THE accomplished COURTIER; Consisting of Institutions and Examples. BY WHICH Courtiers and Officers of State may Square their Transactions Prudently, and in good Order and Method.  
Quis enim non vivit in Aula?  
By H. W. Gent.  
LONDON, Printed for Thomas Dring, and are to be sold at his shop at the George in Fleet street, near cliffords-inn. 1660.   

HONOmo VIRO JOHANNI FITZ-JAMES, De Leweston in Agro Durotriges (vulgò) Dorsetshire, Armigero, ad (hujus aevi) Comitia Parliamentaria foeliciter cooptato.  
Domin●, perquàm colende.  
SUb Tui-ipsius Vexillo me dimicare (quanquam indignum) non dedignatus es olim. Nunc, sub Tuis auspiciis opusculum & Enchiridium hoc, usui publico destinatum & adaptatum, in lucem proferre haud dubitavi. Et (quia indignus est dandis, qui non est gratus de datis) Gratitudinis et Observantiae ergô, tibi dedicavi, ut, tuo Nomine et Patronatu, Momi acerbitudinem Zoilique livorem evadat, aut reprimat. Ex Musaeo meo, prope Bangor-howse, primo Januarii 1658. Stylo novo.  
Tibi devinctissimus, observantissimusque, H. W.   

To the Reader.  
IT is an approved axiom, Omnis praxis, sine praevia theoria, imperfecta & incerta est. All practice, without the Theory first known, is imperfect and uncertain. Experience hath taught many (and doubtless myself) this truth possibly, in arms, as well as Arts. Therefore I conceived, it would not be unworthy acceptance to publish the ensuing Treatise, wherein there will be found instruction not only for Courtiers, but others who are eminent in public employments at this time, or shall be hereafter. It is find acceptance with thee, 'twill ●●courage me for future to compose somewhat of another nature, who in the Mean while will not be wanting in studies and endeavours further to serve thee and the public.  
Farewell.   

Books Printed for Thomas Dring, at the George in Fleetstre●t. Law-Books.  
THe Pleader, containing perfect Precedents and forms of Declarations, Pleadings, Issues, judgements, and Proceedings in all kinds of Actions; by Mr. Brownlow, Mr. May●e, Mr. Gulston, and Mr. Covey.  
The Reports of that reverend and learned Judge, Sir Richard Hutton, in folio.  
The twelfth Part of the Reports, by Sir Edward Cook, in Fol.  
The Reports of that, Learned Judge Owen, in Fol.  
The Reading upon the Statute, touching Bankrupts, by John Stone, in Octavo.  
The Law of Conveyances, of all manner of Assurances, with directions to sue out and prosecute, all manner of Writs, by John Hern, Gent.  
An Abridgement of the Common Law, with the Cases thereof, drawn out of the old and new Books of Law, for the benefit of all the Practicers and Students; by W. H. of grays-inn, Esq.  
An Abridgement of the Acts and Ordinances of Parliaments by W. H. of grays-inn, Esq.  
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The grounds of the laws of England, extracted out of the fountain of all Learning, and fitted for all Students and Practitioners.  
An exact Abridgement of that excellent Treatise, called, Doctor and Student.  
A profitable Book of Mr. John Perkins, treating of the laws of England.  
The Interpreter, or Book, containing the signification of Words, by John cowel.  
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The History of Philosophy, in two Volumes, by Thomas Stanley, Esq.  
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Mr. Cragge against Tombs, with a Conviction of Anabaptism. Octavo.  
The life and death of Freeman Sands, Esq by R. B.  
An Exhortation for desperate Sinners, written by that honourable, the Lord Grandison, prisoner in the Tower. Small Octav.  
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Mr. Sands Paraphrase upon the Psalms, in large Octavo.  
Good Thoughts for every day in the Month, by D. S.  
God's House, with the Nature and Use thereof, as it ought to be understood and respected, by Christians under the gospel; by Simon Gunton, M. A.  
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Mirza, a Tragedy, really acted in Persia, by R. B. in Octav.  
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An Apology for Paris, by R. B.  
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Letters of Affairs, Love and Courtship, written to several persons of Honour and Quality, by the exqnisite Pen of Monsieur de Voyture, a Member of the famous French Academy, established at Paris, by Cardinal de Richlieu.  
Londinopolis. An Historical discourse of the City of London; whereunto is added another of the City of Westminster, with the Courts of Justice, Antiquities, and new Buildings thereunto belonging; by James Howel Esq.  
A Trance, or a Mercurius, Acherontius, by James Howel Esq.  
Modern Policy, taken from Machiavel, Morgia, and others; by an eyewitness.  
Sapientia Justificata, or a Vindication of the fifth Chapter of the Romans, or an Answer to Doctor Taylor's Deus Justificatus.  
The History of Polindo and Flostella, by John Harrington Gent.  
The History of the Goths, Swedes, and Vandals, by the Bishop of upsal,  
The Minister of State, wherein is shown the true use of Modern Policy.   

The accomplished COURTIER,  
CHAP. I.  
The Argument.  
The various end and aim of Courtiers. The way by which they may ingratiate themselves with the Prince, whatsoever disposition he be of. To this, end it is needful, that a man be notified to the Prince. Some are known by the splendour of their Family, others by their own Industry.  
IT behooveth every man, who desires rightly, and in order, to institute his actions; first, to consider the end, or aim of such his enterprises.  
2. They who are drawn to Court, prefix not to themselves the like end; for some are led thither by hope of gain, others by ambition, and hope of honour.  
3. Some are drawn thither by a desire of commanding others; some also (as Seneca saith) by a desire of destroying, hurting, and procuring business to others. Few propose and intend the advantage and safety of the Prince.  
4. The way of obtaining this (whatever their ends be) is common to all Courtiers (to wit) the favour of the Prince. In the prosecution hereof, every one sets his wits on work, and is very industrious.  
5. To get the Prince's favour, its needful that you be both known to him, and also approve your Manners and Actions, and by some laudable way please him.  
6. There are some, the splendour of whose Family and Authority by reason of their office (whether more ample or mean; whether purchased by Money or descended by Inheritance) hath fortified their admittance to the Prince. These are exempted from labouring addresses; and are, as it were, in the midway to further promotion.  
7. They to whom these things are wanting in the beginning are put to more labour. But when once they come to be known to the Prince so that he judge them fit for his service, are often mounted above others, because they being raised from a lower place (at least from a meaner fortune) become more subject, and more addicted to the will of the Prince; whom they more submissively reverence and esteem, as the sole Author of their Dignity and Promotion.  
8. The means and way of Nobles (so born) is very different and hath much disparity. The Dignity of their Office or Family puts a kind of necessity on them to maintain their own honour, and sometimes to prefer their own opinion before the Prince's; who is also ofttimes more difficult to promote them, out of a kind of Emulation or fear, lest their Authority should insult against the Author thereof, which to repress would be hazardous to himself and his dominion. On the contrary, the suppression of one raised from baseness is more p●oclive; so that if the Prince turn his back on him, or suffer him to be at the will of great Ones (who for the most part have an evil eye on such) he soon fails. I speak of Princes discreet and prudent, and who know how to limit and circumscribe the power of those whom they love and advance, not conferring on One the whole stress of Command, but even holding under the very Peers; yet this course hath not been expedient to some Princes.   

CHAP. II.  
The Argument.  
Two ways to aucupate the Favour of the Prince.  
THere are two ways especially and most common and frequent whereby Courtiers procure to themselves Authority and Favour with the Prince.  
1. One is the course of such who go about to procure to themselves and hunt after public Charges, Offices, and Dignities; and, in the interivalls of such Dignities and employments more near, content themselves with such as are lower & at greater distance from Supremacy.  
2. The other, is of such as follow the Court continually seeking to be employed in the Prince's most secret businesses and extraordinary solicitations for others.  
3. The last of these is the most compendious, and bears the impress and footsteps of such as have been in the most flagrant and flourishing favour and acceptance with their Prince. Such was Maecenas with Augustus, and Salustius with him also and Tiberius his Suc●essor. Of whom Tacitus in his Annal 3. says thus: Although Salustius emulating Maecenas by a prompt and ready entrance to honour, yet without the dignity of a Senator, outstripped many in power, who had triumphed and were of Consular dignity; being divers from the institutes of the ancients by his trimnes and spruceness, and by wealth and abundance more prone to luxury; had nevertheless such vigour of mind as was fit for great negotiations, and so much the sharper by how much he did ostentate and brag of sleep and sloathfulness.  
The like to whom was Mella, of whom the same Tacitus in the twelfth of his Annals, saith: Mella being descendred from the same lineage with Gallio and Seneca abstained from the desire of honour through a prepesterous ambition, that being a Roman Knight he might equalise the power of a Consul, and also believed that it was a shorter way to get riches by procurations and soliciting for others, then by negotiating for the Prince.   

