A True ACCOUNT OF THE Author of a Book entitled Εἰκὼν Βασιλικὴ, OR, The Portraiture of His Sacred Majesty in His Solitudes and Sufferings: Proved to be written by Dr. Gauden, Late Bishop of Worcester. WITH An Answer to all Objections made by Dr. Hollingsworth and others.  
Published for Public Satisfaction, by Anthony Walker, D.D. Late Rector of Fyfield in Essex. With an Attestation under the hand of the Late Earl of Anglesey to the same purpose.  
Veritas est Filia Temporis, & Magna est, & praevalebit.  
Some Men have turned aside to vain Janglings, understanding neither what they say, nor whereof they affirm.  
Licenced, and Entered according to Order.  
LONDON, Printed for Nathanael Ranew at the Kings-Arms in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1692.   
A Modest and Faithful Account OF Εἰκὼν Βασιλικὴ.  

The Introduction.  
IF Dr. H. had been pleased to consult me by Word or Letter, before he had so falsely accused me, of telling a false Story (which, if I may not say, might have been expected in Justice, or at least in common Civility, yet I will say) he had not only been kinder to me, in saving me this unexpected, and unwelcome labour; but juster to himself, in not answering a matter before he heard it, and by preventing the appearance of making more haste than good speed, by a teeming impatience, to be delivered of a false Conception.  
And tho' by his Reproachful Charge, he hath given me sufficient provocation, and by his hasty writing without due information, no less advantage, to reply in such a style as he hath chosen to begin in; yet in this Vindication, to which he hath constrained me by unavoidable necessity (unless he expects that as a Felo de se, I should by silence, give consent to his unjust Calumnies) I shall keep that modest temper which becomes one, who designs no Personal Quarrel, nor writes for Victory, but Truth, the search and discovery of which, needs no Tricks, no little Arts, or big Words, but is best attained by sedate proceeding, and plain and open dealing.  
And to evidence my Resolution, to keep strictly to this Method, I shall subjoin these particulars by way of Introduction.  
First, That I will not meddle with any thing but what concerns my own just Vindication, my inclination not allowing me to do more; for I should greatly rejoice to find the Title of the Doctor's Book made good, as near as is possible, worthy of that Excellent King of happy memory; whose Honour, I believe, is better secured by the Reputation of his acknowledged Wisdom, Celebrated Virtues, Exemplary Patience, and Christian Magnanimity in his Sufferings, than by such Defenders; and either needs none, or deserves one more considerate and better informed, who might avoid such mistakes, as I meet with, in that part of the Postscript wherein I am attacked; for one remarkable flaw mars the beauty of a whole Piece; and palpable Errors cause all the Truths with which they are mixed, to be doubted of, and called in question; and Defences so managed, overthrew their own design and end, and usually, do more harm than good.  
Secondly, I solemnly appeal to the Searcher of Hearts, Avenger of Falsehood, and Revealer of Secrets, that I will write nothing, of the Truth of which I am not throughly persuaded, and that by as full Evidence, as I judge such a matter of fact needs, and at such a distance of time, is capable of.  
Thirdly, I will with undisguised openness, produce the means by which I know what I profess the knowledge of, and the Reasons upon which I believe what I profess the belief of, and the probable Arguments upon which my Opinion is grounded, as to those particulars concerning which I pretend no more than thinking them to be as I declare them.  
And having with Honesty and Candour laid down such means of my knowledge, such Reasons of my belief, such probable Arguments for what I think; I shall willingly submit them to the Judgement of every indifferent Reader: And if they be not cogent and convincing to bring him to be of my mind, let him retain his former Sentiments; but withal I beg his leave that without his censure or displeasure, I may retain mine, till Means of Knowledge, Reasons of Belief, Arguments for thinking otherwise be produced, which in an even balance may outweigh mine.  
And when I meet with such, I promise to yield without contumacy, or exacting Miracles for my conviction; for tho' I cannot allow every random Story, and ill grounded Conjectures, for good Evidence, nor dare follow an Ignis fatuus, or esteem a Will-in-the-Wisp to be a safe Guide, yet will I not rebel against the Light, when as clear as the Sun at noon day, to which, tho' Dr. H. hath been pleased to compare his Arguments, I doubt not, when I come to examine them, to make it appear, it had been an extravagant Hyperbole, to have likened them to the faintest Moonshine.   

SECT. I.  
THE Question in debate being concerning the Author of that famous Book, entitled Εἰκὼν Βασιλικὴ, or the Portraiture of His Sacred Majesty in his Solitudes and Sufferings, whether it were written by that Royal Martyr, or some other hand? And an Opinion being raised, that Dr. Gauden wrote it, (which spread and prevailed much upon a Memorandum of the E. of Anglesey's coming to light, which his Lordship had writ in a blank Leaf before the said Book;) and, (by reason of the Relation I am known to have had to him) I having been often asked what I knew, or thought of that Report, having declared the substance of what I am now forced to publish more fully. And this being the supposed Crime for which Dr. H. hath handled me so roughly, as to accuse me, to have assisted an Objection, against the King's being the Composer of it, to the utmost of my power with a false Story: In order to wipe off so rash, not to say so rude an Accusation, I shall with all possible clearness proceed by these five Steps.  
First, I will declare what I know of this Book, and by what means, and what I believe of it, and for what Reasons.  
Secondly, I will produce such probable Arguments, as confirm myself, and may satisfy others, that I am not mistaken nor deceived, nor would deceive others.  
Thirdly, I will distinctly consider, and fully answer, all that Dr. H. hath produced to the contrary.  
Fourthly, I will endeavour to give satisfactory Answers to the Objections I meet with from an abler Pen.  
Lastly, I will declare why I have acknowledged such my knowledge and belief, when requested, and set down my Reasons, for so doing; 1. Negative. 2. Positive.  
And by these Steps, I hope, I shall free my Reputation from that odious Reproach, of being guilty of assisting an Objection by a false Story; at least I shall free myself, from confirming by my silence, what I judge to be an Error.   

SECT. II.  
I Know, and believe, the Book, whose Author is inquired after, was written by Dr. Gauden, (except two Chapters writ by Bishop Duppa) so far as the subjoined means may produce such knowledge, and the Reasons may induce such belief.  
First, Dr. Gauden, some time before the whole was finished, was pleased to acquaint me with his design, and showed me the Heads of divers Chapters, and some of the Discourses, written of them; and after some time spent in perusal, he vouchsafed to ask my Opinion concerning it; and after some consideration, according to the freedom he gave me to speak my thoughts; I told him, I supposed it would be much for the King's Reputation, Honour and Safety: But I expressly added, I stuck at the lawfulness of it, and modestly asked him, how he satisfied himself so to impose upon the World? To which he so readily replied, that I concluded he had thought on it before; look on the Title, 'tis the Pourtraicture etc. and no man draws his own Picture which satisfied himself; and tho' we might argue it a little, did at present silence me, my heart being so inclinable to what was the scope of the whole. And I perfectly remember, that in the second Chapter, which is of the Death of the Earl of Strafford, there being these words, which now in the Printed Book of the first Edition. are page 8. l. 18, 19, 20. He only hath been least vexed by them, who counselled me, not to consent against the Vote of my own Conscience. He told me whom he meant by that passage, viz. the then Bishop of London, Dr. Juxton, which, tho' most Readers understand now, after it hath been so long spoken of, yet many than did not, of which number I was, my Age rendering me less acquainted with the Characters of Great Men.  
Secondly some good time after what had passed, as is related in the preceding Paragraph, we being both in London, and having dined together, Dr. Gauden, in the afternoon, desired me to walk with him to a Friend, when we were gone part of the way; He told me he was going to the Bishop of Salisbury, Dr. Duppa, (whom he had acquainted with his design) to fetch what he had left with his Lordship to be perused: Or to show him what he had further written; and as we drew near his house he desired me that after a little general conversation I would withdraw and leave them two alone, which accordingly I did; and when they had been some considerable time together, He came forth, and we returned: As soon as we were in the street, he gave me this account of their conference.  
My Lord of Salisbury told me, there were two Subjects more, He wished I had thought on, and propounded them to me, viz. The Ordinance against the Common-prayer book: And the denying his Majesty the attendance of his Chaplains. (Which are now the 16th, and 24th Chapters in the Printed book,) and desired me to write two Chapters upon them, which I promised I would But before we parted he recalled that request, and said, I pray go you on, to finish what remains, and leave these two to me. I will prepare two Chapters upon them, which accordingly he did, as Dr. Gauden owned to me, and others whom he had made privy to the whole, and never pretended to have written these, as he did to have done all the rest.  
Thirdly, Dr. Gauden some time after the King was murdered, upon my asking him, whether He, (the King) had ever seen the Book, gave me this answer; I know it certainly no more than you, but I used my best endeavours that he might, for I delivered a copy of it to the Marquis of Hartford, when he went to the Treaty at the Isle of Wight, and entreated his Lordship, if he could obtain any private opportunity, he would deliver it to His Majesty, and humbly desire to know his Majesty's pleasure concerning it. But the violence which threatened the King hastening so fast, He ventured to print it, and never knew what was the Issue of sending it. For when the thing was done, he judged it not prudent to make farther noise about it, by enquiry.  
Fourthly, I once asking him (for we seldom were in private, but somewhat was discoursed of this Book even to the last time I saw him, after he was Lord Bishop of Worcester Elect) whether that King Charles the Second knew that he wrote it. He gave me this Answer, I cannot positively and certainly say he doth, because he was never pleased to take express notice of it to me. But I take it for granted he doth, for I am sure the Duke of York doth, for he hath spoken of it to me; and owned it as a seasonable and acceptable service, and he knowing it, I question not but the King also doth.  
