A SERMON ON THE MARTYRDOM OF King CHARLES I Preached january 30 1681.  
WITH A RELATION OF Some Rebellious Practices and Principles of FANATICS.  
By Thomas Wilson, Rector of Arrow in Warwick-shire.  
LONDON, Printed, and are to be sold by Walter Davis in Amen-Corner. 1682.   

A SERMON ON THE MARTYRDOM OF King Charles I PREACHED january 30. 1681.  Rom. XIII. † 1. Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. 
1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the higher [supreme, or supereminent] powers, it is manifest, are Rulers: for that the Apostle giving the reason why the Christians must be subject to them, calls them so; saying, For Rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil, V 3. And that which he adds agrees only to a person endued with power or authority, and not at all to power or authority in the abstract, The power is the Minister of God to thee for good, and bears not the sword in vain, and is a Revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil, V 4. And thus we found powers signify in other places of Scripture: as Luke 12. 11. They shall bring you unto the Magistrates and Powers. Tit. 3. 1. Put them in mind to be subject to Principalities and Powers, to obey Magistrates 
* See 2 Pet. 2. 10. with Exod. 22. 28.  So that to acknowledge authority, whilst we war against our Rulers (which is Resisting) is not sufficient to excuse us.  
And the Rulers which the Apostle speaks of, are the Civil: those (as you see) that bear the Sword, and execute wrath, i e. corporal punishment, which agrees not to the Ecclesiastical.  
Wherhfore they are particularly those Magistrates which ruled over the Romans at this time: Caesar, who was the head and chief; and the several Officers that were under him and appointed by him. And thus St. Peter giving the same Command to the Christian jews that were scattered in several parts of the Roman Empire (Caesar's Dominion) expresses it, in his 1 Epist. 2. 13, 14. saying, Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake; whither it be to the King, as supreme; or unto Governors, as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well.  
This Commandment to the Christians under the Roman Government doth extend and belong to all other Christians even to the end of the world, under what sort of Government soever they are, whither Monarchy, Aristocracy or Democracy: viz. to be subject to the supreme Civil Power, and to all that by that Power are put in Authority. For the reason of the Commandment is perpetual, which the Apostle gives, namely, that Rulers are God's Ordinance, God's Ministers for good to them that do good, and for wrath to them that do evil.  
2. Let us see what the Commandment doth mean, Be subject. A Commandment it is, even as it is a Commandment for Servants to obey their Masters, and Children their Parents, and for Wives to be subject to their Husbands: and not a counsel or adunce, as if it might be done when we see it convenient, and omitted at our pleasure according to our discretion without any sin against God. For the Apostle tells us v. 5. that we must Needs be subject, and that not only for wrath, but also for Conscience-sake: And again, that they that resist the power, resist the Ordinance of God, and that for so doing they shall receive to themselves Damnation, v. 2.  
Now this Commandment doth mean, that we must obey the Powers. So we have heard St. Paul himself explaining it, Tit. 3. 1. Put them in mind to be subject to Principalities and Powers, to Obey Magistrates. When the thing is lawful which they command, it must he done. Upon which account tribute, which they enjoin, must be paid them: this being in no wise contrary to any of God's Laws; insomuch that sometimes we may pay it even to Usurpers. And therefore as the Christians at Rome did now pay it, so the Apostle commands them to continued in the same duty: v. 6, 7. For this cause pay ye tribute.— Tender to all their deuce, tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom. And he reckons it Rulers due, for that they are 
* Vers. 6.  God's Ministers, attending continually upon his service, government and the ministration of justice.. Upon which account also we are to fear and honour them: as he also commands in the same place, Tender fear to whom fear is due, honour to whom honour. For neither is this in any wise contrary to the Law of God.  
But then if the thing which they command be sinful, we must refuse it. As the Apostles themselves have taught us by their own examples: 
† Act. 4. 19 & 5. 29.  who being commanded by the Rulers of the jews to teach no more in the name of jesus, refused to obey that command, telling them, that they aught to obey God rather than men, and appealing unto them whither this was not right. So when Saul commanded his footmen to slay the innocent Priests, 
* 1 Sam. 22. 17.  they refused to do it, because it was wicked. And when Nabuchadnezzar commanded that all should worship the Golden Image which he had set up, Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego told him, 
† Dan. 3. 18.  they would not serve his Gods, nor worship the Image. And when Darius with his Precedents, Governors, Princes, Counselors and Captains had made a Royal Statute, that no one should ask any petition of any God or Man, save of Himself, for thirty days, 
* C. 6. 10.  Daniel notwithstanding prayed to the Lord as he was want to do.  
But though the sinful thing may not be done, yet the Rulers must not be resisted, otherwise than by prayers and tears, entreaty and persuasion, reasoning and discourse, reproof and admonition: Arms must not be taken up against them, and war waged with them upon this account; but their penalties must be submitted to, and their injuries born with patience, peace and meekness. And thus are they indeed obeyed, by submitting to them; thus subjection is paid them, by yielding to their power and authority. As wives are subject to their husbands, children and servants obey, the one their parents, the other their masters, in all things (
† Col. 3. 18, 20, 22.  as it is commanded them) when what is lawful they do at their command, and refusing what is unlawful, they patiently submit to their pleasure; and though they punish them for their refufal, do not resist with blows, and cast of their yoke by force. And thus to be subject, so as not to resist, is the meaning of our Text. For it immediately follows thus, Whosoever resisteth the Power, resisteth the Ordinance of God: and they that resist, etc.  
3. We must next consider the Extent and latitude of the Commandment, Let every soul be subject. As the jews say every soul, so we say every body: and the meaning both of them and us is every man. Forasmuch then as every man is to be subject to the Higher Powers, it is undenialbe that no one of what rank and quality soever is exempt from their jurisdiction: no Christian (for to such the Apostle writes) not the greatest Saint, not the eminentest Doctor, not the Apostles themselves; who as they gave the Precept to others, so most certainly held themselves bound to perform the same. And what can be more manifest than that one as well as other, Clergy as well as people, living in the same Kingdom, are Subjects of the same Secular Powers there? and being Subjects, must be Subject to them? St. Peter hath determined the case, 
* 1 Pet. 2. 13, 14.  when he reckons the King Supreme Governor: and St. Paul also, 
† Vers. 4.  who here calls Rulers that bear the Sword, the Higher Powers. These he requires every soul to be subject to: of these he speaks again so universally, Whosoever resisteth, etc. Be he then Priest or Pastor, Cardinal or Kirk-man, Legate or Pope that doth so, he offendeth, and incurreth the punishment threatened, They shall receive to themselves damnation.  
Having thus given you an exact account of the Apostle's injunction, God's Commandment by his Servant: The first thing which I shall consider is,  
1. Whither the Apostle means we should be subject to evil Powers, and not resist such by force of arms. Here the Seditious and Rebellious always take shelter, saying, The Rulers oppress, persecute, govern illegally, command what God forbids, and forbidden what God commands. 
* Nos non imperium, nec divitias pe●imus, sed libertatem. Libertas & speciosa nomina praetexuntur; nec quisquam alienum servitium & dominationem sibi concubivit, ut non eadem ista vocabula usurparet . This they pretend whither it be so or not. This they will say, and feign as much abuse and tyranny, and contrive their story as plausible and seemingly true as their wit can device: for that otherwise they would be utterly condemned of all men for raising War, which is so great a plague to a Nation, and for resisting honest and good Rulers, which is gross profaneness; neither would they have any hope of gaining the people unto their assistance, nor of obtaining their design, which is spoil and rapine, richeses and honour, dominion and greatness, and perhaps revenge of some petty injuries. It aught to be considered very carefully, whither this which they pretend be true; for oftentimes it is but fiction and a lie, as their professions also of Reformation are often mere hypocrisy. They groan when they feel no burden, and report 
— Quoties vis fallere plebem, Finge Deum.  strange things, which no one sees, nor knows, nor themselves believe, because they would rebel: and from the same lust they can call those Papists, whom they know the Pope for not being Papists damns for Heretics: can preach the danger of thousands of souls eternal destruction by the prevailing of the Roman Religion, and yet believe all that perish would have perished, though the same had not prevailed: can preach the Parliament Supreme to justify their War against their King, and yet when the play is ended, and Law may judge, would not for all they are worth want the King's Pardon. Our late Sovereign was accused of being Popishly affected, and of ruling tyrannically, illegally, arbitrarily: who yet was such a Papist as to require of his Subjects the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, which is the absolute renouncing of the Pope's authority; and such a Papist again as to worship God according to the Church of England, whose Liturgy, Articles, Homilies, Canons speak all positively and fully against Popery: who was such a Tyrant, illegal and arbitrary Governor as to rule by the Laws, to fear to act in any particular contrary to them (taking advice therefore of the judges) and to make conscience of oppressing, and to suffer every one to enjoy his own. But such Defenders of our Laws, Liberties and Properties were the Grandees his enemies, as to bring us into a liberty of paying grievous Taxes 18 years together, to sequester Loyalists estates, to make Laws, and impose Oaths and Covenants, to raise Armies, and to seize Forts, Ports and Navy, to usurp and command the Militia, to make War and Peace with foreign Nations, to coin Money, to altar the Service and Government of the Church, to sequester the King's Revenues, to try him for his life, and to cut of his head, all by arbitrary, their sole power, without His authority and assent, and contrary to his Command, contrary to our established Laws and Government 
* See Prynne's Collect. of Fundament. Rights. P. 52. to 62. Dr. Langbain's Review of the Covenant. p. 50. to 55. p. 80. to 84. p. 88, etc. Fowlis Hist. Presb. l. 2. c. 1. l. 3 c. 3. .  