CHAP. III.  
The Argument.  
Divers ways to be notified to the Prince,  
TO be made known and be approved to the Prince the ways are divers also, according to the diversity both of the Suitors at Court, and of the Times. There are some which render themselves known by some action (notably either useful or glorious) or else by their (more than vulgar) virtue and honesty. To some, another man's recommendation hath opened the way to the Prince, and this way is more usual than the rest.  
2. Prince's act in place so eminent above others, and they are hedged about with such a numerous troop of Noble and deserving Courtiers that a Novice or new comer can scarce press through such a thicket of obstacles unless there be some which may lead him by the hand and even force his entrance through them, or else that he himself can (by some unusual action) draw the eyes of all men and consequently of the Prince towards him.  
3. Memorable is the fact of a certain Architect whom some call D●mocrates, others Stacicrates who desiring to be known to Alexander the great, when all the great Ones refused to bring him to the King, consults and resolves with himself to offer himself to the King's view, naked, and not anointed with oil, his head environed with a Crown of poplar; a lion's skin cast over his right shoulder, and holding in his right hand a wharle-Bat or club. And forthwith in this Attire he approaches the presence of Alexander sitting on the Tribunal: the novelty hereof drew the eyes of all, and of Alexander also, so that he commanded him to be brought unto him. And although the King he approved not the Project, yet he ordered he should be enrolled, and took him as one of his Family at Court.  
4. We have brought this Example not to persuade any man that by such a Nugament or trifle he may insinuate into the Prince's favour, but to show that such (who are at a distance) unless they be assisted by some flourishing in Authority, are not fit to break through such a troop of men who compass the Prince about, unless by some notable exploit or unusual accident they seem to merit; and, as the Poet saith, To be pointed at with the finger; and that it be said of him, (That's the man●)   

CHAP. IV.  
The Argument.  
The manners, conditions, inclinations, and propensities of Princes, and their Familiars, are to be known by such as are Court-suitors.  
1. AN unadvanced Courtier, and he who desires both to be known to, and beloved of his Prince, aught to consider both the manners and conditions of the Prince, and those his familiars in whom he most confideth; of great Ones also, and of all those, who either are able to assist him, or, on the contrary, (being snatched from the Prince, either by the emulation, fear, envy, hatred, or endeavour, of himself or those about him) are able to prejudice him. First, it is necessary, that he have a clear insight into the in linations and customs of the Prince, which do commonly follow the temperature of his body; for although this may be concealed by cautelous and wary Princes, yet it can hardly be▪ but that at last it will break forth, and show itself; since all their actions are so exposed to the eyes of all men, that it cannot be, but some will take notice which way they tend. They are also sometimes so sharply stimulated and enraged, by the weightiness of negotiations, that forgetting to dissemble, they betray their ingenies and natural dispositions: Even Tiberius, although the most crafty Artificer of dissimulation, could not so well bear up the scene of his contracted brow, but that time, by little and little, brought all his Arts to light.  
2. But since the propensions and inclinations of all men, but chiefly of Princes, are divers, and almost infinite, yet may they be brought to two heads; one whereof containeth such, as respect their greatness; the other, their Pleasures.  
3. Greatness consisteth either in fame or wealth, or in the obsequiousness of their Subjects, or, lastly, in the strength, puissance, and faithfulness of Armies. In these, as the Prince fareth well, and need requireth, a man ought to accommodate his endeavours; which whosoever doth wittily, (provided he be neither suspected nor hated upon any other account) shall doubtless be mostly accepted with his Prince.  
4. The same is to be conceived and judged, concerning the ●itious pleasures and affections of Princes: If he be of a diffident and timorous Genius, you may conceive, that a bold Accuser & Delator, and one who careth not much for the envy of great ones, and is ●rompt and ready to execute his Prince's commands, shall find acceptance with him; such a one Tacitus describeth Sejanus to be, He had a body, (saith he in the fourth of his annals) able for labour, a bold mind, shy and wary of himself, to others a discoverer of crimes, closely flattering and proud, openly composed and modest, inwardly griping and covetous.  
5. If the Prince delight in drinking, he will delight in those thereunto addicted; for which cause, Tiberius loved Pomponius, and Lucius Piso; whereof Suetonius writing of Tiberius, in his chap. 24. saith thus, Afterwards the Prince, (to the corrupting of public manners) spent two whole nights and days, in continual eating and drinking, with Pomponius. Flaccus, and Piso; on the one of which, he conferred the Province of Syria; on the other, the Presidentship of the City of Rome; and in books professed them, omnium horarum amicos, his jolly friends and company at all hours.  
6. The same Tiberius, (as Suetonius reports) preferred a most ignorant and simple fellow, that sought only for a Questorship, and Tax-gatherer, before his Nobles, for drinking at a Banquet, himself taking off his whole glasses.  
7. Society in lust endeared Tigellinus to Nero, as Tacitus, Annal 14. hath it: Tigellinus, saith he, became more strong in the Prince's mind, being associated with him in his most intimate and close pleasures. So Petronius the Arbitrator, and Judge of Elegancy, (they are the same Historians words, Annal. 16.) being taken in among those few familiars to Nero, he thought nothing pleasant and delicate, in his affluence and plenty, but what Petronius had given his approbation of. After the same example, Commodus and Heliogabalus, preferred to all the dignities of the Empire, men most like themselves in licentiousness.  
8. Mutianus was not so well beloved of Vespasian, for his faithful duty and actions, as for that he was most fit (before others) to satisfy his avaricious desires.  
9 Such covetousness endeared a certain youth to Isaacius Angelus, (who held the Empire after the death of Theodorus) whom he made precedent of his Exchequer, (although he could hardly write) upon hopes to participate of the large Bribes, which he there might have opportunity to take, from such as had occasion to make use of him in that employment.  
10. Manuel Comnenus, an Emperor also, seeking for a sharp Exactor, and crafty Artificer, in gathering of Tribute and customs, and one that might largely supply his prodigality with money, chose John Pucius, a fellow rude, and morose, and testy, hard to be accosted and spoken to, of intolerable asperity and sharpness; and, in a word, Procuratorem vultu qui praeferat ipso, who carried a Procurer or Solicitor in his very face. And not content herewith, or as if that were not enough, put him in such high Authority, that he not only trampled upon all others in dignity, but would abrogate and disannul the Decrees and Edicts of the Prince, and Ordinances of the Senate, upon pretext of his household affairs, shaving and poleing the most necessary advantages, (such as was the custody of the galleys) the chief strength and benefit of the Empire.   

CHAP. V.  
The Argument.  
Whether or no, and how the affections of Princes are to be seconded and obeyed. How, and wherefore honest men, may undertake Courtship, and public Functions.  
1. NOw that they who desire to find acceptance with a Prince, aught to serve him in his affections, is a thing not only very well known, but also experienced, by the daily use of Courtiers.  
2. An honest man will admire this, and suppose, that by this rule, he is intercluded and shut out, from any entrance into Court, whereby he is bidden to follow the inclinations of the Prince, since they are ofttimes devious and exorbitant, from the path of reason and honesty.  
3. I confess, for him that would live a life altogether innocent, and remote from the custom of those, who are addicted to evil Arts, and their own Genius, I esteem it better, that he abstain from Court, because sometimes men are there corrupted, though formerly most innocent and faultless.  
4. Of such corruptions, let us see an example or two. Festinus, the familiar of Maximinus, in the time of Valentinian the Emperor, had governed Asia with much renown, and fame of lenity and modesty, being a sharp reprehender of the violences and cruel facts of Maximinus, and of the calumnies, by which he (for his own advantage) had circumvented many.  
5. But observing, that by such doings, his Companion was made precedent of the Praetorian Bands, (which Dignity was second to the Emperorship only) he changed his course of life, and imitating Maximinus, did many things cruelly and unjustly.  
6. John Pucius, (mentioned a little before) administered in the affairs and treasure of Manuel the Emperor, with great integrity, whereby it came to pass, that the haughtiness and inhuman actings of the Emperor, became more tolerable to men's minds: At length, applying his mind (as Nicetas testifieth) to the getting of wealth, fell short of none of the like Office, in covetousness; and became also a precedent to his friends to do the like, many of whom being corrupted by his example, followed his steps: Others, although better, and such as could not be corrupted themselves, yet suffered others to be tainted, for fear of imminent banishment, to such as should dare to oppose themselves.  
7. Aristides, just in name and deed, President to the Athenians, of their public Exchequer, at first, of his own ingenuity, and also to discharge the office of an honest man, was careful to hinder those, who were employed under him, from purloining and robbing the Treasury. At length they accuse him of pilfering, and exclaim on him, as one of the most rapacious and ravenous thieves, that ever had been; and hardly could he escape condemnation. At length being quit, and his Office being prorogued and suspended, he was advised to imitate others, who were his predecessors; and to wink at the thefts and legerdemains of his Colleagues. So by and by he got the name and report of a good man, by the opinion and judgement of all.  
8. Such courses are still taken in the Courts of most Princes, either from the malice of such, as are in chief authority, (and look upon honest men with disdain) or else by the imprudence and stupidity, of the Princes themselves.  
9 Therefore to retain honesty in Court, is very difficult. Yet, if any one, by the exigency and necessity of his own fortune, or by the splendour and greatness of his birth and lineage, or dignity of Office, or by an impulsive desire to serve his Country and friends, or being called thither by the Prince, shall undergo this kind of life, he may persist therein, in my judgement, although a good man; at least, may live there a while; and as opportunity serves, and occasion offers itself, not only be serviceable to himself, but others also.  
10. I speak of the Courts of most harsh and cruel Princes; for to live in the Court of a wise Prince, and one who loves honest men, is far less difficult.  
11. Honest men heretofore, undertook public functions and employments, not altogether out of desire to advance the public, but sometimes also, that they might anticipate and prevent the entrance of evil men into such employments. For the same causes may they also, and aught to seek access to Tyrants, and Princes given to volupty; that so, if not with open face, yet obliquely, and as much as in them lies, they may either impede and hinder pernicious counsels, by delaying things evilly consulted, objecting some difficulties to them; or casting in some more mild and plausible.  
12. Burrhus and Seneca (considering those times) were accounted not only good men, but good Courtiers, who being governors of Nero in his youthful time, observed the ingeny and disposition of the Prince to be light and slippery, and proclive to lust; lest he should break forth, to the debauching of any of the most illustrious women, granted him to love and court a free woman, whereby in time he restrained his fury, having taken for a cloak of such doings, Seneca Annaeus Serenus, who pretending love to her, openly bestowed those largesses, (the words are Tacitus his own, in the 13th. book of his annals) which the Prince secretly conferred on her. Thus a good man, not knowing how to hinder luxury, licentiousness, and perverse counsels, may at least divert them, and bend them to such a course, as from whence less hazard may ensue, both to the public, and the Princes same and renown.   