Fifthly, Mr. Gauden his Wife, Mr. Gifford, (who transcribed a Copy of it, if I be not much mistaken, and which Copy I think was that sent to the Isle of Wight, tho' in this I am not so positive) and myself believed it as much as we could believe any thing, and when we spoke of it in his presence, or in his absence, did it without the least doubt of his having writ it; being as much assured of it, as 'twas possible we could be of any matter of fact, and 'tis unaccountably strange, that all we who had the best reason, and fairest opportunities to know the truth, should all be deceived or imposed upon, which we were to the highest degree imaginable, if Dr. Gauden wrote it not.  
Sixthly Dr. Gauden delivered to me with his own hand what was last sent up (after part was Printed, or at least in Mr. Roystons hand to be Printed,) and after he had showed it me, and sealed it up, gave me strict Caution, with what wariness to carry and deliver it; and according to his Direction, I delivered it, Saturday Decem. 23. 48. in the Evening to one Peacock (Brother to Dr. Gaudens Steward, or Bailiff, sometime before deceased) who was instructed by what hands He should transmit it to Mr. Royston, and in the same Method a few days after the Impression was finished, I received six Books, by the hand of Peacock, as an acknowledgement of that little I had contributed to that Service, one of which I have still by me.   

SECT. III. Containing such probable Arguments as confirm myself, and may help to convince others, that I am not deceived, nor would deceive them, by a false Story, in what I have declared in this matter.  
First, DR. Gauden in the beginning of the long Parliament, which carried on the War against the King, preached before them, on Zech. 8.19, last words, Love the Truth and Peace, which Sermon was Printed, and the House of Commons presented him with a large Silver Tankard with this Inscription. Donum Honorarium Populi Anglicani in Parliamento Congregati, Johanni Gauden, etc. which constantly went about his House. And He had been inclinable to the Parliaments Interest, till He found they went beyond their first Pretensions, and the expectations of Himself, and other good Men. But when He discovered that, He endeavoured to redeem his Error, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by bending to the contrary extreme.  
And I am persuaded it was this, which put him upon the designing and finishing of this Book.  
Secondly, The second probable Argument, may be drawn from the 14th Chapter, which is upon the Covenant. And I beg pardon for relating this matter more minutely, than may seem necessary; that it may appear how, and by whom I was furnished with it, to render it more cogent.  
After the Book was published, being in Discourse with my worthy Tutor, Dr. J. Barwick, who died Dean of St. Paul's. I being privy to the Truth of this affair; out of curiosity asked him, what He thought of this Book? He, so well knowing my Education and Principles, wondered to hear me ask such a Question. I begged his Pardon, and told him, the thing being doubtfully spoken of, I made bold with him to ask his Judgement. Well then, said He, I will prove it to you. And thus attempted it, it was writ by himself, or by some other man, but it could be writ by no other, therefore by himself. I desired him to prove his second Proposition, which He did thus: If by another, it must be an enemy, or a Friend; but neither Enemy nor Friend could do it; therefore it must be himself.  
I once more desired him, to prove his second Proposition, which he attempted thus; not by an Enemy, for no Enemy of the King would represent him so much to his Advantage; not by a Friend, for no Friend of the Kings would write, as He doth, of the Covenant.  
Now, how easily could I have replied; tho' at present I acquiesced, that Dr. Gauden, though now a most hearty Friend to the King, had himself taken the Covenant, which we may rationally conclude, had induced him to write more favourably of it, than any of the King's Party or Friends, or the King himself would ever have done.  
3. Third probable Argument may be drawn from Chap. 16. and 24. which as I showed before (Res. 2 d.) Dr. Gauden told me, were written by Bishop Duppa; for the Ordinance against the Common-Prayer, and denying His Majesty the Attendance of His Chaplains, were Subjects, which Dr. Gauden was less concerned to think on; for 'tis well known, He had forborn the use of the Common-Prayer, (tho' 'twas continued longer in his Church than in any thereabouts) and had never been the King's Chaplain, but Bishop Duppa having been the Prince's Tutor, a long time Chaplain, and a Bishop, was as mindful of these particulars, and as much concerned to be so, and with as great reason as any man living could be, and therefore first desired Dr. Gauden to write on these Subjects but after recalled that Motion, and undertook to do it himself, which he also performed, as I showed before; and his free declaring, that he had neither thought of these Subjects, nor wrote of them, which it was so unlikely he should, renders it very probable he spoke Truth, in declaring that he wrote the rest.  
4. I meet with expressions in the Devotional part, very frequently used by Dr. Gauden in his Prayers; (for he used conceived Prayer both in his Family, and in Public,) which I never heard from any other Man, and 'tis very easy to observe, that most Men, even in ordinary Conversation, and more especially in their Prayers, tho' they vary in their method, have peculiar Phrases, and Modes of expressing themselves; and where we find such occur, 'tis a probable evidence, they proceed from him, to whom they were peculiar.  
5. I am as sure, as I can be of any thing, that Dr. Gauden made the Extract out of this Book called, I think, Apophthegmata Coroliniana. I am sorry I have not one by me, to give a fuller account of it. But the thing is most notorious, that there was such a Book came out, in a very short time after, Printed by Mr. Dugard. Now why should Dr. Gauden concern himself so much more than any other of the King's Friends, and dispatch it with such expedition, had he had no more concern in it than other men; and had not been enabled to finish it so speedily, and could with such readiness take it in pieces, and digest it into wise and weighty Sentences, who had put it together, and whose thoughts had dwelled so long, and much upon it? I cannot forbear to judge, that to those who will consider it impartially, it carries the fairest and highest probability to confirm, what is before declared, the reasonable belief of his being the Composer of it; how much more, when all the five are joined together?   

SECT. III. Containing a full Answer to what Dr. Hollingsworth hath written in his P. sc. concerning this Book.  
ALthough the modest and faithful account I have given in the former Sections, of what I know and believe of this Book, and the Means of such my Knowledge, and Reasons of such my Belief, contains a sufficient Answer to whatever I meet with in this P— script, and might supersede my farther Labour; yet, that the Reverend Dr. may not think himself neglected, or the Reader, who it may be will not take the Pains to compare them, may have no cause to suspect: I wave a distinct reply, because I find the task too difficult; and lastly, because this P—sc. gave the sole occasion, and whole Provocation to my writing upon this Subject. I will now distinctly consider every particular of the P—sc. which concerns this matter, and either by referring to what is said before (to prevent writing the same thing over and over,) or by subjoyning a farther clear Answer, reply to the whole; for the necessary vindication of the Truth, and my injured self.  
And that what the Dr. writes may have its full Strength, and He have no pretence, to complain any thing is omitted, I will transcribe Verbatim all his Words, and subjoin full Answers, adapted to every Paragraph in that part of his P— script, which relates to the Question in debate.  
The first Passage begins thus, Pag. 37. Line 13.  
The last Objection against Him, is his Divine and Holy Book. It is not to be imagined with what Industry, they have within this last Year endeavoured to persuade the World it was a Forgery, and not of his compiling: And there is a certain Essex Doctor of Divinity, who hath assisted this Objection to the utmost of his Power, with a false story, which I will presently refute, and set the whole in a true and proper Light.  
The Essex Doctors Reply, to the Algate Doctor, who begins thus. The last Objection against him, etc.  
He could scarce have expressed himself more improperly, if he had studied to do it. We may guests at his meaning, by what follows; but, who ever made this Divine and Holy Book an Objection against him, but rather accounted it his great honour, and from a Man, who writes for Crowned Heads to read, more accuracy and caution might be expected; and this stumble at the threeshold, is no auspicious or lucky Omen, but rather an earnest and taste, of what we are to look for in the Sequel, but these are so small faults in comparison of what follows, they are not worth taking notice of, let them have their pardon of course. I shall wink at such for the future, that I may not seem to trifle, but keep to what is material, insist on things, and not on words.  
But I proceed in my reply. Who they be, I cannot imagine, the greatness of whose industry cannot be imagined to persuade the World 'tis a forgery. But e'en let them shift for themselves. But if they have half so much to say for themselves, as the Essex Dr. hath produced in the first Section, to prove that Dr. Gauden wrote it, I see not but they may stand trial with a better opposer, tho' 'tis hard to meet with a bolder accuser, whose Affirmations are so strong, and whose Confirmations are so weak, for my assisting it with a false story is soon said, but not so soon proved, you now have the story of my own telling, convince me of falsehood if you can, do your best or your worst, provided you write in sincerity, producing nothing but what you have as good means to be assured of as I produce for what I know, and as good Reasons for your belief, as I produce for mine. For Huffing, and Hectoring will weigh little with wise Men, and good Nature, and good Manners, may be overcome with too much ill usage, to cause you to be answered as you would not, if you accuse as you should not.  
But why did you not tell the story before you refute it, that it might be known, whether it were truly that Essex Doctors story, (which you rashly call false) or a dream of your own Imagination? You now have the story of his own telling, and you may try your skill at refuting it, when you please, and if you perform that undertaking no better than you do the promise, of setting the whole matter in its true and proper light, I have not so much cause to fear your Confutation, as you have to fear the woe denounced against those who put darkness for light, and light for darkness.  
Dr. Hollingsworths Psc. Ans. I could never obtain leave of myself to believe, that any man could write at that Divine rate but he that felt the miseries, that suggest such thoughts and heavenly Meditations. The various conditions of men, good men, wonderfully help them, in their retirements and solitudes, to Divine intercourses and aspirations; and He that could counterfeit such things, and make such appeals to God, without being in such conditions, as these appeals suppose: Must be rather next to an Atheist, than a good Christian and if the Essex Dr. had any value for the memory of his deceased Friend, he would certainly have forborn telling it in all places, with a more than usual confidence, as he hath done, and that for this one Reason.  
