them, whose Evidence in the sight of that grim Messenger that then stood before them, was more to be considered against themselves, than 10000 Witnesses, and which, were it only single, is more than sufficient to take off all Cavilling Infidelities the worst of Men can raise against it, yet lest their Objections, which are upon the same structure raised as to the Speech of my Lord Russell, may prevail upon the Ignorant and misinformed, let us look alittle into the same, and hear the Objectors Arguments, (say they)  
If then the Facts whereof my Lord Russell was found Guilty by the Jury upon such Pregnant proof be so Evident, how is it possible for a Dying Man before God and Men to assert his Innocency with such assurance, and so frequently repeated in his Speech to the Sheriff, First, God knows how far I was always from Designs against the King's Person, or of altering the Government, Secondly, I profess I know of no Plot, either against the King's Life, or the Government.  
In the Paper delivered, it is thus Expressed, What ever Apprehensions I had of Popery, and my own severe and heavy share I was like to have under it, when it should prevail, I never had a thought of doing any thing against it basely or inhumanely, but what would consist with the Christian Religion, the Laws, and Liberties of this Kingdom, Again, I have always Loved my Country much more than my Life, and never had any Design of changing the Government, and would have suffered any extremity rather than have consented to take away the King's Life, etc.  
Specious & well Guilded pretences drawn by a cunning Pencil to please and quiet the Conscience of a Dying Criminal, and cast a mist before the purblind Eyes of the unthinking Crowd to possess them with his Innocency, and lay the Load of Envy and Aspersion on the Government for a Malicious and Cruel Prosecution against him, for otherwise what need all these careful Restrictions and Limitations to usher in his Innocency, might lie not as well have said in a few plain words, as became a Dying Man, I know of no Design to make an Insurrection or Rebellion in this Kingdom, which had been more a-kind to the Crime he came to Suffer for, but proceeds he, God knows how far, etc.  
God knows all things, that's true, and without doubt was privy to the guilt he then lay under, this amounts to no denial, nor further when he says, In the words of a Dying Man, I profess I know of no Plot either against the King's Life, or the Government, pray take notice, I know of no Plot, how could he then? the same was put by and defeated, but this is restrained against the King's Life or Government, very well, but might not the unnecessary Guards be seized, and no personal harm, in their Sense, done the King, suppose they should have deposed or imprisoned him, or put away other Indignity on him, short of Life: This might have been done too, without any change of Government, the Crown might have been Translated from one Head to another, yet Monarchical Government unaltered, So that the Snare is sufficiently Evident to our Discovery that the same was cautiously penned to glare the Eyes of the Multitude, and deceive their Apprehensions, but I intent not to insist in the taking to pieces the said Speech, only thence prove that by my Lords own Confession therein contained, he hath said sufficient to Evince the Truth of this History, as to the Plot in general, and likewise as to his own particular and fatal concern therein, For  
That he agreed he was at Mr. Shepherds when such Persons were met, as Colonel Rumsey and Mr. West both Swear, That there was a Discourse of Seizing the Guards, of the Feasableness thereof, and the said Two Witnesses both add, his Undertakement, and in a clause or two, further add, that he remembers the like Discourse at my Lord Shaftsburies', at which time he saith, he flew out and exclaimed against it, and looked upon it as a horrid thing, and a little afterwards says, that several things were spoken in his hearing with more Heat than Judgement, and that nothing was Sworn against him, but some Discourses about making some stirs, and this is not Levying of War, etc. which is Treason by the Statute of Edward the 3d. and not Consulting and Discoursing about it, which by a fetch was Construed a Design of Killing the King, and so he was cast. In Answer to which I would state clearly what the Law of the Land is on these Points to the Understanding of all Men.  