CHAP. VI.  
The Argument.  
The rarity and condition of honest men in the Courts of Tyrants and dissolute Princes. The seminary of evil men, and the Art of approving themselves to the Prince.  
PErhaps some will say, It seldom chanceth that a Tyrant or dissolute Prince takes to him an honest man. Nor can I deny that it is very rare, but this also I affirm, that there are few Prince's houses in which some good man (at least) may not be found drawn thither if not by a call from the Prince, yet by a desire of accommodating the good, and infringing the power of evil ones, and may keep his Station there by the aid and benevolence of the better sort, or the friendship of some great or noble One: observing first and keeping that wholesome temperament of Lepidus' whom Tacitus in the fourth of his Annals propounds as an example of a good and wise Courtier, who neither by abrupt contuma●y hath irritated and provoked the Prince, nor by a deformed obsequiousness consented to all his lust.  
2. The same Tacitus commendeth Labeo and Cap●●o; of whom speaking. That age, saith he, bare two Ornaments of peace at once: but Labeo being more famous for his incorrupt freedom and liberty; Capito for his readiness to serve those in Authority, were much approved, Annals 3.  
3. It cannot be denied, but that a courtier's life to an honest man is more beset with difficulties then to another man. But this labour will be made good by the greatness of the glory and pleasure of mind which he shall have. Moreover, if he act wisely, and accommodate himself to such things as he sees cannot be changed, I dare be bold to say that he shall be at length endeared even to the worst of Princes, more dear certainly than others in after times who seldom with due faithfulness transact the business of their Prince, at least not so exactly, but that every man may lawfully promise himself better service from a good man.  
4. To this purpose was the counsel of Salustius and Maecenas whereby the one to Julius Caesar, the other to Augustus, commended the love and friendship of good men because their own regard of estimation, and religious Conscience, is more prevalent with them to deter them from dishonest things, then fear of punishment can do others; or their own imbecility, or want of strength, can restrain.  
5. But, as is said, the growth and sproutings up of evil men is more plentiful in Courts, who chiefly do approve themselves to the Prince by two causes; first by Adulation and doing any exploit the Prince commandeth, and so much the more servile is he by how much the hope of profit allureth: moreover there is this, wherein Princes much please themselves, that they may have some in comparison of whom they (although evil themselves) may seem to be good. Others also suppose their life more secure amongst such as are like themselves.  
6. Dionysius the Tyrant being required to expel from Court a certain fellow, who by his obscenities had incurred the odium of all men, answered that he must retain him in the Court, lest himself should seem to be the worst there.  
7. They who know themselves obnoxious to some vices have this way with them, that they cloak themselves with a show of honesty, by comparing themselves with those who are worse. And it is the old Artifice of such as Rule, to choose an unlike and unequal successor, that so their own doings may appear better & more illustrious. Nor was Augustus other wise minded while he called Tiberius to his assistance seeing his Arrogancy and Cruelty, nor Tiberius when he delivered the Empire to Caligula: of which, Tacitus is the Author.  
8. But first it is very necessary that an honest man be sober and sparing in speech: for Princes do seldom give freedom to such, nor was it successful to Plato the liberty which he usurped towards Dionysius Syracuse: for therefore was he delivered to a certain mariner, and sold into the Isle of Creta, from whence being redeemed by certain Philosophers, he was admonished either to abstain from the Courts of Princes, or to speak pleasing things unto them.  
9 With like counsel Aristotle instructed Calisthenes his kinsman, whom he was fitting and preparing to accompany Alexander that he should speak but seldom and pleasant things to him, upon whose word his life depended.   

CHAP. VII.  
The Argument.  
How, when, and with whom, a man may use Flattery. The condition of true, and free Adulation. The necessity of Assentation and flattering.  
1. IT cannot otherwise be but Flattery must be used with such dispositioned Princes as have been spoken of, that so a man may oblige them. But this is not to be done after any manner of way; for, a too sordid and servile Adulation and flattery displeased even Tiberius; who was heard when he went out of the Court to speak in Greek to this effect (O men fitted for servitude). They are the words of Tacitus in the 3 of his Annals.  
2. Flattery usurped and too often used becomes as hurtful as when omitted and neglected. For it many times happens that he whom we manifestly flatter, suspects us of deceit and craftiness towards himself. It is the judgement of Aesohines and Plutarch, that flattery ought to have something of truth, and of the species and shadow of liberty and freedom; that so we may persuade not only the Prince, but others, that we speak cordially, and thereby conserve our Credit and esteem with them.  
3. Croesus in the time of his reign had throughly learned the Ingenies, and inclinations of kings, and what would please, or displease them: for when on a time Cambyses' king of the Persians had inquired of those that stood about him, what they judged of him in Comparison of his father Cyrus, and all had consented that he was greater than Cyrus, because he had added Egyp●, with the Command of the Sea to his paternal kingdom: but when Croesus his turn came to speak, he adjudged him inferior far to Cyrus, because as then he had begotten none like to himself. This answer seemed to savour somewhat of freedom, and was therefore the more satisfactory to Cambyses his vanity then the rest.  
4. Notable was the flattery of Valerius Messala reported by Tacitus in the first of his Annals, Messala Vale ius, saith he, added this that the sacramental Oath was yearly to be renewed in Tiberius his name. And being asked of Tiberius whether or no he had uttered this Sentence of his own head answered that he spoke it spontaneously and that in those things which concerned the public, he could use no other counsel then his own without hazard of offence, and so there remained nought but the species or show of flattery.  
5. Like to this is that which the same Tacitus reports of Ateius Capito in the third of his Annals. That Lucius Ennius a Roman Knight being accused of Treason in that he had coined into money a Promiscuous Effigies of the Prince, Caesar quashes and countermands the accusation, Ateius Capito openly slights the business out of a kind of freedom (for neither aught the power of judging and determining be taken away from statesmen and Counsellors neither ought such an evil Action to pass unpunished) was not much troubled thereat, lest he should thereby permit an injury to be done to the commonwealth.  
6. It were easy to bring other examples of this kind; but those that have been produced, may suffice to instruct such, on whom a necessity of Adulation and Flattery is imposed. And lest such men's flattery should be conjoined with public or private discommodity, it's sufficient that it be sometimes satisfy the vanity of the Prince.   