The Essex's Drs. Reply. All this Harangue is but a piece of borrowed ware, with which Sir Will. Dugdale furnished him, in a short Sentence, in these words. The unlikelyhood that any such expressions could flow from an Heart not oppressed and grieved, with such a weight of sorrow as his was. Of which the Dr. hath made none of the best Paraphrase, to enlarge his Paper. But let us try the force of it. I could never obtain leave of myself to believe, etc. as above. In good time Sir, must then all the World be tied to believe no more than Dr. H. will give their Majesties Chaplain at Algate leave to believe, be the evidence of matter of fact never so clear? I pray Sir, who made your Courtesy or Contumacy, to give yourself leave to believe, or not believe the standard of all other men's Persuasion, or not being persuaded? I have heard much wiser men (than I pretend to be) affirm, that, believing or not believing, depends not upon our own choice, but upon the clearness or cogency of the motives of credibility, or the weakness and insufficiency of them; but let that pass, for my business is not speculatively to dispute, but to prove a matter of fact, and vindicate myself from the imputation of telling a false Story; yet because this Argument hath been often used, I will consider it a little farther, to manifest how weak and unconcluding it is.  
'Tis no new nor strange thing for one man to personate another, and to write and speak as is suitable to, and usual for men in such circumstances and frequently when their fancies are warmed, the Copy outdoes the Original; and he seems never to have read a Romance, the Poets, Scenical or others, or the Greek and Roman Histories, who cannot give Instances of all the Passions raised, and expressions suitable put into the mouth of them, for whose use they were designed, and uttered with a warmer Pathos, than they would have been by the persons themselves, personated by them.  
But the proof of this is above all exception in Books of devotion (and which comes nearer our case) in which we find the greatest variety of Prosopopoeias, in Meditations, Soliloquies, Prayers, Ejaculations, Praises, Aspirations, and other Addresses to God, composed by the Authors of them, who cannot be supposed to be in all the conditions themselves, but to fit them for those, who may be in a condition, in which it will be proper for them to use them. And the reason is obvious, and easily accounted for. For tho' I deny not that our affections are kindled by our present circumstances, and surprising mercies or calamities are Springs of such joy or sorrow, as sharpen and set an Edge upon our Expressions, and instill an Air, an Energy, and suitable Eloquence into them, which the same person could not reach at another time, yet 'tis also true that they being sudden and unstudied, a kind of Raptures without deliberation, and less Artificial, have a visible inequality in their Contexture, and rise or fall according to the differing pressures, or inlargements, under which men are: St. Bernard's Rara hora, Brevis mora, looks this way. And an observation I have heard, seems not despicable, viz. that he who prays always alike, may be supposed to pray rather by Art, than by his Heart; the Habits of Art being much more steady and permanent than the temper and disposition of men's Hearts, which are very mutable and different, according to the circumstances from which they rise.  
But when a man designs to personate another, he puts himself in such an one's place, and writes and speaks, what he esteems most fit and suitable to a person in such a condition, and adapts his words and expressions, with second and third thoughts, takes a great deal of pains, uses a studious industry to fit every thought to such a condition, every affection to such a thought, and every expression to be a lively Icon of such a passion or affection; so that whatever you will give yourself leave to believe, it seems not a whit strange to other men it should be so, as you cannot believe, nor in the least dissonant to right reason and experience, of which Instances might be given without number. I beg pardon for this Digression into which the Dr. led me, by an ill-grounded speculation, which makes little to his purpose, and I think hath done him little service; yea, will rather cause considerate Readers to suspect his want of better Arguments, else he would not have had recourse to such thin and Airy Speculations, which prove nothing but the weakness of their Judgements, who put any stress upon them, and would by them impose upon other men. Yea, give me liberty to add, if the Drs. Argument hath any weight, it seems to be in the wrong Scale, and makes that end of the Balance to preponderate, which he endeavours to make appear the lightest; for the evenness of the thought and expression, the equality of the style and affection, and the same Thread running quite through from first to last, rather argues it an Artificial Composure of one who had vacancy for sedate, and deliberate thinking, than of him, for whose Icon and Portraiture it was designed, who was encompassed with so distracting an hurry of miseries, as must often change the temper of his mind. But to compensate for the weakness of the former part of this Paragraph, it hath a sting in its Tail, concluding, that if Dr. Gauden wrote it, he is next to an Atheist, and that for that Reason the Essex Dr. if he had any value for his memory, would have forborn telling it in all places with more than usual confidence, as he hath done, that is, lest he represent him as an Atheist.  
Essex Drs. Reply; to which I say in general; My Story represents him not so like an Atheist, as your rashness represents you, like a false Accuser, of both him and me; and for this Reason, if Dr. H. had any kindness to the Reputation of his friend, their Majesty's Algate Chaplain, he would have considered better, before he had published, with somewhat more than confidence, such groundless Accusations and such crude, and ill contrived Stories; and more particularly, why Dr. Gauden more an Atheist, for preparing these discourses for the King, to be owned or laid aside, as to His Majesty's wisdom should seem good: (See Reason 3. Sect. I.) than those who prepare Forms of Devotion for others to use, or let alone as they see occasion? And tho' my Story as I tell it, vindicates him from that Imputation, and I am not bound to answer for what you forge to be my Story, (being but your own dream) Quod male dum recitas desinit esse meum. I farther say, that according to the old Axiom, Amicus Plató, Amicus Aristoteles, sed magis Amica Veritas; Tho' Dr. Gauden were a friend, and Bishop Duppa a friend, yet Truth is more a friend, and I should count him no honest Casuist, who would advise me to tell a Lie to save my friend's Credit, as your words imply, you would have directed me, had I consulted you in the case.  
Alg. Drs. P. sc. The Story in short that he (the E. Dr.) tells is this, That Dr. Gauden, then of Bockin in Essex, made this Book, and sent him, than his Curate, to the Press with it, which command he obeyed, and accordingly did so carry it, in order to its Printing.  
Essex Drs. Reply. Good Sir, use fairer play, and be not so confident, who accuse that for excess of confidence in me, which hath not the tenth degree of yours, and do not forge and mangle a Story, and then pin it upon me. My Story is honestly, and sincerely told, in the first Section, and thither I refer yourself and the Reader, for the truth, and a fuller Answer to this lame Account, without staying upon some palpable mistakes, because but circumstantial.  
Alg. Drs. P. sc. Now the truth of the Story is this, There was one Mr. simmond's a learned and pious Minister, who lived near Dr. Gauden in Essex, and who out of a true affection to His Majesty's Person and Cause, writ a learned Defence of the King, with which the King was so pleased, that he presently resolved, that this Person should have the perusal and correction of his Book, and accordingly sends it by a trusty Messenger.  
Essex Drs. Reply. There is scarce a line, which is not liable to just exceptions, but small faults must be passed over in one who writes so heedlessly, or we should never have done. But there is one so notorious, he must be blind who doth not see it; what then was he that made it? viz. that Dr. Hollingsworth, and their Majesty's Chaplain at Algate do flatly contradict each other.  
Here he saith, the King sent it by a trusty Messenger to Mr. simmond's, but pag. 39 l. 19 that he desired Bishop Juxton to get some trusty friend, to look it over, and put it into exact order. Non bene conveniunt; one of the two should have had a better memory, or conferred Notes, before they had published things so inconsistent, such palpable difference of Witnesses, is a shrewd prejudice against their Testimony.  
Algate Dr's. P. sc. The Book when looked over by him did so affect him, (and no wonder) that he could not forbear sending for his Neighbour Gauden, In order to make him happy with himself in the sight and reading of such an inesteemable Jewel: Dr. Gauden would not be denied the kindness of taking the Book home with him, for a few days, which upon importunity Mr simmond's (knowing the Dr. at that time a wellwisher to the King) granted. Dr Gauden presently falls to transcribing of it, and in some days, with great labour and application finishes it, and so returns the Original to Mr. simmond's again; within a while the great storm coming upon the King, which at last God knows wholly overset him, Dr. Gauden out of a true affection to his Master the King, hoping thereby to do him service, sends this Copy by the hands of this Dr. to the Press: And so far and no farther was he concerned in it.  
Essex Dr's Reply. Sir, what with your usual confidence, you introduce with, The truth of the Story is thus, is all mere Story, but not one word of truth, nor hath it the least blush or appearance of Possibility, or so much as Probability, as I hope to convince yourself.  
First. Not probable; any Man who knows any thing of the measures of Decency, and the circumstances of the Persons of whom he writes (as he should be supposed to do, who presumes to Dedicate his writings, to so wise a King and Queen) would have contrived his story, and told his tale more handsomely, and would rather have said that the Parson of Rain who was a very private man had waited upon Dr. Gauden, who lived at the rate of a Thousand a year, and made the greatest figure of any Clergy Man in Essex, or perhaps in England at that time, than boldly and bluntly to send for him what ever the occasion might be; but let that pass, a slip in good manners is a small fault, compared to the impossibility of his stories being true, for tho' Mr. simmond's was once Minister of Rain and Dr. Gauden Dean of Bockin, which are neighbouring Towns, yet I question whether the Men were ever neighbours: And that Mr. simmond's was not gone from Rain, Before Dr. Gauden came to Bockin: But I need not urge that, for what I aver, (and am as sure of as I can be of any matter of fact, which is most notorious) proves the impossibility (I charge the Drs. story with) home and beyond contradiction; for before this Book was thought of, or many of the subjects had happened, of which it treats, Mr. simmond's was sequestered for his Loyalty fled into the King's Quarters, and on Mr. Attkins (a plundered Minister as they then called them) who was fled into the Parliaments Quarters was placed in his sequestered living of Rain: I came to Dr. Gaudens August 1644. and I never knew Mr. simmond's all the while I lived there, tho' I knew him well when the book was printing, as I may touch in place convenient, and relate the occasion of our intercourse.  
