THE Modern statesman.  
By G. W. Esq  
{non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}.  Plutarch. 
In hac ruina rerum stetit una integra atque immobilis virtus populi Romani. Haec omnia strata humi erexit, ac sustulit.  Livy. 
LONDON, Printed, by Henry Hills, and are to be sold at his House at the sign of Sir John Old Castle in money-corner, MDCLIII.   

To the Reader.  
READER,  
I Here present thee with a few conceptions and observations huddled together during my confinement to my Chamber by an arrest from Heaven; my nobler part being then unwilling to lie idle, when the other was denied the liberty of action: If I have not observed so exact a method as thou mightst expect, let the distraction of my mind by bodily pains and weakness plead my excuse. Thou mayest wonder perhaps to meet me walking abroad without a support, which was not from any overweening confidence in my own ability, but because I was ignorant where to find such an one as might lend me an hand; and this, not that I could not have picked out one sufficient in my own apprehension, but in thine: For when I considered our divisions, what animosities, what parties, what factions are amongst us, I knew not where to elect the man might please all, and so rather would have none, than one that might create a prejudice, or hinder any from looking into this little Treatise of so public concernment. We are all passengers in the public Vessel, therefore as wise Mariners diligently observe the Heavens, that they may not be taken unprovided by Tempests: so ought we to inquire what may betide the public, whereon our private Quiet, and Happiness depends. Foresight is an half-prevention, and though it may not totally defend, yet will it take off the edge so far, that the evil shall not be able to pierce to the heart: let this then suffice to move thee to read on, whereby thou shalt be enabled to make a perfect judgement, whether happiness, or calamity attends the nation whereof thou art a member. Sol et homo generant Hominem, say the Naturalists, and Providence, and virtue concur in the begetting of a perfect and durable Commonwealth, for divine influence, and human activity are equally necessary to the generation of the politic, as well as natural Body, and Heaven and earth must join to make up an absolute Compositum. Observe then both God, and Man, the actings of Providence towards, and of virtue in a Nation, and thou mayest foretell whether it will be well or ill with them, without going to a Conjuror, or any stargazing Mountebank.  
FAREWELL.   

The Contents.  

CHap 1. That there is by nature in all men an inquisitive desire after the knowledge of futurity▪ the reason of this; the means by which they have attempted it.  
Chap. 2. That there is a way leads to this knowledge, and what it is.  
Chap. 3. This may confirmed by reason and examples.  
Chap. 4. An admonition to some amongst us.  
Chap. 5. How England became a Commonwealth, and what may be expected from such a beginning.  
Chap. 6. The beginning of the Commonwealth of Rome, and the causes of its growth.  
Chap. 7. A Parallel.  
Chap. 8. Of Providence, and virtue, and the concurrence of second causes.  
Chap. 9 Of the Roman Piety, the evil and danger of mock thansgivings.  
Chap. 10. Piety and Valour not inconsistent; Piety rewarded in Heathens, Impiety punished.  
Chap. 11. Religion engrafted in man's heart by nature.  
Chap. 12. The outward means to be used; Ministers encouraged and maintained; the Christian Magistrates duty.  
Chap. 13. Religion not to be made a stalking horse to Ambition or Avarice.  
Chap. 14. The benefit of human learning, and some objections answered.  
Chap. 15. An answer to some objections in a Book entitled, The Saints Guide.  
Chap. 16. The abuse of learning no argument against the use of it.  
Chap. 17. The mischief of Ignorance.  
Chap. 18. Of moral virtue in general.  
Chap. 19 Of Probity, and the practice of it among the Romans.  
Chap. 20. Of Prudence.  
Chap. 21. Of Natural parts, Experience, Learning, and Travel.  
Chap. 22. Of the Prudence of the Romans.  
Chap. 23. Of Justice, and the Roman practice of it.  
Chap. 24. Of Laws, and the English Laws.  
Chap. 25. Of Fortitude.  
Chap. 26. Of Temperance.    
THE Modern statesman.  

CHAP. I.  
That there is by nature in all men an inquisitive desire after the knowledge of futurity; the reason of this; the means by which they have attempted to attain this in all Ages.  
THere is, and hath always been, in the generality of mankind, an itching desire, and ●ankering after the knowledge of future events, the sons of Adam reaching out their hands to the forbidden tree, and catching at the fruit of it; yea, this offspring of Eve longing for the greenest apples, the precocious knowledge of Events, before they come to their just ripeness and maturity.  
And to say truth, the Tree of knowledge is fair to the eye, and pleasant to the taste; for as all notional dainties are delightful, so especially these prenotions and anticipations of things are the more sweet and delicious to the palates of men, because most of their being is treasured up in their future condition. They can find no satisfaction, no Sabbath, no quiet in their present state, and therefore they would fain know what the next day, what the next year, what the next age will bring forth; in the highest prosperity they fear a mutation, in the lowest adversity they are impatient for a change; and hence it comes to pass, that futurity is the mark at which all level the arrows of their Counsels, their endeavours, their hopes, their desires, and their prayers.  
This hath caused them in all ages to have a sacred esteem of those who pretended skill in divination, as the honour conferred upon Joseph by Pharaoh, and the advancement of Daniel by the Chaldean and Persian Monarchs recorded in sacred writ undoubtedly makesout, to let pass the honours which the Magi enjoyed among them, which are set down by those that wrote their histories.  
Thus the Jews who had the urim and Thummim, and Prophets from God to inquire of, yet ran a-madding after wizards, and such as had familiar spirits, had their false prophets by hundreds, yea, and sent to Baalzebub the God of Ekron, an oracle of the Devils, to inquire, as in the life of Ahaziah will appear.  
With how frequent, and costly sacrifices did the Grecians adore their Oracle-giving Deities, purchasing an answer with a Hecatomb, and with the blood of a hundred dumb beasts conjuring their dumb devils, before the sullen fiends would vouchsafe to answer them? and of what esteem were the Sibyl's books among the Romans, who with all other heathens were so inquisitive after the future, that they left no stone unroled to attain the knowledge of their fates?  
There could not a Bird chatter, but there was an Augur to comment on, and expound its language.  
There could not a Bird fly, but there was an Auspex to watch it; nor light, but he was ready to observe, and by its motions in the air interpret the revolutions of States and Persons.  
There could not a sacrifice fall, but there was an Aruspex to behold the posture of it, and by the quietness or struggling of the sensitive creature, to foretell the facilities or reluctancies in the affairs of rational beings; and an Exspex to consult the entrails, and by the colour of the innards tell the complexion of outward affairs.  
There could not a line seem to be scribbled on the hand, but there was a Chiromancer to read them, and with his interlineary glosses expound them, giving a short Synopsis of the future passages of this present life out of that Enchiridion (as they would have it) of natures penning.  
The Interpreter of dreams was set to judge in the horny and ivory gates of fancy, and as if the day were to receive light from the night, to regulate its walking motions, by th' others slumbering intimations.  
To pass by those several kinds of the same madness expressed in Geomancy, by circles in the earth; Pyromancy, by fire; Hydromancy, by water; Necromancy, by the Ghosts of the dead, &c. of which the nations were enamoured, the heaven itself could not escape them, but the ginger with his key was to unlock the starry characters, and out of them spell the fate of sublunary things.  
And here let me not be mistaken, for I am not of opinion that those glorious bodies were created only to twinkle in a clear night, I do believe them to have an influence on sublunary bodies, and see the Moon empire it over the waters, & the humours increase, and decrease, as it fills, or is in the wane, yet are they not, I conceive, so easy to be read as some pretend, if certainly to be known by any; for I find the Prince of the power of the air himself at loss in his conjectures, which made him so cautelous in his oraculous responsals, as Plutarch in many places observes.  
And Aquinas will have the crows, crane's, & swallows, those flying almanacs, more happy and successful in their predictions, than our anni specula, which become often cracked & broken in their guessings at the weather and truly the giving such unequal representations of things most obvious, is a very bad into create a belief of their ability to foretell things far more imperceptible, and immaterial, that depend upon the will and decrees of God, and upon the motions of most free and indifferent agents; yea, such as are confessed on all hands so able to oppose, that they cannot be compelled, for Sapiens dominabitur astris, & it is related of Socrates, that of a crabbed and dissolute disposition by nature, he became the most accomplished in his time by Philosophy.  
But I shall not set bounds to other men's knowledge, nor circumscribe them within the circle of my own ignorance, they may have dawnings where I perceive no starlight; yet take this along with you, that God often in text-hand declares his mind, in a Comet, a blazing-star, and other fiery apparitions, as he did before the last destruction of Jerusalem.  
And as the Jews and Heathens, so many Christians have been tampering about futurities, how lawfully I cannot say, for I am persuaded we ought to acquiesc in God's revealed will; God will have his children in some sense in diem vivere entertain fortune by the day, and he doth choose gradually and leisurely {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, to discover the thoughts he hath concerning them, that he might keep them in a waiting and obedient posture, in a posture of dependence, and expectation; not that I would have them with Anacreon cry out, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, give me to day, let who will take care for to morrow; or with the Stoics lazily expect the blind-stroke of a conceited unavoidable Fate; but using all lawful and probable means, endeavour their countries, and in it their own future good.  
I confess with that kingly Prophet, that God's ways are unsearchable, and his paths past finding out, that is in the hidden and secret bringing of things about, yet in his outgoings he will be observed, that his glory, his power, his justice, and his mercy may be made manifest unto the children of men; thus we find his mighty works of creation, and redemption, of preservation, and castigation, all along recorded in the sacred registers of the old and new Testaments; and that for the comfort as well as instruction of his people; in the writings of those glorious stars, the sacred penmen, may the Saints read their fortunes, and with comfort apply unto themselves the divine dispensations of God to his people.  
Hath God brought England through a red sea of war out of Egyptian bondage, and will he not perfect his work? is the mighty hand of omnipotency shortened that it cannot save? or the loving kindness of the immutable Deity changed that he will not save? though the murmurers (those repiners at God's hand, who would upon beds of down, with all ease and plenty be carried through the wilderness) may be cut off, and those low souls whom the height of the sons of Anak hath caused to rebel against the most high be consumed; and who knows whether for their sakes he hath not deferred to settle us in the promised land? yet shall the Caleb's and Joshua's who have followed God fully be brought into it, and their seed shall possess it; though God may defer his mercies because of some men's infidelity, yet in his good time he will accomplish them, if his people walk worthy of them. Let us not then despair, nor be impatient, but endeavour to fit ourselves to receive them; for the wise God, and our merciful Father knows better what is good for us than ourselves, his time is best, but let us from the bottom of our hearts echo to that petition in the Gospel, Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven.  
But I shall not insist further in applying Scripture, and I could wish some (I am persuaded Godly persons) had not been (I fear) to adventurous in misapplying it; for surely if we warily look into those Prophecies in Daniel, we shall hardly find them calculated for the Meridian of great Britain, and Ireland; were not some peremptorily concerning the return of the Jews out of the Babylonish captivity, as in 9 chap. 24. verse! the coming of Christ, and the destruction of Jerusalem, as in 25, 26, 27. &c. verses others concerning the four Monarchies in 2. chap. the division of Alexander's kingdom, in 8. chap. and the Empire of Rome, in the 11. chap.  
So if we behold the book of the Apocalypse, it rather seems to hold forth the actions of a world than an Island, and the great concernments of the rational species than of a few English Individuums.  
I hope I shall be allowed liberty of conscience in so intricate a case, especially being no fundamental point of salvation, and if God shall be pleased to use England as the primary instrument in my days for the destruction of that Romish kingdom of Antichrist, and the exaltation of the Lord Jesus blessed for ever on the throne, I shall endeavour to praise him both in word and deed, and humbly to prostrate my life and fortunes at his feet, as ready to wait upon him in what part of that work he shall be pleased to make me though never so meanly instrumental.   

CHAP. II.  
That there is a way which leads to this knowledge, and what it is.  
ANd now setting aside the before rehearsed follies of the besotted world, I shall attempt by a new way of conjecture to guess at the fortune of the commonwealth; reason shall be the Jacobs-staff by which I shall take its height, and in that true glass show you its futureface, that I may have few, and those inconsiderable opponents. I know that discourse which is most filled with reason must needs be most victorious and triumphant, the weapons of it are general, and there is none of the sons of men able to oppose its force, the unjust Infidel must believe it, or deny his essence, and the Atheist must subscribe upon peril of his being, for the Creator, or as they, nature itself gave it an imprimatur & {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the eternal Being graved it on immortal souls, as Philo very excellently declares, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. It is essential, & so must be universal to the species of mankind; and as Aristotle saith, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, what soever is natural, is immovable, and perpetually in the same manner energetical; It constantly and continually commands obedience, and none but a monster, an Heteroclite in nature, as the Philosopher speaks {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, will dare to resist it; but to our purpose.  
There is not, I confess, enough light in any c●eated reason to give a bright displaying of fate, nor is there vigour enough in any created eye to pierce into the marrow and pith, into the depth and secrecy of the eternal decree; yet can it discover such objects as are within its own sphere with a sufficient certainty. The actings of Providence are so fairly printed, and the letters of it so visible, and capital, that we may read them, though some perverse beings, unworthy the name of men, slight all its workings, upon this account, that they are rolling, and fluctuating; who with the old sceptics by a kind of strange hypocrisy, and in an unusual way of affectation, pretend to more ignorance than they have, nay than they are capable of, or with Socrates cry, Hoc tantum scire, se nihil scire; He only knows this, that he knoweth nothing; and with the academics {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. I cannot comprehend.  
But let me tell such dubious, if not lazy, Gentlemen, that it is an error very derogatory to the plenitude and exuberancy of the divine actings, which stream out in a clear cognoscibility, and no less injurious to their own natural capacities, which were not made so straight and narrow-mouthed, as not to receive those lessons that continually drop from Providence upon the world.  
It is an unquestionable rule, Omne quod est, quando est, necesse est esse, a contingency, when 'tis extra suas causas, when it is actually produced, having a determinatum esse, it may then also have a determinate cognoscibility; for entity is the root and bottom of intelligibility; a commonwealth in its growth is uncertain, and the means whereby it shall acquire strength lie hid in the eternal decree, until by the working of Providence they are presented to public view, and then we know how it attained to maturity,   

CHAP, III.  
This Way confirmed by Reason, and Examples.  
NOw this ordinary working of Providence hath so often shown itself in the adadvancement of States, that with a little industry we may tract it, and by its leadings may conjecture how good a progress such or such a State shall have; for matters in fact are as certain in being and reality, as demonstrations.  
And this may be enlightened by a simile fetch't from Vegetables, which we see thrive by the alternat help of heat and moisture, moderately and in their seasons shining, and showering down upon them; yet either of these in excess, much enfeebles, or totally destroys them: hence without a witch will your country man foretell plenty or scarcity, and indeed all such effects as lurk in probable causes, that seem to promise very fairly, may be known also in an answerable, and proportionable manner, by strong, and shrewd conjectures: thus the Physician knows the disease, the Mariner forsees a storm, & the Shepherd provides for the security of his flock.  
Thus by an intermingled influence of Peace and War, Nations have grown renowned, whereas, either alone depresses or extinguishes them; and for this we can give good reason.  
For war files off that rust that is apt to canker and eat into the bowels of States; it opens the veins, purifies the blood, and makes it lively, and generous; it raiseth and quickeneth the spirits, and makes the members active and prompt for the highest and noblest achievements.  
And Peace it fills the barns, is the Nurse of Trade, from whence grow the golden sinews that strengthen the arms, and makes them able to wield their weapons in the time of war; is the patroness of learning, the Mistress of Art, the Parent of good and wholesome Laws; needs than must that nation vigorously increase, on which both these have a joint and happy influence.  
But if any should ask how it is possible to enjoy both? let them go and see how one spring is made happy by both showers and sunshine; nay they may be both at once, there may be a foreign War, yet Peace at home, it may rain and shine, and that together.  
Yet let the drums bellow too long, and people will echo to them, and become brutish, savage and barbarous; let war break in on all sides, and like a deluge it sweeps all before it, and if any thing be left, it is but mud and dirt.  
Or let a long calm come what sloth, what luxury, what effeminatness and cowardice doth it create? how doth it enervate the members, clog the spirits, cause the blood to putrify, and corrupt, and beget that lazy and scurvy disease which makes the whole body to draw a faint, sickly, inglorious, yea, a noisome breath?  
Thus we see the standing waters to corrupt, and natural bodies crazed, and resolved to their first earth, as much by pleurisies as consumptions, by surfeits as famine; and souls as oft forced by a disease to take their flight, as a sword, and by an inward malady not seldomer than an outward enemy compelled to quit their beloved mansions.  
And as reason, so examples, and those in all ages, may be brought to back our assertions.  
The Assyrian, Caldaean, and Persian Monarchies by arms got footing, and became powerful, by a mixed peace, they grew into a form of government, & whilst these walked hand in hand, they continued both formidable, and lovely, and to use the Scripture expression, they were fair as the Moon, bright as the Sun, and terrible as an Army with Banners. This temperature of beauty and terror, order and strength, is the happy Crasis of a State; these in their true proportions make up the perfect symmetry, and from these discords springs the sweetest harmony in State music.  
And now, when all their sails were filled with the prosperous gales of fortune, and there was none but veiled and stooped unto them, on a sudden being becalmed, an effeminate Sardanapalus, a drunken Belshazzar, and a luxurious Darius, put a period to their greatnesss; so easy it is to tumble down hill.  
Thus the Roman Monarchy fell to pieces, and became a prey to barbarous nations, yet out of its ashes arose a phoenix, a maiden Common-wealth, which hath preserved her beauty as well as virginity for twelve hundred years without wrinkle or blemish, and hath so often foiled the Ottoman forces, to whom the Grecian Empire became a prey with little difficulty; so potent is virtue even in the least bodies, and of such advantage is situation, and bad neighbours too sometimes which will not suffer her ancient virtue to be cankered, or eaten with rust.  
Thus a few Fisher-Towns among the Batavers became a commonwealth in despite of Spain, and Flanders to boot, and from poor distressed States are grown Hogen-Mogens with the help of England, for which they have since well rewarded us. But let them take heed lest their High and Mightinesses be not brought as low as their situation, being grown resty with their former little successes, Peace, and Plenty, and by their treacherous ingratitude made their best friend their enemy, to whom they are as much inferior in true valour, as they surpass in Pride, Arrogancy, treachery, and Cruelty.  
Yea, to come home, how illustrious, and famous did this nation grow in the days of Queen Elizabeth? What noble Acts? What generous spirits did it bring forth? What supplies did it afford the Netherlands? What an help was it to France, and what a Scourge and terror to the usurping Spaniards? whose Armado styled Invincible it not only sent home well beaten, but with fire and sword took revenge in their Havens and on their Coasts; and yet into how contemptible a condition it did relapse by a long sloth, and how it hath been undervalued, our own eyes can witness unto us, if we look a little back, even to the sadning of our friends, and rejoicing of our enemies.  
Thus the best made Clocks by long being unwound up gather rust, and become unfit for the least motion.  
And this that politic lawgiver perceiving, gave it in command to the Spartans, not to wage war often with one and the same enemy; which when Agesilaus one of their Kings had neglected to their loss, and his own smart, He was flouted, returning wounded, by Antalcidas, with, The Thebans have well rewarded thee, O King, whom, unwilling and ignorant, thou hast compelled and taught to conquer.   