But be the pretence true, this however I shall show doth not warrant Subjects to wage War against their Rulers. For as the Apostle speaks of Powers without restriction, whither good or bad: so the Command, Be subject to them, Resist them not, admits not of any, any more than these the like Commands, 
* Eph. 5. & 6. Col. 3.  Wives, be subject to your Husbands in every thing: Children, obey your Parents in all things: Servants, obey in all things your Masters. And will any one say the Apostle means only good Husbands, Parents, Masters, and not at all the bad? Go to then, ye Servants, Wives, Children, and with authority beaten your froward Masters, Husbands, Parents. But if this should be our Rebel's case, I suppose they would judge the treatment undecent and profane; and though they have deserved it for their frowardness, and may thank themselves for what they suffer, yet will say, these Servants, Wives, Children have fallen from the honour, fear and reverence, subjection and obedience which they own them. St. Paul says, 
† Eph. 5. 23, 24.  The husband is the head of the wife: therefore let the wives be subject. And are not evil husband's heads? Let the King's enemies judge. But St. Peter says expressly, 
* 1 Pet. 3. 1.  You wives, be in subjection to your husbands, that if any obey not the word, they also may without the word be won by the conversation of the wives. These that obeyed not the word, these that were Heathens, were bad husbands enough. Likewise 
† C. 2. 18.  Servants, says he, be subject to your Masters with all fear, not only to the good and gentle, but also to the froward. And such froward ones he means that afflict them for their conscience toward God, and for well-doing: as by the following words appears, For this is thankworthy if a man for conscience toward God, endure grief, suffering wrongfully. If when ye do well, and suffer for it, ye take it patiently, this is acceptable with God. From whence also it is manifest, that he requires these innocent abused persons to be so subject as not to resist violence with violence, but only patiently and peaceably to take the wrong; like our Saviour, whose example he there propounds, 
* V 21. 23.  Who when he was reviled, reviled not again; when he suffered, threatened not. And as Children, Wives and Servants aught to behave themselves thus submissively to their rigid and unrighteous Parents, Husbands and Masters: so aught Subjects to behave themselves, no one can doubt, after the same manner to their alike evil Rulers 
† Calu. Inst. l. 4. c. 20. §. 29. At mutuas (inquis) subditis suis vices debent praefecti. Verùm si ex eo statuis, nonnisi justis imperiis rependenda obsequia, insulsus es rationator. Nam Parentes liberos morositate sua ultra modum fatigent; Mariti suas uxores contumeliosifsimè accipiant: an minus tamen & Parentibus liberi, & Conjugibus mulieres obsequentes erunt? At improbis quoque & inofficiosis subjiciuntur. .  
To make this matter yet more clear, let us consider whither the present Powers were not evil; for these doth St. Paul more particularly mean: for to whom should he command the Christians at Rome to be subject, but to the Rulers there? or to whom could they at present pay subjection, but to them? His words moreover plainly show, 
* Vers. 6, 7.  that they are those to whom they now paid tribute. And St. Peter delivering the same Precept, expressly names the King and Governors sent out by him. Now these were Heathens (the Government not coming into Christian hands till Constantine's time, which was 250 years after:) and they were Idolaters and Maintainers of that abomination, and Persecutors of the Christians: Of whose sufferings we read in these very Epistles. Rom. 12. 12, 14. Be patiented in tribulation: bless them that persecutc you. 1 Pet. 1. 6. You are in heaviness through manifold temptations. C. 4. 12. Think it not strange concerning the fiery trial which is to try you. C. 5. 9 Know that the same afflictions are accomplished in your brethrens that are in the world. And so we read they suffered 
* 1 Cor. 1. 6, 7.  at Corinth, 
† Phil. 1. 29, 30.  at Philippi, 
* 2 Th. 1. 4.  at Thessalonica, 
† Heb. 10. 32, 33, 34.  at jerusalem and in all judea. To whom it must needs be said the same Commandment of subjection belonged, as well as to their brethrens and fellow-sufferers at Rome, and in Pontus, Galatia, Capadocia, Asia and Bythinia. Thus suffered the 
* Rom. 8. 35, 36. 1 Cor. 4. 9, etc. 2 Cor. 4. 8, 9 & 6. 4. 4, 5. & 11. 23.  Apostles themselves, and knew that as the Christians were already, 
† 1 Pet. 4. 17. 2 Tim. 3. 1, 12. Mat. 10. 34, 35. & 24. 9  so they 
Act. 4. & 5, & 7, & 8, 9, & 12.  would be afterwards persecuted by Rulers, when they gave this Commandment of non-resistence.  
But some may object, that St. Paul says v. 4. Rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil: and therefore means, that the Christians should be subject to, and not resist such only as rule well and fulfil their office. Ans. I have clearly showed that he means the present Rulers, and that these were idolaters and injurious: and therefore this cannot be his meaning. But this he says, Rulers are ordained of God for good, and generally they so act; though there be several defects and corruptions: (for what Laws of any Kingdom are all perfect? or what Administration of them is without fault?) In every Nation we found they suppress Sedition, and conserve Peace; punish Murderers, Thiefs, Adulterers, Perjured persons; end Controversies, and distribute justice betwixt man and man. Wherhfore since they are ordained of God, and ordained for good, and good they do in the world, for the authority which God hath given them, and for the benefit which the world receives by them, Let every soul of you be subject to them, let noon of you resist them, even the present Powers, idolaters and your enemies. 
† Calvin, Comment. in locum. A vero officio Magistratûs tametsi non yarò degenerant qui principatum tenent, nihilominus deferenda est illis obedientia quae Principibus debetur.— Hîc docet in quem finem instituti sint à Domino Magistratus— Quanquam ne sic quidem unquam abutuntur sua potestate Principes, bon●s innocentesque vexando, ut non in sua tyrannide speciem aliquam justae dominationis retineant: nulla ergo tyrannis esse potest, quae non aliqua ex parte subsidio sit ad tuendom hominum societatem . This is plainly the Apostle's mind; and not that they might take up arms against Caesar and the Officers under him, because they were evil. St. Peter speaks it most clearly, Submit yourselves to the King, and to the Governors sent out by him for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well. Was it for the punishment of evil doers, when they were sometime sent forth to punish Christians for their Christianity, for not worshipping their false gods and observing their impious superstitions? And was it for the praise of them that did well, when they were sent forth to encourage and defend Idolaters in their Idolatry? Besides there were several other evils which according to their received authority they were to promote and execute; for who dare say Heathens Laws and Commands were all good and just? But yet good they did, and not a little by their Government, as their Constitutions and Ministrations witness: and therefore the Apostles say, Be subject to them. For I may add, that if they were not to be subject to such that were to some good works a terror, and to some evil not a terror; to such that were injurious to them, and even to their Heathen subjects also, in some things, and that both civil and religious; they were then to be subject to noon at present, there being at present noon without these faults: and so the Commandment would signify at present just nothing to them: which is monstrous.  
And now we must not forget, that this Command is not delivered unto Heathens, who if by resisting they should conquer, would yet still maintain their Idolatry, and persecute Christians: but to Christians, who if they should get the supreme Power into their hands, would make a glorious reformation, establishing in the Empire by Sanction of Law the Gospel of Christ in the room of Ethnicism. For the effecting of which great good they must not rebel: according to the general doctrine, 
* Rom. 3. 8.  We must not do evil that good may come.  
And this is the sense of the Primitive Church: this was their Practice, and this was their Doctrine also. As Tertullian (who lived but 150 years after) witnesseth: who writing unto the Roman Heathen Magistrates, tells them in the name of all his brethrens, that though they unjustly and most grievously persecuted them for that their Piety and Religion alone, and no evil, yet they would not take up arms against them, though they were able to do it, for their Religion forbade them. Whose words are these, 
a Apol. c. 12, etc. Crucibus & stipitibus, etc.  You kill the Christians on crosses and stakes, ye tear their sides with hooks; we are thrown to the beasts, we are burned in the fire, we are condemned to the Ours, we are banished into Islands.— We always pray for all Emperors, that God would given them a long life, a secure Empire, a safe house, valiant Armies, a loyal Senate, faithful People, a quiet World, and whatsoever any man or Caesar himself can desire.— 
b Ib. c. 33. Nos judicium Dei suspicimus in Imperatoribus, qui gentibus illos praefecit. Id in iis scimus esse, quod Deus voluit: ideoque & salvum volumus esse quod Deus voluit. Sed quid ego ampliùs de religione atque pietate Christiana in Imperatorem? quem necesse est suspiciamus, ut eum quem Dominus Noster elegit: ut merito dixerim, Noster est magis Caesar, ut à Nostro Deo constitutus: itaque ut meo plus ego illi operor in salutem.  In Emperors we adore the Counsel of God, who hath set them over the Nations. We know that to be in them which God wills: and therefore what God wills, we pray the same may be safe and prosperous.— But why speak I any more of the Piety and Religion of Christians to the Emperor, whom we must needs honour, as one that our Lord hath chosen? so that I may justly say, Caesar is rather Ours, as being constituted by our God; and therefore being my, I do the more for his welfare.— 
c Ib. c. 36, 37.  We are the same to Emperors as to our neighbours; for to wish, to do, to speak to think ill of any one whoever, is alike forbidden us. What we may not do against the Emperor, neither may we do against any one; and what we may do to no one, much rather perhaps may we not do to Him 
d— qui per Deum tantus est.  who is so Great by God. If we are commanded to love our enemies, who then remains for us to hate? If when we are hurt, we are forbidden to repay the like, whom then can we hurt? 
* Absit ut igni humano vindicetur Divina Secta. Si hostes exertos agere vellemus, deesset nobis vis numerorum & copiarum?— Vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, Palatium, Senatum, forum. Cui bello non idonei, non prompti fuissemus, etiam impares copiis, qui tam libenter trucidamur? Si non apud istam disciplinam magis occidi liceret quàm occidere.— Nunc pauciores hostes habetis prae multitudine Christianorum, penè omnium civium, penè omnes cives Christianos habendo . God forbidden we should avenge ourselves by private fire. If we would show ourselves open enemies, should we want number and forces? We have filled all your places, your Cities, Islands, Castles, Corporations, Consistories, your very Camps, Tribes, Decuries, the Palace, the Senate, the Common Court. What war should we not be fit for and very forward unto, yes though uncqual in forces, who so freely part with our lives, if our Religion did not require us rather to be killed than to kill?— Now your enemies are the fewer for the multitude of Christians, as such now are almost all your Citizens. And writing to Scapula an Heathen Precedent in Africa, he says the same, 
f C. 2. Cum omni saevitia vestra concertamus.— Circa Majestatem Imperatoris infamamur, tamen nunquam Albiniani, nec Nigriani, nec Cassiani inveniri potuerunt Christiani.— Christianus nullius est hostis, nedum Imperatoris, quem sciens à Deo suo constitui, necesse est ut & ipsum diligat, & revereatur, & honoret, & salvum velit, cum toto Romano Imperio, quousque seculum stabit.— Colimus ergo & Imperatorem sic, quomodo & nobis licet, & ipsi expedit, ut hominem à Deo secundum, & quicquid est à Deo constitutum, & solo Deo minorem.— Ex disciplina patientiae divinae agere nos satis manifestum esse vobis potest, cum tanta hominum multitudo, pars penè major cujusque civitatis, in silentio & modestia agimus.— Absit ut ultionem à nobis aliquam machinemur, quam à Deo expectamus— Nulli malum pro malo reddimus.  You persecute us with all your rage.— We are defamed as to the Majesty of the Emperor, and yet never were the Christians Rebels, as several of your own Religion have been, Albinus, Niger, Cassius.— A Christian is no man's enemy, much lesle the Emperor's, whom, as knowing him to be constituted of God, he must necessarily love, reverence, honour and wish well, with the whole Roman Empire, so long as the world shall endure. We therefore do worship the Emperor so as is lawful for us and fit for him, as a man next to God, and that what he is, hath obtained of God, and that is inferior to noon but God.— It cannot but be manifest to you that we live according to the discipline of divine patience, whilst being so great a multitude of men, almost the greater part of every City, we behave ourselves with peace and submission.— God forbidden that we should contrive to avenge ourselves of you, who expect God will punish you.— We tender to no man evil for evil.  