Somewhat runs in my mind of his being with my Lord Capel, who was his Patron, and had given him the Parsonage of Rain, who commanded about that time for the King in Shropshire; but what need I multiply words about what I am not certain of, when I am as certain, as I can be of any thing, he was far from being Dr. Gaudens Neighbour, or any possibility of sending for him, how trimly soever, and with a good grace, the Story is told, not much to the credit of the teller of it, or the confirmation of the thing he tells it for; it so exposes itself, it needs no farther confutation; and I will be so kind, as to slip an advantage, of loading it with heavier aggravations, tho' so much provokeed. If any thing seem to deserve a farther answer, I must request the Reader to call to mind, or read over again my first Section, where there is enough to satisfy him; for I never pretended to carry the whole to the Press, but as is there honestly declared a part of it. I proceed to the 2d Paragraph, p. the 38.  
Algate Drs. P. sc. And whereas 'tis said, That Dr. Gauden told K. Charles II. he made the Book; the truth of the Story is this, that he putting in for the Bishopric of Worcester, and meeting with some opposition from Bishop Sheldon, the King asked him, what pretences he had to so great a favour, he answered, that he put out his Father's Book, which answer, tho' true in some sense, yet being ambiguously spoken, as it got him the Bishopric, so it also gave rise to the late Earl of Anglesey's Memorandum, which hath made so great noise in the World.  
Essex Drs. Reply. Good Sir, if a man should be so bold as to ask a few Questions, would you answer them as roundly as you would chouse the World with this Dream? 1. I pray Sir, did you hear all this? 2. Have you any man of truth or modesty to produce as a Voucher? 3. In sober sadness do you in cool blood believe it yourself? 4. Or to speak home, will you confirm it by your solemn Oath, as the Essex Dr. is ready to do, the Story with which he will confront it? ' The truth of the Story is this; so you say, but pace vestrâ, by your good leave, I cannot obtain leave of myself to believe one sentence in all your ten lines, and for a better reason than you give for your incredulity, where you use that phrase; and my reason (how silly and weak soever it may seem) in plain English is because there is not one wise, or true word, in all this, (most falsely called) Truth of the Story.  
And I even wonder, that Providence should furnish me with so exact a knowledge of this affair, which I thought of little use before, till it enabled me to confute this shameless fiction; and I will for once be as confident as you, and say, the truth of the Story is this, as I had it from Bishop Gaudens own mouth, immediately upon his nomination, to be translated from Exeter to Worcester. But before I relate his words to me on that occasion, let me make some few remarks upon some particulars. 1. Whereas 'tis said Dr. Gauden told K. Ch. II. etc. whoever said so, said what was not so. He never told him. See Sect. 1. Reason 4. 'Tis strange he should himself tell the King, and yet not know the King knew it, but by inference, because the D. of Y. did. 2. He putting in for the Bishopric of Worcester (let that uncouth phrase pass.) But he did not put in for Worcester, but rather was put off with that instead of Winchester, pardon the expression, what follows will justify it, at least excuse it. 3 The King asked him, etc. still worse and worse; the King asked him no such question, nor was there the least shadow of occasion why he should, and the Bishop never answered, as is said he did; for no Question needed no Answer. 4. Ambiguously spoken; not spoken at all, therefore not spoken ambiguously; remember the Logic Rule, Ab est primi adjecti, ad est secundi valet negatio. As for Instance, if a man be not their Majesty's Chaplain, he is not their Chaplain at Algate, unless it be helped out, with speaking ambiguously. 5. Helped him to that Bishopric, (sc. Worcester) instead of Winchester. He was right enough served, for speaking so ambiguously, if he had so spoken. 6. Gave rise to the late E. of Angleseys' Memorandum. In good earnest, Sir, were you awake when you dreamed all this? Was the King (Ch. the II.) who was known to be a man of extraordinary sagacity and quickness, in discerning men's temper and words, so easily imposed upon and cheated by a fallacy, to believe what it was his Interest, more than any man's, not to believe but upon most cogent evidence and convincing reasons? and to tell it so freely, and with assurance to the E. of Anglesey, as his Memorandum declares with all due circumstances; so that his Memorandum may sleep in a whole skin, for all these dreams; but of that more in due place hereafter. Having past these short remarks upon the particular passages, I shall now confront his truth of the Story, with this Story of Truth, in the Bishop's own words.  
Only give me leave before I relate his words, to say, (that besides the friendly freedom, which he always used to me, in kind communicating his concerns to me) I can guests but at two reasons, why he should tell me so fully and punctually what I shall presently relate. Either, 1. It was to prevent my being surprised at his missing Winchester, which some who were most intimate with him, knew he had the promise, and upon that the expectation of; Or, 2. Providence stooped so low, to furnish me with a clear Reply to such a senseless feigned dream, as I am confuting by it. Now follow Bishop Gaudens words to me on this occasion.  
After the Death of the Bishop of Winchester, I next morning waiting on the King, found a remarkable alteration in him: His Majesty was, sad, uneasy, and out of his usual good humour and temper; I could not but observe it, but at present took no farther notice of it; the second morning I found him so, as much, or rather more, than on the preceding day, yet neither then did I take any notice of it to him, but when I had a short time waited on him, withdrew; but the third morning having been fully informed that my Lord Chancellor had, by himself and all the Interest he could make, pressed the King to bestow the Bishopric of Winchester upon the Bishop of Worcester, Dr. Morly, I thus Addressed myself to his Majesty. Sir, with all humility I beg your leave to speak to you, and your Majesty's Gracious Pardon for It. Sir, I well know, not only how well becoming, but how much it is the duty of every good Subject, to contribute to the ease and satisfaction of his Prince. And I cannot but conceive, that your Majesty is in some straight, between the Honour of your word, by which you graciously pleased to Promise, I should Succeed my excellent Friend the late Bishop of Winchester: And the importunity, by which you are pressed in the behalf of another: I therefore with greatest willingness, release you freely of that Promise. Here, said the Bishop, the King stopped me: Vouchsafed to embrace me in his Arms, with these expressions. My Lord, I thank you, and it may not be long, ere I have opportunity to show you how kindly I take it. And in the mean time, you shall have Worcester, and to make it to you as good as I can, all the Dignities of that Church (I know not how it comes to pass) being in my disposal, I give you the disposing of them all, during your time, that you may prefer your Friends, and have them near about you.  
And now I appeal to the Judgement of every considerate reader, whether this story, which I had for the substance, and to the best of my memory, in the very words, from Bishop Gaudens own mouth, when the thing was fresh and recent carry the fairest and most likely characters of truth, or the Algate Dr's story: For which he brings no proof, but his own mere say so, as indeed it is impossible he should, for, this must be a true story, or else a dream and vision of my own Imagination; the latter of which, it is both Naturally, and Morally, next to impossible it should be. First, Naturally, for I never pretended to so pregnant an Invention as to devise a story so self consistent, in all its parts, for falsehoods will not jamm or hang coherently together, be they told with never so good a Grace, and Magisterially crammed down men's belief with huffing menaces, and hectoring Rhetoric: To fright men to swallow them, at their peril: For fear of being counted contumacious. Witness the flaws and incoherences, of all the Algate Dr's. Narratives, of this matter, catched up from uncertain Rumours, and pieced out with groundless fancies of his own addition inconsiderately.  
Secondly, Morally impossible, for Nemo gratis nequam. No man will lie without advantage, much less to create prejudice to himself. And I am sure there is not so much as the appearance of a temptation to induce Dr. Gauden to tell it me, (as I solemnly aver he did) if it had not been the truth, nor to me to feign it in cool blood, and deliberately to appeal to the God of Truth and Righteousness, as a Witness and Avenger, which I neither would or durst do to gain the World.  
This might abundantly suffice to answer the Algate Dr's. Shame Story, concerning the Bishopric of Worcester in the second Paragraph of his P. sc. yet, tho' I be well aware that overdoing is for the most part undoing and adding probabilities after clear and full evidence doth more harm than good, and, like setting shores and props to a strong house, creates suspicion, that 'tis tottering or like to fall without them, yet I will for once run that risk and hazard, and add these three Arguments, to confirm what is before affirmed.  
1. 'Tis highly probable that Dr. Gauden had the promise of Winchester (obtained by his most entire Friend Bishop Duppa, who besides the Power he had with the King, having been his Tutor, could unriddle to him (as questionless he did) the whole Affair of Εἰκὼν Βασιλικὴ, to which he had been not only privy, but a party, and plead that to obtain the favour of that promise for him) because divers of his intimate Friends had knowledge of his expectation, to succeed in that See; and why should he abuse his Best Friends with a groundless Flame?  
2. Because the King was so uneasy, and deferred some days to give it Dr. Morly, notwithstanding all the Interest made for him, and His Majesties own inclination to him, as having been beyond Sea with him in his Banishment; why not give it presently as soon as vacant, but after some days demur, and uneasiness, till his promise was released by him to whom 'twas made?  
3. (I will venture to reveal a secret at this distance, which was then industriously concealed, to prevent being made matter of sport upon the disappointment.) The Great House built by Sir Dennis Gauden, the Bishop's Brother, upon Clapham Heath, in which Sir Dennis after lived, and I think now Mr. Ewers, was built, (as I was assured by one who knew it well) to be the Mansion-house of the Bishopric of Winchester, being in that Diocese; for 'tis well known that Winchester-house beyond the Bridge had been pulled down, and turned into Rent and Tenements, and another was to be built or bought in lieu of it, by the Bishop, and settled as a Mansion-house for that See, as after Winchester-house in Chelsea, was purchased by Bishop Morley, and made part of the Bishopric of Winchester, tho' before in the Bishopric of London; these Dioceses being parted by the Thames.  
I could add many more circumstances relating to this Affair, but at present forbear, as judging them needless.  