CHAP. iv.  
An Admonition to many amongst us.  
WHat then may we think of some lately appearing amongst us, who neither minding their own good, not their Master's business, have been bold in the sight of the sun to upbraid those in power with these latter wars, as fomented and raised for their lusts, and our pressure, which by the good hand of Providence hitherto have turned to our honour, and advantage, and it may be have been a means to prevent our ruin; the common Enemy keeping us from quarrelling among ourselves, and as it were binding up our hands from intestine slaughter: for so many and so great divisions there were amongst us, such animosities and heartburnings in one party against the other, as in that unsettled estate we were in at first, In sua victrices vertentes viscera dextras, might have turned our weapons into our own bowels, had not heaven in mercy cut out work for us elsewhere, until we were a little▪ better come to ourselves What means then the bleatings, and lowings of these cattle, which are driven like beasts to the slaughter? for alas fond youths, though your noddles are not full enough to render you suspected of design, yet undoubtedly have you been set a-going by some well practised in the art of sedition, and whose concernments and inclinations prodigiously meet in that fatal point, to whom it may seem as natural to live in the fire of contention, as profitable to fish in troubled waters; consider but the bottom, and you will abhor the broachers of this design, who under the pretence of crying down foreign, would stir up a civil war; and of advancing Peace, and Freedom, raise Rebellion and Confusion, which would inevitably ruin yourselves, Trades, and country. Let not any of these fly Sinon's make you break down your own walls, to bring in so fatal an Engine, a second Trojan-horse, which will powrforth armed Tyrants in the dead of night upon you, whose understandings they have charmed asleep with their false & counterfeit pretences. Timete Danaos et dona ferentes: You cannot be too mistrustful of your old Enemy, of whom this design smells rank; take heed, I say, you lose not your liberty in the noise you make for freedom, and whilst you crowd out Authority, you bring not Tyranny in on pick-back; which your enemies of themselves despair ever to accomplish.  
Thus have I seen fullgrown fruit which hath withstood the assaults of outward storms, rot with superfluity of innate moisture, and the double-armed nut resolved to dust by a worm bred in its own kernel.  
Or what shall we say to a second sort, those sons of sloth, those dregs of a lazy and luxurious peace, who as if their souls lay in their bellies, find no content but in ease and riot? whose whole note is, Where are those golden days we once had? Where are our Court-revellings and Masques? Where our lord-mayor's Feasts and shows, and all those jovial sports gone, in which England was wont to pride herself and triumph? not a Wake, not a morris-dance now to be seen, are these the effects of a Parliament? and is this that we have got by fighting? Alas poor souls! you dreamt (I'll warrant) a Parliament would have made the Thames flow Custard, and turned the pebbles on the shore into Garoway-Comfits; have caused Bag-pudding to grow on every Bush, and each pond abound with beef and brewess; have commanded the conduits to run Sack and claret, and the Rivers and Brooks Ale and strong Beer; and welladay, your houses are not walled with Hasty Pudding, neither do Pigs ready roasted come and cry Come eat me; Lubberland is as far off now as ever, and you deceived of all your goodly expectations; but peace, put fingers out of neyes, and I will tell you what; yea, what your country, your mammy (if she be not ashamed to own you) hath got; she hath gained her freedom, and regained her reputation; of a baffeled, scorned, and despised Kingdom, she is become a victorious, dreadful, and renowned commonwealth; she that was contemned by 
a Gales.  Spain, cudgeled by 
b Ree.  France, braved by 
c the Downs.  Holland, affronted by 
d Rebellion.  Ireland, & baffe'ld by 
e The first Invasion.  Scotla. hath made those with whom she hath grappelled feel the force of her arms, and taught the rest to observe their due distance; yea she hath done more in four years, than your Monarchs could do in four hundred; having quelled Ireland, subdued Scotland, cudgeled Holland, and with a Navy of near two hundred sail scoured her narrow seas, and swept her enemy's Coasts, notwithstanding her strugglings at home with such undutiful sons as yourselves, who have laid all the stumbling-blocks in her way they either could or durst.  
But your Purses pay for this you cry, I warrant you, and so they did for the Puppets and Pageants, the hobby-horses and bells, and all the rest of the Trumperies your souls so much delighted in; as I conceive too you were wont to pay subsidies for your Charters, and your Petition of Right, which you hung by and gazed on with as much benefit to yourselves then, as now on your Scotch Covenant; as also shipmoney, knighthood-money, Coat and conduct-money, and now and then you received a Privy-seal; your Carts now and then did attend the Court, and your Oxen, Sheep, Horses, Hay, Straw, Oats, &c. were taken up at the King's price, and that paid too, when you could get it; there were slavish tenures, and a Court of Wards, a Star-Chamber, and an High-Commission Court with its appurtenances in each diocese; Justices in Eire, and forest laws, &c. which cost you something; but you will be wiser upon second thoughts, put on your considering caps then, for you know not what you may come too; what though you are out of hopes of being Courtiers you may be Patriots, and instead of being slaves to flattery, become patroness of liberty; what though you cannot buy knighthoods, and Lordships, yet may you purchase never-dying honour to your names by faithfully serving your God, and country. Act then virtuously, and let posterity find your names in the Van of good commonwealths-men, among the first Ranks of the Assertors of Liberty. Which of you, were you to choose, would not rather be read in history a Brutus, than a Tarquin; an Aristogiton, than a Pisistratus; a Pelopidas, than an Archas; a Timoleon, than a Dionysius? whether doth the name of Lancaster, or Gaveston, Hereford, or Spencer, make the pleasinger found in English ears? and which were accounted Martyrs, which Traitor, in the thoughts of your generous Ancestors? and if all this will not prevail with you, if duty and honour appear small in your eyes, yet profit sure will do much; it is the way to thrive; for it is more than probable that the commonwealth will survive its enemies, and there are certain symptoms of its welfare.  
That Providence which hath hitherto brooded upon it, and hatched it into this perfection, that hand of Omnipotency which hath given assured tokens of assistance from heaven, hath in text-letters written its fortune on its forehead, so that the least read in Physiognomy may spell it out. The Schoolmen observe, Divina voluntas, licet simpliciter libera sit ad extra, ex suppositione tamen unius actus liberi, potest necessitari ad alium. We shall not go so high, but this we shall say, that where God hath so visibly owned a nation, he will never draw back his hand unless upon some notorious provocation. Lift up your eyes then, Os homini sublime dedit, coelumque videre Jussit, & erectos ad sidera tollere vultus, which were given you to this end, and contemplate the works of your gracious Creator, it is your duty so to do, and he expects it at your hands; be not rebels to nature, nor make frustrate the admirable frame of your creation, which will argue you not only ingrate, but worse than brutish, yea put you in the lower form, to the beasts that perish, for as the Heathen satirist, 
Sensum è coelesti demissum traximus arce,  
Cujus egent prona, & terram spectantia; mundi  
Principio indulsit communis Conditor illis  
Tantùm animas, nobis animum quoque.   
But lest there should be some so ignorant that they cannot, others so lazy that they will not take the pains to read this hand-writing from heaven, I will endeavour so plainly to set it before them, that Fronaque si spectent animalia, if they look but downwards, will they, nill they, they shall perceive it, unless they blindfold themselves, and wink out of design; and for such Moles, let them enjoy their dark Caverns, and there delve and dig until they have laid themselves as low as they desire, or deserve; let their affected shades envelop them, and not the smallest star disturb their Cimmaerian enjoyments; let the night's black choristers, Ravens and Scrich-Owls, sing Anthems and Requiems to their souls, and no sun arise to disturb the music, and dissolve the lucky consort.   

CHAP. V.  
How England became a commonwealth, and what may be expected from such a Beginning.  
THe English Nation by a long and bloody civil War being awaked out of that sleep which had almost brought a Lethargy upon her, (like an angry Lion roused and enraged with the smart of his wounds) resolutely, and with a courage not unworthy the nobility of her Stock, sets upon the foe that had so galled her, and soon brought him under her feet; then disdaining to wear the fetters of a conquered enemy, assumes the power God then, and Nature at first had invested her with, and assumes her pristine freedom.  
Thus Bellona was the Midwife which brought England to bed of the commonwealth, which was no sooner born, but she swaddled her in Ensigns torn from her proudest foes, and adorned her cradle with Trophies of victory! O sacred and happy birth! what Triumphs attend thy youth, and what laurels shall encircle thy manly front? Thou that hast strangled serpents in thy cradle, givest us hopes, that the seven-headed Hydra shall fall by thee when thou hast attained thy full strength; and who hast made it as it were thy sport to pull down petty Tyrants, wilt make it thy business to destroy the grand Impostor; that as with thy fist thou hast given him a box on the ear, so with thy sword thou wilt divide his head from his shoulders; For what less than a Triple Crown can attend thy Chariot, whose go-cart is lackeyed on by Crowns in couples? for great, even for so great things sure hath Providence reserved thee, whom she hath so carefully tended in thy infancy; for though she hath suffered thine enemies to rise against thee, yet so tender a regard hath she had of thy youth, that she put hooks as it were in their nostrils, and restrained them from uniting, whom single she knew thee able to grapple with; so that their malice hath augmented thy glory, and by their endeavouring to ruin thee, they have increased thy power, making themselves but Touchstones to convince the world of the purity of thy metal, and on their own shoulders advancing thee above an ordinary height, that the World might take notice of thy growth, and stature; and as with thee, so hath she done with others, even with all all those whom she intended to advance; examples of which, both divine, and human histories abundantly offer to our view. Thus was it with Israel in their conquering the promised land, Sihon king of the Amorites first sets upon them, than Og king of Baashan came out against them, &c. thus we find it with divers others in other Authors, which to avoid prolixity I shall pass by, instancing in one and that so well known, that few, if any therebe, but have heard thereof, and that the commonwealth of Rome, which from a small beginning grew up into so vast a body, that her Eagles-wings spread over the greatest part of the then known world.   

CHAP. VI.  
The beginning of the commonwealth of Rome, and the causes of its growth.  
THis City, or rather Town of Rome, being founded by Romulus, and inhabitants gathered together from divers places, was no sooner built, but it was threatened with ruin in its very infancy, and the best it could expect was but an age's duration; for the greatest part of the inhabitants being single, all hope of issue was cut off, which only could afford it a longer life: Wives thus wanting, and none to be obtained by consent, so contemptible were they in the eyes of their neighbours, they attempt what craft and force would do; and their Plot succeeded to their minds; for having proclaimed public plays, and invited their neighbours, they suddenly provided themselves wives of the Sabine Virgins, which came with their Parents to be spectators.  
Yet this remedy seemed as dangerous as the disease; for the Sabines were a great and warlike nation, and a Colony of the Spartans, after whose manner they lived in Towns without walls, reputing themselves safe in their own valour, and the Romans could not but expect they would resent the affront. But see how fortune (which we Christians truly term Providence) gave them assistance, by giving let to the conjunction of their enemies, though of one nation, and alike interessed in the quarrel.  
First, the Caeninenses come against them, whose King being slain by Romulus in fight hand to hand, and their Army defeated, were compelled to leave their old habitations, and go and dwell at Rome by the Conqueror, who by this means increased his strength as well as reputation, and became the better able to deal with the rest.  
This war done, the Fidenates, Crustimini and Antenates begin another, and run the same fortune, and likewise being incorporated with the Victors still increase the Roman Stock.  
The rest grown wise by these examples unite, and put the Romans to such a plunge, that it was easy to conjecture what have would have been the issue, had they taken this course at first; but by the intercession of the women running in between the armies, a peace was made, and both Nations joined in one, the City keeping its old name of Rome from Romulus, the people being called Quirites from the chief Tribe of the Sabines, the Roman and Sabine Kings jointly reigning.  
Now could the wisest among the sons of men have judged that a rape should have begot an union? but there is an hand above disposes of things above our suppositions, which continued its favour till Rome grew of perfect strength. This was he that withdrew Porsenna, and changed his enmity into love, and admiration; that restrained any warlike Marcian or Lucan, any Mulius, Silo, or Telesinus with the joint forces of Italy from falling upon her, until she was able to bear the storm; that out supplies off from Hannibal when he had almost born down all before him, and made the envy of his own Citizens instrumental to their own ruin; that made Antiochus sit still until Philip was brought under, and Tigranes look on until Mithridates was beaten out of his kingdom, yea that provided work by the Sarmatians for Mithridates till the Marsian war was over; that divided the Cimbri and Teutones so, that Marius when he had overthrown one party, had time to join with the other consul to help destroy the other, and suffered not three hundred thousand fighting men in one body to attempt Italy; and in like manner the slaves, and fencers, giving Crassus' opportunity to defeat them, who had ranged Italy, and oft put the Roman Armies to rout; that by a few Geese saved the Capitol, and caused the unjust banishment of Camillus to be a means to preserve Rome.   