CHAP. VIII.  
The Argument.  
How, and after what sort, the Counsels of Princes are to be handled and ordered by a Courtier.  
LEt a Courtier likewise beware that he intermeddle not with the Counsels of his Prince although called thereto, and so cannot honestly, avoid it. For such Princes do for the most part ask counsel with the same mind that Xerres did, when he went about the war of Greece. He convocated the Princes of Asia as if he would deliberate with them about the business of the war. I have called you (saith he) my Nobles to counsel, lest I should seem to act after my own list without your advice; But yet remember that your obedience to us in these things is rather required from you, than a careful and doubtful deliberation. Cambyses, the Predecessor of Xerxes, desiring to marry his Sister, inquired of his Counsellors whether any Law of the Persians did forbid such a Marriage. They observing that the King inquired, not so much about this out of a desire to have the question absolved and his doubt cleared, but that he might have a plainer discovery of their minds, answered that no Law indeed allowed what the King required, but that there was a kind of law which avouched that Kings might do what them liked. So that a man may judge, whether credit or obedience be to be given to him when he asketh our advice, even from the inclination and disposition of the Prince, and the nature of the business.  
2. You have already had Examples of Kings I will give you another of a man who although he bore not the name and title of a King, yet supplied the office of one formerly in Spain. Ferdinando being dead, the Pope of Rome and the Emperor Maximilian exhort Charles De Austria, (Than Agent in Flanders) to take upon him the title of King of Spain, although his Mother Joan the Daughter of Ferdinando was alive, and by reason of sickness unfit for government. The Nobles are convened in Parliament, before whom Cardinal Ximenes eloquently setteth forth reaons to excuse the Novelty of the business. The Nobles being more observant of an ancient custom and of the Queen, then was meet obstinately vote against the King who soon after was to succeed. Ximenes leaping from his seat, and being moved, shows that the business in agitation, was not to be doubted on, nor needed their counsels or advice, and that Kings in their entrance to a Kingdom are not to expect the Consent of Subjects. That they which were convened were not called thither by necessity, but that they might have occasion by the promptitude, and readiness of their suffrages, to ingratiate themselves with the Prince; and that they might seem to act out of duty, what was to be done out of favour. Not expecting therefore their approbation, he affirmed that Charles would proclaim himself King at Madrid, whose example other cities afterwards followed.  
3. Such reason of their Actions do Princes use, not only in like, but in most Cases. Scarce any thing is advised for other end then this only, that their designs may receive approbation by the many suffrages, and votes they have for them; or else to take an inspection of the mind and bent of such as they advise with. Such was the fetch of Tiberius, as Tacitus witnesseth.  
4. A Courtier therefore must carefully search out the mind of the Prince, lest he accidentally persuade to any thing that may prove offensive.  
5. The Prince's will, being dubious, let him feign somewhat to shake off the business propounded, and (having brought arguments on both sides) let him leave the free election and choice to the Prince; if he conceive not throughly the business, hearing the reasons on the contrary, if he be wise, let him alter his opinion.  
6. Nor shall that shame and blushing (for truly it is a shameful although familiar evil with great ones, that they blush to be inferior to such whose advice they follow) disorder the Prince, when you remit the liberty of concluding to his own prudence. And you shall also avoid the peril which is imminent to Counsellors when the things they advise the Prince to, contrary to their expectation.  
7. If following his first designs the Prince shall not obtain success, he will at least acknowledge the courtier's prudence, who foresaw a future evil while it was yet evitable and to be eschewed.  
8. If you be urged to give your opinion concerning a thing altogether unlawful, you ought to find out some pretext of delay, or to entreat that a third man be called, for the more diligent examining thereof; whereby the thing being more maturely weighed, it may appear whether any thing in it concern the Prince's dignity or safety.  
9 By the former way Burrhus inhibited Nerses first attempt to kill his mother, himself promising to execute her if she were found guilty of the offence, and that that should make her defence no not her parents. In the interim while the objections are preparing to be published, Nero's rage is abated, fears are assuages, and the cogitation and thought of the fact, although not altogether abandoned and cast out of his mind, yet was deferred till another time.  
But this way doth not often nor in all business take place, but chiefly in ambiguous and doubtful matters; yet before one under take such a business, a man ought to look into the ingeny and disposition of the Prince and whether he can bear such protractions and delayings or not; for there are some so impatient of loiterings and delays, that whoever useth them, shall certainly incur their displeasure.   

CHAP. ix..  
The Argument.  
The sudden Motions of Princes, which are either to be pruned and taken away, or to be mod●rated.  
HE that hath to do with such kind of Princes, aught to be skilful and expeditious in executing subitanious and haste-requiring Commands.  
2. Sith that (as it oftentimes happens) we may be put to it, not to advise, but to find out a way to execute designs, if these seem to oppose both Reason and honesty, ways are to be proposed as remote and at as much distance as is possible, & such as may be wound about with the show of Facility, or Equity, or Security: moreover it must be offered to consideration, that sudden undertakings are discriminous, and full of difficulties.  
3. Unless the Prince be hasty and impatient, I doubt not but he will follow that which he shall judge to be most facile and safe. But if (through impatience) he will not hear such counsels as tend to protraction, or stay; nevertheless, such a kind of anxiety of prudence, or affection towards the Prince may excuse him that persuades; who had rather things were done slowly with security then prematurely and suddenly with destruction to their Master.  
4. But if in such precipitate Course as the Prince shall choose, some difficulties shall occur, much more than will he perceive the prudence and discretion of him, that persuaded the contrary course. If he shall give ear to those, who propound slower ways; such interstice or pausing time, will administer many things, which may restrain the will and cupidity of the Prince; and himself may observe, that what he had designed, could not have been done, or, at least, not without absurdity.  
5. But oftentimes, that which the Prince propounds to himself, is brought to that pass, that even in its first rise, it may be acknowledged very difficult; but in its progress, ●lainly unatchievable, and not to be accomplished. You may not at all animate the Prince, to undertake such things; rather with venerable silence admit, that he observe his own mind, lest while you dissuade, and difficulties arise, he seek an easier way to fulfil his desire, which otherwise (spending his force amongst those obstacles) would of its own accord vanish, and be assuaged.  
6. Sometimes it so falls out, that the Prince demands the execution of some wicked things, from a good man; in which case, I suppose, no man can be so well fortified with restraining reason, but that he may be sometimes tainted with such defilements, especially if opportunity, and the reason of the thing, take away all place for excuse, or substituting another to the office and administration. This course therefore was made us: of by Burrhus, when Nero consulted the killing of his mother, where no other effect followed his dissembled silence, and the strait wherein he was, then; that a woman (though otherwise always weak and impotent) should, after an injury, be more sharpened and imbittered.  
7. For Burrhus and Seneca being sent for, stuck for some time both doubtful and fearful: Tacitus, in the 14th. of his Annals, saith, They were both a long time silent, lest being provoked, and put to it, they should dissuade him. Afterwards Seneca (till this time more prompt and ready) looks upon Burrhus, as if the question should be put, whether or no the murder should be committed, and put in execution by the soldiery. Burrhus' answers, That the Pretorians were obliged to the House of the Caesars, and (being mindful of Germanicus) durst not act any bloody thing against his progeny. Let Anicetus fulfil his engagement. Thus Burrhus freed both himself and his soldiers, from executing a very great villainy.  
8. I confess, thou canst not merit at the hands of such a one, whom thou employest and entanglest in such commissions. But as the case stands, I think it more conducible, and of greater avail, that such as are like Anicetus, should rather execute such things, than thou.  
9 Most safe it is, to foresee in one's mind and thought, the desires of a Prince; and before they break out, or take too deep root, to grub them up, or prune them.  
10. There are very many, who have experienced the great force and strength, of kind and flattering entreaties, and (as Parysatio called them) those silken words, which some use about such businesses as these. But such as desire to use this kind of remedy, need be in great authority with the Prince, and to have audience from him, as one speaking (which is very rare) not more from affection, then from reason. To conclude, in some one or other, this course may succeed, but not in all things nor cases.  
11. Their way seems best to me, who by their genius, being facetious, and apt for witty conceits, and upon that account, in favour with the Prince, may represent to him the danger and turpitude, of such counsels, as the Prince is feared to incline to, by some opposite and pithy Narrative of Comedy, and such as may seem to aim at something else.  
12. To this, as we have showed, a great dexterity and readiness of wit, and pleasantness of speech, is very requisite: And also he must take heed, lest the Prince smell out and perceive, that himself is the argument of such mimical discourses, or comical representations and shows: As Tiberius, of his fratricide, and killing of his brother, in a Tragedy, composed by Scau●us, which he named Atreus; and Domitian of his divorce, in that of Helvidius, concerning Paris and C●no, believed themselves to be ●pbraided. To this it is also necessary, that this narration be fitly and trimly interwoven with other things, less squaring and agreeing with the Prince; and that which principally furthers the business, is, that it ought not to be inculcated, and repeated seriously; and yet, lest it should slip by his ear, it may be iterated by a casual repetition. The pleasant conceitedness of the Narrative, makes a deeper impression of those things which are spoken, and because they appear spoken, as not studied-for, but ex tempore, and according to a present occasion and subject, they will not offend the disdainful ears of the Prince.  
13. Other ways there are of this Moderation, whereby you neither foment and bring aid to the Prince's lusts, nor in vain wrestle with them, are fetched from Occasion, and the very nick and junctures of times; and from Accidents, such as even the approach and sudden coming in of one of the Prince's Pages or lackeys, may produce to you.  
14. If the case wholly require, that you must oppugn some one of the Prince's affections, then ought you to assail and set upon another affection, equally valid and prevalent in him, and so cause a kind of reluctancy and wrestling in the Prince's mind. And first demonstrate, and carefully show, that whatever we speak, proceeds from that veneration and duty, which we owe unto him. By this means, Mutianus held Domitian to his business, and kept him from acting that to Cerialio, which (prompted by what hope, I know not) he endeavoured to have effected.   