I am at length arrived at the third and last Paragraph of the Algate Drs. P. sc. which is to compensate and make amends for all the impertinences of the preceding; for thus it begins.  
Algate Drs. P. sc. But to put all things out of doubt concerning this Book; give me leave to tell this Story: I was not many weeks ago in conversation with Sir John Brattle, a worthy person, and who hath long enjoyed a considerable Office in the Royal Mint, with whom discoursing about King Charles the First, and particularly of the suspicions raised of the truth of the Book. He frankly told me, and assured me the truth of this Story; that in the year 47. King Charles having drawn up the most considerable part of this Book, and having writ it in some loose Papers at different times, desired Bp. Juxton to get some friend of his, (whom he could commend to him as a trusty person) to look it over, and to put it into an exact Method; the Bishop pitched upon Sir John's Father, whom he had been acquainted with for many years, who undertaking the Task was assisted by this his Son, who declares he sat up with his Father some nights, to assist him in methodizing those Papers all writ with the King's own hand. Thanks be to God, Sir John is yet alive, and is ready to give the same Account to any man that asks him.  
Essex Drs. Reply. Jam ventum est ad Triarios. Sir John Brattle is a person whose name I do not remember I have heard before, and therefore make no Judgement prejudicial, or of disadvantage to the Character here given of him. But as the Algate Dr. tells the Story, I doubt it may prove as mere a Story as the rest. But before I come to my particular Remarks upon it, I confess 'tis not unpleasant to observe, that when the Dr's. hand was in at Coining Stories, which I have proved to be of both so base Metal, and false an Impress, he should have recourse to the Royal Mint, to borrow a more Authentic Stamp; for what else can an Office there add to a Testimony in a matter of fact?  
But with all due respect to Sir J. Br. I would ask the Dr. a few Questions.  
1. May it not be possible, without any diminution of Sir John's veracity, that in more than forty Years, there may be some mistake of other Papers for these, or some other lapse of Memory, about a matter in which he was concerned but once or twice; and that but transiently and on the by; or was Sir John, who must be then a young man, and 'tis likely, but in a private capacity, so well acquainted with the King's hand, which 'tis probable he had seldom or never seen? I believe few private Country Youths, or young Gentlemen, are so very well used to their Sovereign's hand-writing, as to make a Critical Judgement of it, and to be able with assurance to distinguish it, from the writing of all other men.  
2. I would gladly know when and where the King desired this of Bishop Juxton, for I refer myself to those who lived in those times, & observed the passages of them, whether they ever so much as heard that the King and Bishop Juxton saw each other, after his Majesty was driven from Westminster by the Tumults, till he was violently brought to St. James', Jan 19 48 to be tried and barbarously murdered. The King indeed then obtained leave for the good man to come to him, and assist him in extremis, for neither his Age, nor Character permitting him to be serviceable to him in following him in the Wars, He lived Private and Retired, and, I never heard he saw him, till upon the sad occasion forenamed, and that was after the Book was Printed.  
Thirdly, Supposing, but by no means granting, that the King had desired Bishop Juxton, as is said, to desire a trusty Friend to do it; why another rather than the Bishop himself? Had the King any Friend more trusty than Bishop Juxton? or was He too good, or above doing such service for his Master, who had not a Servant who honoured and loved him more; or was He too busy to attend it, when he was wholly out of all employment, and enjoyed the most undisturbed privacy and quiet, of any man that had served the King in any eminent degree? Or was Bishop Juxton less fit and able, than a private man, when the Book consists of Policy and Piety? and who a fitter Judge of what concerned the first, than one who had so long been Privy Councillor, and Lord High Treasurer of England? And for the second he was one on whom the King relied, as much, or more, than on any Man, for the conduct of his Conscience; as appeared by his singling him out, to be with him in his Preparations for Death, and upon the infamous Scaffold of his Martyrdom; and who was so able a Divine, that tho' his Public Employments, hindered him from Preaching often, yet when He did, performed it so well, I remember I heard a Bishop, who was able to judge, say: He thought him one of the most excellent Preachers He ever heard, and gave Instance in a Sermon He heard him preach, at Court, of Repentance. And why must Bishop Juxton desire another man to do that work, for which (had there been any such work to be done) He himself was the fittest man alive, for Fidelity, for Ability, for Inclination to his Master's Service, and for vacancy and leisure?  
4. Lastly, I pray which of these stories, in your P—sc. would you have us believe? Your first of sending it to Mr. simmond's by a trusty Messenger? or your last of the Kings own delivering it to his trusty Servant Bishop Juxton? They cannot both be true; if that, not this, if this not that; they are so contrary, we must suppose the Algate Dr. the Relater of the One, and their Majesty's Algate Chaplain the Relater of the other. I confess the doubt is too hard for me to solve. I must e'en leave it to be agreed betwixt themselves.  
I might add, I have heard near half a dozen stories about this Book, all as inconsistent with one another, as these two. Yet all told with equal assurance, a sufficient prejudice against them all, with all unprejudiced Persons.  
Algate Dr. P—sc. And whosoever after this, will suspect this Book, is certainly a man of that temper, who will keep up his prejudices against this great man, in spite of all evidences, tho' as clear as the Sun at Noon, and for my own part I must tell him, that I think it not worth the while to attempt his farther satisfaction, because nullum remedium Deus posuit contumaciae. God Almighty hath not provided a remedy, for resolved stubbornness, in the ordinary course of dealing with men: and if nothing but miracles will convince them, I have no Commission to pretend to them.  
Essex Drs. Reply. Sir, tho' I will not vapour and huff my Reader, with comparing what I have truly, sincerely, and as in the sight of God written; concerning my Knowledge and Belief about this Book, fairly declaring the means of my Knowledge, and the Reasons of my Belief, to the Sun at Noon as you think good to compare your waking Dreams, and random guesses (which deserve not to be likened to the light of the Moon, a day before, or after its change) yet I abhor keeping up prejudices against that great and excellent Prince; and have only given the account in the first and second Sections, and replied to your slanders and reproaches (which extorted from me this unwelcome labour,) to clear my Reputation; you having according to your Talon, as Mephibosheth complained of Ziba slandered me, (to the whole Nation) and to my Lord the King, by presuming to dedicate such stuff to their sacred Majesties.  
And if you persist to slander, ne videaris errasse, I leave it to all impartial men, (I could almost say to the most partial, who will compare and weigh, before they censure) to judge between us, where lies the stubbornness, but however, I refer myself to the Righteous Judge to determine betwixt us, who best knows the ends and designs, which put you upon writing so rashly, on a Subject for which you appear so ill furnished; and me, whom you have constrained to it, in a necessary vindication of myself and the Truth.  
And tho' you conclude, with a modest disclaiming a pretence to Miracles, let me at parting advise you to take courage, for if you satisfy any wise man, by such weak and inconsistent Arguings, as that part of P—sc. consists on, in which the Essex Dr. is concerned, 'tis that Drs. opinion, your performance may vie miracles, with any Miracle-Mongers celebrated in those Roman Legends, which as one wittily saith, were written with Leaden Heads and Brazen Foreheads.   

SECTION IU.  
I Shall in the next place say somewhat to another Paper, published some months before, of the same subject, Entitled, Restitution to the Royal Author, etc. which I confess, I was then desired to answer, but forbore, not being personally concerned.  
But Dr. Hollingsworth having forced me to what I have now done, it seems necessary to add some few remarks upon this Paper, lest my not taking notice of it, should be misinterpreted, to be a tacit acknowledgement, of some difficulties in it, not to be grappled with.  
And I must do this Author the right, to own him to be a Person of another figure, than I have had to do with in the preceding Section: One who writes not extempore, Quicquid in buccam (in calamum) catches not up every groundless Report and flying Rumour, and Echoes it back as an Oracle: But seems to have weighed and considered what he writes, endeavouring the best Information he could get; and hath driven it as far as it would go, and relates in some particulars what is true, and puts some colour of Probability upon those in which he is mistaken, or was ill informed, and does all with modesty and candour, and as becomes a man who hopes to obtain what he aims at, by sober Reason and dint of Argument, not by Hectoring and noisy Clamour, and I shall treat him as a Person who deserves this Character, which ex animo, I give him, and hope He will not count me an Enemy, for telling him the Truth, but esteem it rather kindness than rudeness to show him where he is mistaken.  
And first, I shall set down, as he himself hath done, the Earl of Anglesey's Memorandum, for furnishing me with which, I give him my Thanks; for though I have seen the Original in Mr. Millington's hand, I had no Copy of it ready by me.  

MEMORANDUM.  
KING Charles' the Second and the Duke of York, did both (in the last Sessions of Parliament, 1675, when I showed them in the Lord's House the written Copy of this Book, wherein are some Corrections and Alterations, written with the late King Charles the First's own Hand) assure me, that this was none of the said King's Compiling, but made by Dr. Gauden Bishop of Exeter: which I here insert, for the undeceiving others in this Point, by attesting so much under my Hand.  
ANGLESEY.   
Now this Gentleman is pleased to raise three Objections against this Memorandum, to enervate the Force and Credit of it; notwithstanding which Objections, I think this Memorandum very authentic, and an unconquerable Evidence to prove the Truth of what I have so sincerely declared concerning this Book: and in a just Vindication of it, I will first answer all his Objections produced against it; and farther, subjoin a Remark, which I hope may be of some use, and therefore not unacceptable, which could be given by no other Pen.  
First Objection; It calls the Duke, his then Royal Highness, The Duke of York, which was no Court-Language in 1675, there being neither Reason nor Custom for such a length of Distinction at that time.  