CHAP. VII.  
A Parallel.  
ANd hath not Providence in the same manner dealt with this commonwealth? which was no sooner established in England, but it was threatened from Ireland, where Dublin, Derry, and a few forces under general Monk were only left us, two being besieged, and the third in an incapacity to afford them relief; when things were thus desperate, God divided the Rebels, and made O Neal instrumental in the relief of Derry, neither could they be pieced until Ormond was totally broke, and the other party under the Popish Bishop of Clogher, fought and routed.  
The Irish cloud almost dissolved, a Scotch storm threatens us, which yet came not on so suddenly, but that we had time to provide shelter, (Providence causing them to trifle away much time in their treaties, and other mockeries) insomuch that the greatest part of it fell in their own Nation, the tail only besprinkling some parts of this, where it totally vanished.  
And here we can never sufficiently admire God's goodness to this commonwealth, who when the enemy had given our Army the slip, and left them so far behind them, suffered them not to march up to London, but to empound themselves at Worcester, and so overruled the hearts of this Nation, that notwithstanding the malice and hatred of many to the present Government, yet not any considerable person, or number, joined with the enemy, even marching through the most discontented and disaffected Counties.  
The North being cleared, the Dutch jealous of our increase, who have found the sweetness of a State Government, endeavour to clip our wings, and to usurp our long held sovereignty of the seas, having undermined our Trading a long while before; but they may put what they have got by it in their eyes without any danger, unless of making themselves weep, notwithstanding their treacherous and base attempt upon a small squadron with one of our Generals in the time of Ttreaty, and before denouncing a war, and that even upon our own coast; whilst we besides the honour, and repute gained abroad, are grown more potent at sea in one year, than we had like to have been in many ages, had they let us been at quiet; and even thus the Carthaginians compelled the Romans to become Masters at sea, by their injuries provoking that stout nation to adventure a sea fight, though so ignorant, that the consul taught them to row by sitting, and beating poles on the sand; and truly little better seamen were our Redcoats at first.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Of Providence, and virtue, and the concurrence of second causes.  
ANd sure now no Christian but will acknowledge a divine hand overruling in these actings for England's preservation, which even the Heathen observed by their dim light, in Rome's advancement.  
Thus we find that ingenuous moralist Plutarch affirming, that though there hath been a great and continual war, and feud between Fortune and virtue, yet it is probable, they made a truce, and united their forces for Rome's assistance.  
Again, as they report Venus passing over the River Eurotas laid aside her lookingglass, attire, and girdle, and took a spear and a shield to accompany Lyeurgus; so Fortune having deserted the Assyrians, and Persians, hovered over Macedon, suddenly shook off Alexander, viewed Egypt and Syria, seemingly advanced Carthage, at last past Tiber, laid aside her wings, and set up her residence in the Capitol.  
And as He, so the Romans themselves were sensible of this divine aid, as the multitude of Temples dedicated to Fortune may demonstrate; there was the Temple of Fortunae virilis: Fortunae muliebris: Fortunae primogeniae & obsequentis: Fortunae privatae & Viscatricis: Fortunae virgins: Fortunae bonae spei: Fortunae masculae: Fortis Fortunae, &c.  
Yet did they not attribute all to Fortune, and neglect virtue, of which they were as great admirers, and honourers, as they were adorers of the other; and Plutarch gives it a due place: Rome was (saith he) conducted and encompassed with whole troops of Citizens, brandishing bloody weapons, ennobled with scars received before, bedewed with blood and sweat, and leaning on half-broken Trophies, such as her Fabricii, Cimilli, Cincinnati, Fabii, Aemillii, Marcelli, Scipiones, &c.  
And let us but consider, and we shall see that Providence works by instruments, and God expects the use of means; we cannot suppose a victory without a fight; lying still, and wishing will do nothing, D●i munerasua laboribus vendunt, it was not hid from the Heathen, that the active only were to expect a blessing; the hand of the diligent makes rich, and virtuous actions advance States and Persons to honour and dignity. For though scientia Dei, the knowledge of God be the Cause of things, yet being but the Remote cause it takes not away Contingency: God himself perceives that some things will evenire contingenter, for he doth not only cognoscere res, sed ordinem et modum rerum, know things, but the order and manner how they shall come to pass; He knows there are causae intermediae, which are impedibiles et defectibiles (as the Schoolmen say) and from the wavering of these Second causes the whole rise of Contingency flows; thus in a Syllogism, let the Major be Necessary, if the Minor be Contingent, the Conclusion will be so too; though the First cause be certain, yet if there be obstructions in the Second, no man can assure himself what will be the effect; though the spring of motion cannot fail, yet if the wheels break, the progress will be very uncertain to all but God, who knows whether they will break or no; He knows whether such a Nation will use the means or no; whether it will improve his blessings, or abuse them; whether it will employ the Peace, Plenty, Wealth, Power, and Strength it hath received for his glory, and the common good, or for Pride, Luxury, and riot: so that we only are in the dark; yet not altogether are we blind, but where we see virtue on the throne in a Nation, there we may foretell a blessing to that people, and where Vice predominant, that its attendant Ruin is not far off; and for this the beforementioned commonwealth of Rome affords us an example in both kinds; which as it grew up by virtue to an unparalleled height, so by Vice was its strength broken, and its renown turned into shame, that Dalilah betraying this mighty Samson into the hands of his enemies, who have fettered him, and pulled out his eyes: It will not therefore I suppose be a work unworthy our labour to take a view of those virtues, by which, that, as other Nations have become renowned, and set them for our example; for though Heathens, they attained to a great height of morality, yea such an one as may put most that wear the stile of Christians to the blush.   

CHAP. ix..  
Of the Piety of the Romans, the evil and Danger of Mock-thanksgivings.  
ANd first let us behold their Piety, which is not only the chief, but the file-leader, and indeed the ground of all the rest; this is that which bridles the most unruly, and strikes an awe where reason cannot persuade; let this be taken away, and with it all fidelity, justice, purity vanish, yea human society cannot subsist without it, as Cicero observes in his first Book de Nat. Deor.  
Never did they begin any business without frequent supplications. Civitas religiosa in principiis maximè novornm bellorum, supplicationibus habitis, & obsecratione circa omnia pulvinaria facta, Ludos Jovi, donumqui vovere Consulem jussit. Livy dec. 4. l. 1. Supplicatio▪ à Consulibus in triduum ex Senatus-consulto indicta est, obsecratique circa omnia pulvinaria Dii, quod bellum populus jussisset, id bene, ac foeliciter eviniret. Idem in eodem.  
Never did they obtain a victory, or receive a deliverance, but public thanksgivings were decreed, and those for one, three, or more days, according to the greatness of the benefit; Magna victoria loetitiaque Romae fuit literis allatis, supplicatio in triduum decreta est, & 40. majores hostiae immiolari juss●. Livy. Thus when Hannibal was forced to leave Italy after sixteen years' war, they no sooner heard of it, but they ordered solemn and public thanks. Decretum ut quinque dies circa omnia pulvinaria supplicaretur, victimaeque majores immolarentur centum & viginti.  
Never shall we find them mocking heaven, giving thanks for a victory, when they had received a loss. A practice so superlatively impious, that any less than an Atheist must tremble but to think on; for what is this but to abuse God, that man may be deceived, making the divine power (may it be spoken with reverence) as it were a stalking-horse to drive the befooled people into their nets? What is this other than a professed Declaration that their sole confidence is in the arm of flesh, not caring how they undervalue God's glory, so they may maintain their own reputation, how they provoke him, so they may but keep up the spirits of their own party? Flectere si nequeunt superos Acheronta monebunt, Sith God hath forsaken them, they will try what the devil will do; sith Heaven refuses, they will try what help hell will afford them; poor wretches, not at all considering, that whilst they endeavour to rally, and patch together a poor, routed and broken party of frail men, they make omnipotency their foe, defying the Almighty himself in so public a manner, that he is engaged by that which is most dear to him, his own glory, to revenge the affront; It is evident than how good a match they are like to have of it. Neither doth their wickedness stop here; 'tis not against God only they sin, but men also; they are not only traitors against the Majesty of Heaven, but their trust on earth, betraying their own poor people which repose their confidence in them, by rendering them obstinate and proud upon hopes of false success, which knew they but the truth, and their own weakness, might make their peace to the preservation of many of their lives, and much of their fortunes; and drawing the blood and miseries of their neighbour-nations upon their own heads, falsely seduced to embark with them in their ill-thriving quarrel, wherein unawares they often are oppressed when they foolishly supposed all cocksure.  
Yet hath this impious and treacherous piece of policy been acted again and again in our eyes, with horror and amazement may we speak it, even by those who would be thought Christians: yea may not this clothe many of the Oxford-thanksgiving days in red, and put our Dutch foes, if they have any ingenuity, to the blush, who not content by their emissaries abroad to abuse all Europe with brags and lies, have of late ordered a day of public Thanksgiving at home to gull their own people into conceit of victory, not without a Piaculum, which may cost them dear before it be expiated. For he that is High and Mighty indeed, neither can be deceived, nor will be outfaced by any impudence whatsoever, and they had best consider whether they are able to engage with him too, whom they dare affront in the sight of Angels and Men.  
Courage then brave Englishmen, you see what shifts your enemies are put to, you have beaten them out of their confidence in the rock of ages, and forced them to make lies their refuge, a wretched defence, and such as cannot long protect them; behold what low-spirited foes you have to deal with, even such as dare not take notice of a loss; alas how far short come these of the Roman Fortitude as well as Piety, whom you shall see according to that of their own Virgil, Tu ne cede malis, sed contrà audentior ito, so far from being basely dejected by losses, though coming one on the back of another, that their courage rather increased, being pricked on with shame and a desire to regain their lost honour, which still buoyed them up when in greatest danger of sinking? this is that true sober valour grounded on a right sense of honour, and due love to the public, which needed neither gunpowder nor brand-wine to make them fight lustick; this is that which rendered them victorious and triumphant, and which will enable, you if you embrace it. But we shall have occasion to speak of this more hereafter; let us return therefore to our generous Romans, whom we find (I say) so far from this impious mocking of Heaven,  
That on the contrary, upon the least sense or apprehension of their God's displeasure, They sought by all humble and public addresses to pacify and appease their incensed deities: for this we may see their frequent lustrations and deprecations, the first to purge and cleanse themselves, the second to avert and turn away their God's anger. Horum Prodigiorum causa decemviri libris adire jussi, et novendiale sacrum factum, & supplicatio indicta est, atque urbs lustrata. Liv. Dec. 4. l. 6.  
Lastly, besieging an enemy's City, they would invoke the Gods of that place, imploring their aid, and deprecating their anger, by inviting them to go with them to Rome with the promise of more magnificent Temples, and a more splendid adoration: so great a care had they not to provoke Heaven, and so fearful were they to engage against it.   

CHAP. X.  
Piety and Valour not inconsistent' Piety rewarded in Heathens, and Impiety punished.  
ANd here by the way may be observed, that Piety and Valour are not inconsistent, and that Religion maketh not men Cowards. What Nation ever was more valiant, and what more religious than the Roman? who were so strict in their divine worship, that they would choose rather to lay themselves open to their enemy's arms, than by omitting the least part of it, to their God's displeasure: an eminent example of which we have in that war of the Gauls which succeeded the first Punic, in which when Flaminius and Furius the Consuls were gone against the Enemy with great Forces, the Augurs having found that some things were omitted in their election, They were commanded by letters from the Senate to return presently and abjure their offices, which Letters Flaminius' not opening until he had fought and routed the Enemy, and made a memorable invasion of their country, though he returned crowned with victory, and laden with spoil, not one went out to meet him, nay he had much ado to obtain a Triumph, (which was no sooner past, but both He and his colleague were constrained to lay aside their Consulships) because he seemed to have contemned & made slight of their holy Rites; they esteeming it more conducing to the common safety that their Gods should be observed, than their Enemies overcome, and rather choosing to leave their Armies without Commanders, though in a war reputed so dangerous as that of the Gauls, in which their Priests were not exempted from bearing Arms, than omit the least Punctilio in their worship, so zealous and tender were they in matters concerning their Religion. Thus when they were besieged by the Gauls in the Capitol, and the day approached wherein their solemn Sacrifice was to be performed in Colle Quirinali, the Hill so called, rather than to omit their duty to Heaven, they ventured through the very midst of their enemy's Camp, and having performed their Rites, returned with safety, their Enemies either being amazed at the boldness of the Attempt, or moved with respect to Religion, which present death could not deter them from performing.  
And though their Religion were idolatrous, yet according to their light being zealous they reaped the reward of a temporal prosperity: which some among them despising, smarted for to the purpose, in their own ruin reaping the reward of their Impiety and contempt of Religion: Thus we shall see Crassus who slighting the Curses and Execrations of the Tribune Ateius, would make war upon the Parthians, where he lost his own and his son's life, with most of his Army, the poor remainder escaping by a dishonourable flight: and thus Pompey the great, who would, notwithstanding the entreaties and diswafions of the highpriest, enter the Holy of Holies in the Temple of Jerusalem, in his coming out fell down, and never after prospered, but being overthrown by Caesar, and flying into Egypt, lost his head, his body being left unburied on the sands: and though he were no Jew, yet being a Roman by Religion he was bound to reverence all Deities, as the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the Temple of all the Gods at Rome may demonstrate.  
Neither need we wonder to see even a superstitious and idolatrous worship in the Heathens who knew no better, rewarded with outward blessings: Sith whatsoever is lovely in Nature is acceptable even to God himself, for 'tis a print of Himself, and He doth proportion some temporal rewards unto it; the courage of Romulus, the devotion of Numa, the integrity of Fabritius, the temperance, and justice, and public spiritedness of the rest, had all some rewards scattered amongst them, and can we think their Piety had no share? which is so agreeable to nature, and so deeply imprinted by it on man's heart, that man, even the stubbornest, and most unwilling otherwise to submit, yet will fall down and worship a Stock or Stone rather than be without a Deity, will devise a Religion rather than be without one; but more of this in the next.   

CHAP. XI.  
Religion engrafted in man's heart by Nature.  
We hear the Philosopher thus reasoning, Do not the imperfect serve the more perfect, as the Elements mixed bodies, mixed bodies plants, plants living creatures, living creatures and all the rest man, nay hath not the soul a master like rule over the body, and the understanding an empire over the appetite, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and now when by nature it is thought convenient for the inferior to serve the superior, ought not man to judge it best for him to serve the most wise and good God?  
Cicero saith we cannot be just, unless we be religious, Fietas justitia quaedam est adversus deos, lib. 1. de nat. Deor.  
Epictetus, if I were a Nightingale, I would do as a Nightingale, but being a man what shall I do? I will praise God; and that without ceasing.  
Nay Epicurus himself though he taught that God {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}; neither did any thing himself, nor commanded others to do, yet affirmed that his nature was so excellent and glorious, that it alone was sufficient to allure a wiseman to adore him.  
Could the Heathen grope thus far, and shall we that have the name to be Christians lag behind them, could they perceive thus much by the glimmering light of nature, and shall we be blind in the glorious sunshine of the Gospel? for shame let us open our eyes, lest they rise in judgement, and condemn us, and it be more tolerable for them than us in that great day, when the Lord shall appear with thousands and ten thousands of Saints and Angels. Behold O England to be religious is the way to thrive, godliness will be thy gain both here and hereafter.   

CHAP. XII.  
The Outward means to be used; Ministers to be encouraged, and maintained; the Christian Magistrates duty.  
NOw that we may be so, we are to use all means God hath appointed for the obtaining the true knowledge of him, and his will, which is the ground of Religion; for as our knowledge is true or false, so will our Religion be too; and the ordinary means are the reading and hearing of the sacred Scriptures, for faith comes by hearing, and how shall we hear unless we are taught, and how shall we be taught without a Teacher? In the first place therefore as we ought to have a holy esteem of his word, so ought we to have a reverent esteem of the faithful and able dispensers of it, giving them all due encouragement and maintenance, that they may be the better enabled cheerfully to follow that work whereunto they are called, of winning souls unto Christ.  
And this is a duty incumbent on the Christian Magistrate, who is to use all lawful means to promote Religion, and to restrain profaneness, for he beareth not the sword in vain, but for terror of evil doers, and encouragement of those that do well. And here let me not be mistaken, for though I believe it is their duty to punish those grand traitors against the majesty of Heaven, blasphemers I mean, and all other public disturbers of the civil peace and quiet of the nation; yet on the otherside to force all men to submit to one form, or to be of such or such a general received opinion in every tittle, under penalty of Censures civil and ecclesiastical, I conceive a Tyranny as little to be suffered by the Magistrate, as it had been for Saul to have suffered Nahash the Ammonite to put out the right eyes of the Gilcadites, for indeed this were to put out both our eyes.  
For it is God and none but God that can assure us of his own mind, though he do reveal his mind by a creature, there will be some tremblings, and waverings in the soul, unless he doth withal satisfy the soul that such a creature doth communicate his mind truly and really as it is, so that ultimately the certainty is resolved into the voice of God, who is only to rule his Church {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, by a determining and legislative power; Men that are fitted by God are to guide and direct {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, in way of subserviency to him, and by an explication of his mind, yet so that every one may judge of this {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, by acts of their own understanding illuminated by the Spirit of God, for there are no Representatives in spirituals, men may represent the bodies of others in civil and temporal affairs, and thus a bodily obedience is due to a just authority, but there is none can always represent the mind and judgement of another in the vitals and innards of religion; for as a late Bishop of our own, ad nudam praescriptionem, aut determinationem alterius sine lumine privati judicii nemo est qui credere potest etiamsi cupiat maximè; No man let him desire it never so much can believe the bare determination of another unless his own judgement concur; a truth that condemns the antichristian practices of the rest that were of that order, and Mirandula gives the reason of it, for says he, Nemo credit aliquid verum praecisè quia vult credere illud esse verum, non est enim in potentia hominis facere aliquid apparere intellectui suo verum, quando ipse voluerit: No man believes a thing because he will believe it, for it is not in the power of man to make a thing appear what he will to his understanding; and indeed, before there can be faith there must not only be a knowledge of the thing to be believed; but an inclination also of the understanding to assent to it when known; should we not judge that man a Tyrant that should command us to renounce our sense, to believe that to be white that we see to be black, to believe that to be sweeter than honey, that we taste to be bitterer than gall? what are those then that would force us to disclaim our understandings, and make us believe that to be true, which we conceive or know to be false? and yet what cruelty in this kind hath been practised by the Papists? What by the Prelates? What by some that succeeded them, and yet decried it in them? yea what by some of those who will cry out for Liberty of conscience too?   

CHAP. XIII.  
Religion not to be made a stalking-Horse to Ambition, or Avarice.  
IF any shall but question in the least, these mens jus divinum, presently they are heretics, schismatics, Sectaries, &c.  
If any man shall not have the same whirligigs in their pates as the other, or will not assent in an instant to what ever chimaera their rambling fancies produce, let them be what they will, Parliament or City, Magistrates or private persons, Teachers or Hearers, presently pray them down, purge them, they are self-seekers, Tyrants, Enemies to the Saints, Antichristian, and Baal's Priests, and what not, yea such as are to be destroyed.  
Yet by your leave furious Saint, you must excuse our diffidence of your tenants, yea and of your saintship too, until we perceive more ground for them, and find a better temper in you; our Lord and Master I am sure hath given us ground to doubt you, and I hope the servant is not above the Lord, it will be best for us then to observe him, When his disciples would have had fire commanded from heaven, He tells them, ye know not what manner of Spirit you are of, for the Son of Man is not come to destroy souls but to save them; we know who is Abaddon, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, the Destroyer, and it is his badge to be spitting of fire; why is it not as lawful for us to question an opinion though it have your stamp and superscription upon it, as it was for the Bereans to bring even Apostolical words to the touchstone? Yet were they rewarded by Saint Paul with the title of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, more noble, an epithet we cannot find in your Catalogue. But you will say, they believed, they did indeed, but not hand over head, and so may we when we find the same Spirit bearing witness to your doctrine which did to the Apostles.  
But through all your cantinglanguage we do discover your aims, indeed out of the abundance of the heart your tongues tell us, you would be popular, great and powerful, and enjoy the fat things of the earth, these only belong to you and your tribe, you are to rule the Nations, to bind their kings in chains, and their nobles with fetters of iron; the old itch of temporal Lordship is wretchedly broke out upon you, your hands are the hands of Esau, though your voice be the voice of Jacob, your practices are unchristian, though your profession be sanctity; Christ he promises to make his disciples fishers of men, but you fish for honour, worldly power, and riches for your followers, a bewitching bait to catch poor mortals: we read of the devil tempting our head with the kingdoms of the world, and the glory of them, but from whom have you Commission thus to tempt his members? Who gave you authority to dispose of worldly powers? Is your Master's kingdom of this world? If it be, we must rank you with those antichristian usurpers, who arrogate to themselves a power above all that is called God: What more doth that man of Rome? whom we find bestowing the kingdoms of the world on those that will bow down and worship him, but cursing, deposing, and turning out of office all that refuse to subscribe to his fopperies. Thus we see Mahomet not with this loadstone drawing men, but with his Sword conquering them, he draws his Sword, bids them deliver up their Souls, and upon this condition he will spare their lives: Signailla quae Tyrannis et latronibus non desunt, what more do Tyrants and Thieves? But sure the Christian Religion stands not in need of such helps, whose principles in themselves are attractive and magnetical, enamouring souls, and leading them captive in the silken bonds of love with the cords of a man.   