The Meeting and Consulting to make an Insurrection against the King, or Raise a Rebellion within the Kingdom, be the end thereof never so specious for the public good, though the Rebellion be not raised, it is High Treason by the Law of the Land. It was so at Common Law by the consent of all Books that Treat of that matter, and no one Authority against it. It is so since the Statute of the 25 of Edward the 3d, Chapter the 2d, within the first Branch of that Law, Against Compassing and Imagining the Death of the King. The Death of the King in that Law, is not restrained, to the Killing of His Natural Person, but extends as well to Civil Death, as Natural, to Conspire to Depose the King, is equally High Treason, with that of Killing Him; so for Imprisoning, Seizing or Taking, Him into the Power of His Subjects, or for laying any Force or Restraint upon Him, until He do what His Subjects would have Him; These are all High Treasons, for Compassing His Death, either Natural or Civil; and all Overtacts which declare the Intent of Effecting any of these Crimes, as all Meetings, Consultations and Agreements, to Rise in Rebellion, and Seize upon the King's Guards, which are His Defence against Force, and Invite the Aid and Assistance of the King's Subjects of any other Kingdoms, are plainly Overtacts, and have been at all times so Adjudged.  
In the 2d and 3d of Philip and Mary, One Constable dispersed divers Bills in the Night about the Streets, in which was written, That King Edward the Sixth was Alive, and in France; and at another time, in Coleman-street, pointed to a Young Man, and said, he was King Edward the Sixth; These things tending only to Depose the Queen, were Adjudged High Treason, for Conspiring Her Death, and Constable Indicted, Attainted and Executed. The Case is Cited in Calvin's Case, Cooks Reports, Fol. 106.  
13 Eliz. Dyer 293, Doctor Story practised with the Governor of Flanders, to Invade the Realm with Force, and declared, by what means, in what manner and place, the Invasion might be; No Invasion following, it was referred to all the Judges, to Consider what Crime it was, who Resolved it High Treason, because an Invasion with Power could not be, but of Necessity, It must tend to the Destruction of the King, (vide) the Lord Cobham's Case, 1 Jac. the Lord Greys, the same Year, in Sir Henry Vane's Case, Meeting and Consulting about Treason, was held sufficient Overtacts; Nor could my Lord russel's Case be only Misprision of High Treason, for this is only the Concealment thereof by a Person, without any mixture of his Consent. But if the Person be present at the Debates and Consultations, though he say nothing, if he doth not immediately Reveal it, but continues to Meet, and be present at their Debates, he is a Principal Traitor. Where a Person was not present at the Debates and Resolves, but is afterwards acquainted with them, and giveth Consent thereto, it is High Treason. This was the Case of George Brook, to whom the Lord Cobham related the whole Conspiracy, of setting up the Lady Arabella, who Consented to the same, and was Attainted as a Principal Traitor for the same.  
Now my Lord Russell, as he puts his own Case, of being present at several Meetings, where seizing the Guards was treated of, and horrid things spoken, Argues himself Guilty of Treason, though he make a false conclusion from those premises, that it was Misprision only.  
But the Witnesses proving his frequent Meetings and Consults, and the last of them, at his own House, and his express consent to the matters debated, put it beyond a Questian to any Man, that desires not to be wilfully Blind, that his Crime was high Treason in the highest degrees.  
For which Crime, the said Lord Russell, on Saturday the 21th of July, 1683, had his Head severed from his Body, upon a Scaffold, erected for that purpose, in great Lincolnes-Inn-Fields.  