Answ. 1 st, Loquendum cum vulgo; and I appeal to Experience if he were not called the Duke of York ten times to once that he was called His Royal Highness; and for the length, the former is the shorter of the two. But he proceeds in the same Objection; Now it is somewhat unlikely, that a Person of Honour and a Courtier, especially one of my late Lord Anglesey's sense, should be guilty of such an Impropriety.  
Answ. No Impropriety at all; especially, if we consider this was not spoken in Court, but privately writ in a Leaf before the Book: for in such like cases, even Courtiers confine not themselves to the punctilioes they observe in speaking or in writing what is to be published.  
2. I hope I may convince himself, how weak, and non-concluding this Argument is, by a Passage with which he hath furnished me in the same Page, line 36, 37. viz. His pt. Majesty King James the Second; if that Abbreviation pt. stand for present, as I perceive 'tis generally believed to do, let us form two parallel Arguments. His Argument against the Earl of Anglesey's being Author of the Memorandum, runs thus; A Courtier, and a Person of such sense as the late E. of Anglesey, could not write this Memorandum; because 'tis unlikely such an one should be guilty of such Impropriety of Language, as to call his then Royal Highness, Duke of York, which was no Court-Language in 1675. Very good.  
Now suppose it should, in time, be questioned, Whether this Gentleman wrote the two Sheets, called Restitution, etc. and one should argue against it, with a parallel Argument, A Man of such sense could not write them, because 'tis somewhat unlikely, that he could be guilty of such Impropriety of Language, as to call him, His present Majesty King James the Second; which is neither Court-Language nor Country-Language in 1691. Now what think you, Sir, would this Argument exclude you from being the Writer of these Sheets? If not, why should a less Impropriety of Language, exclude the E. of Anglesey from being the Writer of this Memorandum? especially, if we consider, (that supposing, but not yielding) if he expressed himself not like a Courtier, 'twas a private Note in a Leaf of a Book, which might be seen, or never seen; and you have made yours public to the wide World.  
2. Second Objection; We are informed by the Advertisement, that in the written Copy of the Εἰκὼν Βασιλικὴ, there are some Corrections and Alterations written with the late King Charles the First's own Hand, which is no contemptible Argument, if we had no other, that the King was the Author; otherwise we should be at a loss for the Reason of his Majesty's correcting the Manuscript, and suffering it to pass under the Title of his own Composure.  
Answ. What the Corrections by the King's own Hand seem to you to be an Argument of, seems to me quite contrary; and I assuredly believe, this corrected Copy was that sent by the Marquis of Hertford from Dr. Gauden; as I gave account, Sect. 1. Reas. 3. on purpose to be corrected, allowed, or laid aside, as his Majesty should think good. See the Section referred to.  
And if the King himself had been the Author, Why was not the Book in his own Handwriting, as well as the Correction and Alterations? or why any Corrections, of a fair Copy, if he had finished the Original himself before 'twas copied? Or why, if he sent it to be printed, did he not send the corrected Copy, rather than an imperfect one, which needed his Correction and Alteration? These Considerations confirm me beyond the least Hesitancy, this was the Copy the Marquis of Hertford brought his Majesty at the time of the Treaty in the Isle of Wight: But the Violence towards him hastened so fast, he could not transmit it back, and Dr. Gauden and Bp. Duppa, thought it better to print it as it was, than to defer it till it would be too late to do him the Service they designed by it.  
3. Objection the Third; The making Bp. Gauden the Author of this Book, is another Disadvantage to the Credit of the Memorandum; for the Style, the Air, and Thought of Εἰκὼν Βασιλικὴ, is as different from the Management of Bp. Gauden's Writings, as 'tis possible to imagine: but out of respect to the Bishop's Memory, I forbear to insist upon the Comparison.  
Answ. This Objection from the Style is a very thin and feeble one, as I could easily make appear, if I would enter upon the Theme of critical Judging of the Authors of Books, by the Style in which they are written: and to name no more, I might fetch Assistance from Elias Du Pin, a Sorbon Doctor, in his excellent new Bibliothec of Ecclesiastical Writers; by many Volumes of which, he hath obliged the Learned Part of the World, and raised their Expectation and Desire of the rest. But I will avoid such an unnecessary Digression, it being sufficient to blunt the edge of this Objection, to suggest these two Considerations.  
First, It ought to be considered, whether the Writings compared are of the same kind? for a Man may differ more from himself, when his Writings are of different kinds, than two Strangers differ in their Style, whose Design and End of Writing is the same: As the Sermons or Dispute of different Men may be more like one another, if you compare Sermon with Sermon, and Disputation with Disputation, than the Style of the same Man is like itself, if you compare different kinds of his Writings, as Sermons with Disputations, or either of these with an Oration fitted for a Learned Assembly. And 'tis an Observation very common, that the Ancient Fathers greatly differ in their Style, and Air, and Notions, in their popular Harangues and Exhortations, their Polemic Tracts, and their Books of Devotion. So that whatever Dr. Gauden's way of management were in his other Writings, the difference of the Subject between them and this Book, gives a fair account of the different Style, Air, and Thought, admitting it were as great as the Objection would suppose it.  
Secondly, If the Style and Air of men's Writings be various, when the kinds of their writings are different, though they write without Disguise, and only change their Style, to accommodate it to the Subject or Kind of Writing in which they are engaged: How much more reasonable is it to allow it must be so, when they on purpose do endure Personam, personate another Man, and endeavour to the utmost to appear like him for whom they write, and whose Name and Circumstances they tacitly assume? What wonder that Idem non est Idem, the same Man appears not like himself, when he feigns himself to be another? as Bp. Gauden did, and wrote this Book as in his Majesty's Name, though to be used, allowed, or altered as the King should please.  
I have heard it hath been the custom of former Reigns, for the Lord Chancellor, some Privy Councillor, or a Juncto of the Council, to pen or draw up Speeches, to be spoken by the King in Parliament, or on some other Solemn Occasion, or in Declarations. Now any Man of Sense will readily grant, that they who pen such Speeches, keep not to their own Style, or Air, or Thought, which they use when they speak in their own Name or Person; but do the best they can, to adapt them to the Royal Person for whose use and service they are prepared; and thus it most evidently was in this present Case.  
He proceeds in this Objection. 'Tis likely therefore that King Charles the Second, and the than Duke, might tell the late Earl of Anglesey (which his Lordship might possibly forget) that the Manuscript was not King Charles the First his Hand, but a Transcript of Dr. Gauden's writing; which as it agrees with matter of Fact, it gives a fair account of the Alterations in the Copy, which the Memorandum grants were made by the King.  
Answ. This is soon said, but very ill contrived, for 'tis not only highly improbable, but merely suppositio impossibilis. If the King had writ it, why not correct his own Copy? But how should Dr. Gauden receive it from the King? He was utterly unknown to him, lived at a great distance from him, in the Parliament's Quarters, was under preudice with the Royal Party. I am sorry this Gentleman writes, for once, so like him who feigned the Story of the King's sending it to Mr. simmond's, and he sending for his Neighbour Gauden, and lending it him; and all this dispatched in a trice, when Mr. simmond's had been so many Years driven, for his Loyalty, from his Neighbourhood.  
But the fair and faithful Account, and which indeed agrees with matter of Fact, is, this was the Copy the Marquis of Hertford carried to the King, when he went to the Treaty at the Isle of Wight, from Dr. Gauden, and was humbly submitted to his Majesty's Wisdom to be altered, corrected, approved, or disallowed and disposed of as he should please; and accordingly the King corrected it, to fit it more to his own Sense.  
Having finished his Objections against the Memorandum, this Gentleman proceeds thus to his Second Strength.  
2. Supposing this Memorandum had all the pretended Advantages, I shall now produce such Proof against it, which, the Circumstances of the Evidence considered, must be allowed to overbalance his Lordship's Attestation.  
1. We have the Letters Patents of King Charles the Second, Dated Nou. 29, 1660. in which R. Royston of London Bookseller, has that sole Privilege given him of Printing all the Works of King Charles the First, among which Εἰκὼν Βασιλικὴ is mentioned, with a particular Character of Commendation.  
2. The same Privilege for Reprinting the Works of King Charles the First is granted to the above-mentioned R. Royston, by his present Majesty King James the Second; as appears by his Majesty's Letters, Dated February 22, 1685/6, which Grant refers expressly to the First Edition, published by R. Royston, in the Year 1662.; and in which his Majesty declares, that all the Works of his Royal Father were collected and published, which former Impression, as I have already observed, makes particular mention of Εἰκὼν Βασιλικὴ. Now I leave it to any unprejudiced Person to judge, whether it is in the least probable, that either of their Majesties should tell the late Earl of Anglesey, that this excellent Book was written by Dr. Gauden, since they both have owned it to be their Royal Father's in so public a manner. So that to use the Expression of the Advertisement, If the Declaration of two Kings, made with all the Circumstances of Advantage, may be believed before a blind Manuscript, written by a doubtful Hand, and grounded upon a private Relation; then we have sufficient Evidence to satisfy the World, how much this Adviser has endeavoured to impose upon it.  