CHAP. X.  
The Argnment.  
Princes have a fourfold Temperature, from their original ●n in Nature: How a man may converse with each of them. The Art of Courtiers, in associating others to them.  
THat these things may more prosperously be prosecuted and effected, it greatly conduceth to know the Prince's temperature, which they for the most part have in common with others, this only excepted, That whereas in other matters they are more powerful, so are they more impotent and weak, in moderating their affections and inclinations; and these, for the most part, are more violent in them, then in others.  
2. He in whom yellow Melancholy, (which in Greek is called choler) is prevalent, will be prompt and ready for action, proud, subject to anger, a lover of humble and obsequious duties and services, heavily offended with such as are refractory, impatient in executing, precipitate and hasty in counsels, a contemner of other men's judgements, if they discord with his own; cruel to such as injure him, but placable to such as are hurt, if they remember not again the injuries; hating such as are mindful of an offence; a speedy and preventing revenger of such, whom he fears or doubts.  
3. He who shall be a manual servant to such a one, had need to have his eyes and ears open, that he may readily understand and execute at the beck of his Command not objecting, nor protracting, lest by his contradictions he move the opinion and Imagination of the Prince to Arrogancy, and seem to him to think himself more wise than he. Let him not be shy to submit to the meanest office, even to that which may seem below his own fortune, let him bear injuries and not long remember them, and after an affront or rub, be the more officious. Let him not show or tell to any what admonitions and advisements he gives him, lest he seem to upbraid him; hideing and covering over one office with another as one says, lest the rain beat thorough. When the Prince is angry, let him not come near him, for then all things will offend him, and even such as are most dear to him, neither by word nor deed, can then curry favour with him: Familiarity with such a Genius is easily turned into Contempt, (which therefore is to be avoided) although the Prince himself incline towards it. Let all things therefore be composed rather to Reverence and Modesty: for such are lions, sometimes kind, but in the end cruel and fierce to such, who are most known to them, even to their keepers.  
4. Such as are of a sanguine complexion are mostly of a merry Genius, lovers of pleasures and witty conceits, avoiding the sad intricacyes, and contests in business, desirous of peace and quietness, committing the administration of affairs to others, and bearing nothing more temperately than complaints, Courteous and full of humanity, pleasant and amiable abstaining from injuries especially great ones, not more mindful of things received then of things done, very desireous to please and accommodate others, and for the most part frank and bountiful.  
5. They who are employed under such, may not in any wise neglect the duty of veneration, and must handle serious matters very sparingly. They who transact the weighty and difficult business of the commonweal, ought not to approach his presence before they be called in, or be assured that he be not at his vacant disports and pleasures; otherwise they interrupt his chief delights, and cause him to blush by their sudden approach, and being taken at unawares fear a secret and tacit check or taunt from them. While Philip of Macedon was sporting, and in his pasta Tiempo one comes and tells him that Antipater was at the door, whereupon he being disturbed, and not knowing how to obscure himself hid the dice in the bed, blushing to be seen by Antipater, when he was at his pastimes. Wherefore, as they who have the principal care of the Empire by the Prince's command, are supereminent to others in serious businesses; even so are they themselves outstripped by others in their free and familiar access to the Prince, who avoids and shuns the more serious and grave, as discording with his own Genius and natural disposition.  
6. They who have Jove for their propitious star, and are capable both of serious matters, and of gaming and pastimes, are for the most part very acceptable to such Princes; so that they be cautious, that while they are absent from the Prince, their too much facility and courtliness diminish not their Authority with others. Without this observation (as the vulgar Proverb hath it) Familiaritas contemptum pariet Familiarity will breed contempt, Contempt will give Audacity and boldness to make complaints, as if you did them a kind of wrong and injury, which the Prince going about to take away as being an Enemy to mournful and sad things, will endeavour to remove him whom he shall find most manifestly culpable.  
7. The Prince who is of Melancholy complexion and disposition is slow in counsels, pensive musing, diffident, suspicious, witty, and for the most part malizing, disposed to silence, uttering ambiguities, and rather serving and tracing other men's senses and opinions, then discovering his own; a dissembler, an enemy to merry conceits and familiarity, loving solitude, difficult of access, a friend to few and but a cold one, easily hating, by reason of diffidence and distrust (which never leaves him) avaricious, and absurdly timorous, equally hating offences and offenders; implacably desirous of Revenge, and whom (though reconciled) you had need to fear.  
8. With these kinds of dispositions a man must deal circumspectly and warily, & first he ought to be moderate in his speech, and as it were to advise upon every word, lest he speak any thing impertinent or offensive, and speak not unless compelled. In veneration and reverence let him be more than ordinary, abstaining from contradictions, demurring in counsels unless urged to speak, lest his black melancholy being incensed turn into choler, and that into hatred; chiefly, where you think the repulse will be facile and easy. In requesting be not unreasonable, for to be sent away empty from a Prince is oft-times dangerous, and a melancholic and sad person is always excessive and superfluous, and will deny that he thought he had offended him whom he so dismissed and account him an enemy; this fear will hardly be bought out by any Artifice whatsoever. Such will remember injuries a long time, and do measure other men by their own Genius and disposition,  
9 In brief, This constitution is the sharpest of all, difficult, and most uneven and disordered by reason of the variety of things which the imagination representeth and offereth to it. By which their life is made the more laborious who have relation to such men's service.  
10. The phlegmatic participateth of the weight and slowness of the melancholic; but, as it is unlike in nature and inclination, so is it in malignity and diffidence. He hath his heart as it were environed with Cold, and from hence it is that he distrusts rather himself, than others, fearing to undertake great matters because he despairs of the success, or is ignorant of the way and means how to carry them on. He is doubtful in consults, fearful in executing, of a stupid Genius, not sharp and harsh in hating, nor vehement and eager in loving.  
11. For such, an active Minister, and one prompt, and ready in mind and hand, is very convenient for the Prince when he shall find one fit to execute and accomplish what he accoun●ed desperate, perceiving the imbecility of his own Genius: and he will love and admire such a one, and embrace him as a necessary Creature, and such favour which is bound with an opinion of necessity, is for the most part durable, which such a man observing may so act, that he may effect those things which the Prince looks upon as hard and impossible, and bring them to a prosperous issue, and this shall he do (if possibly) himself; at least, let him not have an associate more prompt than himself, and also beware he be not long absent from Court, lest the chief of businesses be omitted by the Prince. For if any be found fitter for such employment; you shall be less valued, or at least, less needful; and so being once or twice passed over, and not employed in such commissions, be at last neglected and not accounted of.  
12. It is the old art of Courtiers not to choose associates, but such as they themselves do very much excel in virtue and prudence, that the darkness of others may be a foil to their splendour, and the Prince may not easily find one whom he may oppose and set against them, or prefer before them. Add that these lesser ones, as oft as there is need, will easily be open to and ready to serve those to whom they either did, or may owe their fortune, although by base and corrupt ways and arts. This cannot justly be expected from an equal, or from him who strives in his own strength.  
13. These are the kinds of human Inclinations to which Princes are no less obnoxious than Peasants; being propense and readily bent, sometimes to this, sometimes to that course, according to the prepollency and force and prevalency of this, or the other Temper and constitution.   