After the same manner doth St. Cyprian (who lived about 50 years after Tertullian) writ to Demetrian, an Heathen Proconsul likewise in Africa, and a Persecutor of the Christians: saying, Men harmless, just, dear to God thou deprivest of house and pa●rimony, shuttest up in prison, punishest with beasts, sword, fire.— Not content with the usual, thy ingenious cruelty invents new torments.— 
g Nemo nostrûm quando apprehenditur, reluctatur; nec se adversus injustam violentiam vestram, quamvis nimius & copiosus sit noster populus, ulciscitur.— Odisse non licet nobis, & sic Deo plus placemus, dum nullam pro injuria vicem reddimus.  Not one of us when he is apprehended, resits, nor avengeth himself of your unjust violence, though our people are numerous and able to do it.— We may not hate; and thus we please God the more, whilst we retaliate no injury.  
But Mr. Calvin's judgement may be of more account with some. Let us therefore hear what he saith in this matter. 
h Instit. l. 4. c. 20. §. 24, 25. Principum alii jura omnia, privilegia, diplomata, venalia prostituunt: alii plevecualm, etc. Verum si in Dei verbum respicimus, non eorum modò Principum subditi sumus, qui, qua debent fide, munere suo erga nos defunguntur: sed omnium qui quoquo modo rerum potiuntur, etiamsi nihil minus praestent quàm quod ex officio erat Principum.— In homine deterrimo honoreque omni indignissimo, penes quem modo sit publica potestas, praeclara illa & divina potestas residet, quam Dominus justitiae & judicii sui Ministris verbo such detulit: proinde à subditis eadem in reverentia & dignatione habendus, quantum ad publicam obedientiam attinet, qua optimum Regem, si daretur, habituri essen. §. 26. Hoc jus erit regis, etc. Certe non id jure facturi erant Reges, etc. sed jus in populum vocabatur, cui parere ipsi necesse esset, nec obsistere licerèt. §. 27. Hoc si nobis assiduè observetur eodem Decreto constitui etiam nequissimos Reges quo Regum authoritas statuitur, nunquam in animum nobis seditiosae illae cogitationes venient, tractandum esse pro meritis Regem, nec aequum esse ut subditos ei praestemus qui vicissim Regem nobis non praestet. §. 29. Hunc reverentiae affectum debemus ad extremum Praesectis nostris omnibus, quales tandem cunque sint. Quod saepius ideo repeto, ut discamus non homines ipsos excutere, sed satis habeamus, quòd eam, voluntate Domini, personam sustineant cui inviolabilem majestatem impressit ipse & insculpsit.— Si à saevo principe crudeliter torquemur, etc. Subeat primùm delictorum nostrorum recordatio, quae talibus haud dubiè Domini flagellis castigantur: indo humilitas impatientiam nostram fraenabit. §. 31. Nobis nullum aliud quam parendi & patiendi datum est mandatum. De privatis hominibus semper loquor. Nam siqui nunc sint populates Magistratus ad Moderandum Regum libidinem constituti, adeo illos ferocienti Regum licentiae pro officio intercedere non veto, ut si Regibus impotenter grassantibus conniveant, eorum dissimulationem nefaria perfidia non carere affirmem . Some Princes violate all Laws and Privileges, miserably oppress the people, kill the innocent, etc. Yet the word of God teacheth us to be subject to these.— In the worst and most unworthy King that Divine Authority resides, which God in his word hath given to righteous Magistrates: and therefore the Subjects are to have the same Reverence for him (as far as belongeth unto public Obedience) as for the best King.— 
* 1 Sam. 8. 11.  This shall be the Right of the King that shall reign over you: He shall take your Sons, etc. Certainly this they could not do by Right of God's Law, which commands Kings to rule better: but it is called a Right over the People, which they should necessarily obey, and which it should not be lawful for them to resist.— If we did always remember, that the worst Kings are appointed by the same Decree that the Authority of Kings is ordained, these seditious thoughts would never rise in us, that Kings are to be treated according to their deserts, and we are not bound to perform the auty of Subjects to them who perform not the duty of Kings unto us.— This affection of reverence we own to all our Rulers, whither good or bad, until death. We are not to consider the men: it is enough for us, that by the will of God they are Magistrates, on whom God hath impressed an Inviolable Majesty.— If a cruel Prince torment us, if a covetous rob us, if an impious persecute us for our piety, let us then remember our sins, which without doubt God thus punishes: and so our humility will kerb our impatience.— We are commanded only to obey and suffer. Thus he condemns all private men's rising against their Governors, though they be most tyrannical: And only adds, that if any Popular Magistrates are coastituted by the Laws of a Kingdom for the restraining of the King's licentiousness, they aught according to their office to kerb him when he grows extravagant and tyrannical. So that where there are no such Magistrates, and yet where there are, when those Magistrates consent with the King in his licentiousness and tyranny, there (according to Mr. Calvin) no forceable resistance aught to be made by the Subjects. And as for ourselves, 
* See the Statutes, afterwards cited, p. 34, 35.  our King is exempt from punishment, nor may our Parliament levy War against him in any case, only his ill Advisers and the Executioners of his oppression are punishable; who may be called to accounted by our Parliament, 
† Stat. 16. Car. 2. c. 1.  which is to convene once in three years, and oftener if need be.  
But some not content with all this, will still say, 
Must we be abused, and not right ourselves? Must God and Religion suffer, and we sit with our hands in our pockets?  And I say, would ye be sighting? How ill doth it become a Christian to be a man of fury and revenge, of blood and war? If for conscience sake and well-doing ye suffer, and take it patiently, happy are ye: this is your glory, and great is your reward in heaven. But if ye rebel, what do ye more than others? where is your patience? where is your glory? where is your reward? and what indeed is your Religion? Let God alone to 
Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae.— Trucidabantur, & multiplicabantur.  maintain his own cause in his own way: who will certainly do it without seditious insurrections, by a spirit of patience, meekness, justice and righteousness, in spite of the proudest and greatest that war against him: will defend his truth, and exalt his Church, and bring down wicked powers, or turn their hearts, whilst his holy servants, notwithstanding their afflictions, continued in their duty to Him and Men, making their humble and ardent prayers to him, and trusting in his Power, Goodness and Promise. For thus is it written, 
* Psal. 34. 15, etc.  The eyes of the Lord are upon the righteous, and his ears are open unto their cry. The face of the Lord is against them that do evil, to cut of the remembrance of them from the earth. The righteous cry, and the Lord heareth, and delivereth them out of all their troubles.— Evil shall slay the wicked, and they that hate the righteous, shall be desolate. 
† Psal. 37.  Yet a little while, and the wicked shall not be.— The transgressors shall be destroyed. 
* Luk. 18. 7.  Shall not God avenge his own elect, which cry day and night to him, though he bear long with them? I tell you that he will avenge them speedily.  
And I would have all those that are so prove to arms for the casting down of wicked Powers, and pretend such zeal for God and Religion, ask themselves in sincerity, whither their hearts be right, and their lives honest: whither they be humble, patiented, content: whither they design no secular advantage, no wealth, no dominion, no honour or popular fame to themselves, but purely the advancement of piety and the glory of God: whither they are not criminal, and as much as their Rulers. For I am much mistaken if there be not such Zealots, and more than a few, that are in excess revengcfull, ambitious, censorious, liars, defamers, lovers of this world and of carnal pleasures, drunkards and adulterers: may I not say, almost Atheists? And let them calmly consider again, Whither their Remedy be not worse than the Disease, War worse than an ill Prince. For now the very Devil seems to be broken lose from his Chains, and freely to domineer in the Land: Hatred rages in the breasts of men, and lies are daily coined to serve the Cause: the Father fights against the Son, and one neighbour reviles and betrays another: honest Matrons and chaste Virgins are ravished, Cities and Noble buildings turned into ashes, many plundered of their Goods in an hour, which with long labour and much care they had honestly gotten, and many deprived of the ancient inheritance of their Family: grievous taxes are imposed, and must be born, and a company of lewd and idle fellows maintained: Nobles are despised and affronted; the Loyal maligned, menaced, and vilely treated; the peaceable horribly affrighted with sad rumours and the rude behaviour of Ruffian Soldiers: and finally, hundreds and thousands are slain suddenly in the battles, and such as need a longer time for repentance and amendment, the most profane and profligate, who of all are most unfit to die. These sad things we have seen in the time of Rebellion: and in the same case we must expect the same again. 
* Vestigia terrent . And I pray you tell me faithfully, Whither all these evils be not worse than what our Malcontents complain of, Prelacy and Liturgy I may name, the common grievances: whither not more grievous than 
† See The Directory.— Non tanti est Civilia bella moveri.  a Bishop and our Service-Book, a Surplice, Holidays, baptising in Fonts and where now they stand, the Sign of the Cross, Godfathers, Marrying with a Ring, Reading before the Corpse, Kneeling at the Lord's Supper. I do not appeal to anger and malice, ambition and avarice, presumption and self-will (which lurk in nature, and which I know will given perverse judgement:) but to piety and the fear of God begotten in your hearts by his Holy Spirit. Not this, but something else sure it was, that spoke by the Preacher's lips in our late Troubles these strange words, 
* Ienkins' Sermon before the Commons, Sept. 24. 1656. p. 23.  The removal of the impositions of Prelatical innovations, Altar-genuflexions, and Cringe and Cross, and all that Popish trash and trumpery, countervails for the Blood and Treasure shed and spent in these late Distractions. Well, let them not strain at a Gnat, and swallow a Camel; refuse our Liturgy, and raise War against their King: like the Pharisees, that would not eat with unwashed hands, nor with uncircumcised Gentiles, Publicans and Sinners, nor touch them, jest they should be defiled; and that condemned our Saviour for healing, and his Disciples for plucking the ears of corn on the Sabbath-day: and yet were full of excess and pride, and devoured Widows houses, and killed the Prophets, and the Holy jesus.  