Answ. As to the Letters Patent to print this Book, amongst the Works of King Charles the First, on which depends the whole strength of the Argument; I confess 'tis a nice and tender Point, which good Manners, rather than want of good Reasons, restrain me from fuller answering. I think it may suffice to say, with Modesty and Caution, Kings use not so critically to inspect all the minute Particulars of their General Royal Grants; but sign them, as drawn up for the best Advantage of the Grantee: and an Undersecretary or Clerk, who drew the Patents, put in what Mr. Royston reckoned up, and desired, and never boggled at inserting Εἰκὼν Βασιλικὴ among King Charles's Work, because it was so reputed by most, and few knew the Mystery, and they who did, did all they then could to hide and conceal it. And suppose either of the Kings had examined every particular, it was at utmost but conniving at a vulgar Error, which it was not their interest too nicely to discover. And indeed the Argument is so palpably weak, that I am persuaded this Writer, being a Person of so good Sense, puts no Stress upon it; but added it for Number rather than Weight, being rather too hot than too heavy to be dealt with; and for want of better (which 'tis exceeding hard to find, to prove what is not true) brings in such an Argument, as in the Schools we call captious, or Argumentum odiosum, which Respondents use, allowably, to reject, not answer; because 'tis designed not for real Proof, but to involve the Answerer in some Odium and Danger, and dismiss it unreplyed to, not because they cannot, but because they dare not answer it, or with Beneseance show its Weakness. And yet to approach one Step closer, what understanding Man believes all the other particular Pieces, which make up the whole Volume of the Works of K. Charles I, to be originally penned by himself; but knows many of them were prepared by his Secretaries and Council, and then perused and approved by him, and so became his, by adding the Royal Stamp of his Approbation and Owning of them: And the same was designed in this Book, as hath been showed before. I shall conclude this Discourse of the Letters Patent to Mr. Royston to Print the King's Works, and inferring this to be undoubtedly so, because named amongst them, with a parallel Case, of a supposed Licence, to print the Works of as great a King.  
Admit Mr. Royston had obtained a Patent to have the sole Printing the Works of King David, and to make all sure that no Man might in the least invade his Privilege, had got it explicitly inserted into his Patent, all the Works of King David, that is to say, the whole Book of Psalms, containing in number one hundred and fifty, (which is no hard Supposition) would it have followed hence that he who granted this Patent, had published to all the World, that he knew and believed, that David was the real Penman of them all, though some of the were certainly written some Ages after David's Death, after the return of the Babylonish Captivity; and some by Heman, Asaph? etc. I grant his Patent might secure his Right to print all the 150, but 'twould be an invalid Argument to prove that David wrote all: It needs no Application.  
Having thus far vindicated the Truth of the Earl of Anglesey's Memorandum; and consequently, the Honour of his Lordship's Memory, from the Charge of Forgery cast upon it, by showing good reason why I cannot allow the pretended Proof against it, to overbalance his Lordship's Attestation; which, how sufficiently I have performed, I freely leave to the Judgement of all impartial Readers.  
I shall now subjoin the Remark I promised to set down, when I had answered the Objections against the Memorandum. And it is to show, by comparing two signal Providences about this Book, how it seems to be the Will of God (for what special Ends is best known to his holy and unsearchable Wisdom, at some of which, I may give my humble Guesses in due place) both to have this Book published and owned, as the Composure of King Charles the First, for some time; and then to have the full Truth in due time, come to that light in which the starting those fresh Contests about it is like to set it.  
The First, which I call a signal Providence towards its being published, is, the preventing its being seized upon, and stopped in the Press, when the Proof-Sheets, (if not also so much of the Copy as those Sheets contained) were actually in the Hands and Possession of, and carried away by as great an Enemy of the King's (as any Man living was) as Mr. simmond's described him to me. I beg pardon for the length of the Story, which I shall relate from Mr. simmond's, because I think it worth the knowing, and also because 'tis an Evidence I write not in this Affair by Hearsay and Conjecture, (as most do) but as of what I was privy to, and had an hand in all along from first to last.  
Upon Monday, January the 8 th' or 15 th', (for I have written Memorials by me, which assure me, it could not be so early as the 1st, nor so late as the 22 d,) Mr. simmond's came to my Chamber at Warwick-House, where I than was Chaplain, and as a Man affrighted abruptly spoke to me, We are undone, or in great danger to be so, if you do not help us, which I hope you may, being in this Family. And when I asked him what the matter was? he having a little recovered himself, told me the following Story; and when he had done, we consulted what remedy was to be used. His Story was as followeth.  
I was, said he, a while since at a Gentleman's House, a Friend of mine in Hertfordshire; whilst I was there, there came a Troop of Horse of Col. Rich's Regiment, to quarter thereabouts; and the Lieutenant whose Name is Arwaker, quartered in my Friend's House: He and I had many fierce Disputes about the Cause betwixt the King and Parliament, and the Army's usage of his Majesty. By which he was so provoked, that at last he told me he would not suffer it, and said, he would revenge it, were it not that he would not violate his Quarters. Whereupon, I thought the Place too hot for me to tarry longer in, and therefore hasted back to London, to my Lodgings in Carter-Lane. Not long after, that Troop came up to London, and the same Lieutenant quartered at the Bell in the same Lane. And yesterday about twelve, as I was coming from Church to my Lodgings, we met each other in Carter-Lane: He knew me, but said nothing to me, but turned again when he had passed me, and dogged me to the House I lodged in. As soon as I was in, and had shut the Door, he discharged his Pistol with a brace of Bullets, to mark the Door, and hasted away to the Bell. As soon as the Master of the House told me he was gone, I got away, and he presently returned with six Troopers, and searched the House for me, and breaking open my Closet, took away all my Papers, and the printed proof Sheets which lay loose upon my Table: but they seeing them blotted, and thinking them to be but waste-Paper, and not understanding the Title, it being Greek, or not having looked into them, threw them down in the Dirt, which they of the House observing, gathered up. We then, after consulting what to do, concluded the best, if not the only way we could take, was to get a Note from Col. Rich to his Lieutenant, to restore all he had so taken from Mr. simmond's. It happened, even beyond our Hopes and Expectations, that the very same day Col. Rich came to dine at Warwick-House; and between Prayers and Dinner, I desired Mr. Charles Rich (after Earl of Warwick) to request a Favour for me of the Colonel, who beckoned him to him cross the Room, and desired him to do me a Kindness, and referred him to me to know what it was: the Colonel drew me aside, and asked what it was I desired of him; I than asked him if there were not one Lieutenant Arwaker in his Regiment? he said there was: I than told him he had, upon a pique, broke open a Minister's Closet, and taken away all his Sermon-Notes, and other Papers; and to disguise the better, jocularly added, He hath undone a poor Parson, in robbing him of all his Tools; and prayed him to write a Note to him, to require him to restore them.  
The Colonel was so kind and just, upon my fetching Pen, Ink and Paper, to write a Note to him, to redeliver all; which he did so punctually, that Mr. simmond's told me, he missed not one Paper, when his Landlord, who carried the Note, brought them; for he durst not appear himself: so good and speedy Success we had, even beyond our Hopes, and there was no time to examine the Papers, all being dispatched the next day after they were seized. Now whatever others may think, I judge it a Sign that God would have them published for some eminent Ends, which, as I before hinted, I may touch hereafter; though I argue not from his Permissive, to his approving Providence.  
The second signal Providence, which seems to me to signify, that, on the other side, God would now have the Truth of this Affair brought to light, is, the Discovery of this Memorandum in so public and unexpected a manner, which is as generally known as the Memorandum itself; to wit, at the Sale of the Earl of Anglesey's Books by public Auction. 'Tis like no Eye had seen it from the time of the Writing of it; and if Mr. Millington had not casually opened the Book, there being some time betwixt the putting it up, and the Sale of it, it might in likelihood, have fallen into some Hand, who would either have not regarded it, or concealed it; to which may be added, Dr. Hollingsworth's unseasonable provoking me, to declare what I now have done, in my own necessary, yea, unavoidable Vindication of myself, from his insulting and most false Accusations.  
For what remains of the two Sheets, though I forbear the transcribing them, 'tis to avoid a tedious Work, which is needless; not to conceal any strength in them, for I shall faithfully reply to all that hath any seeming weight in it.  
In Sir William Dugdale's Account, here quoted, there are four Things asserted: to all which, I shall answer in order, denying what I know to be Mistakes, and granting what I know or believe to be true or probable; and give the Reasons of such my Denying or Granting.  
1. The first and most material Passage, is that concerning Major Huntingdon; to which I say two things; (1.) That this Account of his Testimony, is wholly different from what was used to be alleged as his; and I have very often heard, but never met with this before; and 'tis highly improbable, that the Lord Fairfax would take any thing out of the Cabinet, and send up the Cullings to the Parliament, who published his Majesty's Letters, on which the 21 chap. of the Book is written; nor had Gen. Fairfax that Respect or Tenderness for the King then, though he was heartily against his Murder. (2.) I will in the Faith of a Christian declare what I had from Major Huntington's own Mouth, without diminution or wresting of it. I had so often heard Major Huntington's Testimony alleged, that whilst he had attended his Majesty, or had the guarding of him, he saw the King frequently take these Papers out of his Cabinet and sometimes read them, sometimes write more; and that when he saw the Book, he declared those Chapters in it were those very Papers he had so seen.  
I having, I say, so often heard this alleged, and knowing well it was impossible to be true, had as earnest a desire to speak with him, as I ever had to speak with any Man; but could a good while meet with no Opportunity: but after some time, being at Tunbridg-Wells, the Major coming thither, with his Son-in-law Sir. J. Friend, a fair occasion offered; for after some small Acquaintance, and Converse upon the Walks, the Major invited me to his Lodgings at Caverly-Plain, which I most readily accepted, and made him a Visit one Afternoon: When I came, he received me very kindly, and all the Company, besides himself, being engaged in their Divertisements, I had as free an opportunity as I could wish to discourse of this Affair; after a while I told him I had a Favour to beg of him, in granting which he would greatly oblige me. He answered to this purpose, he would not deny me any thing in his Power wherein he might serve me. I than told him what I heard, as I have above related, and earnestly entreated him to tell me what he knew, or had said, of that Book. He willingly condescended, and began thus. 'Tis like you have heard how much Trouble this hath put me to; I have been examined by one Committee after another, and that time after time about it, and many things alleged that I should say. But I will tell you freely and fully all I know, or ever said concerning it, which was this: When that Book was published, and so confidently reported to be the King's; than surely, or I believe, these are the Papers I see him so usually take out of his Cabinet. But this was but my Conjecture, and I never declared it to be otherwise: for I assure you, I never read one Line or Word of the Papers in the King's Hand; I was not so rude, and I cannot say there was one Passage in these Papers, which is in this printed Book: For how should I, never having looked into them? Now whether I should believe Major Huntingdon, whose Account, as in the Sight of God, I faithfully relate, as to the Scope or Substance of it, or an Account so utterly inconsistent with it, and which is in it-self so highly improbable, let any considering Man judge.  