CHAP. XI.  
The Argument.  
Age, business, and custom, do alter and change the Temper, Disposition, and Actions of Princes; and that Inclination which by reason of fear lay h●d (this fear ceasing) they betray many wise men and Philosophers, noted and observed for the same things.  
BUt although these things are often thus, yet are they not for perpetuity and alwaye● so to be accounted. Age, business, and custom do vary and change the temper of the body, why not then the Inclinations and Actions of Princes?  
2. In time of war, Princes will embrace military and fighting men, whose favour (afterwards. by degrees when things are pacified) will easily wear out and wax old. If the Prince incline to pleasures or any other affection, he will also incline to love such as are ministers and furtherers to him therein.  
3. See what Tacitus testifies of Tiberius. The times wherein he was had divers changes of customs and manners; he was notable in his life and reputation when a private man, or in command under Augustus; close and crafty, in counterfeiting virtue, whilst Germanicus and D●usus were alive; mixed of good and bad, while his mother was healthful; of intestable and incredible cruelty, but covertly lustful whilst he loved or feared Sejanus. At last he broke forth into lewdness and dishonourable actions, after that he (having set aside shame and fear) followed his own Inclination. Acute and tart was the judgement which Passienus passed upon Caligula: That there was never a better Servant, nor ever a worse Master.  
4. 'Tis incredible to be spoken with what various manners, Marius and Sylla acted: And Plutarch makes a doubt whether Fortune changed their Inclinations, or only unveiled and discovered those mischievous dispositions which had long laid hid in them.  
5. To speak rightly, The disposition and ingeny of such is not altered, but that which lay hid through fear (that being removed) breaks forth: as Leontius said of Zeno he was like a Serpent which being frozen with cold cannot hurt, but being thawed and refreshed by the heat of the fire draws forth his sting.  
Tripho, as Josephus witnesseth, while a private person and only a Collector of the Popular benevolencies and Subsidies, personated a good man; but being made a King, presently slipped off his Vizard and disguise, and openly showed, that whatever of goodness had appeared in him, 'twas only colourable and counterfeited.  
7. Nor was Agamemnon much unlike him, if that be true which Euripides objects to him that he was modest, and easy to be spoken with, before he was made Captain of the Grecians; but presently after became an Enemy to his friends, inaccessible to all, and cloistered himself up in his own house. The Poet addeth a useful precept.  
Frugi viros ad alta vectos munerum  
Mutare mores convenit nunquam suos.  
Englished thus.  
It suits not well with honest men,  
though ne'er so highly raised:  
To change their fashions which are good,  
and cause them to be praised,  
A worthy sentence, but practised by very few or none; yet Pollio 〈◊〉 somewhat to follow it (if we will credit 〈◊〉) who says thus: After he was promoted to the most ample degrees of honour, being corrupted by no occasion, would he decline from his accustomed and inbred love of abstinency, never was puffed up wi●h prosperity, nor ever through variety of negotiations, did he diminish his deserved commendations and glory.  
8. For the most and chief defects of Princes take their rise and original from Arrogancy, the most individual and unseparable hand-man and attendant of great Ones. This ushers in contempt of other men's counsels, with such who are persuaded, That by how much they excel others in power, by so much they exceed them in prudence: and some are so transported that they disdain and think it below them, to be under the bonds of either law or reason, and that they cannot be Princes unless they may do what they list according to that saying.  
Sanctitas, pietas, fides,  
Privata bona sunt: quà juvat,  
Reges eant.  
Sanctity Piety and faith, are good to private and common persons. Let Kings go which way they please.  
9 I should less wonder if vulgar Ingenies were only corrupted with such opinions, but I see that the best of mortals have their minds blinded with these delusions and cheats of power and Puissance.  
10. No man heretofore surpassed the seven wise men of Greece in the precepts of moderation: and none that ever came to the Empire were more cruel Tyrants than those who came from among them.  
11. Appianus being about to speak of Aristo the Philosopher rehearseth some; who professing that name formerly, had exercised Tyranny at Athens: he addeth moreover that some of the Pythagoriaens (whom he names) who had gotten employment in Italy had very unjustly abused their command, which makes us doubt whether those Philosophers who so proudly contemned honour and dignities, did it bonâ fide and in good earnest; or rather took it up as a pretext, and a cloak for their beggarliness and sloth.  
12. Certes, if we may credit Aristophanes, those Pythagorians lived frugally and sparingly, not for virtue, but through poverty, not refusing to sup daintily, if any invited them.   

CHAP. XII.  
The Argument.  
How far Traitors may prevail with a Prince by flatteries; and how a Prince is to be warned and admonished against such.  
1. BUt oftentimes vain fellows do insinuate and creep into Princes, by occult and secret suggests and flatteries, who do very much alter the Prince's genius and disposition.  
2. To such kind of men, Tacitus imputeth the haughtiness and crudelity of Vitellius.  
3. Vespasian being naturally of a modest ingeny, learned of such Masters to oppress his Subjects, with the iniquity of Tribute, as the same Tacitus testifieth. But in b●ief, it is most certain, that most of them who have made use of such men's services, have degenerated. Such impostors curry favour with the Prince, while they ostentate and boast before him his greatness, power, and utility; who doth so much the more willingly embrace them; by how much the less he knows and understands the parts of his own office and charge, not perceiving, that they applaud him, that so they may betray him, and expose him to odium and contempt.  
4. And truly, the most secure way of betraying a Prince, is the being obsequious and serviceable to him in his avarice, cruelty, and lust; because that he cannot condemn the Traitor, but he makes himself guilty.  
5. The Francs, a people in Germany, with the help of Eg●d●us, then commanding by the Roman power, had driven Clodio Comatus out of his Kingdom; one of his friends desiring to have him restored, associates himself with Egidius; and having had sufficient knowledge before, how to do it, inflames and stirs up his avarice and cruelty. At leng●h disdaining the Roman illegalities and injuries, the Francs return to love their King again, and recall him to the sceptre and kingdom. So this Fran●k, to betray his Master's enemy, makes use of his own cupidities and lusts, very prosperously.  
6. Sejanus, when the Roman Empire was approaching, and ready to fall to him, see how many arts he useth: He had made his observation, how that the City began to disdain Tiberius, after that Agrippina with her children, were at his motion imprisoned. And seeing him inclinable to a cessation from business, neglects not to persuade him thereunto; hoping, that during his absence, the stress of the Empire, and rule of business, would be left to him; which so fell out. And in truth, Tiberius for some little time, was Lord of a little Island, and Sejanus Emperor.  
7. Pereninus guiding the Empire, first circumvented and took away those, who delayed his hopes, by a pretence of conspiracy, which Lueilla had wrought against Commodus; afterwards draws and enticeth Commodus to volupty and pleasure, whereby he in the interim might undertake the chief affairs, and at length obtain the Empire.  
8. The same way entered Bardas', uncle to Michael, Emperor of Constantinople; for he took away The●ct●j●us, the Prince's Tutor, and his own colleague; and caused Theodora, the mother of Michael, to be banished, persuading his young pupil to take upon him the government; whom, though much unlike himself, he by and by turned to volupty and delights, who giving himself at length to the driving of Coaches and wagons, knew no better Art than that. Bardas' mean while makes ready the desires of the people for himself, calls to him the learned men, restores learning at Constantinople, and had plained out a notable way for his entrance to the business, had not another prevented him.  
9 I bring not these things to teach any, how Princes may be circumvented, but that good men may admonish Princes themselves, that they account not such men, who soothe them up in their lusts, and depraved actions, more faithful, than they, who are bold sometimes to denote and observe their evil deeds, with the black pencil of condemnation and disallowance.   

CHAP. XIII.  
The Argument.  
Of the domestics and familiars of Princes, and how to obtain their friendship.  
HAving considered what a waiting Courtier is to do, in respect of the Prince, let us come now to what he is to do, in respect of, and amongst those, who are his domestic servants, whose Office is continually, to be employed about the Prince's person, and therefore very useful for such, as seek addresses to him, either by procuring them an extraordinary access, or by mentioning them to him, or informing them of occasions and opportunities, to dispatch their business. Princes for the most part, carry one kind of countenance in private, and another in public; and do more freely disclose their minds to those their domestics, whom they believe to be faithful and trusty, supposing that their humility and low condition, is not capable of any endeavour, either traitorous or mischievous.  
2. Who knows not, that Claudius was subject to the commands of such, who had been bondmen? One whereof (Pallas by name) he had so enriched, that himself on a time, complaining to one of his wants, had this reply, That if he made sure to be adopted by Pallas, he should forthwith be rich. The same was the Author, that Claudius married Agrippina, after that, by the help of Narcissus (formerly also a bondman) he had slain his wife Messalina.  
3. Who knows not also, that while the Empire of Constantinople stood, the power thereof, was sometimes upheld by Eunuchs; and but for them, Arbetius the chief Commissioner of the Empire, had lost his life, when Verissimus accused him.  
4. Bor●lus and Germanus, two kitchen-slaves, by the authority whereby they held Botoniates, one of the Emperors, altogether subject and obnoxious, rendered him strange and absurd to Isaacius, and Alexius Comnenus.  
5. Put case, the Prince doth not communicate his counsels to them, yet are they more easily sifted out and accused by such. Nor can it be, that a Prince can always keep on his vizard in private: Affections kept close and suppressed, break forth amongst the multitude, and become conspicuous to men, when privacy before hath given them liberty.  
6. It is a thing altogether necessary in Court, for a Prince to esteem men of all kinds, even the vilest, useful to him; and to believe certainly, that prudence and ingenuity increase together with authority and fortune; which Arrianus, writing to Epictetus, shows, by the example of Epaphroditus, and his two slaves, whereof, although one was Groom of the Stool to the Emperor, the other a wiper of shoes; yet afterwards Epaphroditus, who had lately sold them as unuseful creatures, not only insinuated into their favours, but also commended their prudence and discretion.  
7. Fortune scarce ever advanced any man to that height in Court, but that she procured him as many foes, as friends; and never brought any man so low, but that she could afterwards either hurt him further, or again in some kind or other do him good. Whereupon not in vain, is the observation of Tacitus, in the 6th. of his annals, That while Tiberius was Emperor, it was accounted a magnific and stately thing, but only to be acquainted with, and known to, the Porters of Sejanus.  
8. It will be then the part of a wise and prudent man, to procure the friendship of the Prince's Familiars, whatsoever they be, by any such officious serviceableness, as reason and reputation will permit.   