CHAP. XIV.  
The benefit of human Learning, with an answer to some objections made against it.  
ANother sort there is wriggled in amongst us, who even in print and pulpits publicly bray against learning, endeavouring to seduce people into a belief that human learning as they call it, is in no measure to be tolerated in a Gospel-Teacher, most wretchedly wresting Scripture to apply those texts against preaching themselves to overthrow it; a fallacy so base that they had need to cry up ignorance lest the cheat should be descried: as if learning and preaching themselves were termini convertibiles, the one necessarily implying the other; whereas it is commonly quite contrary; it is your Sciolist, your fellow that hath scarce wet his lips in that sacred fountain, who will be dabbling and patching that he may be thought a scholar, when as the most learned men, who are conscious of their own sufficiency, seldom or never, unless upon just, and necessary occasions make the least show of it in their public teaching. The truth of this is verified daily in our eyes by the continual practice of many learned men amongst us. Where shall we find more powerful plainness, than in the works of the learned Bolton, to omit the names of the rest, which are so well known to all? thus shall we see your coward, the common Braggadochio, and those the greatest boasters who have the least in them; for such being conscious off their own baseness, endeavour to make others believe them to be brave Fellows, which they know themselves not to be, and to make up in show what they want in reality; whereas your valiant man is still silent, and lets his acts speak for him, knowing according to the proverb, that Good Wine needs no Bush, and that worth will be taken notice of without proclaiming it at the Market Cross.  
2. But the Apostles were poor Fishrmen, and the like, altogether unlearned, and therefore the Gospel Ministers ought to be so too. O Horrid, Jesuitical, nay Diabolical Sophistry! We acknowledge that the only wise God in the carrying on of his great and glorious works usually makes use of such instruments, as seem despicable, and contemptible in the eyes of men, yea such as are altogether unable and unfit to hatch and carry on designs of their own, the more to manifest that it is his work, and to show his strength in their weakness, which, unless supported by Omnipotency, would sink under it, as also to leave the obstinate without excuse: but though these may seem weak, yet are they made mighty through the power of God that strengthens them, and are abundantly supplied from above with what gifts and graces soever are necessary for them: Thus the Apostles being poor unlearned Fishermen, and the like, once called, and invested with the Apostleship, were endued from above, had the gift of Tongues, immediately were taught by the Holy Ghost: and who dares affirm them unlearned then? or deny skill in the tongues necessary for the office of a Teacher, which God, who doth nothing in vain, by Miracle bestowed upon them? And what now though they wanted acquired Learning, so they had it infused? and God was pleased in that extraordinary time, in an extraordinary manner to endow them, must we therefore now neglect the ordinary means, and tempt God to work a Miracle to be able to answer a Gainsayer? but let us but consider how faithful an handmaid learning hath been to religion; how the Armor-bearer hath helped Jonathan to destroy the Philistimes; how necessary it hath been to maintain Religion, and oppose Idolatry; by the help of Learning have the ministry of England been enabled to defend the truth, and oppose error, to ward off, and put by the blows and thrusts of their Antichristian adversaries, and to strike with the edge, and give them the true point, to the wounding & destroying of their superstitious tenants. Thus we see the learned Whitacre disarm their Goliath, confute their Bellarmine, foil their chosen Champion, unwind the subtle Jesuit, trace him through all his Maeanders, meet him at every turn, beat him from outwork to outwork, from sconce to sconce, till he hath driven him out of all his strengths, and left him not a lurking hole to hide his head in; when the most that we could expect from a Dean of Dunstable could be Bellarmine thou liest, neither showing sense or reason, but his say so. But it may be said, thank a good cause: yet may the best cause be spoiled by an evil managing, and the most bright and shining truths be obscured in a dark lantern, yea let them be whiter than Snow, they may be sullied by dirty fingers, and more transparent than glass, yet may be cracked when clumsy fists shall come to handle them. This the Jesuits know, which hath been the cause of this strange attempt, for it is most plain by the poison now vomited, that some of those Serpents are wriggled in amongst us; they have tried our weapons, and to their smart know the sharpness of them, no marvel than they endeavour to disarm us; Learning hath kept them out, no wonder than they attempt to introduce ignorance the Mother, which could they effect, they are assured Popish Devotion the Daughter would not be long kept out.  
Neither can this seem strange unto us, if we but consider their practice in the Lutheran Church, where it hath been usual with the Jesuites to seem to become proselytes, to heighten and continue the division between them and the Calvinists; or what a late Author of our own, who seems not to be unacquainted of their practices, writes of them, The Jesuit reckons it in the number of his merits, if he may by any sinister ways ruffle and disorder Heretical kingdoms (so he calls them) encourage weak and unstable minds to slight Magistracy, irritate divisions, tumults, rebellions, absolve from oaths, and all sacred ties; so that its hard to find any tragical scene, or bloody theatre, into which the Jesuit hath not intruded, and been as busy as Davus in the Comedy, contributing in a very high measure to every fanatic insolence, justifying the old lemma of Loyola's picture, Cavete vobis principes: these are the firebrands of Europe, the forge, and bellows of Sedition, infernal Emissaries, the pests of the age, men that live as if huge sins would merit heaven by an antiperistasis. Concutiunt populos, vexant regna, solicitant bella, diruunt Ecclesias.  
And it is for certain written from beyond the Seas, that the English Colleges are emptied, and all those Emissaries sent abroad, whither, unless amongst ●s?   

CHAP. XV.  
An answer to some objections against learning, in a book entitled, The Saints Guide.  
ANd the same Author goes on, Nor is any nation without some turbulent spirits of its own, the dishonour of the gown, and pulpit, the shame, and sometimes ruin of their country; one of which hath late started this question, Whether or not all that much magnified natural reason (which we think dignifieth us above, and distinguisheth us from Brutes) and all that human learning (which we conceive exalts and rectifyeth reason) be the fruit of the forbidden tree, and is a spurious and adventious faculty, which man wanted in his innocency, and was instilled into him by Satan in the fall?  
A query Satan himself might blush to put, and yet the Book stuffed with this and the like doctrine, is clothed with the specious title of the Saints Guide; the Wolf adorns himself with the lamb's skin, the Fiend transforms himself into an Angel of light: it is not amiss to mark the phrase he reproaches learning in, than how he coucheth his doctrine, lastly his Divinity in these words, which man wanted in his innocency. Indeed the old Serpent told Eve that the fruit of the forbidden tree would increase their Knowledge, but except him, and this Disciple of his, I never found any affirming that man wanted any thing in his Innocency: but suppose this diabolical doctrine true, if man wanted Learning before, he much more wants it since the fall; the Author of such stuff may well cry out against reason and Learning.  
But to the question, That Reason was depraved and darkened by the fall, we allow, and that by the help of learning it is in some measure restored, we affirm, and so consequently that there had been no need of acquired learning had man stood, no more would there of repentance: but doth it follow therefore, that now we are fallen, we should not labour for repentance? Let this fellow go and try whether he can persuade a man that is fallen into a pit not to endeavour to get out, because getting out is a fruit, and effect of his falling in. Truly such arguing is instilled by Satan, and such Sophistry is a bastardly faculty which ingenuity, much more innocency, is so far from wanting, that it abhors and detests it. The Fellow seems to be a scholar, I shall ask him therefore one question. Is not reason the specifical difference of a man from a Beast? and was man distinguished from a Beast by the fall, or the Creation? Did the Devil or God make him a rational creature? Behold then the horrid blasphemy couched in this query, which would insinuate the rational soul to be the product of the Devil; if this be not a doctrine of Devils I know not what is.  
Then for his Parenthesis, (which we think dignifieth us above, and distinguisheth us from Brutes) if Reason doth not, what doth? shape cannot, for so one Beast differs from another: neither is it Grace, for then all but Beasts must have Grace: And for his other (which we conceive exalts, and rectifies reason) hath not learning exalted and rectified his reason so far as to enable him from such and such premises to draw such a and such a Conclusion, to frame his Syllogisms, to write and utter these words, positions, consectaries, queries, responsions, cognition, which his illiterate auditors and readers understand no more, than they do him and his drifts? what but learning hath set his understanding above theirs, and enabled him to talk at a rate his ignorant followers only can admire? Behold than you misled wretches what a Guide you have got, who when all his Sophistry, and abuse of his own reason and learning, all his logic and Syllogisms are unable to overthrow reason and learning, goes about by his queries to undermine them; who, when all his impudence dares not affirm, and all his ability cannot prove, endeavours by way off doubt to instill his poison, upon hopes that you will swallow & take for granted whatever drops from him: what is it you admire in this Fellow, is it his railing against learning in others? doth he not make use of it himself? he disputes Syllogistically, he is frequent in division, abounds in subtle and sophistical distinctions, talks hard words, rattles out Latin, nay there is not one Arrow in his quiver but is feathered with feathers plucked from learning's wing, nor is he able to speak or write, or you to read or understand one syllable, word or sentence against Learning, but by its assistance. Could you have read, could you have wrote, could you have understood one word had you not been taught? why these are degrees of learning; awake and behold the cheat, which would make you enemies even to that image of God which is imprinted on you, level you with Brutes nay make you such: you see it is reason that distinguisheth a man from a Beast, it is learning that improves reason, be not afraid of being rational; this caitiff would deprive you of your humanity, that he might the easier destroy your Christianity; rob you of your reason, to bob you of your religion: For if he be not a very Jesuit, yet is he the likest one that ever I met with; if the tree may be judged by the fruits, his acts will a loud proclaim him a notorious juggler: and first behold how he cheats you in stating the question, for it is not whether by the help of human learning a man may attain a saving knowledge to himself, whether he can save his own soul; but whether he may not attain to such a knowledge as may enable him to hold out the way of Salvation unto others: and that a man may do this, not only too too frequent examples do make out, but the Apostle himself tells us in the 1 Cor. 9 27. But I keep under my body, and keep it in subjection; lest that by any means, when I have preached unto others, I myself should be a cast away; a man may preach to others, and yet be himself a cast away: for this wretch dares not affirm that the Apostle inspired by the Spirit of God would suppose an impossibility: and the example of Judas clearly shows that a man may have an outward call to teach, and yet be a reprobate; was not he one of the twelve that was sent to preach the kingdom of God, and to heal the sick? Luk. 9 1, 2. also the Apostle in the 2 Tim. 3. 5. speaks of some, having a form of Godliness, creeping into houses, leading captive silly women laden with infirmities: These Hypocrites by the help of learning and parts could pray as devoutly, talk as holily, wrest the Scriptures as dexterously, cogging the die, making the word speak what they list, craftily applying it, having all the arts and methodes of consenage, even as he himself; yet were they not taught of God; it is clear therefore that learning and parts pierce ex propria natura can understand and so apprehend the mystery of the Gospel, as to hold it out so to others, that the hearers cannot discern by the teaching an Hypocrite from a true Believer, notwithstanding all his Positions. You may behold also how finely the holy text is wrested by him to no purpose in his following Arguments, for unless he prove that a man by the help of learning cannot attain to such a Knowledge as to be able to make an outward profession, he proves nothing.  
And that this Sophistry is malicious, not ignorant, his answering two objections will fully clear.  
Object. 1. That though human learning be an enemy to the law of God while it is in an unsanctified heart, yet when the heart is truly turned to God, than it becomes a sanctified instrument, and a good hundmaid to Theology.  
Solution. To this he answers, That though the heart be truly sanctified, in which human learning doth inhere as in its subject, yet doth it not follow that learning itself is, no more than sin can be said to be sanctified, though the heart of a sinful man may be truly said to be sanctified: for acquired learning of itself, and of its own nature, is nothing else but sin, and therefore remains so still, and cannot be truly nor properly said to be sanctified, no more than sin. But if by being sanctified, they mean that the providential wisdom of God doth order it, or make use of it for the good of his people, I oppose it not, so that it be understood, that that good flows not from the nature of acquired knowledge itself, but from the wisdom and goodness of the Spirit of God, who maketh all things work together for the benefit of those that love him, who are called according to his purpose, and so no more can properly in this respect be predicated of it than of sin itself, which in that case (though not as an entity, for non entia ad modum entium concipiuntur) is said also to work for the good of God's Saints.  
First to this we say, that the habit of sin is destroyed, there is a mortification of sin, as well as a vivification of grace, as Rom. 6. 2. How shall we that are dead to sin, live any longer therein? and Ephes. 2. 1. You hath he quickened who were dead in trespasses and sins. Now the habit of learning is not in the least diminished, much less destroyed.  
Secondly, That the whole man with all his endowments is sanctified, as 1 Thes. 5. 23, 24. And the very God of peace sanctify you wholly, and I pray God your whole spirit, and soul, and body, be preserved blameless unto the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ. Faithful is he that calleth you, who also will do it. Now then, either learning must be sanctified, or something remains unsanctified.  
Thirdly, That acquired learning, of itself, and of its own nature is not sin, for sin is a transgression of the Law, 1 John 3. 4. verse, For sin is the transgression of the Law, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. Now what Law forbiddeth learning? where is it written Thou shalt not be learned? and sure were learning either in itself sin, or left unsanctified in a sanctified heart, we should not find the ●●●stle Paul giving thanks for it in 1 Cor. 14. 18. I thank my God I speak with tongues more than you all: and the holy Ghost describing Apollo's leaves him upon record to be an eloquent man {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, the word usually is taken for a learned man; and see what follows, He helped them much which believed, for he mightily convinced the Jews, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, which the learned Beza in his Annotations renders, Magna cum contentione, and he gives the reason of it, Vti volui hac perphrasi ut Graeci vocabuli emphasin servarem, quo significatur eloquentem hunc hominem omnes (quod aiunt) nervos revincendis judaeis contendisse, I have used this periphrasis, that I might preserve the emphasis of the Greek word, by ●●ich is signified that this eloquent man employed the utmost of his abilities to convince the Jews. Behold then what Divinity your Doctor teaches, who is not only content to belie learning, but sanctification, making the holy Spirit work by halves; and as he plays the Knave here, so in the latter part he plays the Fool, fighting with his own shadow, and keeping a coil about nothing, for the very objection, as he himself hath put it, asserts the good to flow from the sanctification of learning, not from its own nature, it makes it a handmaid, and so does he; until he comes to his Conclusion, which how true it is, as it sufficiently appears by what is said, yet will be more manifest if we consider learning in itself to be indifferent either good or evil, according as it is used or abused, now is sin so? Suppose a man shall make the glory of God his only end in his attaining learning, that thereby he may be better enabled to read, converse, dispute, and speak concerning the mysteries of Salvation (for could he have written or spoken as he doth without it, unless by help of a miracle?) will he affirm this learning to be sin? is the Physical act sinful, or doth the moral circumstance clothe it with good or evil? Something more than may be predicated of learning than of sin, which cannot be conceived in any other notion than of sin.  
Object. 2. Again, if it be objected, that though learning be not effectual to the understanding of the mystery of the Gospel, yet it is prealent to the completing of the literal and historical knowledge thereof: Take this here, that these objections are of his own clothing, the terms are his own.  
Solution. To this he answers. Though it may conduce to the gaining of literal, and historical knowledge, yet this is not ad idem, because it profiteth nothing; For truth itself bears record, It is the Spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profitteth nothing; and men are made able Ministers of the New Testament, not of the Letter, but of the Spirit; For the letter killeth, but the Spirit giveth life. So that all literal and historical knowledge gained by man's power, is but like the principle from whence it slowed, fleshly, earthly, deadly, and destructive.  
To this we say, that what he saith here against learning, may as well be said against reading, teaching, and hearing, there must be fit and outward Organs, there must be eyes, a tongue, and ears, and these must have a body to subsist; is all reading, hearing, and teaching therefore like the principle from whence they flow, fleshly, earthly, deadly, and destructive? Behold then whether these Scriptures are wrested or no? do you think they are to be understood to condemn all outward means, or only to show that outward means without the inward assistance and operation of the Spirit cooperating with them were unable to beget saving grace in a soul? do you conceive the Spirit of God in them disallows all reading, teaching, hearing, or only forbid to put such a confidence in them as to esteem them able in themselves to confer eternal life upon us? Besides, i that place in the Corinths, the letter signifies the Law, of which Moses was a Minister, the Spirit the gospel, which Christ brought and delivered to his Apostles and Ministers; for look but into the chapter and you shall see the scope of the Apostle is to advance the ministry of the Gospel above the ministry of the Law: was not this rightly applied then against learning? can you imagine he himself can th●●k them to mean what he puts upon them? but I leave him, and so I hope will you; yet I could wish some able pen would take him task, and 〈…〉 the Impostor.   