2. I confess, as Sir William saith, it might be seen at the Isle of Wight, by Mr. Herbert and Mr. Levet, for the Marquis of Hertford carried it thither; but if the Title was Suspiria Regalia, it was one of the King's Corrections. For when Dr. Gauden first showed it me, it was as is printed: for when I was bold to ask him how he could so impose upon the World? he bid me look upon the Title, 'tis the Portraiture, etc. and no Man draws his own Picture; as I said before, Sect. the first.  
3. I confess also Mr. Royston might be sent to, to prepare to print it; and 'tis likely the King might have sent it as he had corrected and altered it, had not the Violence offered him prevented his purpose; or they who used his Name to write in, might do the same for the Printing it.  
4. For its being brought to Mr. Royston, Decemb. 23. from Bishop Duppa, agrees well with my Account as to the Persons; but I rather think it was some days before, unless he meant it of what he last received: for I am infallibly sure, having a written Memorial to help me, that I brought up what was sent by me, Saturday December 23. and I think delivered it to Peacock the same Evening.  
In the second Authority produced, viz. Mr. William Levet's long Letter, though there be many things very well said, with a loyal Zeal, and just Indignation against the barbarous Usage of that excellent Prince, yet there are but two Passages which respect this Book; the latter of which, about Mr. Royston, is fully answered already.  
The other is, That he could depose the Book was his own, having oftentimes observed his Majesty writing his Royal Resentments of the bold and insolent Behaviour of his Soldiers (His rebellious Subjects) when they had him in their Custody; and that he had the happiness oftentimes to read the same in Manuscript, under his Majesty's own Hand, he being pleased to leave the same in the Window in his own Bedchamber.  
Answ. 1. There is no such Chapter or Title in all Εἰκὼν Βασιλικὴ; and therefore, though I do not deny but Mr. Levet might see his Majesty writing such his Resentments, that is no Proof he wrote this Book, in which that Writing is not found.  
2. That he read it in the King's Bedchamber, in the time of the Treaty at the Isle of Wight; this I can easily grant him, for then, and thither, the Marquis of Hertford brought it: but that it was under the King's own Hand, I must beg his pardon, to believe he is mistaken, unless it be understood of the Corrections and Alterations, which the Memorandum saith were written with the King's own Hand, or his Majesty had transcribed it.  
And now, Sir, whether these Authorities, or my Answers to them; and your Remarks upon the Memorandum, or my Replies in Vindication of it, be more sufficient to clear the Point in hand, and give the Reader full satisfaction, must be left to his own Judgement; and if he will be pleased to consider and weigh both, 'tis all the Courtesy I beg of him, or Courtship I will use to him.   

SECT. V.  
I shall conclude this Labour, not chosen by me, but imposed upon me by Dr. H. for my own Vindication, and to wipe off his false Accusation, of being guilty of a false Story, by a free owning these Reasons, for which I have occasionally, and when I have been desired to do it, declared the Substance of what he hath forced me now to write, though not in any measure to that degree he hath taken liberty to represent it.  
And first negatively, not to rob that excellent King of any Honour which was properly due to him, No Man of my Rank, loving him better, or honouring him more, while he lived; or more abhorring his Murder, or bewailing his Death, or (in my Station) giving more open Testimony against it, or sustaining greater loss for so doing: but I need not vindicate myself, in a case wherein I never heard myself accused or suspected.  
But positively. The Reason why I have done what I own, was, because, As we must not speak wickedly for God, nor talk deceitfully for him, Job. 13.7. neither may we do so for any Man, even not for those who are called Gods. 'Tis a well known, and as well approved a Saying of St. Augustin; An officious Lie ought not to be told to save the whole World. And I cannot deny, but there was more than an Appearance of some pious Fraud in this Affair, which I should, by my Silence, have contributed to the maintaining of, when I was required to speak my Knowledge of it.  
And though God had many Holy, Righteous, Gracious Ends to serve his Providence by, in the Publication of this Book; as, to render the Murder of so good a King more abhorred; to awaken many to Repentance who had contributed to it, (as I have heard it did) to dispose the Nation to recall, and with Acclamations of Joy to receive the returning Royal Family, and many more. Yet as I find it expressed in this very Book, Chap. the last, pag. 262. of the First Edition; God's wise Providence (we know) oft permits many Events, which his revealed Word (the only clear, safe and fixed Rule of good Actions, and good Consciences) in no sort approves. And I confess, I have many cogent Reasons to persuade me, that God was not well pleased with Dr. Gauden, others, or myself, for what we contributed to it. And though for the foresaid Ends, and many others, he suffered it to succeed, yet I know not but he may have other Ends now to serve, by suffering this Discovery to be wrung and wrested from me (I had almost said) by somebody's impertinent Affectation to meddle with what he understands not.  
However, it would be hard measure, and such as other Men would be loath to have meted to themselves, not to suffer a Man to reveal that, by concealing which he fears God is displeased, and so to necessitate him to labour under a continued uneasiness, and dissatisfaction of his own Mind: And if for avoiding this, any be offended, I cannot help it. I only calmly entreat them to judge, whether it be more expedient to please them than God? and in cool Blood to consider what I have honestly and sincerely written. If it convince not, if it satisfy them not, let them retain their former Sentiments; 'tis at this distance of time (being more than 43 Years) of no great Consequence, whether it were so, or so; I am sure, not of any equal concern to any Body to know it, as it is to me, when put upon it to discover it; for it would involve me in some Guilt to refuse it, in such Circumstances, which I cannot see the danger of to other Men, wholly Strangers to the Affair, how different soever their Opinions be, if they do not maliciously slander them who cannot be of their Minds, till they be convinced by stronger Arguments than those upon which my Persuasion is grounded; which I concisely will here recapitulate (though I entreat the Reader to review the two First Sections.)  
1. When Dr. Gauden showed me the Heads of the designed Chapters, and those he had written, I asked him how he satisfied himself, so to impose upon the World? His answer was, Look upon the Title, 'tis the Portraiture, and none draws his own Picture.  
2. When we returned from Bp. Duppa's, he told me the Bishop had propounded two Subjects more to be written on, but desired him to finish what remained; and he would prepare two Chapters on those Subjects.  
3. He told me he sent a Copy to the King, in the Isle of Wight, by the Marquis of Hertford, and humbly desired to know his Majesty's Pleasure concerning it.  
4. He told me the Duke of York knew he wrote it, and owned it to him to be a seasonable and good Service.  
5. His Wife, some others, and myself, believed it as firmly, as we could do any Matter of Fact, and there is no shadow of Appearance why he should put so gross a Cheat upon us all; for 'twas before 'twas finished, and a good while before 'twas printed, we so believed: and therefore he had not the Temptation to steal the Applause it met with when made public.  
6. He delivered to me with his own Hand what was last sent up, which I carried with me to London, Decemb. 23, 1648. These are the Reasons, why I believe as I do, the Affirmative part of the Question, that Dr. Gauden was the Author; and as I believe, I have also spoken: And if any Man can produce stronger Reasons for the Negative Part, I do not say only I will, but that I must believe that contrary Part. For no Man who considers, can believe as he lists, but the weightiest Arguments will ruin the Scale.  
And if any will be so charitable as to reclaim me from an Error he supposes I am in; I even beseech him to write nothing for the Truth, of which he does not make the like appeals to God which I have done: for if he attempt it by Raillery or Railing, by feeble Conjectures, or Stories inconsistent with themselves, or contradicting one another, he may with more Discretion spare his Pains: for as no wise Man will be influenced further by such Tools, than to pity them who use them, or make themselves merry; so I confess, I am so tired with examining such Ware, and so cloyed with such Quelk-chose, I shall have no Stomach to such Fare, or think myself concerned to take notice of it.   

ADVERTISEMENT.  
THE Reverend Author, Dr. Anthony Walker, coming to London to publish this Treatise, it pleased God, before it was finished at the Press, to take him to himself: but for the satisfaction of any that are doubtful herein, there are several credible Persons that can testify the Truth hereof; and the Manuscript Copy under the Doctor's own Hand, will evidence the same.   
FINIS.  

BOOKS lately Printed for Nathanael Ranew, at the King's-Arms, in St. Paul's Churchyard.  
PRactical Preparation for Death, the Interest and Wisdom of Christians: The Folly and Misery of those that are negligent therein. The great Benefits of a Life spent in a daily Preparation for our latter End. With Motives and Directions for the Performance thereof. Recommended as proper to be given at Funerals.  
The Glory and Happiness of the Saints in Heaven: or, a Discourse concerning the Blessed State of the Righteous. With Motives and Encouragements unto all Christians to secure to themselves an Interest therein.  
Discourses, or Sermons on several Scriptures. In Octavo.  
An Exposition on the Ten Commandments, with other Sermons. In Quarto.  
A Practical Exposition on the Lord's Prayer, with other Sermons. In Quarto.  
The Vanity of the World, with other Sermons. In Octavo. All Four written by Ezekiel Hopkins, late Lord Bishop of London. Derry.  
The Acts of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, convened at Edinburgh, October 16, 1690. Extracted from the Records of the Assembly, by the Clerk thereof; and published by their Order.  
The Danger of delaying Repentance. A Sermon preached to the University at St. Mary's Church in Oxford. By Arthur Bury, Rector of Exeter College in Oxon. Quarto.