CHAP. XIV.  
The Argument.  
There are four kinds of great ones at Court. How the first sort ought to be honoured, observed, and entreated. How cautiously a man ought to confide in Princes, who are not very constant.  
FRom the Prince's familiars, let us come to such as are great at Court, who are of divers kinds: Some are eminent, by the splendour and excellency of their birth and parentage, yet are not in intimate favour with the Prince; others very gracious with him, and yet not mounted to honours; others prevalent with him, both by honour and favour; others both flourish in his favour, and are employed in negotiations.  
2. The benevolence and good will of the first sort of these, will little conduce to thy growth in preferment, who nevertheless are to be courted and reverenced, both for their own merits, and also because, that though they may not hurt you themselves, yet may they by their retainers and friends.  
3. For men of illustrious and noble Families, are highly esteemed, and prevail much with such, and with others, by being obliged by an old kindness or good turn with others, by the reverence and esteem of their greatness and fortunes, (which easily changes the Prince's mind) do therefore favour them, and Retainers to their service.  
4. Archilaus, King of Cappadocia, had omitted to salute and court Tiberius, when he was Agent at Rhodes, to his great prejudice and mischief; for Tiberius (having got the Empire) out of a desire of revenge, pretending something more specious, commands him to be called to Rome, where the wretched man died an untimely death: Yet the Historian testifieth, that he omitted not that duty through pride, but being admonished by some intimate friends of Augustus, because that while Ca●us Caesar flourished, being employed in the Oriental affairs, friendships and correspondencies with Tiberius seemed unsafe.  
5. We are here to consider, that great ones of this sort of fortune, as they are ofttimes impotent and weak in meriting, yet have strength enough to hurt you: These therefore, although they seem burdenous, and suspected to the Prince, are to be reverenced nevertheless; and we must make some pretext to restrain their envy, lest they become our enemies.  
6. If it happen, that the Prince will put thee into the hands of such, (which is usual with Rulers) as you may not refuse this kind of contest or combat, so ought it to be managed with great Art, and choice of Occasion and opportunity, that all men may see that thou actest not only by reason, but also givest satisfaction to the Prince. Such an enterprise is full of hazard, but (if undertaken, as having the Prince for its author) is the way to augmentation and increase of favour.  
7. One here acts all things, in his own name, although he have many helpers, especially such as are under the degree of Nobility; for fear, lest if they should not do so, they might offend the Prince.  
8. Another adheres more closely to the Prince, by the increase of his fame and renown, if he be prudent, choosing specious occasions, of doing laudable service to his Prince, and to the emolument and advantage of the public.  
9 But a man must be very cautious, lest he attempt any thing, that thou canst not bring to pass; for, besides that the vulgar judge all things by the event, and believes, that Right and Justice stands in the same station with Fortune, you will wonderfully weaken your fame and favour, wherewith the Prince embraced you, by sinister success: For he, to abolish the ignominy, and because he fears, lest he should be debased in the eyes of his Subjects, and animate his adversaries, whom he in vain opposed, will be constrained to disguise and hide this authority, and the esteem he had of you.  
10. Yet take heed that you believe not, that while I speak of contesting with Nobles & great ones, I would have you act any thing, or deal with them by force, since that cannot be done without tumult and noise; nor that you set upon him with contumelies, and calumniations, for that's the part of men of mean fortunes, and base corrupt judgements, and their end is seldom honourable or auspicious. See how it fared with Piso, whom Tiberius had sent into Syria, to restrain the hopes of Germanicus, who carried himself so insolently, that the Prince, having advanced Germanicus, was necessitated to leave Piso to public odium and hatred.  
11. When we persuade you to counterplot the designs and endeavours of great ones, and Nobles, we understand such who are unjust, and undertake something, either against the state of the commonwealth, Religion, Justice, the government of Armies, or public Treasure; whom you must so meet with, and prevent, that it may appear to all good men, whom it concerns, that you are not acted therein by any private provocation, but by an honest care of the commonwealth only.  
12. If you would have an example for your imitation, I shall name Cardinal Ximenes, who was chosen by Isabel Queen of Castille, to oppose the Nobility, who then were not so subject to Kingly command, as at this day. From being a Francisean Monk, he was made the Queen's Confessor; and afterwards, by the counsel of Cardinal Mendoza, Archbishop of Toledo; and lastly Inquisior of the faith; and acted with great Authority amongst the Spaniards, and (being the chief Commissioner in the reign of Isabel, after that in the reign of Ferdinand, and at last when the Empire descended to Charles the fifth) contested so with the Nobles, that he held both Prince and people ever devoted and addicted to him.  
13. It was reported that he died by poison, and himself was suspected; but the thing could never be proved, and therefore his death may be more rightly imputed to aged nature (for he was very old when he deceased). And nothing hindereth but that he may be believed to have maintained, and kept his own fortune (which mostly he ought to himself and his own endeavours) entire and flourishing even to the last moment.  
14. The same fortune attended not upon Cicho Simoneta, who when Franciscus Sfortia and after him Galeacius his son, possessed the City of Milan in Lombary under the widow-mother of Galeacius (who was young and under age) was set to oppose the brothers and heirs, in regard of his trust and prudence; and being beloved for his management of affairs.  
15. He, that he might preserve the Empire and Command for his pupil, thrust out the brothers of Galeacius, and Robert de. Santo Severino from the city of M●llane. But imagine what envy he underwent, and also how lewdly he was soon after destituted and forsaken: for the widow-Mother returning into favour with her adversary made Simoneta the price and reward of her amity and friendship with them; by whom being a long time detained in prison, he perished miserably tortured and quartered by them. Learn hence, how cautelously one ought to trust Princes whom you did not sufficiently know to be constant. Such will prostitute their Ministers for a light matter, to the lust and will of their very enemies.   

CHAP. XV.  
The Argument.  
A Second Third and Fourth kind of Nobles or Courtiers, and the reason why each of them ought to be esteemed and allured.  
1. THere are some Nobles (as we said before) gracious indeed with the Prince, yet live without the dignity of office and charge. These if they contribute not to confirm and settle us, yet may procure us so much favour with the Prince, whereby it may be done.  
2. They are also useful by commemorating our merits, or, if need be, to excuse our failings; and by protecting us against the Calumnies, and private accusations, and detractions of others; who (if they be benevolent) may much advantage us; if irritated and offended, may much hurt and annoy us. Wherefore the favour of such is to be purchased by any means, at least such as are not unbefitting, or below our condition. You may imagine that these are not so daily tied up to observe the Princes domestic customs and uses; but that sometimes they look abroad to others. And although they have not employment or office and charge, nevertheless those whom they recommend, (if not otherwise unworthy, or ungrateful to the Prince, or unfit to undergo employments) are seldom despised, sometimes preferred before others, who (though not unequal in deserving) are yet destitute of such friends and assistants.  
3. The third sort we have spoken of, are such who being adorned with great Authority in affairs, are yet but meanly favoured by the Prince. These are found especially with such Princes who live peaceably, and mind their pleasures being careless of public affairs, and therefore (committing the government to one or other who are faithful), become averse to hard and difficult business, out of a fear of their importance and weight.  
4. In such a juncture of affairs, you ought to be more studious in seeking the favour of the Ministers of State, then of the chief Ruler; for he will permit them whom he entrusteth with the administration of government, to choose and delegate others to offices: for it would seem weakness in him to choose any for officers, whom himself knows not to be fit for employment.  
5. There are other Princes, who being more tenacious and steadfast to their government and Majesty, themselves constitute Officers of State, yet admit them not to their familiar Converse and Acquaintance, nor to their presence, unless some weighty business be in agitation, nor intrust them with the dipensing, and bestowing of Offices, out of mistrust and jealousy lest their power by the multitude of Clients and Attendants, should amplify and rise to such a height, as that from thence, (if they should offend) they cannot be taken down and dejected. The old custom of such Princes hath been to hold such Ministers under some kind of awe, and to give them ground to believe, that the pile and bulwark, which they by their labour in so long time have been building, may with one wink of his eyes be demolished.  
6. 'Tis very hard to perceive how you should carry yourself towards such great Ones, whose power is so circumscribed and limited: their good will may not much benefit you; perhaps (if the Prince perceive it), it may prejudice you: And being without it, you will more hardly come to the managing of your business; and you will sometimes be even enforced and necessitated, not without hazard, to concur with them.  
7. Here will need very much circumspect courtesy and mildness; you must treat them with all the offices and duties of veneration, and civil deportment: and upon occasion testify (though warily) your secret promptitude and readiness of mind. Mean while, neglect not to seek out another Trumpeter or spokesman who may support and underprop thee, and so thou mayest be more closely joined with, and notified to, the Prince.  
8. Such Nobles remain to be spoken of, who are prevalent both in respect of favour, with the Prince, and also in regard of office: these (in brief) are to be honoured almost equally with the Prince.  
9 The inclinations and will of such, are to be inspected and looked into, and aught to be known and executed, next after the Princes.  
10. After this manner therefore, the power and authority of the great ones being (as by degrees) subducted, you will not be ignorant what may be hoped for, and expected from them, for you must carefully beware, that you ask nothing from any of them, which you or they see, cannot be effected: for there is nothing that more molesteth human ingenuity, than not to be of ability to satisfy the request of one, whom a man loveth and affecteth.  
11. Therefore benevolence, being preoccupated by uncivil supplication, or remediless diffi●ulty, is offended. And know, that he from whom you have suffered a Repulse, will shun to see you, for fear, lest by the impudence of such a like request, you put him to the blush, as if through defect of Authority and power, he could not do what you desire.  
12. But (this by the way may be added) access to the knowledge of great ones is not presently open, it must be wrought by degrees. They who can do very much with them, whether Strangers, or domestics, and their dependants and adherents, are to be allured, considering what abilities each of them hath, wherewith to advance and help others.   