Having thus Answered this Objection, I proceed to the Death of Colonel Algernoone Sidney, who made his last Exit from the Theatre of Life, on a Scaffold on Tower-Hill, the Seventh of December than next following, from whom, Considering the Principles he had Imbibed, it was no Wonder, to hear him Exalt therein, and look upon the same, rather, as the Honourable Trophies of Martyrdom, than the Ignominious Brands of Disgrace and Punishment, which the Almighty in his own time Visited him with. I Die (says he) Glorifying Thee O Lord, for all thy Mercies, and that at the last, Thou hast permitted me to be singled out as a Witness of thy Truth, and even by the Confession of my Opposers, for that Old Cause, in which I have been from my Youth Engaged, and for which, Thou hast often and Wonderfully Declared Thyself. Ingenious Confession! This Gentleman tells you what's the Cause he Suffers in, he speaks it plainly, and Blushes not to own its Truth; 'twas the Cause, the Old Cause, in which from his Youth he had been Trained up, 'twas not a New thing, a Start Up Opinion, an Enthusiastic Frenzy; That it was lawful to Plot against, to Dethrone, Imprison, Mock, Disgrace, and at last, to Murder the Best of Monarches, this he had been before Honourably Concerned in, and this was the Cause he Gloryed of; The same that Cost the Nation so dear a Price, that was Fostered at no less Rate, than the Blood of Thousands, and Ten Thousands, of our Countrymen, that divided our Families, made the Brother's Bosom a Sheath for the Brother's Sword, and the Father's Breast a Battery against the Sons Shot; That left our Wife's Widows, and Children Orphans, and yet this was the Cause he Triumphed in, and this was made by him, no less, than the Shibboleth of God, and the Blood and Desolation aforesaid, the Miraculous Work of the Almighty Hand, and the distinguishing Declaration of Heaven itself. In this Cause, says he, Bless thy People, and Save them that shall own it, Defend them that Defend it; Let thy Shield of Protection be held over the Heads of Traitors and Rebels to their Prince and Government. Stir up such as are Faint, that they may take Courage in Evil. Direct those that are Willing, to go through with the Plots and Conspiracies of Treason and Desolation. Confirm those that Waver, that they fling aside the Burdens of a Conscious Breast, and go on steadily in the Roads of Rebellion, that thy Name may be Glorified, that our Kings may be Bound in Chains, and our Nobles in Fetters of Iron.  
Then this, what can such Cant otherwise signify, and is it thus to Die a Christian, where's the Forgiveness we owe our Enemies, can that Man regard the Peace, Quiet, or Government of his Country? Who in a Sense, Petitions for its Confusion, Articulo mortis, when his last breath is, taking its final farewell of his Condemned, and Suffering Carcase, at that time to pray to God, to defend and strengthen those that own and defend the Cause of Treason, such was that Cause he Died in, and such, who well wished and abetted the same, the only Persons he thought worthy of his last Orations.  
Monstrous and Insufferable Impudence, to Outface Heaven, and Vie, as it were, with the Almighty, on no better Grounds, then if he should have said, The Magistrates thou hast placed over me, and Enjoined me to Obey, I have Rebelled against, and Glory that I have so done. Thy Laws I have broken, and Rejoice in an Honourable Martyrdom for the same. If this be the Character of a true Protestant Dissenter? Heaven Defend us, and all good Christians, from such Antichristian, Antimonarchichal, and equally as bad, if not worse, than the worst of Jesuitical Principles.  
It is but Reason therefore, that we lay by our Animosities, in some measure, against them, and Debate with our nearer and more dangerous Enemies, who, like the Frogs of Egypt, Infest our Dwellings in such numerous and increasing Multitudes, that no part of the Land is free from them.  
I wish I had not Cause to say thus much, but in this Case, who can be Silent? The Dumb Child spoke when he saw the lifted Sword at his Father's Breast, and high time is it for all Loyal and Ingenious Men, to deter those Principles that Justify such Parricidial and Criminal Tenets; And yet, as if we were a People so Stupefied, that nothing could work upon us; Has it not been the Endeavour of too many, who would Assume the Names and Titles of His Majesties and the Nations best Friends, to drive us on to further Ruin and Confusion.  
That I do not speak this, without a Sad and Lamentable, though truly Just Ground, let us proceed to Examine, since the said Horrid Conspiracy was Miraculously Detected, what it is the said Party hath been doing, and how they have Employed themselves.  
And here it might have been Expected, that in one Body, with one Assent, they should have Prostrated themselves at the Feet of His Offended Majesty, to Beg His Gracious Pardon for their Crimes, or at least, if they had been Innocent, to have Publicly Testified their Abhorrence and Dislike against such, who had been under Worse and more Criminal Circumstances.  
But instead hereof, Observe how Restless and Unquiet, how Concerned and Solicitous, they have been, to Evade the Gild thereof, and lay the illgotten Brat at the Door of the Government, as a Bastard of State, a Policy of our Superiors, to induce their own Ends; and in their own words, a Shame Plot, and no more.  