CHAP. XVI.  
The abuse of Learning no argument against the use of it.  
But as this fellow cries down, so are there others which too much cry up learning, who will entail the ●ift of teaching upon it, and allow none to teach but an university Graduate; which is no other than put bounds to God, to limit the holy Spirit, hither and no farther shalt thou go; but because these men idolize it, must we execrate and abhor it? because the Persians adored the Sun, must we Christians refuse the comfort of its light and heat? in thus doing we run as far out of the way on the one hand, as they do on the other.  
Let them consider how many under the light of the Gospel furnished with the helps of human learning are strangely unacquainted with the knowledge of Christ crucified; a plain experienced Christian (notwithstanding their Auxiliary forces) only by the help of a Bible, will put a whole Army to flight; Surgunt indocti et rapiunt coelum, when they in the mean time do but, as he speaks, ornare Diabolum; they become learned spoils, Sapienter descendunt in infernum, they go cunningly to Hell. And then on the other side let not us be so silly and malicious as to put the fault in learning, whereas there is no greater vicinity than between truth and goodness; heaven is full of knowledge, as it is of holiness; and it is brimful of both: if some will not make a right use, or will abuse their learning, must learning suffer? can there be a more gross abuse than, as, Isocrates speaks, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, to lay the blame on the thing, not the man? some men with weapons commit murders and outrages, shall not others therefore have any for their own necessary and just defence? some make themselves drunk, may not others therefore drink to maintain life, and to comfort and cheer the heart? Noah was drunk with wine, shall not Timothy therefore drink a little for his stomachs sake, and his often infirmities? 1 Tim. 5. 23. a subtle Jesuitical Knave wrists Scripture, may not a Minister of the Gospel therefore quote it? The first abuses his learning to pervert, and destroy, shall not the second make use of his to instruct, and edify? Upon this account all things might be condemned, even profession itself, and all religious duties, which have been by some abused, and profaned.   

CHAP. XVII.  
The Mischief of Ignorance.  
THese things thus weighed, will not the improvement of nature beautified & adorned with supernatural grace make men more serviceable, and instrumental for God's glory? when the strength of learning, and the power of Godliness unite and concentricate their forces, will they not make up the finest and purest complexion, the soundest and bravest constitution, like a sparkling and vigorous soul, quickening and informing a beautiful body? can Religion desire to shine with greater gloss and lustre, can it desire to ride among men in greater pomp and solemnity, in a more triumphant chariot than in a soul of vast intellectuals? let us but consider our poor ignorant and unlearned Ancestors, with yellings, and howlings, with the horrid noise of brazen and copper pans and bazons hammered on and beaten, endeavouring to help the Moon in the eclipse, whom they thought they did great service to; and whence proceeded this but from ignorance of the natural cause? what prayers, what sacrifices did an eclipse of the Sun produce? all presently supposing he hid his face for anger, as the poet's report he did at Atreus his banquet,— Verterit cursus licet sibi ipse Titan, obvium ducens iter, tenebrisque facinus obruit tetrum novis, nox missa ab ort u tempore alieno gravis. Seneca, Thyestes, and they in danger of an eternal night, and not only be, as one speaks notably of the sun's adorers, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, without their God by night, but for ever: and indeed what advantage did the devil make of ignorance in the time of Popery? What a quarter did he keep with his Hobgoblins, and Fairies? O, darkness is his delight in the understanding as well as in the air, and doth it not lay men more open to his temptations? what a triumph would the Prince of darkness lead could he get us all into his livery? This Plutarch an heathen could perceive, Knowledge, saith he, frees men from that superstition, which frights, disturbs, and entangles with sinister conceits of the Deity, others, who are ignorant of the natural causes of things, and in its place induces a secure piety, and holy confidence in the Divine power; and he instances in the head of a Ram with one horn growing in the midst of the front brought to Pericles, which when the soothsayers converted to an Omen, Anaxagoras the Philosopher dissecting the scull showed it empty on the sides, and the brains lying in the midst in an oval form just where the horn took root, clearly convincing them of the natural cause.  
Let us consider how a poor Bishop was degraded by a whole Council, and the Pope's infallible Worship too boot, for writing and maintaining that there were Antipodes, people inhabiting the other side of the Worldly Globe, a thing known to every ship-boy in Wapping: and what will nothign serve our turns but a herd of such Teachers? a drove of such Doctors that may bring us in one age to a degree above bleating to be as far from understanding, as they from being able to speak sense? when a Dutch Sophister with this doughty fallacy, The Scripture commands us to reverence and obey our Elders, but the Dutch State is the elder State, therefore the Scripture commands the English State to reverence and obey the Dutch; Or, Asses have ears, Englishmen have ears, therefore Englishmen are Asses, shall puzzle our whole nation, and none be able to answer him, unless by downright telling him he lies, & so instead of confuting, confirm him in his wild assertions.  
Lastly, Let us consider with what impatience we would hear a man that went about to persuade us to burn our ships, break our Guns, destroy all our Arms and Weapons, and lay ourselves naked to the invasion and rapine of any foreign enemy; and shall we not with the same disdain and abhorrency behold these peddling Truckers under Satan, who would disarm our souls, prostitute our understandings to the lust of every subtle Sophister, make us like to the Horse and Mule which want understanding, ready to take the Bit into our mouths to be rid by each deceiver, and to crouch down under the burdens which every sly and cunning Knave shall please to load us with? do we so much detest the slavery of our bodies, and shall we not abhor to see our souls led captive, our understandings drawn in shackles after the triumphant Chariot of every Impostor? our Lord and saviour teaches us, that though a man both strong and armed keep the house, yet if a stronger than he come, he will enter and take possession; these Imps of the Destroyer suggest, that the Lame and Blind are only fit Garrison soldiers for the strong holds of the New Jerusalem, as if Religion were the Capitol that only Geese must defend; alas, had there not been a Manlius and other valiant and armed Romans, the Gauls could not have been kept out by their cackling. Thus much for learning, as it is useful in religion, what advantage it is of to the Civil State shall be discoursed of hereafter in its proper place.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
Of Moral virtue in general.  
BEfore we proceed further, it will not be amiss to consider Moral virtue in the general, as of good conducement to our better understanding of the particular virtues which follow in order to be treated of in our subsequent discourse, and to our easier attaining and embracing them in our future practice.  
And first of the Name; the Greeks according to some denominated it {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, from Mars their God of War, because in War the efficacy of virtue seemed most perspicuous. Others fetch its derivation {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, from choosing, because virtue is above all things to be chosen. The Latins called it virtus a vir which anciently was solely applied to a valiant man; thus Cicero in offic. Nomen virtutis, inquit, antiquitus solius fuit fortitudinis, virtue, saith he, was the badge heretofore only of Fortitude. But since experience teaching that man was not only to strive with man, to combat the Common enemy, but also with his own disorderly affections easily misled by the allurements of riches, delights, and preferment, it became the triumphant Ornament of those that were victorious over themselves and these temptations, which indeed is the more noble conquest, and most manly, as performed by the force of reason, the weapon only man can use. Lastly there are some, who not unpleasantly alluding will have it termed virtus, quasi viri artus, as it were the joints and lineaments of the mind.  
Now, as the name hath been diversely derived, so hath the Thing been variously applied.  
As first, to signify in general the power and perfection of any thing, hence we often meet with these and the like phrases in English, By virtue of God's power, wisdom, omniscience; by virtue of the Soul, of the Heavens, of the Elements, of such or such a plant, mineral, or living creature.  
Secondly, to denote promiscuously all habits as well infused as acquired, thus we say by virtue of Grace, faith, &c.  
Thirdly, it is taken for a natural inclination or disposition: thus Aristotle in 6 Ethic. cap. ult. we possess virtue by nature, and by nature we are temperate and valiant. Lastly, it is most properly taken for an habit of the mind, acquired by use and frequent exercise, and thus we are to accept it as an habit ruling the will and appetite of man, and conforming and composing his manners for the help and ornament of human society.  
And now having viewed it in the gross, let us a little descend to take it in pieces, whereby the true nature of it will be more plainly understood. The nus is an habit, and we prove its lineage by its Coat Armour. Plutarch de virtut. moral. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. There are, saith he, three things in the mind, the faculty, the affection, and the habit; the faculty is the principle and matter of the affection; the affection is a certain motion of the faculty: but the habit is the strength and conformity of the faculty gotten by custom. Now virtue being to be reduced under one of these heads, we must examine to which it doth conform itself. By virtue men are accounted good, as by vice bad; but by the faculties which are natural and bear themselves in an indifferent posture to this or that; and by the affections by which we are only moved, and become not, neither are accounted such or such, we can neither be termed good or bad; it remains then that the habit gives the denomination, and that virtue is an habit, and so Aristotle l. 2. ethike.. cap. 6. defines it to be {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}.  
The difference must be fetched from the matter and form; now the matter is the subject and object, for no other▪ matter can be attributed to Accidents; the subject is the will and appetite, the internal object, are the affections, and actions springing from those affections; the external objects are the persons toward which, and the things in which virtue is exercised. The form is a Mediocrity or mean to be observed in all our affections and actions which excess renders violent, defect lame and imperfect.  
Now virtue consists in indivisibili medio, in an individual mediocrity; {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. for there is but one path leads to virtue, but to vice many. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} For Good is single, evil of many shapes; yet is this indivisibility not to be taken in a Mathematical, but a Moral construction, which admits of some Latitude, for its the prudent admonition of some eminent Moralists, Parum deflectere à medio in excedendo, vel deficiendo, non est vitium semper existimandum; cum medii quaedam sit latitudo, intra quamse continentes bene agunt, a small declining from the mean either on the right or left is not always to be accounted vice, sith there is a certain latitude in mediocrity, within the limits of which, men containing themselves act well. Thus a valiant man by the smart and sight of his wounds may be transported with anger and thirst of revenge, yet it being in the lawful and just defence of himself and country, a resolute and eager charge will be no excess from true fortitude, and for the other extreme we have a noble example in the Roman Consul Catulus, who when he could not persuade the greatest part of his Army to abide in their Camp, being terrified with the approach of the Cimbrians, commanded the Eagle, the Roman standard, to be advanced, and Marched away himself in the head of them, that they might appear rather to follow than desert their General. Here he forsook his Camp, and those resolute soldiers that stayed to defend it, for fear lest the body of his Army who would go should be utterly disheartened, and being publicly branded with deserting the Consul, might set light by their fame already blasted, and so the Commonwealth then threatened might be greatly endangered by the loss of such an Army, which would either have disbanded, or fought untowardly.  
And to come closer, virtue is not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, an absolute calm without the least perturbation, but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, a Symmetry of the affections regulated by measure, squared by the golden rule of Mediocrity.  
And as there is a latitude to be considered, so is the proportion which is Geometrical, not Arithmetical; it is medium rationis, non rei: for virtue doth not equally differ from its extremes, as six doth from two and ten, as for example, Liberality comes nearer to prodigality than covetousness.  
Yet the attaining this mediocrity being a thing of the greatest difficulty, for as it is easy to be angry, so is it hard to be angry with these necessary circumstances, with whom, how far, when, wherefore, and in what manner we ought, it will much avail us to take these helps, laid down by all or the most experienced Moralists.  
First, let us endeavour to shun that extreme which seems most contrary to virtue; yet here must be care taken lest by endeavouring to avoid one we run into the other extremity according to that,  
Dum vitant stulti vitia in contraria currunt.  
And, Incidit in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charybdim.  
Thus as the Nymph Calypso instructs Ulysses being to sail between Scylla and Charybdis, two dangerous rocks in the Sicilian Sea, rather to avoid Charybdis as the more dangerous, but yet still to have an eye to Scylla: Homer 12. Odyss. So we must avoid that extreme which is most opposite to virtue as more destructive, yet with care of the other too: Superstition is liker Piety than Atheism, we had better therefore be a little too tender, than to make no scruple, a little too formal, than openly profane, here the excess is less contrary; but here again the defect, for abstemionsness altogether to forbear wine is more like Temperance then drunkenness, and this our Reason will instruct us to judge of. Yet the Prudent persuade for the most part to avoid the excess, as of more difficulty to be shaken off: and indeed it would be more facile to bring an abstemious person to a moderate use of Wine for his health sake, than to dissuade a drunkard from his tipple though his health, nay life lay at stake; and of this opinion is Cicero in I▪ de Orat Suus cuique modus est, inquit, tamen magis offendit nimium, quam parum. There is a measure to be had in every thing, saith he, yet excess is the greater offender of the two: and where we find one voluntarily starving himself, we shall meet with thousands destroyed by surfeiting.  
Secondly, Let us strive to avoid that extreme which we are most inclined to by our natural Temper; as if we are covetously inclined, let us endeavour rather to be a little too profuse, and so by degrees we may become liberal. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. This Aristotle illustrates by an apt simile of streightning a stick: for he that will make a stick straight must do it by bending it to the contrary side.  
Thirdly, we must in every action be very suspicious of that which seems to entice with the alluring bait of pleasure, and this Aristotle confirms by an argument drawn from the pernicious effect of pleasure. And thus Cicero in Catone. Impedit consilium volupt as rationi inimica et mentis oculos perstringit. Pleasure, saith he, that foe to reason, lays a bar in judgements way, and dazzles the eye of the understanding: And again in 2. lib. offic. Voluptates blandissimae dominae saepe majores partes animae à virtute detorquent; Those flattering Mistresses, Pleasures, do often enveagle and draw the nobler parts of the soul from the practice of virtue, and Seneca in Epist. 28. Quis Hostis in quenquam ita contumeliosus fuit, quam in quosdam voluptates suae? No professed enemy hath been so injurious and spiteful, hath wrought a man so much disgrace, as their own pleasures, their bosom delights have done too many, one Dalilah hath been more powerful to captivate a Samson, than all the Lords, than all the thousands among the Philistimes.  
And as a help we shall add this, That proposing the most sublime, and heroical Patterns of virtue for our imitation, we shall the less square our actions by the crooked and deceitful rule of Pleasure.  
He that shall make Cicero his example shall never become a Catiline: nor shall the admirer of a studious and contemplative Athenian, of a courageous and active Lacaedemonian, incur the infamy and effeminacy of a delicate Sybarite, or a dissolved Persian: thus when the glory of Miltiades once disturbed the sleep of Themistocles, when his victory at Marathon had made a conquest also over the others debauchery at Athens; you see how soon he broke those silken cords of pleasure, wherein he was noosed, and the sense of honour having set an edge upon his affections, he soon cut that Gordian knot, whereby he became first victorious over himself, and after over Asia; I mean the numerous Persian with the strength of Asia then invading Greece, and of a dissolute young man, became the most famous Captain in his time Greece could boast of; of such efficacy is a noble example. Whereas on the contrary, as Cicero in Laelio, Nihilaltum, nihil magnificum, nihil divinum suscipere possunt, qui suas cogitationes abjecerunt in rem humilem et abjectam. The latter phrase is very emphatical; he that trifles away his thoughts in a low, and abject contemplation, shall never come to be fit for any high, any noble, any heroic undertaking. Thus the muck worm that pores upon the ground continually will never arrive to the liberal science of Astronomy; and we cannot but suppose that he shall shoot nearer Heaven who takes his aim at a star, than he that levels at a Gloworm.  
The efficient cause of virtue is custom; which is the genuine Parent of an habit; thus when we see a man wallow in vice, we say he is habituated to it, yet have there been some who have endeavoured to alter this pedigree, and to engraft this excellent Cien on another stock.  
Galen a Physician, would bring it under his cure, and place it within the verge of his art, and could he do it, it would be no small addition to his calling, both in respect of honour, and profit; which would abound in admirers, and never want patients: how necessary would the Physician be to the Body politic as well as natural, could he rectify and purge the manners, as well as the humours, and not only help men to live, but to live well? O the sacred power of that physic, which could purge out vice, and be a cordial to virtue! thou hast a fragrancy beyond the ointment of the Apothecary; whose shop alas cannot be the cradle of virtue, neither can all his compounds compose the affections, all his distillations instill virtue, all his essences and spirits quicken that noble heat in the soul, it is beyond the power of chemistry to extract this habit, or to resolve corrupted nature into its first principle of purity. Show me that Doctor that can by his Physiek make the choleric man meek, the Coward, valiant, or the corrupt, Just; and let him enjoy the deity of Aesculapius, and his ruined Shrines be repaired for his service. I confess they can make the Miser open his fist, and scatter his angels, when he is terrified with the dreadful apparition of death. This wretch, contrary to all others, who hold fastest when in danger of drowning, unclutching his gripe when he is sinking into the grave, and parting with his Mammon, his beloved Deity so long adored by him, when the Devil appears ready to seize him. But this is but like the Cowards winking and laying about him when there is no remedy but fight or die, like Damaetas in the noble and ingenuous Sidney, who when the Sea would let him run no further, turned, & had the hap to have his adversary cry quarter first; and the one is as far from being liberal, as the other valiant.  
Thus it seems, making for his profession, Galen attempts to cry up his own Diana, and on Nature beget a Sire for virtue, for he will have it spring from a Temperament of the Body; but though this may incline, yet doth it not necessarily draw men to virtue.  
1. For we often see manners changed, the temperament remaining the same, as in the example of Themistocles; and the temper changed, the manners continuing, for in the life of Marius we read, that though he was both old, gross, and corpulent, yet did he daily in public exercise himself in arms among the young men, endeavouring to make his body active and nimble whether nature would or no: yea so fiery and young was his ambition that the Ihill frost of age which had made his head hoary could not nip it, and such a thirst after honour burned within him, that six Consulships adorned with the most-splendid triumphs could not quench it, but his aspiring soul would have drawn his unwieldy body crazed with age, and loaden with honour, after it into Pontus, whether he eagerly sought to be sent Commander in chief against Mithridates; yea upon his death bed when he was light headed, fancying he was warring against Mithridates, he would often use such postures, and motions of the body, as became a General, backed with a loud, and military clamour: Alas poor man! as if one sprig of Laurel could have given thee content, which in a whole Grove thou couldst not find, though springing from thine own conquests.  
2. Again the temper is not in our power, manners are, for if they were not, to what purpose would deliberation, counsel, exhortation, praise, reproof, laws, rewards, punishments be? it is evident then that the Temperament is not the proximate and chief cause of virtue.  
Secondly, And as Galen, so the Stoics make Nature the cause of virtue, which they hold born with man, but vice contrary to Nature and acquired by evil custom. So that they themselves will have custom the cause of the acquired habit of vice, which grants our Tenent, for having proved virtue to be a habit acquired, not an innate faculty, it must be the product of custom. Besides, whatever is natural is immovable, but manners are mutable, as in the before recited example of Themistocles, and how often have our eyes seen young men of very promising beginnings debauched by evil company, to fall from that bright Orb of virtue, in which had they been placed by nature they would have been fixed stars?  
Thirdly, Some there are that ascribe virtues original to education, and breeding, and indeed this is very much conducing to beget the first acts of virtue, and to put youth in the right road to come to it, but it is not of force to create the habit: for how many do we behold excellently initiated in this sacred mystery by a good Tutorage, which when they come to have the reigns laid in their necks, gallop down hill, and break the neck of all those goodly expectations? for the best instilled precepts though they may sometimes check, yet are they not of force to stop the career of the headstrong affections, and many are there, who can give good counsel to others, which they cannot or will not follow themselves. But let me not be misunderstood, for though we do not allow education to be the proximate and adequate, yet shall we not deny it to be a remote cause, which by entering men in virtue's path, which gone on in will bring to the habit, may be said to lay the foundation to this glorious fabric. And thus though we cannot in justice confer the Crown as to have reached the Goal, yet let it carry the prize for the first start; though we must deny it the triumph due to an absolute victory, yet shall we put the mural Crown on its head, for having first mounted the Wall, and first erected virtue's Ensign upon the Battlements. Let it then not be neglected, but of all receive its due esteem, as the most excellent Trayner up of youth, the most noble File-leader, who well followed conducts to victory, that happy victory which will render us invincible, place us above the reach of any enemy, carry us out of fortune's gunshot.  
Now the rest enjoying what is their own, let us give Custom its due, which is to be the efficient cause of virtue, enabling men by an often repetition of such or such a virtuous action, to a ready and unperturbed performing it upon occasion; for to descend a little in a simile, how come your Artificers to become excellent, unless by often practice, or your soldier to be expert, but by exercise? and it is a maxim amongst military men, that a man never so well versed in speculation, who hath all the arts and stratagems of the most renowned Captains at his finger's ends, yet at the first skirmish will be to seek; and can we think the repugnancies within are less disturbing than enemies without, and require not a mind as well experienced to resist and quell them? To sum up all the Etymon of the word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Moral, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, derived from the word which signifieth custom, may confirm us that it hath its original from the thing from whose name it derives its denomination. For it would be no more a solecism in speech to call the Son of Van Trump an English man, than that moral or customary virtue, which is sprung from the loins of Temperament, Nature or Education.  
But now to prescribe a set number, to tell how many acts go to the making up an habit, is impossible; for 1. fewer or more are requisite, accordingly as the mind is less or more inclined to virtue. 2. Some acts are more powerful, others less valid. 3. Attention makes large amends for number, whose worth, by way of exchange, may viewith hundreds, and, when put in the scale, far outweigh them. Neither let any of us fear to overdo, to act virtuously too often.  
The external causes of virtue are the examples of others, as in the beforenamed example of Miltiades and Themistocles; and rewards and punishments, as we shall show more fully in their proper-place.  
The end of virtue, is bonum civil, the common good, the general interest of mankind, and this must needs be lovely in all our eyes, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, saith the Philosopher, it is honourable to do good to one, to a nation heroical; it is near of kin to divinity for a man to be able to contribute towards the welfare of his whole species: and Magistrates, men in public place, of whom it is spoken, I have said ye are God's, are placed by God for the common good; those that are set to rule, like the Sun should be full of light, and heat, visible in example, and powerful influence.   