Whither the froward minds of men will accept it or not, I cannot but prescribe Subjects a better remedy against injurious Governors than War and Rebellion: and that is, what before was mentioned, patiented suffering, an holy life, fervent prayer, trust in God. For God will either here deliver his people out of their troubles, whilst they fret not themselves in any wise to do evil; or if he suffer them to continued in them and die by them, will abundantly recompense them in the other world. This was the mind of Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego: 
† Dan. 3. 17. 18.  Our God (say they) whom we serve, is able to deliver us from the burning fiery furnace, and he will deliver us out of thy hand, OH King: but if not, we will not serve thy Gods. And what was the event? 
* V 27, etc.  God did preserve them in the midst of the fire, and moreover so changed the King's heart, that the King promoted them in the Province of Babylon, and also made a decree, that whosoever should speak any thing against their God, should be cut in pieces, and their houses be made a dunghill. This mind was in David: 
* 1 Sam. 26 9, 10, 11.  Who (says he) can stretch forth his hand against the Lord's Anointed and be guiltless? The Lord forbidden that I should do it. The Lord shall smite him, or his day shall come to die, or he shall descend into the battle and perish. And it come to pass, 
† 1 Sam. 31. 4.  that Saul in his fight with the Philistines, being wounded, took a sword and fell upon it, and so perished. And thus David was freed of his Persecutor, 
* 2 Sam. 2. 1. 4.  and was presently after anointed King. And this same mind was also in Christ jesus: 
† 1 Pet. 2. 23  Who when he was reviled, reviled not again; when he suffered, threatened not: but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously. And God likewise pleaded his cause: who, though he suffered him to fall by the hand of his enemies, 
* Eph. 1. 20 21.  yet raised him from the grave, and set him at his own right hand in the heavenly places, and gave him to be head over all things. And if we 
† 1 Tim. 2. 12.  suffer with him, we are assured that we shall also reign with him; and if we lay down our life for him, that we shall receive it again with 
joh. 12. 25  advantage, eternal life. And 
* Matth. 5. 10, etc. 2 Pet. 4. 13 etc. 2 Cour 4.8, 17.  when we are persecuted, reviled and hated for righteousness sake, we are pronounced blessed and happy, and are bid to rejoice, to leap for joy and to be exceeding glad, and to glorify God on this behalf; for that the Spirit of Glory and of God resteth upon us, and the Kingdom of Heaven is ours, and our reward there is great, an exceeding eternal weight of glory. If this will not satisfy us, but we will take the Sword, 
† Matth. 26 52.  is it not just that we perish by the Sword? We are commanded to take up the Cross and follow Christ, to endure afflictions, to be patiented in tribulation, and not avenge ourselves. And after all this have we learned Christ no better than to fight, and that against our Rulers, rather than suffer for well-doing? to embroil a Nation in bloody War, rather than for the Kingdom of God bear imprisonment and loss of goods? to take away the lives of thousands, rather than quietly lay down our own for the Gospel? What glory, what joy is it, to be crucified for Treason? What Martyrdom this? Christ suffering and dying under Pontius Pilate without resistance, and Christians warring and rebelling against their evil Governors, what a contradiction!  
This Doctrine of quiet and submissive patience and nonresistance cannot be interpreted a defence of Rulers oppression, unless by perverse malice; nor an encouragement of them to this wickedness, any more than the Gospel, which (as we have seen) commands it, and the Primitive Fathers, who (as we have also seen) taught it. Nor can any think I have now spoken this, as if I judged our Prince oppresses, or feared he will; unless he think me so extravagant as to judge, that to rule only by our established Laws is to oppress: which we all see he doth, and which he hath assured us, since his Coronation-Oath (which obligeth to the same,) by his Royal word, 
* Declar. 1681. p. 6. ● 9  that in all things he ever william. And whilst thus he governs, even I Milton, our late good King's heavy friend, affirms, 
† Tenure of Kings, p. 33.  That the Subject, if he hold the thing to be unlawful which by Law is commanded, aught not to resist, but to submit to the penalty which the Law imposes: and in this case to rise against the King, is to renounce Allegiance to him, and is an actual and total deposing of him. Not, the design is ro prevent the horrid sin of Rebellion, and the multifarious mischiefs of a Civil War. Whither our King be more prove to oppression, or his people to rebellion, let the present state of affairs witness, let the Malcontents speak, if from their hearts they'll speak. When He proves a Tyrant, I dare say, Resist; as being confident his Nature is so gentle, and his Wisdom so great, that he never will rule so barbarously, and given such provocation to the factious multitude, so expose himself to War, and so hazard his Crown and Life. But then by a Tyrant, I mean not one that is called so by enemies, or by the ignorant, by an ambitious and discontented, a wanton and seditious company, or by a whole Nation of such men; (as remembering our late Sovereign was so slandered, whose Tyranny was Law and Clemency, as his imputed Popery was true Protestantism, and his suspected vice Piety:) Nor yet mean I one that once or twice acts illegally: but (
* Ten. of Kings, p. 19 A Tyrant is he who regarding neither Law nor the Common good, reigns only for himself and his faction. The Author de jure Magistr. p. 440. Tyrannidis individuus comes est obsirmata malignit as, quae ad statum publicum legesque evertendas totis viribus enititur. Buchanan, de jure Regni, p. 35. Tyrannus, qui gregem sibi commissum existimat non ad custodiam, sed ad quaestum.  as enemies themselves have defined) one who rules either wholly or in great part contrary to the Laws, and continually oppresses grievously, nor will be persuaded from his frowardness, injustice and cruelty.  
And they that rule thus inhumanly, cannot but expect (as the world now is) mutiny, opposition and rebellion: For as Christianity hath not made Governors, which are but few, what they should be: so neither Subjects especially, which are numerous. And sin besides provokes God to punish: who suffering the rebellious 
Wisd. 6. 3. Because bei●● Ministers o● his Kingdom ye have no● judged aright— horribly sha●● he come up you.— Migh●● men shall b● mightily to●●mented, etc  to act according to the evil of their heart, uses them as scourges for the chastisement of Rulers offences. And if they do receive violence for violence, rebellion for tyranny, they may thank themselves, and cannot but acknowledge they have deserved it; themselves they must blame for their ungodly oppression, as well as their Subjects for their ungodly opposition. But there is somewhat more for them to fear than the wrath of unruly men, the wrath of the Holy and Almighty God: who hates iniquity in all, and will in the last day judge without respect of persons, rendering to every one according to his deeds, tribulation and anguish to all that work evil, both Kings and Subjects. And worse is it (who can say how much worse?) to be deprived by the Divine justice of the Kingdom of Heaven and Eternal life, and to be carried by Devils into the Infernal prisons, and there tormented for ever in fire and brimstone, than to be imprisoned by seditious men in a Castle or Common Gaol, and there mocked and contemned, and to be deprived of an earthly Kingdom and temporal life. And as the one for resisting shall receive to themselves damnation, so shall the other for oppressing receive the same, without repentance; and repentance there is noon without amendment.  
I may here recite what St. Cyprian said to the forementioned Demetrianus, the evil Africa Governor, and to the rest of the vicious and cruel Heathens under him, who complained of the Christians as the cause Of all the miseries that befell them. 
* Ad De metr . Inter ipsa adversa, etc. In the midst of the adversities, in which the straitened soul can scarce breathe, ye yet found liberty enough to be wicked, and in so great dangers judge of others, but not of yourselves. You are angry that God is angry, as if ye deserved good by doing evil, as if all the miseries that befall you, were not lesle and lighter than your impieties. Thou who judgest others, be judge sometimes of thyself; view the recesses of thy conscience, and who art clearly seen of all, see thyself.— Dost thou wonder that the anger of God increases, for the punishment of men, when that increases daily which is punished?— The truth is this which the Prophet delivers, that God can restrain adversities, but the crimes of sinners are the-cause that he doth not help. Is God's hand (says he) weak, that he cannot save? or is his ear heavy, that he cannot hear? But your sins separate betwixt you and God: and because of your iniquities he turneth his face from you, and will not pity.— As if it were a light thing, that your life is defiled with variety of raging vices, with the iniquity of lamentable crimes, with all bloody rapines, that true Religion is subverted by false superstitions, that God is not sought nor feared at all: ye worry the servants of God with unjust persecutions.— ot by us, but for us do all those things hap which descend from the divine indignation.— In the terrible day of judgement will the wicked say, What doth our pomp and the glory of our richeses profit us? all those things are go as a shadow. Than repentance, sorrow, weeping, praying will be fruitless and avail nothing. Provide therefore for your welfare whilst ye may.— Believe [convert] and live, and you who for a time make us sad, rejoice with us for ever.  
Thus may Prince and People be happy, if they will be holy, doing their duty each to other, and both to God. But when sin abounds, judgement breaks forth like a whirlwind, we know not how: and that, if it reforms us not in this life, in the other changes upon us into eternal burn.  
2. Let us now see the Black Deed of the day. Which being worse than fight against evil Powers, the kill of a good and pious Prince, a just and legal Ruler, swells the guilt into a monstrous bigness. Our Sovereign, after a long rebellious War, falls into his enemy's hands: 
* Elenchus ●… Angl. gl. p. 243,  Who erect a new Tribunal of abject Subjects against Him, which they call the High Court of justice: the greatest part whereof were Commanders of the Army, who before had conspired his destruction, and such Members of the House of Commons as were his most heavy friends; the rest were of the dregss of the City of London or the Neighbourhood. Among these, one or two were Shoemakers, some Ale-brewers, Goldsmiths, and other Mechanics; Cast-off Lawyers, Spendthrifts, Bankrupts, Whoremasters many. Out of the number of these judges were expunged all the Lords [of the Upper House] for that they rejected the Vote for trying the King; and the judges of the Kingdom likewise, for that being asked their opinions privately about this matter, they answered, That it was against the received Laws and Customs of England that the King should be brought to Trial. They now appoint a Precedent to this Court, one Bradshaw, a fogging fellow, of obscure birth, and of effronted impudence 
* See also England's Black Tribunal.  Before these judges the King is brought, and is charged in the name of the People with Tyranny and Treason: and by this authority of the people of England the Precedent tells him he is called to account, as being by their Election admitted King. The King replies, That the Kingdom descended to him in no wise Elective, but had been hereditary for above a thousand years: That there appeared noon of the Lords, who aught to the constituting of a Parliament to be there That yet neither both the Houses had any authority to call the King to account, much lesle some certain judges masked with the authority of the Lower House, and that proculcated: That the Laws of England enjoin all accusations to be made in the King's name: nor do they indulge any power of judging even the most abject Subject to the Lower (or Commons) House. The Precedent, who ever and anon interrupted Him, tells Him, That the Court was not to hear any reasons that detracted from their power. But what or where, says the King, is that Court in which no place is left for reason? You shall found, answers the Precedent, that this very Court is such an one: and growing angry, commands the Prisoner to be taken away. Who being 
† jan. 27. 1648.  brought the fourth time, the Precedent commands the Sentence to be read under this form, Whereas Charles Stuart being accused by the People of Tyranny, Treason, Murders and Misgovernment, and hath not answered for himself, be therefore the said Charles Stuart adjudged to death by the severing of his head from his body. He is now hurried away by the Soldiers, who triumphing and mocking, cry out, justice, justice.. They spit upon his Clotheses; which he wiping of, said, Christ suffered more for me. 