As a Proof whereof, look over the Trial of Sir Samuel Barnadiston, where in one of his Letters, The Papists (says he) are down in the Mouth, their Pride is Abated, themselves and their Plot Confounded, but their Malice is not Assuaged. 'Tis generally said, the Earl of Essex was Murdered▪ the Brave Lord Russell is afresh Lamented; The Plot is lest here, except you in the Country can find it out amongst the Addressors and Abhorrers, with many the like Expressions.  
And can there be any thing more plainly Malicious, more openly and execrably Envious, than what is contained in these Libellous and Contrived Lies. Lies that reflect so immediately on the Government, both of Church and State, as nothing could possibly have been Invented worse of either; Here's Popery and Murder in the highest degree charged on both; His Majesty is traduced, as if he were so easy to be prevailed upon, to do things to destroy his own Subjects, and like their own Party, in the late Times, by Forms and Methods of Mock Justice. The Judges are Calumniated as Regardless of their Oaths in Condemning the Innocent. The Traitor Acquitted and the Law Arraigned, the Criminal Sainted and the Courts of Justice Exploded, Vilified and set at nought, and all this under the Umbrage of Zeal for the Public Good, Excellent Tenets, and becoming an Ignoramus Impudence.  
Heaven defend us, where is't we live! amongst Heathens or mahometans we should find more Loyalty and Honour.  
Nay, give me leave to say, That these Seditious Lies were not only directly and Immediately aimed at the Government, but even all those Persons, who thought themselves obliged in Justice and Conscience, to show their Duty to His Majesty, and their dislike of that Damnable Design and Conspiracy against him. For now, says our Author, The Plot is lost here unless you find it amongst the Abhorrors and Addressors in the Country. So that all Mankind, who ever thought themselves under any sort of Obligation, to Congratulate that Blessed and Happy Deliverance of His Majesty and Royal Brother, from the Pit that these Men had dug for them, (and whereinto they themselves had Justly fell) These, I say, must be Branded with the Ignominious and Opprobious Names of Papists, Abhorrors, Traitors, Addressors and Sham-Plotters, which evidently Demonstrates, it was not only aimed at the Civil Magistracy, but all that dare be honest, and oppose Faction and Rebellion, how near this amounts to High Treason, let any Man give his Judgement, as for my own part, I can't but perceive the same Temper of Mind and Inveteracy of Spirit goes to the making up the one, as there would be required to the Perpetration of the other, and nothing shall ever prevail with me to induce an Alteration of this Opinion, That they who could say, the first, were Wellwishers & Abettors of the latter.  
But our Libeler rests not here neither, but to show him of the same Temper with the rest of the Faction, he lays the Blood of the Earl of Essex, though shed by his hand at the same Door? It is (says he) generally said, the E. of Essex was Murdered; & in another place, Mr. Braddon, Who Prosecuted the Murder of the E. of Essex, the Information put in against him, in the King's Bench, by Mr. Attorny, for a pretended Subornation, etc. was not Prosecuted, and his Bail Discharged. But our Author was herein deceived, & since thence Mr. Braddon hath found the Law his Master, & the Government too careful to connive at such Practices, undertaken singly, without the least ground of Probability, to bring an Odium upon the King's Majesty, & his Royal Highness in that the same strongly insinuated, as if they, who by chance, had been walking in the Tower that Morning, when this unfortunate thing happened, had designed the same. How Base, How Devilish, and How Hellish a Design this was, and how far from all Imaginations or Umbrage of Truth, is so plain, (that I shall spare Paper in relating the Circumstances, and refer the Reader to Braddons Trial in Print, where he may be fully convinced thereof,) and yet this so carefully dispersed and distilled into the minds of the King's Subjects, that no Age or Record can give a Parallel thereof, as to every Malicious part the said Design was built upon.  
Nor can we Imagine, had the same taken Effect, what Influence it might have had on the less discerning: How strongly it would have encouraged the Expiring hopes of the almost disappointed Party, and have set them within the Prospect of a returning Encouragement, once more to have prevailed in their Traitorous, Impardonable and Wicked Conspiracies, How hastily would they have run down the Plot then, when now they have the Impudence to attempt the same.  