CHAP. XIX.  
Of Probity, and the practice of it among the Romans.  
THe external object, as it relates to the Persons towards whom virtue bends its eye, delivers it Janus-like, looking forward by Piety upon God, backward by Probity upon man, providing a well-being both for Soul and body, and directing us for the benefit of our selves and others.  
Of the first, Piety, we have already spoken, the other, Probity, is therefore that which remains for the subject of our persent discourse, and this meets us well accompanied, nobly followed, as having all those virtues in her train, which are necessary to enable us in performing our duties as we stand in all relations. For its denomination, we find it termed by the Greeks {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and by the Latins Honestas, from honos honour; so ingenuously provident were the ancients that it might not be so much as mentioned without its due, honour. And indeed it is the very abstract of the other virtues; it is the ci●cle from whence those noble lines are drawn, and the centre in which they meet; it is the salt that seasons them, and the soul that informs them, that bestows their glorious being. Without this, Prudence would be but cunning. Justice, in execution, but a more specious and reserved kind of revenge; in distribution, but a keeping of credit to maintain our trade; in rewarding, but a bribery to gain affection, and increase our dependencies. Fortitude, but a brutish audacity, and daring rashness to render ourselves terrible, and gain Domination. Temperance, but a kind of senselessness and stupidity, a Stoical piece of tyranny over our bodies.  
Hence grew its esteem among the Moralists, which generally make the other virtue's spring from the pregnant womb of probity; and hence came it to be honoured among the Romans, which they beheld blessed with so glorious and numerous a progeny, attended by so beautiful a company of Daughters.  
This was it set Numa on the Throne, and made them with one consent call him from a private Country life to govern Rome, passing by the most noble among both Romans and Sabines. It was this fetched Serranus from the Plough, and adorned him with the absolute & uncontrollable power of Dictator. This encouraged them to elect Cato to be Censor, and pass by the noblest Competitors, when instead of courting the people, he seemed to threaten them, proclaiming, that by choosing him and Valerius Flaccus, whom they also made his colleague, the City might be purged of its new corruptions, and ancient probity of manners restored. This made Fabritius, when the Physician sent him word, that if he pleased he would poison Pyrrhus, return the Letter to Pyrrhus with this exprobration, That he was most unfortunate in his choice of friends, as well as enemies; which when Pyrrhus had received, and hanging his Physician, returned the Roman Captives without ransom, Fabritius sent as many captives of his with this admonition, that he discovered the Treason not for any favour or respect he bore to him, but to let him know that the Romans abhorred by treachery to destroy their enemies. Pyrrhus' had then invaded Italy, had overthrown the Consul Laevinus, and was grown numerous by the revolt of many of the people of Italy who lackeyed to his Fortune; his Physician unsought to, even of his own accord, offers to rid them of this danger, yet so great was their love to honesty, they chose to undergo any hazard, rather than to connive at a dishonest act, or in the least to bear with it though in a Stranger.  
Behold O Matchivilian, this is that which truly establishes a State, when thy unworthy policies, though they may be prosperous for a while, are never long-lived, and thy rotten props will in the close fail thee, and bury thee in the ruins of that thou buildest upon them. Produce me an example, where although Prosperity might lead the Van, reproach and ruin did not bring up the Rear? where thy villainies flourishing for a day, were not frost-nipped at night? where though they might bud in the morning, and blow at noon, they were not blasted in the evening, and their purple changed into sables, their rosy-tinctured mantles into nights black livery, double dy'd in Infamy and Horror? whereas virtuous Honesty renders States and Persons stable like itself, whose glorious edifices in the roughest and most boisterous storms stand unshaken like their foundation: yea and always clothes them with the triumphant robes of success, who in its armour of proof have combated their Foes. This was it set Rome aloft in spite of all opposition, and raised her on her feet, when ready to be trampled on by her fiercest foes. This was it upheld her courage in the midst of the greatest losses, and made her enemies tremble in the height of their victories, as accounting her invincible in her virtue, which would make all force stoop and veil bonnet in the end. Thus may we see Pyrrhus even reeking with a bloody victory, dispatch away his ambassador, and stretch out his victorious arms to implore a peace, whilst the beaten Roman disdains to treat, and can hardly be brought to give any terms to the Conqueror▪ rejecting his proffered Friendship, as much as his Gold and bribes. For his ambassador could not fasten the least gift on any private person, nor obtain any other answer from the Senate, than a command to leave Italy, and that the Consul was coming, and in the head of the Roman Legions should deliver their Terms. This made Fabritius contemn his proffered Gold, deride his stratagem of the Elephant, which was suddenly brought upon him to try if they could terrify him; refuse his proffer of being next the King▪ if he would continue with him; and return this brief answer, I am no more moved at your Beast, than I was with your Gold, and for me to live with thee would be perilous, O King, for should thy Subjects once come to know me, they would choose rather to serve me than thee; account Fabritius more worthy of the Throne, than Pyrrhus. This was it carried Cato the elder through the greatest oppositions of the Roman Nobility, and set him above the reach of their envy and malice: this gave him the Suffrages from all his Competitors, the ancient and noblest Roman blood backed with all its factions and dependencies being unable to stand in competition with a Plebeian probity, or the whole Patrician Order to put stop to his being chosen Censor, yea and whom he pleased to be joined with him. This was it, not affection or money, yea that in despite of Favour and Bribery brought him off in all his accusations; so that he never was once condemned though fifty times impeached, but in every action had the day; yea this gave him the confidence to demand his greatest adversary to be Judge at his last trial, who also gave sentence for him. So potent is Honesty, that Malice itself cannot but yield, and either openly acknowledge, or tacitly confess, that her roughest and best-edged files can't touch it. Who would not then embrace this so potent, and excellen virtue? which even wrists Encomiums out of the mouths of enemies: which could make Pyrrhus with admiration cry out, That it was easier to turn the Sun from its course, than Fabritius from his integrity. And his ambassador Cyneas return this answer, when asked what he though of Rome. That it was a City of Kings, and a Senate of Gods; Every private person virtuously commanding his affections, and the Magistrates divinely influential for the public honour and safety.  
And now coming to handle the particular virtues, we shall follow Cicero l. 1. offic. in his division of them into Prudence, Justice, Portitude, and Temperance, under which all necessary honest actions may be reduced; and these are commonly called the Cardinal virtues. Prudence that directs our reason, the other govern our appetites, as Fortitude and Temperance in adverse and prosperous affairs concerning ourselves, Justice in that which pertains to others.   

CHAP. XX.  
Of Prudence.  
THis virtue is called by the Greeks {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, from the mind, whose chief ornament it is: By the Latins Prudentia, quasi providentia à providendo, it foreseeing what is to be avoided, what to be chosen, as most apposite for the well-being of ourselves and others, it being also its special employment to provide for the future, and we are only to look upon it in its politic capacity, as it is reduced under Moral Philosophy: for though it may be accounted an intellectual virtue in regard of its subject and efficient cause, as having its dependency on the understanding and judgement: yet in respect of its object and end it becomes also moral, as which leads not only to contemplative but practical felicity, and beholds civil good as its most lovely object.  
And indeed prudence is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the Master Workman, the principal Agent in the raising and composing of the noble frame of virtue, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: For as this directs, so do the virtues, and virtuous men act: This draws the lines of Election, in whose rectitude the main force of virtue lies; this squares and contrives by deliberation, making the timbers fit, and the whole structure decent and useful: yea so necessary an ingredient is it in morality, that Aristotle and with him all the Moralists have concluded,  
First, That a man cannot be virtuous, unless he be prudent; {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: For virtue is not only an habit consonant to, but joined with right reason.  
Secondly, That a man cannot be prudent, unless he be virtuous: for he must have a right end in all his actions, which is inconsistent with crooked manners. Qualis vita, finis ita, may be well enough applied here; besides, vice perverts the judgement, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and like a cheating tradesman shows colours by a false light. It is therefore affirmed on all hands, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, That by prudence and virtue, every work is made absolute, virtue setting up a right end, and prudence making choice of apt means to bring us to that end.  
Prudence thus coming within our verge, let us inquire what it is: And first we find Cicero in l. ●. de invent. thus telling us, That Prudence is an exact knowledge of what is both good and evil, Prudentia est rerum bonarum, malarum, utrarumque peritia. And Lipsius makes it, notitia rerum eventuumque, et judicium in iis rectum, An ability in knowing, and judging a right of things and events. Aristotle defines it, l. 6. eth. c. 5. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, An habit conjoined with right reason, conversant and operative in those things which bring good or evil unto man.  
And now having viewed its essence, let us a little consider its operation, and we find its employment to consist in a solid deliberation of those things which are good and profitable, not particularly only to health & strength, but which generally conduce to a virtuous and happy life, lib. 6. ethike.. e. 5. and this not by deliberating of the general precepts, and laws of living, which are certainly defined, but by consulting how to square each single act by the straight rule of virtue; for in the variety of circumstances upon which the rectitude or pravity of action depends consists the obscurity, and in this consultation is solely requisite: And now counsel being taken, prudence decrees that good is to be chosen before evil, the greater good before the lesser, and the lesser evil before the greater; yet this only in malo tristi, non turpi; for the prudent man always shuns the least baseness; therefore the Philosopher tells us that there are some things which are to be abhorred above torments, or death itself; thus Pericles being entreated by a friend to give a false testimony, returned this answer, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, I'm only to help my friends in such things as offend not the Gods; and the French History affords a memorable example of this in the Prince of Conde, who being treacherously surprised by Charles the 9th. and word sent him that he must choose either to go to Mass, to die, or to be perpetually imprisoned, nobly answered, For the first, by God's assistance, I will never do it, for the other two let the King do as he please, yet I doubt not but God by his Fatherly providence will turn all to the best: He refuses the crime, neither would be choose the punishment, lest he might seem to disavow his own innocency: Whereas David, convinced of his guilt in numbering the people, by choosing the Pestilence, before Sword or Famine, as a more mild and fatherly punishment, acted the part of a prudent man, 2 Sam. 24.   