* See also History of Independ.  One (as among other standers-by, a Colonel, one of the King's judges related, not without commendation of the Soldier's hardiness) defiles his venerable Face 
2 part. p. 92. And View of Late Troubles, p. 370.  with Spittle. They whiff Tobacco in his face, the smell of which they knew was offensive to him. Such as bowed or put of their Hats, they bastinadoe. They intrude themselves into his Closet; deny him the use of his Chaplains, all but one; keep a loud laughing at him as he was at Divine Service after the manner of the Church of England; and whilst he was preparing for his last, busy him with scoffs and whimsy questions. Certain Soldiers the day before his death offer him propositions, promising to gratify him with his Life and Regal Authority, if he would subscribe them. Which having read, he rejects, saying, I will rather undergo a thousand deaths, than so prostitute my Honour and my People's Liberties. The Scaffold is erected before his Banqueting-house, where he was want to ascend the Throne. Wither being 
* jan. 30. 1648.  come, about an hours space he was at prayer: and then ascends the Scaffold, where the Executioners in Vizards encounter Him, and the Block and Axe present themselves. All my enemies, says He, I pardon from my very heart, and earnestly beseech God to grant them sounded repentance, and remit this great sin. I die, adds He, in the Christian faith, according to the profession of the Church of England, as the same was left me by my Father of blessed Memory. Having given advice for the welfare of the Kingdom, he prays, and stoops to the Block, and so the Vizarded Executioner cut of His Head.  
And now, my Brethrens, I question not but ye will conclude with me, that these men have acted as if they had never read the Apostle's Injunction in our Text; and if they had not been quite overrun with malignity of nature, and moved by a more than ordinary impulse of the Devil, they could not have perpetrated this monstrous villainy. OH my soul, come not thou into their secret, unto their assembly be not thou united: who in their presumption and self-will slew their King, the Lord's Anointed. May this one act suffice them (which truly is wickedness enough for an age) as having hereby made themselves famous enough for impious boldness, and run themselves far enough towards perdition. Now they have done so much, may they for ever hereafter cease their insurrections, as taught by sad experience how far in the nasty chambers and abominable mysteries of darkness, unto what horrid and hellish villainy, the Devil leads the Rebellious. Let the Memorial of this day be a perpetual shame and kerb to all Seditious spirits. Amen.  
Nor can the Raisers and Prosecutors of the War wash their hands clear from this Blood, though some of them exclaimed against the hellish Deed. For they hunted the King into the snare wherein he was taken and perished; they brought him to the Block whereon their fellow Soldiers cut of his Head; 
† See Love's Engl. Distemp. p. 32. Prynne's Pop. Favourite. Epist. p. 3. etc. p. 39 His Power of Parliam. p. 186, etc. 2 Part. p. 33, etc. Commons Petit. & Remon. 15. Decemb. 1641. Regal Tyranny. p. 50. to 58. Declarat. showing the Reasons for no more Address. Fowlis' Hist. of Presb. l. 2. c. 2. & l. 3. c. 1. & 2. & 5. p. 230.  they accused and arraigned him for an illegal and arbitrary Governor, a Violator of his Oaths and Promises, a Grand Delinquent, an Fnemy to the State, a Rebel to the Law, a Traitor against the Parliament, for Popish, a Tyrant, a Most Bloody man; and the others Executed him as such. The Presbyterians (says 
* Tenure of Kings, p. 32, etc.  john Milton, the defender of the Regicides) have for these seven years Deposed the King, not only by depriving him of his authority, but by conferring it upon others. If then the Oaths of Subjection broken, new Supermacy obeyed, new Oaths and Covenants taken, have in plain terms unkinged the King; much more then hath the seven years' War, not Deposed him only, but Outlawed him, and defied him as an Alien, a Rebel to Law, an Enemy to the State.— Have they not levied all the Wars against him? etc. They certainly who by deposing him have long since taken from him the life of a King, his Office and Dignity, they in the truest sense may be said to have killed the King, not only by deposing, and waging War against him, which set him in the farthest opposite point from any vital function of a King, but by their holding him in Prison, vanquished and yielded into their absolute and despotic power, which brought him to the lowest degradement and incapacity of a Regal name.  
But when the late mischievous War and the horrid Regicide aught to have frighted all from attempting such things any more, yet ungodly men (by a better name they call themselves, but most unjustly) have often endeavoured to act the same again. Which I shall now show: viz.  
3. The Rebellious Practices of some of our Fanatics since the Restauration of our present King. As soon almost as He was settled in his Throne (at Christmas 1661., as I remember) risen up Venner and his company of Fifth-Monarchy men in London, acted with strong delusion, expecting Christ jesus to come down from Heaven in person to them in St. Paul's Churchyard for their assistance in destroying the present Powers.  

* Narrative of the Trial and Condemnation of T. Tonge, etc. at the Old Bayly, London, Dec. 11. 1662.  In the next year 1662. was a Conspiracy among several sorts of our Sectaries, to levy War against the King, and to surprise and kill Him, with the Duke of York, the Duke of Albemarle, Sir Richard Brown, and to given no quarter to any that opposed them; to put an end to Kings, Princes, Dukes, that they might have a free State, and be troubled no more with any such kind of men, nor with Lawn-sleeves and Surcingles. For this end they had provided store of Arms, and had laid them up in several places, and had disposed a good number of them to their Friends. The time appointed for the Insurrection was All-hallows Eve: and to colour the business they pretended that they had received a Letter from a Correspondent of the Papists, that the Papists at that time intended to make use of their Army [meaning the King's Guards at Whitehall] for the Massacring of all Protestant's in the City. Which news they dispersed in 
N. B.  and about London by a Letter of their own to their Friends: wherein they invited them to do what Piety to God, Loyalty to their King, Love to their Country, and Self-preservation should direct them: Calling the eternal God to witness that this was no trepan nor trick, but a sober truth. They had framed a Declaration to justify their proceed, viz. against Popery and Monopolies, Bishops and Commonprayer, for Liberty of Conscience and a free Commonwealth. They were discovered by some of the Party, and several of them were apprehended, tried and condemned at justice-hall in the Old Bayly, London, the same year, Dec. 11. Some acknowledged themselves wholly guilty, others so far guilty as that they heard this villainy discoursed of, and did not reveal it: only Tho. Tonge in his Dying Speech said, That he had sometimes been in some men's company where he had heard them contriving the business for which he was condemned to die; and that that which led him to join with them, was this, That he had sometimes been in the Army, and looked upon this cause to be good.  
After the Discovery of the Plot in 1662., the same sort of factious Dissenters laid a Plot the very next year (viz. 1663.) in the Bishopric of Durham, to this purpose.  
First, To reconcile all their Brethrens of different persuasions. 
History of Plots by Oliver Fowlis, in Quarto. Printed A. D. 1664.  Secondly, Upon an Oath of Secrecy, to sand Agitatours all over England with propositions most comprehensive of all Interests, who met at one Ouldred's house (the Devil of Dewshury, as they called him) and afterwards at Stank-house in that County, from whence Maisden and Palmer are sent Agitatours to London to the Secret Committee there, whence they bring a resolution to rise October the 12th, with assurance that the Insurrection should be general. Thirdly, To attempt Whitehall, upon some Shewnight, to secure Newcastle for a passage to Scotland, and Boston in Lincolnshire for Correspondence with Foreign Parts, for Succours and Ammunition. Fourthly, To lay hold upon the Gentry. Fifthly, To oppose Subsidies and Chimny-money, to restore the Long Parliament, to establish a Gospel-Magistracy and Ministry, and to check the Clergy, Gentry and Lawyers. Sixthly, They preached over all the Nation in order to a general rising, calling it, following the Lamb, and inferring from that expression the lawfulness of the design, so it were carried on for the love of the Cause, and for no By-ends. Seventhly, They were to Garrison Gloucester, Nottingham, etc. and to this purpose had several meetings at Leeds and the Spa. Eighthly, They had a Secret Committee for two years before in London about the Plot, who had Listed Eighteen Thousand. Ninthly, They drew a Declaration to unite the Sectaries against the Government. Tenthly, They were to begin in Ireland. Eleventhly, To seize the Lord Falconbridge and the Lord Fairfax's Horses and Arms, with the rest of the Gentries and Clergies. This Plot was discovered by some concerned in it, and Thirty Executed for it.  
Now though the discovery of this Plot and Execution of so many of the hottest of them, dashed their hopes at present, and God's severe hand upon the Nation in the year— 65 a little checked their Ambition, and so one plague served to stop another; yet no sooner was that over, but they are all at work again as eagerly as ever. The Gazette, published April the 30th, 1666, hath these words:  
At the Sessions in the Old Bayly, john Rathbone, an old Army-Colonel, 
Bedlow's Narrative of Fires, p. 14  William Saunders, Henry Tucker, Thomas Flint, Thomas Evans, john Miles, William Westcoat and john Cole, (formerly Officers or Soldiers in the late rebellion) were Indicted for conspiring the Death of the King, and the overthrow of the Government, having laid their plot and contrivance for the surprisal of the Tower, the kill of his Grace the Lord General, Sir john Robinson, Lieutenant of his Majesty's Tower of London, and Sir Richard Brown, and then to have declared for an equal division of Lands, etc. The better to effect this Hellish design, the City was to have been Fired, and the Portculliss to have been let down, to keep out all assistance, the Horse-guard to have been surprised in the Inns, where they were Quartered, several Ostlers having been gained to that purpose; the Tower was accordingly viewed, and its surprise ordered by Boats over the Moat, and from thence to scale the Wall; one Alexander, who is not yet taken, had likewise distributed Sums of money to these Conspirators; and for carrying on the design the more effectually, they were told of a great Council of the great ones that sat frequently in London, from whom Issued all Orders, which Council received their directions from another in Holland, which sat with the States, and the 3 d of September was pitched on for the attempt, as being found by Lily's Almanac, and a Scheme erected for that purpose to be a lucky day; a Planet then ruling, which prognosticated the downfall of Monarchy; the Evidence against these persons was very full and clear, and they accordingly found guilty of High-Treason.  