But God be thanked, the Veil is drawn from before our Eyes, and we now behold their Execrable Designs Stripped and Naked before us, the Phantom is vanished, and our Fears and Apprehensions are quieted in the firm and steady view of the overruling Hand of Providence, which we have Experienced in their Confusion.  
Yet can I not pass over this so ill intended a Design, without a little Recapitulation of the Methods used in carrying on the same, which if seriously considered, was certainly in itself as much to be Condemned, in its Contrivance, as End, for though Subornation and Perjury (foro Conscienciae) be a Crime of as high a nature (though not so severely Punishable as Mankind can well Commit,) yet in this Case it was extraordinarily such: For were it to have been managed between Men, who had known the nature and value of the Gild, it had been more excusable in that such dealings had been (in some sort) on fair Terms, Souls on each side had been staked, the Suborner and Suborned, but to draw in Children as they did, Children who were not of Age capable to understand what they did, that knew no more hazard therein, than the Venial Peccadillo of a Childish falsity Punishable by a School Lash, or Parental Reprehension, to Practise on these, is to Answer for a double Crime, to Pledge their own Souls, not singly for themselves, but for them they had drawn in, and if every Man shall have a Sentence severe enough for his proper Sins; what is he to Answer before the great Judge of all Men, that is not only to stand the Severity of the Almighty for himself, 
V. Speaks Trial in his Letter to Sir R. A.  but the Innocent whom he Ensnared.  
Execrable, Abominable, and Impardonable Impiety! and is it thus to gain the Name of good Men, do such need their Guards, * their defence, let them have them, but may they then attend them, to the Gibbet, that the Nation may be rid of such Perverse and ill Principled Monsters.  
But to draw to a conclusion, let us now change the Scene, and having thus as in Miniature presented you with the Figure of this Gorgon, I shall only take a shortScheme of the present alteration of Affairs, since the Discovery and Detection of the Abominable Crimes herein Treated of, as I began with the then Season, wherein they first took Birth, and herein Observe, that as the great Creator of Heaven and Earth, by the word of his Power did frame the Universal Fabric of the World, which consists of such Varieties of Beauteous Parts, from a Wild and Undigested Chaos, wherein the Warring Elements were all in Uproar and Confusion, the Moist, the Dry, the Hot, the Cold, Combating each other, so hath the Prudence and Care of his Sacred Majesty from the Contending Principles of the Faction, which were scarce at a less Variance, reduced the same to an Harmonious Order.  
Insomuch that now we may again hope to live in that Peace and Unity we so lately dispaired of, and Wonderful it is to behold how strangely and miraculously the same hath been Effected.  
Yet so it is, that now, as if a new Light had its Birth amongst us, we see with other Eyes, we are no longer cheated by the vain and painted Delusions of Fanatical Zeal, but can spy the deceiver beneath the black Cloak, distinguish the Rebel from the Patriot, and behold the Cunning Presbyter in a Gown and Circingle.  
We regard no more the Voice of Property and Liberty in the Mouth of the Betrayer, the Cry is no longer, A Parliamant, A Parliament, (Tho we want not a Just Reverence for that Grand Assembly, when his Majesty's Pleasure shall call them together, and they are Legally and Loyally disposed) yet our Peace is confirmed without them, Our Churches are filled, and Conventicles laid waist, the Temples of Dagon and Baal are neglected, whilst we Worship the God of our Israel in uprightness of Heart, and Established Methods, Our Laws are duly Executed, Vice is Punished, Virtue Countenanced, Rebellion and Sedition are Tamed, and Loyalty rewarded, and encouraged, Our City knows but one great Master, who hath purged her of the unwholesome distempers that tainted the Body Politic. Peace Rides Triumphantly amongst us, Dispensing Plenty into every Bosom, Commerce and Unity Flourishes and Increases, at least in the Numbers of the best and most Loyal, and in short, to sum up all, His Majesty is blest in an Obedient People, and they in the most Gracious, Wise and Merciful, Monarch as ever yet Enriched the British Throne.  
FINIS.   

ERRATA.  
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