CHAP. XXI.  
Of the Causes of Prudence, Natural parts, Experience, Learning, Travel, &c.  
THe chief causes of Prudence may be reduced under three heads, Nature, use, Learning.  
First, there must be some foundation in nature, some ground whereon to build, ex quovis ligno non fit Mercurius, every block will not make a Mercury, it is in vain to wash an Aethiopian, and though a fool be brayed in a mortar he will never become wise: therefore the Moralists generally hold these three things requisite to the acquiring of Prudence, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, a clear judgement, a quick Apprehension, and a strong Memory; The two first being necessary to a right judging, and readily applying apt means for gaining our end. Thus Thucydides in lib. 1. gives us an eminent example in the person of Themistocles, who without long warning or tedious consultation, by the very acuteness of his understanding gave the best counsel: in future things he could exactly conjecture what would happen; in present affairs he was quick of dispatch; he was most dexterous at discovery in unknown, and in obscure things above all men could foresee what might be for the better, and what for the worse: to sum up all, what by the strength of nature, and help of deliberation, he became so exact, as he seldom or never missed his mark. And Livy in 4. dec. lib. 9 shows another in Cato Major, In hoc viro tanta vis animi, ingeniique fuit, ut quocunque loco natus esset, fortunam sibi ipse facturus fuisse videretur: nulla ars neque privatae, neque publicae rei gerendae ei defuit, urbanas, rusticasque res pariter callebat: ad summos honores alios Scientia juris, alios eloquentia, alios gloria militaris provexit; huic versatile ingenium sic pariter ad omnia fuit, ut natum ad id unum diceres, quodcunque ageret. The last which is memory furnishes us with examples and precedents by which we are taught both by other men's losses or advantages, what course, and how we should steer in all our affairs. Thus the Philosopher in his little book of the virtues styles Memory the cause, and that known verse, usus me genuit, mater peperit memoria, makes use the Father, and Memory the Mother of Prudence. Demosthenes saith it is required in a prudent man to remember what is past, to dispatch and mind what's present, and to provide for what may happen. And Isocrates gives this rule, That when we deliberate, we ought to consider of past examples, for by calling to mind things that are gone, we shall be better enabled to make provision for things that are to come. We shall sum up this with that of Strada in his prolus. academ. Qui memoria prae aliis valet, glorietur tanquam excellenti vitae bono, tanquam thesauro, et penu disciplinarum, germana literaturae, musarum parent, altrice sapientiae, insigni demum argumento divinitatis; as was observably eminent in those prudent men Homer, Aristotle, Seneca, and especially Julius Caesar, who is reported never to have forgotten any thing, but an injury.  
The second help is use or experience, which furnish us with an insight in single actions, which are most necessary the prudent man's knowledge; natural abilities, and learning do often make men opiniative, and to presume themselves knowing and wise: but it is experience that brings solidity. The greatest Clerks are not always the wisest men; therefore Theognis concludes {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, Opinion to be of evil consequence, but use of the best concernment; to which Lipsius assents, especially in those that are are to sit at the helm in a State: indeed this is it which in every art makes a man his Crafts-Master; and there is both a civil and Military art requisite to the well-governing of a State: therefore your experienced Soldier is chosen to command, and men most versed in State affairs held fittest for counsel, and government. Suppose we were to perform a far voyage, or to enter an unknown and dangerous harbour, would we not choose him for a Pilot who had oftenest steered it, who was best acquainted with the passage? truly let us consider and we shall find a commonwealth may properly enough be likened to a Ship, and the management of affairs to steerage; thus Horace Ode 14. O navis, referent in mare te novi fluctus: And the ingenuous and learned Johnson in his Catiline brings Cato thus speaking to the then chosen Consul Cicero.  
— Each petty hand  
Can steer a Ship becalmed: but he that will  
Govern, and carry her to her ends, must know  
His tides, his currents, how to shift his sails;  
What she will bear in foul, what in fair weather;  
Where her springs are, her leaks and how to stop them;  
What sands, what shelves, what rocks do threaten her,  
The forces, and the natures of all winds,  
Gusts, storms, and tempests. When her Keel ploughs Hell,  
And Deck knocks Heaven, then to manage her  
Becomes the name, and office of a Pilot.  
Thus the prudent man must not only be well acquainted with his own strengths, the ability of the means he hath chosen as fit to bring him to his proposed end, but with the vigour and force of whatsoever is likely to oppose him: He must provide for open assaults, and countermine against underhand practices, for should he depend only upon his own power, he will be at loss upon every opposition; he will bowl short of his Mark, unless he allow for rubs, which may be in the way. And hence it is that the Moralists generally exclude young men as incapable of Prudence, who by the natural heat and vigour of youth are too fiery, apt to presume and run headlong into action without any deliberation; whereas grave men, through use, and experience are made wary and provident; They will look before they leap, consider whether they shall be able to carry on such or such a design, maugre all opposition, before they embark themselves in it: therefore Homer being to present a prudent counsellor under the person of Nestor, makes him 300 years of age; a man of the greatest experience, who had waded through the employments of three ages.  
The third help is Learning; for there being so great a variety, such nooks, and corners in action, that light is necessary on all sides to further us in our search, it will be need full for us that would be prudent to fly to Learning for aid, which can afford us noble and copious assistance.  
As first History, which is as it were another use, but of a more vigorous capacity. Man clogged with matter can move but slowly, and by his birth and outward concernments is commonly circumscribed within some narrow nook or angle of the World, where he is constrained to spend that shorttime of life which nature allows: so that let him employ his utmost diligence in observation, and most strictly take notes, his knowledge can arrive but to the half of one ages experience, and that too but of a few Nations actions; whereas History lays before us all mankind in all ages acting in whatever as yet hath happened, and providing for▪ and against whatever could fall under human consideration, so that we shall not meet with any affair which may not be paralleled, and which we may not find managed by others, even to our hands, in the large Volume of History. This is that which can make a young man prudent, and exalt his experience above the oldest he that shall stand on tip to upon his own observation: this is that upon whose Shoulders a Dwarf in years setting his feet, shall see further than a Nestor, than the tallest giant standing on the ground of his own experience. This is that, which not only enriches the memory with variety and plenty of actions and examples, but also ennobles the mind with excellent and choice precepts, with good and wholesome admonitions; for wise and prudent men generally being the Penmen to History, have flourished her about, and embroidered the edges of her Garments with rich and precious maxims, costly and curious observations of their own. We will conclude Histories character with Heinsius, Est certissima divinae erga Homines benignitatis obses, veritatis mater, vitae norma, actionum propagatrix vera, Prudentiae (ut quidam apud Graecos loquitur) metropolis. Haec aetatem nostram cum aetate aequat universi; haec imaginem, non corporis, sed vitae, sed consiliorum, sed animi ad posteros transfundit, et expressam non in aere, aut ferro, non picturae beneficio aut plasticae, immortali rerum ac verborum copia delineatam omnibus spectandam exhibet.  
And it is reported of Lucius Lucullus, who conquered two great Kings, Mithridates and Tigranes, that by History he was trained up to that skill in Martial affairs, which rendered him both an able and victorious General, one who with 12000 foot, and 3000 horse, besieged the great City Tigranocerta, and beat Tigranes coming to relieve it with 20000 darts and slings, 150000 foot, and 55000 horse, 17000 of which were armed cappa●pe.  
Secondly, As History, so Philosophy, as first Moral, confers much help in attaining of Prudence.  
As 1. in teaching those peculiar rules of life, and Canons, according to which the prudent man governs his counsels▪ and actions; besides, it is generally held that a man cannot be prudent unless he be virtuous, now the readiest way to become so is to know what virtue is, and wherein it consists, which Moral Philosophy teaches, together with the means to attain it. To sum up all, prudence itself, with all its precepts, and rules, is here handled; whether then should we go for water but to the Fountain, where it is most pleasant, Dulcius ex ipso fonte bibuntur aquae, most abundant, and most easy to come by?  
Secondly, Speculative Philosophy is a great help; this confers Sapience, a dear friend, and support to Prudence, upon whose precepts Prudence builds, and lays the foundation of its rules; as for example, upon the doctrine of the rational soul, the doctrine of the will, and of the affections: neither can any man be prudent, unless he be able to discern those various circumstances of persons, places, and times, all which are distinctly handled in Speculative Philosophy. Thus Aristotle affirms Sapience to be marvellously profitable for the solid understanding of human felicity, (which is the end prudence proposes) both because the operations of the will have their dependency upon the operations of the understanding, for we will after the same rate as we understand; as also because many arguments may be drawn from Speculative Philosophy which may much conduce to the exercise of virtue; as an insight into the temper of our bodies may persuade us to Temperance. And Lipsius commends both Moral and Speculative Philosophy; Duae istae partes formant hominis animum, vel ad virtutis amorem, & pretium, vel ad notitiam Caelestium, & Terrestrium, è quibus magnitudo animi oritur, & simul modestia, collatione utrorumque, because both of them create in the mind of man as well a love and esteem of virtue, as a knowledge of the nature of celestial and earthly things, from which springs magnanimity, and modesty too by comparing each with other. To sum up all with that known saying of Divine Plato, Then Commonwealths shall become happy, when Philosophers are made Magistrates, or Magistrates addict themselves to the study of Philosophy.  
Thirdly, Philology, a skill in Languages is of much importance to a prudent man, by which he is made able not only to converse with, but to dive into the actions of foreigners; indeed all commerce, all correspondences, all leagues are beholding to this, without which nation could not discourse with nation but by signs, by mopping and mowing as monkeys do: and it would be as possible for us to understand the Cats wawling in our gutters, as an ambassador, or Merchant which could not speak English.  
Lastly, Both Geometry, and Geography are of no small use to advance Prudence; and Aristotle is bold to affirm it impossible for a young man to be prudent without skill in the mathematics, 6. Eth. 8. c.  
But to these three, to wit, Natural parts, use, Learning, we may add as instrumental causes both a careful observation of examples, and also Travail; thus we shall find Demosthenes affirming {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: and Terence, Hoc vero est sapere, in aliorum vitam tanquam in speculum intueri, et ex illis exemplum capere tibi quod ex usu siet. The wise man dresses himself in the glass of other men's actions, in which he may discover what is comely and fit for him: and Homer gives travail for a chief cause of prudence in his Ulysses, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. And now I shall sum up all with a few examples, which are held by many more prevalent in persuasion than advice or instruction. And first, Solon the Athenian lawmaker was not only endowed with parts, exercised in affairs, improved by travail, but excellently learned, as many of his writings testify; yea so desirous was he of knowledge, that upon his deathbed being visited by some friends, he lifted up his head, and listened to their discourse, and when asked for what end he was so attentive, returned this answer, that knowing this, I may die more learned. Thus Epimanondas, the glory of Thebes, is reported by Thucydides to have studied much, but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, without effeminacy. Thus Philip, thus Alexander, thus Philopomen, Cato the younger, Julius and Augustus Caesar were learned, the latter of which discharged a Consular legate, as rude, unlearned, and unfit for employment, because he had written ixi for ipsi. Thus Marcus Antonius the good Emperor was called the Philosopher, and that famous Lady Isabel of Spain, and the incomparable Elizabeth of England were studious and learned.   

CHAP. XXII.  
Of the Prudence of the Romans.  
THis victorious and fortunate commonwealth was so sensible of the necessity of this virtue to the well-being of a State, that they took the greatest care to provide that able and prudent persons should only be admitted to the management of affairs: as for example, they had their Lex annalis, the Law that provided, that none should bear office before such and such an age, because they would not have unexperienced, rash and imprudent young men trusted at the helm of State. Thus Latinus Pacatus in Laudat. Theodosii. Annorum, inquit, ita cura fuit majoribus, ut non solum in amplissimis Magistratibus adipiscendis, sed in Praeturis quoque aut Aedilitatibus capessendis aetas sit spectanda petitorum; neque quisquam tantum valuerit nobilitate, vel gratia, qui annos comitiali lege praescriptos, festinatis honoribus occuparit. Thus Cicero Philip. 5. Legibus annalibus cum grandiorem aetatem ad Consulatam constituebant, temeritatem adolescentiae verebantur.  
Thus Ovid 5. Fast.  
— Finitaque certis Legibus est aetas, unde petatur honos.  
And we find that those that set the fewest will have 25 years of age the time wherein the first office to wit of Quaestor could be born; for that of Aedilis, and Tribune 27 or 28. for Praetor 35. for Consul 42, or 43. as Cicero plainly tells us in Phil. 5. Quid Alexander Macedo, qui cum ab ineunte aetate res maximas gerère caepisset, trigesimo tertio anno mortem obiit? quae aetas nostris legibus decem annis minor quam Consularis. And though this Law might now and then be dispensed with in some extraordinary danger, and for some more than ordinary worth and virtue in some single person, as Scipio Africanus, Scipio Aemilianus, and Pompeius Magnus: as there can be no general rule but may admit of some exception, especially where the reason of the Law pleads against the Letter, which taken strictly would deprive the State of the service of such eminent Citizens when her dangers would admit of no delay: yet for the general it was inviolably observed until the unruly and tyrannous Monarchs turned this topsy-turvy, together with all other their most sacred Laws and Liberties. Thus also we shall find Lycurgus that wise Lawgiver among the Spartans, (who so long as they observed his rules were the most eminent State among the Greeks) would admit none into the Senate, unless he were sixty years of age.  
But we shall conclude this with some few examples which may convince us throughly of the benefit of Prudence. Cato the elder being Consul, had Spain allotted for his Province, which was then near to a total revolt; coming thither the Celtiberians, a warlike and populous nation, offered to aid him for 2000 talents; this proposition was generally disliked by the Romans, as a thing unworthy the Roman magnanimity, by money to buy aid or friendship, until the Consul convinced them how small a thing the Celtiberians demanded, without whose aid there was no hopes of victory; For should we overcome by their assistance, we will pay them out of the enemies spoils, said he, but should we and they be beaten, neither will they be alive to demand, nor shall we be left to pay. Scipio Africanus, being about to invade Africa, and carry the war to the gates of Carthage, prudently seeing that a State which warred by mercenaries, would be weakest at home, selected 300 able and resolute young men out of the Roman Legions, whom he kept about him, none knowing to what end, and being arrived in Sicily, he commanded 300 of the noblest and wealthiest Sicilian young Gentlemen to appear such a day with their horse and arms. The time being come, he demanded whether they were willing to go with him, or no? for he had rather they should now tell the truth, than afterwards be unprofitable, and unactive, as such would be. Whereupon one of them answered, that if he were put to his choice he should rather stay at home; Scipio commending him for his ingenuity, and calling one of the 300 hundred Roman young men, this youth, saith he, shall serve in your stead upon condition you will furnish him with horse and arms, and take him home, and exercise and teach him; which he joyfully consenting to, all the rest presently desired a dismission upon the same terms: Thus raised he a gallant Troop, which did him great service, without charge to the commonwealth, whose treasury was emptied by a long and chargeable war: and obliged the Sicilians and their friends, by dismissing their persons from a dangerous war upon so small and inconsiderable a condition as that seemed to them, who would have given far more had they been put to their own choice. And indeed it is not so much the tax, as the manner of laying and levying it, that begets distastes, tumults, insurrections, and revolts. Had Scipio laid this charge of providing horse and arms, &c. upon these Sicilian Gentlemen, without any other circumstance, what mutterings would there have been? why should we above all others be thus used? and what hatred would it have procured him? whereas doing as he did, first he seemed to have a great confidence in their worth and valour, to choose them out of the thousands of Sicily; then a great regard of and civility to their persons, by enquiring whether they were willing to serve or no; Lastly a greater respect to their contentment than his own, by so gentle and easy a dismission of them whom he had honoured above others, and who by refusing to engage with him, disappointed his hopes, & made void the great expectations he had of them: and so by this means imposed an obligation upon them, who in another way would have looked on it as a great discourtesy. And as we find the benefit of Prudence in these, so may we see the mischiefs which improvident rashness wrought in other examples. As in Coriolanus, who by his stubborn and harsh carriage brought banishment on himself, a miserable war and disgrace upon his country, which at last caused his death. Thus Terentius Varro by rashness and imprudency had almost ruined his Country in that fatal and bloody battle at Cannae. And multitudes of other examples we shall meet with in all Histories, yea and in our own daily experience and observation.   