In the same year (viz. 1666) a company of Pre: byterian Scots (Nine hundred says their own 
* Napthtali, P. 137. to 141. printed 1667.  friend) risen up in arms, and renewed the Solemn League and Covenant: Which in their fight with the King's Forces, under Lieutenant-General Dalzel at Pentlandhills, were routed. Their Plea and justification of themselves for this fact (the bore relation whereof is sufficient condemnation) I shall given you in the words of some of them that were arraigned, condemned and executed for the same, delivered in their last Writings and Speeches, and recorded by their great Advocate in his Book entitled Napthtali. Thus Ten of them jointly testify and subscribe, 
† P. 216.  We suffer for renewing the Covenant, and in pursuance thereof, for preserving ourselves by Arms against the Usurpation of the Prelates. One of these ten, john Shields, declares singly thus, 
* P. 227.  I suffer not for any Rebellion against his Majetie's lawful authority, but for renewing of the Covenant, and for following the Ends thereof, as to the suppressing of Abjured Prelates and intruders upon the Lord's flock, and the Restoring of the house of God by Presbyteries. And another of the ten thus, 
† P. 228.  I designed no rebellion against lawful authority, but the suppressing of Prelacy and Profanity, and the advancing of holiness. I did intent the restoring of our good Ministers; and thought it my duty to appear in helping the Lord against the Mighty. Thus Mr. M. Kaile, 
* P. 241.  As soon as I heard of a party up in arms, I was moved to go along with them, being Bond by the Covenant against indifferency and neutrality in this matter, and to esteem every injury done to any engaged in this Covenant upon the account of it, as done to myself: very conscience of duty urged me to this.  

* Ravitlac Redivivus, p. 14, etc.  In the year 1668 july, Mr. james Mitchel (one of these Pentland-hill Rebels, and a Presbyterian Conventicle-Preacher) discharged a Pistol laden with three Bullets at the Archbishop of St. Andrews, but miss him, and escaped then taking. But returning in the year 1673, was taken, and kept Prisoner till 1676; when in December he was brought to his trial, and there the Bishop of Galloway and the Lord Halton deposed, that having asked him, what moved him to make such a bloody attempt, he answered That he did it because the Archbishop was an enemy to the people of God. In his Speech which was found in his pocket at his Execution at Edinburgh, (jan. 18. 1676/7) and whereof he had transcribed several Copies, he thus justifies himself, I am brought here that I may be a witness for God's despised truth and interest, who am called to seal the same with my blood. I bless my God that he hath thought me so much worthy to lay down my life in testimony of the Cause of Christ. In a Letter to a Friend thus he writes, As to Rebellion and Treason (as they term it) I answered to my Lord Chancellor, That it was no Rebellion, but a Duty which every one was bound to have performed in joining with that Party: As to the Archbishop of St. Andrews, I looked upon him to be the main instigator of all the oppression and bloodshed of my brethrens.— I prosecuted the Ends of the Covenant, which was and is (in that part) the Overthrow of Prelates and Prelacy. These Murdering Prelates aught to be killed by the avenger of blood when he meeteth them. And in another Speech he hath these words, Happy shall he be that taketh this Prelatical brood, and dasheth them against the stones. And yet as bad as this man was, the Fanatics owned, justified, honoured him. His Majesty's Advocate, who pursued him, receiving a threatening Letter, and the common talk of the Town was, that Mr. james Mitchel's blood should be revenged upon the whole order. From the West a private Message was sent to the Archbishop, to assure him, that if Mr. james were hanged, another should not fail to execute his design. And you shall next see, that they were as good as their word.  

† Narrative of the Murder of the Archbishop of St. Andrews: Extracted out of the Register's of the Privy Council. Bond up with Th' Spirit of Popery.  In the year 1679, May 3. the Archbishop of St. Andrews, as he was riding in his Coach from Kennoway to his House, was assaulted betwixt a 11 and 12 a clock in the forenoon by 11 or 12 of these ill-principled men: who wounded the Postilion in the face with a Sword, and stopped the Coach, and fired a Pistol at the Archbishop: but that missing him, they called to him by the name of Dog, Villain, Betrayer of Christ and his Church, etc. and bad him come out of his Coach to receive what he deserved for his wickedness against the Kirk of Scotland. Upon this his Daughter got out of the Coach, and fell on her knees, begging her Father's life: but they regarded neither prayers nor tears, threw her down several times, trampled on her, and wounded her. The Archbishop come out of the Coach, and seeing he must die, kneeled down to one of them, and said, Since you are resolved I must die, spare the life of my child here; and for this, Sir, given me your hand. And thereupon stretching his hand towards the cruel man, he had for a return a very great blow with a Shablè, which almost cut of his hand; and the Villain re-doubling his stroke, gave him another great wound upon the left eye. This stroke knocked him down: but getting upon his knees again, he said, Gentlemen, it is now enough, you have done your work; and holding up his hands (as well as he could) to heaven, he fervently cried out, Lord jesus; have mercy on my soul, and receive my spirit. Whilst he was in this posture of devotion, they wounded him in his hands and other parts of his body, till in a kind of composure he laid down his head upon his arm, saying, God forgive you, and I forgive you all. After this they gave him no lesle than sixteen wounds on his head, insomuch that it seemed to be all one wound. And pieces of his scattered skull and brains were some days after found on the ground. Having thus hacked and cleft his head, some of them as they were going away thought they heard him groan, which made them go back, and to make sure work, stir up his brains in the skull with the points of their Swords. Thus he died. 
* Ib. p. 63.  It was made apparent upon the examining of the Inhabitants of Magus upon Oath, that these bloody Assassins, and many others which were strongly presumed to have been Abettors and Contrivers of this Murder, were notorious Fanatics, frequenters of Field-Conventicles, and followers of Mr. Welsh and other intercommuned and rebellious Preachers. 
† P. 65.  Five of the Complotters and Abettors of this horrid Murder chose to die, and to be hung up in Chains upon the place, rather than confess the sinfulness of the action. The Fanatical party foretold it in several places: and he who commanded the Foot for Mr. Welsh upon Reuparlaw, the famous Field-Conventicle, owned that their Friends thanked God for the Archbishop's death. Which neither they nor their Abettors will call Murder, when they have occasion to speak thereof.  

* Ib. p. 63.  Immediately after the Archbishop's death, the same month and year (May 29. 1679.) this sort of men (the Scotch Presbyterian Covenanters and Field-Conventiclers) broke forth into another insurrection and rebellion, 
† See The King's Proclam. Edenburg. Nou. 22. 1680.  for the promoting, as they declared, the Ends of the Covenant; 
* Loyalties Summons, p. 23, etc.  increasing unto the number of fourteen or fifteen thousand. Who were overthrown by the King's Forces under the Conduct of the Duke of Monmouth at Bothwell-Bridge. 
† Spirit of Popery, p. 8.  They teach, That the King hath no right to govern, because he hath revolted from the Solemn League and Covenant and damn the Act of Parliament for an Anniversary-day of Thanksgiving, May 29. for his Majesty's Restauration, and burn it publicly at the Cross of Rugland on the same 29 of May, together with the Act of Supremacy. 
* Ib. p. 43, 46.  Mr. john King, a Presbyterian Preacher to these Rebels (who was executed of High Treason and Rebellion Aug. 4. 1679.) in his Last Speech says, I bear witness against all Oaths and Bonds contrary to our Covenant and Engagements, especially that Oath of Supremacy.— I bear my testimony against that horrid violation done to our Lord jesus Christ in spoiling him of his Crown and Sceptre through that woeful Supremacy so much applauded to. The same says Mr. john Kid, another of the same Preachers, in his Last Speech, 
† Ib. p. 7, 9, 15.  Supremacy is destructive down-rightly to the sworn Covenants.— I am pressed in conscience to bear my testimony against, and abhorrence of every Usurpation that is made against Christ's Crown and Kingdom, original upon, and derivative from that which they call the Supremacy .The same says the Author of Napthtali, p. 89, 90, 95, 123. And I believe, 
* See Fowlis' Hist. of Presb. 1. 3. c. 3.  Many of our Dissenters, if they were tried, as well as Papists, will not take the Oath of Supremacy. And to deny the King's Supremacy over all persons and in all causes, Ecclesiastic as well as Temporal, is known of all to be Popery.  
And yet more of this wickedness proceeding from the same sort of men you shall hear, and that from their own Confessions. 
* Account of the Examinat. and Confess. of several Conspirators in Scotland: together with the Proclamat. issued upon that occasion by the Lords of his Majesty's Privy Council of that Kingdom: published by Authority, p. 3, 4.  james Skene being examined at Edenburg Nou. 13. 1680. in the presence of the Lords of the Privy Council, Whither he was with the Rebels at Bothwell-bridge, answers, That he thinks those persons were not Rebels, for that they were in defence of God's cause, which he had honourably engaged them to. He owns and justifies the burning of the King's Acts of Parliament at Rutherglen, because they were against the Covenant: Declares, that he owns the Excommunication against the King used by Cargil, and thinks the reasons of it just: that he thinks the Kill of the Archbishop of St. Andrews was no Murder, and that the Actors thereof were upon their duty: that he thinks there is a declared war betwixt those who serve the Lord, and those who serve the King against the Covenant, and that it is lawful to kill them in defence of the Gospel: that he thinks, the King being excommunicated, and there being now a lawful war declared against him upon the account of the breach of the Covenant, it is lawful to kill him, and to kill him, if he were passing along in his Coach, as the Archbishop of St. Andrews was, and to kill all that were in opposition to the Covenant. And all this he signed by writing his name, james Skene. And Archibald Steward being at the same time examined, declares 
* Ib. p. 5, 6.  That he was present at the Excommunication of the King at the Conventicle at Torwood, and was there in Arms, and that he was justly excommunicated, and that he disowns His Authority, and thinks he is not obliged to obey him, because he hath broken the Covenant: that he thinks it was lawful to kill the Archbishop of St. Andrews, because he had betrayed the Kirk, and that he owns the Proclamation against the King at Sanchar, and the burning of the King's Acts of Parliament at Rutherglen as a duty, and owns and justifies Cargil's Covenant: Signed thus, Archibald Steward. 
† P. 7, 9  And Nou. 15. in the presence of the Committee of Council he confesses, that in general they had a mind to kill any that should oppose them, and that they had a design to kill Tho. Kennoway in the Guard, because he had taken several of their party, and Mr. john Park, Minister of Garrin, and Mr. james Hamilton, Minister of Borrowstonness, because they had been instrumental to discover Mr. Donald Cargil at Queens-Ferry; and that if they could have gotten any of the Bishops or judges in their hands, they would have killed them. And Nou. 16. he declares that Mr. Donald Cargil in his Preach advised them to these designs. 
* P. 10.  And john Potter being examined Nou. 17. declares, he own and justifies the Declaration in Sanchar, and that he owns not the King for King, and thinks he owes no Obedience to Him. 
‖ These three, Skene, Steward, Potter, were executed at Edenburg, Dec. 1. 1680.  All the former particulars are again expressly mentioned in the King's Proclamation issued forth upon this occasion, Nou. 22. 1680. Some of which I shall again relate from thence for further satisfaction to all. 
† P. 15, etc.  A treasonable Covenant was found with Mr. Donald Cargil, one of their seditious Preachers, on the 3d day of june last: wherein they declare Us an Usurper and the Devil's Vicegerent.— And the 22d of june last, they affixed to the Market-Cross and other places of our Burgh of Sanchar, their treasonable Declaration, wherein they disown Us to be their King, calling themselves the Representatives of the true Presbyterian and Covenanted people of Scotland, and declaring an open War against Us, and all our Loyal Subjects. And a most treasonable Bond was found among the Papers of Richard Cameron: wherein they declare themselves loosed from their Allegiance to Us; which Bond was signed by Thomas Douglas, pretended Minister of the Gospel, john Balance, etc. And in October last they sacrilegiously excommunicated Us by Donald Cargil at a numerous Field-Conventicle at Torwood in Sterling-shire.— And by this Mock Excommunication, and the foresaid Declaration of War at Sanchar, they endeavour to justify the lawfulness of kill Us, and our faithful Ministers and Subjects. The Originals of all which Papers herein mentioned do lie in the hands of the Clerks of our Privy Council. Moreover, the Reality of this horrid Plot is further evident by the free confession of james Skene, Archibald Steward. and john Potter: who in the face of our Privy Council have avowed and declared their owning of, and adherence to the aforesaid treasonable Covenant, Declaration and Excommunication: and with bore faces assert the lawfulness of kill Us their Sovereign, our only Brother, our Ministers, Bishops and judges; and that it is their Duty to kill Us and them according as they shall have power and opportunity.  
All this is surely sufficient to convince every good Christian 
* Calvin, whose Disciples they pretend to be, condemns them: who condemns all private men's taking Arms even against Tyrannical Princes: as we have seen before.  of the wickedness of these men. And upon this sad narration I appeal to all sincerely pious, Whither the King, or these Rebels; and whither the Archbishop of St. Andrews, or his Assassinates and their Abettors, be the worse men: Whither these Scotch Fanatics be not a seditious and bloody sort of people: Whither we are not in danger of private Murders and public War by them: Whither our Episcopacy and Liturgy, or their Murders and Rebellions, be the true Popery: Whither their doctrine, that the King having revolted from the Covenant, and the jesuits, that the King being an Heretic, may be excommunicated, and hath no right to govern, and may lawfully be refisted by his Subjects with force of arms, be deprived of his dominion, and be killed; be not the same: Whither these men, when they are punished for their Murders and Rebellions, suffer persecution for righteousness sake: Whither they are not sadly deluded, 
* Saepius olim Relligio peperit scelerosa atque impia facta.  and whither they do not grossly profane God's Name in pretending his authority for the said Villainies: Whither all aught not to turn from these pernicious Preachers.  
Many are apt in excuse of these sinners to say, they were Papists in disguise, crept in among them, that did the evils, or these at lest stirred them up to them. Whereas nothing is plainer, than that the chief Actors were eminent and well known Presbyterian Preachers and Covenanters; and the other numerous companies that risen in arms with these, can not more be thought Papists, than the Armies which fought against our late King, or that multitude that conspired his death. And if Popish Priests did stir them up to the wickednesses (as indeed they are always busy in machinating mischief against our Government that is the Bulwark against their Popery) how silly then are they, and how evily disposed (who yet pretend great knowledge and sanctity) to learn of these Teachers, and practice their hellish counsels? And it is acknowledged then that this is a Popish work. And what excuse to obey Pope or Devil? for says St. Peter, blaming Ananias for the sin, as his own act and deed, though tempted, 
† Act. 5. 3, 4.  why hath Satan filled thy heart to lie to the Holy Ghost? why hast thou conceived this thing in thy heart? Come, excuse them not because they are Protestant's, but (as is just) let them that act like Papists, fall with Papists. Confessed it must be (if we are impartial) that many among ourselves are stark nought. For hear again,  
4. The Principles of certain of our Fanatics: which are as pernicious and rebellious as the foresaid Practices. That such were the Principles of the foresaid men, their Deeds and Confessions manifest. I shall now recite only a few words of some others, and that out of their own Books where I read them.  
Knox, History of Reform. L. 2. p. 190. Whilst virtue is contemned, and vice extolled (say the Lords of Scotland) while we are unjustly persecuted, what godly man can be offended, that we shall seek reformation of these enormities by force of arms, seeing that otherwise it is denied us? We are assured, that neither God, nor nature, nor any just law forbiddeth us. P. 313. If Princes (says john Knox) do exceed their bounds, there is no doubt but they may be resisted even by power. P. 387. What ye may and aught to do by God's express commandment, that I can tell. The Idolater aught to die the death by the people of God.— A commandment is given, 
* Deut. 13.  that if it be heard that Idolatry is committed in any one City, Inquisition shall be taken: and if it be found true, that then the whole body of the people arise and destroy that city, sparing in it neither man, woman nor child.— What God's word commands to be punished in the people, is not to be absolved in the King. P. 389, 390. God's law pronounces death to Idolaters without exception of persons.— I affirm that the fact of jehu in destroying the house of his Master Ahab for Idolatry committed by him, is to be imitated of all those that prefer the true honour of the true worship of God to the affections of the flesh and wicked Princes. His Appel. p. 23. The punishment of Idolatry [Deut. 13.] doth not appertain to Kings only, but also to the whole people, yea to every member of the same. P. 22. And the Gentiles embracing Christ, are bound to the same covenant [viz. that in Duet. 13.]— And if any man go about to set up Idolatry, after that the verity hath been received and approved, then not only the Magistrates, but also the people are bound by that Oath which they have made to God, to revenge to the utmost of their power the injury done against his Majesty. P. 25. I say, Unto such a number as do boldly profess God's Religion, it is lawful to punish the Idolaters with death, if by any means God given them power 
† Here is both Rebellion and judaism in high degree: that all Christians may and aught to kill all, Strangers, their Husbands, Wives, Fathers, Children, their King and all his issue, when these are Idolaters, or which is the same, Papists. And why not as well Adulterers, who by the same judaic Law were likewise to be put to death? Here is the Statute de Haereticis comburendis revived. Luke 9 55. You know not what manner of spirit ye are of. 1 Cor. 7. 12. If any Brother hath a Wife that Believeth not, let him not put her away: Especially then may he not kill her, because she is an Unbeliever, an Heathen, an Idolater.  The Author of the Preface to the said History, p. 44. The Chimaera of Passive Obedience is the invention of Court-parasites, a non ens.  
Milton, Contra Salmas. Def. Reg. (printed 1652.) c. 3. p. 64. Rom. 13. Omnis anima, etc. Non tali, etc. Subjection is not commanded, Rom. 13. to a Magistrate that is not a terror to evil works, neither are we forbidden to resist such an one 
† Just so says the Papist Suarez, Adu. Sect. Ang. 1. 6. c. 6. §. 24. Paulus his verbis, Omnis anima, etc. Rom. 13. nunquam addidit, etiam Potestatibus Excommunicatis vel deprivatis à Papa omnes subditi sint: When St. Paul said, Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; he did not add, let all be subject to Powers whom the Pope hath Excommunicated or Deprived. And so Pope Nicolas 1. expounds 1 Pet. 2. 13. perverting the words: Regi quasi praecellenti (virtutibus scilicet, non vitiis) subditi estote: Be subject to the King, as excelling, to wit, in virtues, not in vices: I Epist. 4. Append. p. 624. insinuating, that only to a virtuous King we are to be subject.  P. 70. Tulerunt Christiani, etc. The Christians suffered Princes of another Religion, it is true: but they were private men, 
* This is just Bellarmine's doctrine, De Rom. Pontif. 1. 5. c. 7. Quod Christiani olim non deposuerunt Neronem, etc. id fuit quia deerant vires temporales Christianis, nam alioqui jure potuerant id facere: The reason why Christians did not depose Nero, Dioclesian, julian, was because they wanted temporal power, for they might lawfully have done it. And Bannes, another Popish Doctor, says, Excusandos esse Anglicanos Fideles, etc. The English Catholics are to be excused for not waging war against their Rulers, and freeing themselves from their power: because they have not strength enough, and it would be dangerous to them: In 2. 2. Thom. 9, 12. art. 2.  and far inferior in strength. The same Author, Tenure of Kings (printed 1649.) P. 14. The people may as often as they shall judge it for the best, depose the King, though no Tyrant 
† The like, but somewhat better, says Bellarmine, De Rom. Pont. 1. 5. c. 6. Papa potest mutare Regna, & uni auferre, atque alteri conferre, si id necessarium sit ad animarum salutem: The Pope may take the Kingdom from one, and given it to another, if that be necessary to the salvation of souls. And Pope Zachary deposed the King of the Franks, Non tam pro suis iniquitatibus, quàm pro eo quod tantae potestati erat inutilis, Not so much for his iniquities, as that he was unfit for so great power: As Pope Greg. 7. tells us Decret. 2 Part. Caus. 15. 9 6.   
john Goodwin, Anticavalierism: (printed 1643.) p. 23. The glory of Martyrdom doth not consist in suffering wicked men [Rulers] to destroy us, when God puts an opportunity into our hand to defend ourselves; but when it comes to a necessity of suffering, in not baulking with Christ. The same Author, Defence of the sentence passed upon the late King by the High Court of justice.. P. 11. Reason gives the superiority of Power to the People, or Parliament, and not to the King.— The people have the precedency in honour before the King. P. 12. When they found that the charge of maintaining Kingly Government hath been, and if continued, is like to be over-burdensome to the State, conceiving upon good ground withal that another form of government will accommodate the interest of the State upon equal or better terms with lesle expense, a People or State formerly governed by Kings may very lawfully turn these servants of theirs out of their doors 
† Right Popish Doctrine: Bellarm. de Laic. 1. 3. c. 6. Si causa legitima adsit, potest multitudo mutare Regnum in Aristocratiam aut Democratiam. And Recogn. de Laic. Navarrus non dubitat affirmare nunquam populum it a potestatem suam in Regem transferre, quin illam sibi in habitu retineat, ut in certis casibus etiam actu recipere possit. [Let the Pope then be content to be deprived by Kings and People of what by them was given him.]  P. 39 The people have a just and legal power in their Representative (which is the House of Commons) without the Lords to act and do what soever they rightly judge conducible to their wealth and safety. P. 59 Nor doth any promise of Allegiance, Obedience, or subjection unto a King and his Successors or Posterity, though confirmed by an Oath, bind any longer or otherwise, either before God or men, than whilst and as this King or his Successors shall continued in the same deportment of themselves in the discharge of their trust and administration of their power, whereby they commended themselves unto us at the time when we swore such Allegiance unto them, and in consideration and expectation whereof the same was sworn by us. 