CHAP. XXIII.  
Of Justice, and the Roman practice of it.  
IT would be a thing of the smallest concernment both to know and choose what is good and to accommodate our actions to the exact circumstances of place, time, and persons, unless we should acknowledge ourselves obliged to virtuous actions, and to a total obedience of all her laws, which is justice's part to teach, whose praise were more proper for a prolix Oration than the narrow limits of our discourse. Aristotle in brief calls it, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, the best of the virtues, And Plato {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, that neither the morning nor evening Star are so admirable. Cicero in l. 3. offic. Justitia est virtus excellentissima, & splendidissima, omnium virtutum regina, ac domina. And Scalig. Exercit. 307. Sect. 3. Justitia est conservatrix conjunctionis humanae, quae conjunctio ad beatitudinem magna v●a est. Indeed it is the use of other virtues towards others; {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. For as the Philosopher, there are many that can be virtuous for their own concernment, who in other men's will falter. Therefore as Cicero, Justitia foras spectat, totamque se ad alienas utilitates porrigit▪ atque explicat. Justice will teach them to act virtuously towards others. It is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, a good to others, and indeed the most beautiful, perfect, and best virtue. For he is the most virtuous {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, who is good to others; here lies the point; hic labour hoc opus est, To make profit, pleasure, revenge, &c. give the way to virtue, to right and equity.  
It is called by the Greeks {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, by the Latins Justitia, and it is either general which consists in a virtuous obedience of all laws tending to the preservation of human society, and this is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} an universal virtue, according to that of the Proverb, — {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Or particular, which is a keeping a mean and equality in all those things in which adversity or prosperity hath to do, or wherein fortune rules; to give the definition of both according to Aristotle, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, it is an habit apting men to just actions, whereby they are enabled to do, and will just things.  
Nowfor to handle this at large, I suppose would be to little purpose, there being none that perceive not that it is the chief duty, as being of general concernment, of the Magistrate to look well to the exercise of this virtue: I shall only therefore hint in some cases which are essential to the well-being of a State.  
As first in cases of public danger, the particular members of a State are bound in justice to help the public with their private stocks, thus we shall find in the Roman State▪ Liv. dec. 3. l. 6. They brought in all their Gold, Silver, and coined Brass, reserving only enough for an Ornament of distinction, and for the public service of their Gods, into the Common treasury, and you shall have a motive, Respublicaincolumis & privatas res facile salvas praestet: publica prodendo tua nequicquam serves.  
Secondly, the Magistrate, after the danger is past, is in Justice bound to see these public debts satisfied, there being nothing more to be preserved inviolable than the public faith: Besides Prudence teaches this, for if the people perceive them negligent in their public trust, it will make them refractory, and careless in their private duties. We shall instance no further than in trading, a man once breaking his word, will never be trusted upon his bond, and it would be a sad plunge to put a State to get another State to be bound for them, and an impossibilty to find any private security for such large sums.  
The third thing required by Justice is, That the Magistrate ought not in the least to encroach upon the right of particular persons, further than the common necessity or good requires: thus in the beforementioned place we shall find, that first the Consuls, than the Senate, than the Roman Knights brought in their Gold, &c. They were examples to the people, not exactors upon them. And to say the truth, the Magistrate is entrusted for the public good, and it is not in his power to do a private injury, they are God's Substitutes, whose glorious attribute it is, That he cannot do injustice and the people's trusties, to rule for their good: now grant that they may extrajudicially take away one man's right, and it will follow that they may take away any man's, and all men's.  
The fourth thing is, Inviolably to observe all Leagues, Treaties, and public promises with foreigners: This will make them be believed, loved, and honoured abroad. Thus we shall see that the Romans in defence of, and revenge for their allies of Saguntum, undertook that long, bloody, and almost fatal second Punic war; nay and when Hannibal was in the heart of Italy, yet sent they Armies into Spain, and upon the first opportunity restored that City, gathered the scattered Inhabitants, bought those that were slaves, and took a sharp revenge upon their borderers, even to the final ruin of the Nation which had been instrumental in their miseries. Thus shall we see them restore the Kingdom of Egypt to Ptolemy their Ally, when driven out by a popular insurrection, nay and preserve it in his sons, whom he by Will left to their protection, in spite of the force and ambition of the great Antiochus. Thus made them honourable, and procured them fast Friends, and so it will any State that practices after their Copy.  
The fifth thing is, To have a sacred respect to the Persons of ambassadors, and Agents; who are indeed the Ministers of peace; and indeed there can be nothing more brutish, and less manly, than to affront and violate these Doves which bring Olive branches in their mouths, whom the Law of Nations gives protection to: thus shall we find the Romans taking nowhere so sharp a revenge as upon Corinth, which had abused their Ambassadors: and when they for respect to Ambustius (who being an Ambassador to the Gauls, had contrary to the Law of Nations taken arms and fought against them) denied to deliver him up as the Faeciales their Heralds a arms had counselled, in the sack of their City they paid the reward of slighting this sacred Law, and had near lost all by the unjust endeavouring to preserve one offender from Justice.  
The sixth thing is, To endeavour first by fair means for satisfaction, and if these will not prevail, then to send them a public Defiance: This the Romans constantly practised, as to instance once for all, Liv. d. 4. l. 6. Consul deinde M. Acilius ex S. c. ad collegium Faecialium retulit, ipsine utique regi Antiocho indiceretur bellum? an satis esset ad praesidium aliquod ejus nunciare? et num Aetolis quoque separatim indici juberunt bellum? et num prius societas eis et amicitia renuncianda esset, quam bellum indicendum? Faeciales responderunt, jam ante sese, cum de Philippo Consulerentur, decrevisse nihil referre ipsi coram an ad praesidium nunciaretur, amicitiam renunciatam videri, cum legatis toties repetentibus res, nec reddi, nec satisfieri aequum censuissent; Aetolos ultro sibi bellum indixisse, cum Demetriadem sociorum urbem per vim occupassent, &c.  
The seventh is, Honourably to reward their own Citizens who deserve well. And there can be ●o greater spur to virtue, nor a better way to propagate and increase it. Thus we shall see what triumphs, what Ovations, what Crowns were conferred on victorious generals, and valiant soldiers; as he that preserved the life of a Citizen had an Oaken Crown, and he that first gained the top of the wall, a Mural one, by the Roman State.  
The eight is, Duly and justly to pay those that serve them. And this will render them well-beloved, and well followed; and though they make use only of their own Citizens, yet ought these to be well paid who gallantly venture their lives; shall they be liberal of their blood, and shall others be niggardly of their purses? besides, they leave their callings, and all other means of providing maintenance. Thus was their a constant provision of lands among the Romans for those that had fulfilled their time of warfare, neither shall we ever find a mutiny for want of pay; and our Saviour tells us, No man goeth to a warfare on his own charge.  
The ninth is, To have a tender regard of their widows and Orphans, who have nobly lost their lives in their country's defence. Shall we enjoy rest, and abundance, & see theirs perishing for want by whose valour we have been preserved? besides, it is a great discouragement to others to venture their lives for us, when they shall see such a calamity in their deaths ready to cease the dearest pledges of their souls. Thus the Romans provided them portions out of the public Stock.  
The tenth is, To have the like regard of such men and their families, who have liberally laid out their own estates in the public service, or have been so publicly minded, as that they have not regarded their private benefit. Thus did the Romans often bury great and noble Captains, who died poor, on the public charge, and bestow their Daughters according to their qualities.  
The eleventh is, To Crown the Memories of those who had done public service, with Statues, and triumphant Arches, which was everywhere to be seen in that noble and grateful City of Rome. And as these are just, necessary, of good concernment for the nourishing of noble spirits, and producing brave actions, so on the other side it will be the same.  
Twelfly, Severely to punish all incendaries, seditious, traitorous, and cowardly persons, and that first to amend such, secondly to keep the public authority from contempt, thirdly to terrify others by their examples. Thus Seneca, Ni mia enim licentia adversus malos, crudelitas est adversus bonos. And Cicero, Quare ita probanda est mansuetudo, ut adhibeatur Reipublicae causa severitas, sine qua administrari civitas non potest. And indeed obsta principiis, to nip such practices in the bud, is the safest way, which by connivency may grow to such an height as it will be hard to resist: a small spark unregarded may kindle a flame that shall burn a City: and the Romans were so careful in this, that the greatest services, and noblest extraction could not turn the Scale of Justice, as in Manlius Capitolinus, Saturninus, Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, Catiline, Lentulus, Cethegus, &c.  
Lastly, To take an exact account of those that shall embeazle or purloin the public treasure; tyrannize and oppress the people under their charge. For connivency in such cases will be of very bad consequence, both in keeping the public poor and behindhand, in making Officers Knaves, and wicked, and in undoing, disheartening and enraging the people: therefore we shall find the Romans very strict in this point, often calling to account and condemning, even some very eminent for other deserts, as in Scipio Asiaticus, Marcellus, and those noble Orations of Tully against Verres. And indeed this is the only means to preserve peace and plenty; for a poor people will be always bustling, and an oppressed careless to gather, or play the good husbands, not knowing how long they shall enjoy their own. Therefore Boaetius excellently says, Annuum bonum, non tam de magnis fructibus, quam de juste regnantibus existimandum, the one will quickly be devoured without the other.   

CHAP. XXIV.  
Of Laws, and the English Laws.  
IT follows now therefore, offenders being to be restrained, to show what that is which must do it, and that is Law, which is the proper medicine for a Commonwealth in time of peace, in war there must be a sharper and quicker course taken: and indeed this is so necessary, that as Livy saith, Multitudo coalescere in vuius populi corpus, nulla re, quam legibus, potest, There can be no communion, no society without Laws; these preserve property, and encourage industry, whereas should men be left at uncertainties, they would like wild and ravenous Beasts, wander, ceasing upon their prey where they met with any weaker than themselves: but this general assertion is taken for granted on all hands, we shall only therefore endeavour to give our thoughts in some particulars, which seem to concern the Laws of England.  
As first that our Generous and knowing Ancestors plainly perceiving that there could be no Liberty where there was no Law, were very careful to bring all things to a certainty, so that the very Judges are obliged to take notice of it as well as the people, and are bound up to observe the Law as much as plaintiff or Defendant: and this, because to set up Arbitrary Courts or Judges were to leave the people to their will, and in a mist to grope after surmizes what such or such persons would determine; and indeed until men were omniscient, or could prophetically foretell the imaginations of the Rulers or Judges hearts, it were the highest piece of injustice to call men to account for a thing committed against no law, and a thing not to be named to condemn them. What could a man call his own, unless there were tenures warranted and confirmed by Law? and to bring a criminal process for a thing nowhere declared a crime, would be a Tyranny our Monarchs in the worst ages would have blushed at.  
But it may be said, What need there so many? these engender but strife and vexation; truly for strife it's the effect of people's perverseness, not the law: and should those actions of Battery, actions upon the case for words, and actions of trespass be taken away, we should quickly see the people make themselves Judges, and by revenging themselves fall together by the ears: our wise Ancestors being aware of such a mischief thought it better to let them vent their petty animosities in a suit where some small matter of money might be thrown away, and spend their spleen in opening each others purse, than to fall into deadly feuds, wherein kindred on both fides would engage, and so print their revenges in murder and ruin, as we have heard practised in the Northern parts of this Island, and our forefathers saw, and provided against. For let us assure ourselves, to provide no remedy by law against these injuries, which are the main beginnings of all quarrels, would not only make mem more ready to provoke, but others as apt to revenge themselves being provoked, and of what consequence this will be to the endangering the civil peace, good, and quiet of a Nation, I leave to the world to judge.  
To conclude, as the Law of England gives rules, and teaches men their duties, so is it the most careful and provident for their trials; it so abhors arbitrariness (as the enemy of liberty, and father of injustice) that it will not trust the matter of Fact, and of Law in one hand, but sets twelve men of the neighbourhood to give their verdict for fact; against whom it allows an attaint, and being found guilty inflicts on them a dreadful punishment; so careful is it of the lives and liberties of particular persons, and so provident that Justice should be impartially administered; And now if any by his living in Turkey is become enamoured of slavery, let him choose arbitrary Courts, for my part I desire a rule to teach me what may be an offence, and judges who are bound by oath to observe that rule to give sentence, and twelve of the neighbourhood to inquire of the fact, and against whom their lies an attaint, and upon eviction a dreadful punishment, before an arbitrary Court, though never so carefully picked, and so I am sure do all understanding English men, who any whit prize and value their liberties.  
Another objection there is against the judges, That they are for life; and that such a continuance may make them remiss and slothful, and that by a continual use they become less reverent of Justice, as a work which daily use makes tedious and clogging: not omitting that it may create faction and combination, as Livy notes of the Carthaginians, qui unum ejus ordinis, idem adversos omnes habebat; as lastly that it may beget corruption by taking away fear of calling to account: and therefore the Romans Decurias judicum scribebant, ex honestissimis, & ex censu (ne paupertas ad culpam impelleret): sed non eas omnes assidue judicare vole bant, duntaxat quotannis certum & necessarium numerum sorte legebant, reliquis tunc feriatis. All this we allow in arbitrary Judges, who cannot be too short a time limited; but where there are laws according to which they are to judge, there they ought to have experience and knowledge, which must of necessity increase by practice and continuance. Thus the Romans whilst they were poor and in continual war, there was no great cause of strife, wealth being wanting, and the war employing them and keeping them busy, so that they had little leisure for private brawls: but when they began to enjoy peace and plenty, they had their Decemviri, which were of continuance, and still provided by new laws to bridle new enormities. So that take away law and continuance will be as dangerous, as the loss of liberty and right will be inevitable; for we must hold all at will, and have no rule to call Judges to account by, whose will must be our final determination, and as they think so must the Bell tink.   

CHAP. XXV.  
Of Fortitude, and the Roman practice of it.  
THis virtue by the Greeks is styled {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, from a man, because it is peculiar to that sex, and is seldom found in women, and that in regard of the temperament, which must be hot and dry, and in a heart which is well compact, solid, and full of spirit: Therefore Cicero 2. Tuscul. Viri propria maximè est fortitudo, cujus munera duo sunt, nempe mortis & doloris contemptio.  
We find it defined by the Philosopher, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, to be a virtue keeping a mean in fear and confidence. And it is divided into public and private.  
Private is a noble and patient undergoing of adversity, as Cicero 4. Tuscul. Fortitudo est scientia perferendarum rerum, vel affectio animi in patiendo, et ferendo, summae legi parens sine timore: Et in l. 1. offic. Fortis & constantis animi est, non perturbari in rebus asperis, nec tumultuantem dejici de gradu, ut dicitur, sed praesenti animo uti, et nec à consilio, nec à ratione discedere; And Horace l. 2. od. 10.  
Rebus angustis animosus, atque  
Fortis apparet—  
Public is a fearless under taking, and constant wading through such perils, wherein our deeds and examples may bring benefit to our country, and honour and renown to ourselves; and this where, when, and how we ought, as l. 3 eth. c. 7.  
By this than we may behold, First▪ that Self murder is no Fortitude, for as Curtius saith, Non fortium virorum est odisse vitam, sed contemnere mortem, but rather a cowardice that makes them fling themselves into the arms of death to avoid some more threatning evil. Besides, they are injurious to the Common wealth, which they deprive of a member; yet here for a Sea Captain to blow up his Ship rather than let her be taken by the enemy, is no point of self-murder; for the aiming at his countries good, and her enemy's loss and ruin, acts the part of a valiant and faithful Citizen. Secondly, that Duels are no effect of true valour, they being injurious to the Common wealth. Thirdly, Sturdy thieves or Robbers, which are not only injurious, and mischievous, but such as fight directly against the laws of human society▪ and they are so far from being truly valiant, that they are wicked and impudent: and therefore we shall find some of the ancients define fortitude {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}; fear of reproof▪ and dread of infamy; and it is commonly seen that those that most dread the laws, lest fear the enemy, and who are most quiet in peace, are most valiant in war, as Plutarch in the life of Agis, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. They are least fearful of suffering, who stand most in awe of doing evil. Much more might be said of this manly virtue, which for brevity we omit, and shall refer those that desire further information, to that masculine discourse of Aristotle in l. 3. eth. cap. 6.  
For the Roman practice of this virtue, it is so obvious in their histories, as we shall hardly find the least foot-step of cowardice in that gallant and victorious Commonwealth, whose noble Citizens in all occasions were most ready to devote their lives for their country, and sacrifice their rags of mortality, to immortal fame and renown.  
And indeed the love of our country, and noble thirst after honour, are the great agents in this glorious production: for what man that is fully persuaded of his duty to the first, and the reward he shall receive from the last, can be faint-hearted or cowardly?  
— Fax mentis honestae Gloria, saith the Poet, and as Velleius, Nec potest quidquam abjectum, & humile cogitare, qui scit de se semper loquendum, A man will hardly be brought to act basely, who shall consider he shall stand on record, either infamous or renowned; Yea such a record, as time every day more and more publishes, as Lipsius, Vt sol in aurora tenuior, assurgit, & inclarescit; sic ex virtute, & meritis fama cum aevo ipso augetur, & crescit. What man in flight coming to a bridge, and remembering Horatius Cocles, would not make a noble stand, and either live with him, or dying live his equal in History? I shall sum up all with that of Polybius, {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, Riches are common, but bravery of mind, and the glory and renown that springs from it, is peculiar to the Gods, or such men as come near them.   

CHAP. XXVI.  
Of Temperance, and he Roman practice of it.  
THis virtue by the Greeks is called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, quasi {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, as it were the preserver of Prudence: for pleasure and grief corrupt {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, those faculties which are to consider of action: and a mind taken up with either of these cannot well intend the end for which {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, all things ought to be chosen or door. Now Temperance moderating these passions keeps the mind undisturbed, and deservedly is styled, The Conservatrix of Prudence.  
We shall define it, A virtue preserving a just decorum in the desiring and enjoying sensual delights: for grief, which comes within its verge, that only arises from want of fruition. It is therefore the duty of a temperate man to abhor dishonest, moderately to desire, and enjoy lawful pleasures, and not immoderately to grieve when deprived of them. Now lawful-pleasures are such as first {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, conduce to bodily health, or as {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, exceed not our estates, and misbecom the rank and quality we live in.  
And of what avail this virtue is to the preservation and growth of a State, History and observation everywhere, and every day, may clearly make out unto us. This was it set Rome upon her legs; This is it that made her Citizens able of body, both to fight, and endure the field; This made her Captains contemn bribes; and her Generals in the height of, military heat, and success, slight pleasure, and constantly keep the public good, and their own honour in their eye. Thus shall we see the noble Curius, when the conquered Samnites proffered him Gold, show them his Dinner (for he was at their coming cooking it himself) which was a few rape roots in a pipkin, telling them there was no great need of gold to furnish his table, and that he had rather command over such as had Gold, than possess it himself. And when some complained that he had assigned too little of the conquered Lands to private men, and too much to the public, He told them, He hoped that there was never a Roman Citizen which would count that land too little which was sufficient to maintain him. Thus shall we see Scipio Africanus, when the soldiers brought him a most beautiful Damosel, taken in the sack of New Carthage in Spain, and hearing she was betrothed to Allucius a young Prince of the Celtiberians, he sent for him, and not only bestowed on him his beautiful Bride, but a great sum of Gold as her portion, which her parents brought for her ransom. Let us behold the event, this young Prince goes home rapt with joy, filling every place with the praise and merit of Scipio, telling his Countrymen, Venisse Diis simillimum juvenem, vincentem omnia cum armis, tum benignitate, ac beneficiis, There was a Godlike young man arrived, conquering all both by force and bounty: and within a few days returned with 1400 horse to Scipio's Camp. Thus by his temperance he advanced the Roman cause, which he preferred above all private pleasure, and gave Carthage a greater blow in this victory over himself, than in that other of taking their City, though the most considerable they had in Spain▪ I shall conclude all with that speech of Asdrubal surnamed the Kid, the Carthaginian legate to the Roman Senate, Raro simul hominibus bonam fortunam, bonamque mentem dari: populum Romanum eo invictum esse quod in secundis rebus sapere, & consulere meminerit: & hercle mirandum fuisse, si aliter facerent: ex insolentia, quibus nova bona fortuna sit, impotentes laetitiae insavire: populo Romano usitate, ac prope jam obsoleta ex victoria gaudia esse, ac plus pene parcendo victis, quam vincendo imperium auxisse. God hath given England her share of success, we have not of late known what it is to be conquered, but as if we had been the adopted sons of victory, she hath perched upon our conquering ensigns, and pitched her pavilion among our tents. O let us then endeavour not to be transported with any unbecoming passions, which may force this glorious Virgin to blush, to hide her head, and be ashamed to keep us company any further; but as we increase in power, let us grow in virtue; thus shall we be established, and to our wreaths of Palm and Laurel shall the Olive chaplet be added, and we enjoy the pleasant fruits of Peace at home as well as honourable esteem of valour abroad.  
— Sic, sic juvat ire— Per altos virtutum gradus patet ascensus ad aeternitatem.  
FINIS.