* This is pure jesuitical Popery: the jesuites and jesuitical Popes teaching, that Subjects are not bound to keep those Oaths of Allegiance and Obedience which they made to their King whilst he was a Catholic when he turns Heretic. Azor. Hist. Mor. p. 1. 1. 8. c. 13. Absolutos se noverint à debito fidelitatis, & totius obsequii, quicunque lapsis manifesto in haeresin tenebantur astricti. Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. 1. 3. c. 7. Si Princeps aliquis ex Christiano fiat haereticus, poterat Pastor ecclesiae eum privare dominio in populos.  P. 60. The observation of the Oath of Allegiance by the Parliament would have been as sinful to them, as the observation of Herod's Oath was to him, who killed john the Baptist because he had so sworn. P. 90, 95. There never was for matter of guilt and death-deserving crimes a sentence more just and righteous awarded in any Court of judicature in any age throughout the whole world, than that which passed in the High Court of justice against the late King.  
Rutherford, Lex, Rex: (printed 1644.) p. 371. Obj. Tertullian saith, That the Christians might for strength and number have defended themselves against their Persecutors, but thought it unlawful. Ans. I ingenicusly confess Tertullian was in that Error. P. 261. Obligation to suffer of wicked men falleth under no commandment of God, except in our Saviour. P. 319. Passive obedience is no where commanded, but only the Manner of suffering. P. 334. Though the King be present as an unjust invader in War against his innocent Subjects, he is absent as a King: and therefore the innocent may defend themselves.— The King as offering unjust violence to his innocent Subjects, is not King 
† Much like this says the Pope, Non permitto tibi (inquit Papa) ut Regi non pareas (quod esset contra ius divinum:) sed facio ut ille qui tibi Rex erat, non sit tibi deinceps Rex: I permit thee not, says the Pope, that thou obey not the King (which would be contrary to the divine Command:) but I make him that was thy King, to be no King to thee: Bellarm. in Barcl. c. 3. . 377. The Sovereign power of the Parliament is perfect without the King for all Parliament ary Acts— It is false, that to an Act of Parliamentary Supremacy the consent of the King is required.— Moore false is it, that the King hath a Negative voice in Parliament. P. 68 King's go not as heritage from father to son.  
Baxter, Commonwealth: (printed 1659.) p. 420. to 425. 
* How good a friend Mr. Baxter hath been to our late and our present King, let the Reader judge by all these his words, and by his deeds: and then conclude how little he deserves his Prince's favour: who yet can pled for it for himself and his tribe, and take it ill if it be denied them. Ib. p. 485, 486. I spoke much (says he) to blow the coals.— I encouraged many thousands to that War.  Though a Nation wrong their King, yet may he not lawfully war against the public good on that account, nor any help him in such a war,— A war raised against the body of a Nation, is by them to be construed to be against the common good. No war therefore against the body of a Nation by Prince or People, can be lawful.— He that puts himself into a garb of hostility, is nor to be trusted to for mercy, but when there is no other remedy.— If Princes injury [from the people] be too great to be born, they may lay down their Crowns at pleasure,— If the Nation injuriously deprive themselves of a Worthy Prince, the hurt will be their own: but if it be necessarily to their welfare, it is no injury to him.— Though some injury to the King be the occasion of the War, it is the duty of all the people to defend the Commonwealth against him, so as that they protest against that injury. They resist no true authority in resisting him that warreth against the Commonwealth. P. 480. It cannot be a just War that is made against the Parliament by the King.— If I had known the Parliament had been the beginners, and in most fault, yet the rvine of our Representatives is a punishment greater than Any fault of theirs against a King can from him deserve: and their faults cannot disoblige me from defending the Commonwealth. P. 484. I am bound to submit to the present Government [in the year 1659.] as set over us by God, and to obey for conscience sake, and to behave myself as a Loyal Subject towards them. P. 486. If such a War [speaking of our late Civil War] could not be prevented, I must take the same side as then I did. And my judgement tells me, that if I should do otherwise, I should be guilty of Treason or disloyalty against the Sovereign Power of the land, and of perfidiousness to the Commonwealth. P. 488. If I had taken up Arms against the Parliament in that War, my conscience tells me I had been a Traitor, and guilty of resisting the Highest Powers 
† Mr. Baxter, when at his Ordination he took the Oath of Supremacy (which is Law) thus swore, I do declare in my Conscience, that the King's Highness is the 
* See also Artic. of ou Church, 37 And Can. & 36 & 55  Only supreme Governor of this Realm and of all other his Dominions, as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or Causes as Temporal:— And do promise from henceforth I shall bear true Allegiance to the King's Highness, his Heirs and Lawful Successors, and to my power shall assist and defend all jurisdictions, privileges, praeeminences and authorities granted or belonging to the King's Highness, his Heirs and Successors, or united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm. Whither Mr. Baxter hath been true to his Oath, let his words and deeds testify. In this Oath, (
* Popish Pri●●ciples, p. 4●…  says our present Bishop of Lincoln) We swear that the King is the Only Supreme Governor: Supreme, and so noon above him: and Only Supreme, and so noon coordinate or equal to him. So that by our known Laws our King is Solo Deo minor, invested with such a Supremacy as excludes both Pope and People and all the World, God Almighty only excepted, from having any power, jurisdiction or authority over him. [See his Proofs from the Laws p. 5. to 8.] I add, Stat. 13 Car. 2. c. 1. It is enacted, that if any person shall maliciously and advisedly affirm, that both or either Houses of Parliament have a Legislative power without the King, he shall incur the penalty of a Fremunire mentioned in the Stat. of 16 Rich. 2. And it is also there declared, that all Ordinances of both or either Houses of Parliament for imposing of Oaths, Covenants or Engagements, Levying of Taxes, or Raising of Forces and Arms, to which the Royal Assent either in Person or by Commission was not expressly had or given, were in the very first creation and making, and still are, and so shall be taken to be null and voided to all intents and purposes whatsoever. And Stat. 13. Car. 2. c. 6. & Stat. 14. c. 3. it is declared, that within all his Majesty's Realms and Dominions the sole Supreme Government, Command and Disposition of the Militia, and of all Forees by Sea and Land, and of all Forts and Places of strength is and ever was the undoubted Right of his Majesty, and his Royal Predecessors, Kings and Queens of England, and that both or either Houses of Parliament cannot nor aught to pretend to the same, nor can nor lawfully may raise or levy any War, Offensive or Defensive, against his Majesty, his Heirs or lawful Successors. And Stat. 13. Car. 2. c. 1. & Stat. 14. c. 4. it is declared, that it is not lawful upon Any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King: and that the position of taking Arms by His Authority against His Person, or against those that are Commissionated by Him, is Traitorous. And long before, 25. Edw. 3. Stat. 5. c. 2. it is declared High Treason to levy War against the King, or to adhere to his enemies within the Realm, giving them aid or comfort. .  
Eutactus Philodemius, Origen of Civil Power (printed 1649.) p. 32. There is no reason why an office of so great trust as the government of a Kingdom should be Hereditary, in respect of the miserable effects that must ensue.  
Regal Tyranny: (Printed 1647.) p. 38. Though the King be the Supreme Officer (which is all and the most he is) yet he is not the Supreme Power; for the absolute supreme power is the people in general, made up of every individual; and the legal and formal supreme power is only their Commissioners, their Collective or Representative body chosen by them, and assembled in Parliament. P. 43. The House of Lords are mere Usurpers and Incroachers, and were never entrusted by the People with any Legislative power; who merely sit by the King's Prerogative, which is a mere shadow, and in truth nothing at all, there being no Law-making power in Himself, but merely and only at the most a Law-executing power; who by his Coronation-Oath is bound to pass and assent to All such Laws as his People or Commons shall choose. P. 57 It is scarce possible to commit that act of Tyranny that Charles Stuart is not guilty of: and therefore de jure he hath absolved all his people from their Allegiance and Obedience to him. P. 61. It is lawful in the sight of God as well as man for a people to withdraw their Obedience to that Magistrate, or King, that refuseth to govern them by legal justice; but oppresseth them contrary to the end of the trust reposed in him. P. 85. Only the legal Commissioners of the people, commonly called the Commons of England have an original and true power to erect judicatures, and not the King, who is not to given a law unto his people, but his people unto him. P. 92. Our House of Peers are no legal judicature at all, nor have any true Legislative or Law-making power at all in them, having never in the lest derived it from the people, the true Legislators and Fountain of power, from whom only and alone must be fetched all derivative power that can be esteemed just.— Up with the pretended power of the Lords by the roots, and let them sit not longer as they do, unless they will put themselves upon the power of their Country, to be freely thereby chosen as their Commissioners to sit in Parliament: for in right all their actions now are unbinding and invalid.  
I have now satisfied my design in producing these Principles, which are apparently Seditious and Rebellious, and Pernicious to our Government: and the iniquity of them is therefore as apparent. Let all that love Truth and Righteousness, Peace and Loyalty, pray they may never spread, and we may never feel their sad effects.  
Almighty God so rule the heart of our Sovereign Lord and Supreme Governor King Charles, that He knowing whose Minister he is, may above all things seek thy honour and glory: And grant that all his Subjects, duly considering whose Authority he hath, may faithfully serve, honour, and humbly obey him, in thee, and for thee, according to thy blessed word and ordinance, through jesus Christ our Lord.  
Amen.  
FINIS.