CHAP. XVI.  
The Argument.  
Who those Courtiers are, which are under the degree of Nobility, and what is to be done with them first: what is to be done with enemies which hate us for our friends sakes, because offended by them.  
1. THere are others in Court, who (being set below the rank of Nobles) are either our superiors equals or inferiors. And these are of two sorts; some more apt and ready to benefit us, others to prejudice us. The Authority and power of both is diligently to be weighed and considered, as that, which may either promote, or impede, and hinder what we affect and sue for. Their friendships and affinities also are to be pondered, necessity of times requiring that we act with them, by their own servants and followers rather than by ourselves, using their Counters to reckon our Game by; at least, by them, deprecate and turn away envy from us.  
2. But first we must take heed, that we do not then only seek their friendship, when we just need it; we ought to have it already prepared, and knit fast by the pledges of ancient benevolence and good will.  
3. There are three sorts of those who may hurt and hinder us; for they are either such as are enemies, or envious persons, or else Competitors and Emulators.  
4. They who are enemies, hate us either for our own sakes, or for some of our friends sakes who have offended them; but this last odium and hatred is for the most part less sharp than the other, and may be allayed, and mitigated, by some good office, whereby we may witness that we love our friends; but cannot forthwith hate all their Enemies.  
5. But for the most part the friendships of Courtiers are factious, and cruel; and they will wish and advise you to abjure all familiarities which themselves envy.  
6. For this cause, some openly preferring the friendship of one party, have nevertheless not failed to embrace the other party secretly: not that so they might to betray their friend, but in in case he should fail, provide a refuge for him.  
7. Such prudence is not only happily and successfully used in Court-contests, but also in Empires. Syenneses being viceroy of Tarcis when the war began between Cyrus and Artaxerxes, fearing to oppugn and fight against Cyrus, embraced his party, but sent his Son to Artaxerxes to be a refuge to his father, in case Cyrus were conquered.  
8. Bardas' Durus, having escaped from the imprisonment of the Saracens, seeing that Bardas' Phocas was created Emperor against Basilius sought the amity of Phocas being as yet his enemy but sent his Son (feigning that he fled away against his will) to follow Basilius, and to intercede for his father in case Phocas were conquered: which also came to pass.  
9 Solon when the commonwealth discorded. ordained that none should be permitted Adiaphory or neutrality; nor do I think that 'twas his mind that friends embracing contrary parties should not send and return a message to a private friend; but rather that he hoped, that friends following and pursuing divers ends, would then labour more greedily and happily for public peace.  
10. After the same manner in Courts, although you be of a contrary faction, yet may you keep friendship with one that is of another faction, both to the end you may have a receptacle in a changed fortune, and also that you may be the fitter to reconcile minds inclining to milder things. There is no safer nor honester means and way to ingratiate yourself with either contending party, amongst those discords, and contentions that arise amongst great Ones.   

CHAP. XVII.  
The Argument.  
How we must deal with such who hate us for our our own cause, and are offended with us: where also is entreated of Threats and Injuries.  
THey who hate us for ourselves, do it either because they are offended with us; or else, (as is very familiar with great Ones towards their Inferiors and as the Italian Proverb hath it, Qui offendit, non condonet, He that gives the offence, let him not forgive) because they have offended us. Minds swelling with great fortune have this fault chiefly. Whom they hurt, they hate.  
2. The best remedy for such Injuries, as these do to us, is, If they be not understood and known; but if its weightiness shall give it a mark of an offence to us understood, let us soon demonstrate a mitigation of grief for it, and that the remembrance thereof is defaced and blotted out of our minds. Else, if they perceive us to bear it impatiently, we strike into them a fear of our revengefulness, and so, a desire of preventing us.  
3. But chiefly let us forbear threats, especially if we be not presently prepared to execute.  
4. For threatenings rouse up the vigilancy of adversaries, and do provoke them to hatred and to double the Injury, and often brings us to shame, if we breathe out revenge, and have not power answerable to our will.  
5. I know this moderation is not approved by all men, chiefly, by such as are revengeful, who are of opinion that no Injury is to be passed by without sensibility, not only in regard of the sweetness which is in revenge, but also, because that if you bear with an old Injury, you invite a new; and therefore think fit to prosecute with immortal hatred, those who offend them. But such, while they desire to render themselves formidable, and dreadful, produce this effect to themselves, That nobody will have Commerce with them. Sithence therefore, all are mortals are prone to lapse and digress and so either affectedly or through incogitancy and want of heed are carried away, let every one for fear of giving offence, shun those who are so tenacious and ready to hate, even as wild and savage beasts, leaving them to their own solitude. Lastly, if he shall also offend, he will yet expect all amicableness from the other party, and while he fears revenge, will desire to enforce and strike the first blow. Wherefore to avoid so many evils, I think it best to insist rather and pursue the contrary way, and do prefer lenity and mildness, which is not difficult, no not in the greatest Injuries; respect being first had to the difference, both of the cause by which; and to the condition and quality of the persons, by whom the Injuries is committed.  
6. For in lighter injuries, and such as have their rise rather from Perturbation and trouble of mind, than Malice, we ought to be so unoffended as that we seem not to be at all sensible. If the injury be heinous, let us show ourselves careful and tender of our reputation and esteem; yet not be so implacable to the offending party, as not to leave him hope of reconciliation, and place for pardon in case of satisfaction. To which end, I judge it not unfit to complain of the wrong to the friends of him who hath injuried us, and to commit the cause to their Arbitration.  
7. I am of opinion that those wrongs which are insultingly done, through malepertness and petulancy, and out of a humour to reproach, are forthwith to be vindicated, yet not so much with a desire of revenge, as to chastise the offender, that so he may learn to demean, and carry himself more modestly, not towards us only, but towards others also.  
8. Yet such are not to be revenged on with implacable hatred; rather ought we to testify our grief for the necessity of vindication which is laid upon us. And (after Amends and Restauration made) that we are ready according as the nature of the trespass will admit to redintegrate and renew our friendship and amity with them.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
The Argument.  
How the Injuries of great and small are to be avoided; and how to be handled. Several Artifices and devices for reconciliation and reingratiating.  
BUt because, such abuses are commonly put upon us by such as overpower us; The first remedy to avoid these, is, not to deal with them but with much reverence, and respect, taking heed lest they disdain your familiarity with them, or (if they be more rough and austere) altogether decline to converse with them. Notable is that that of Martial.  
Si vitare velis acerba quaedam,  
Et tristis animi cavere morsus;  
Nulli te facias nimis sodalem,  
Gaudebis minùs, & minùs dolebis.  
Englished thus.  
If shun thou wilt most bitter things,  
From sad remorse secure thy mind.  
To none become too much a friend;  
Less joy, less grief thou then shalt find.  
2. The second is not to prefer the sensibility of an injury before one's own safety: for, it is neither safe, nor is it a wise man's part, to strive too much with one more powerful than himself. Let the disparity of abilities be a just pretext to excuse thy disguised Dissimulation.  
3. I know that some persuade themselves that an adverssary smitten with fear, will come and crouch and beg pardon and reconciliation; nor can it be denied but that some low and poor spirited ones, will sometimes so far debase themselves, and stoop so low: but such a reconcilement and peacemaking is but feigned, and will never prove sincere. Nor do such omit, (when occasion is given to renew injury) to indulge and dispense with their own minds; and by how much the more timorous and fearful they find a man, by so much the more cruelly and outrageously will they aspire and breath forth vengeance. Therefore since an occult and closelying enemy, is more difficult to be avoided, than an open and declared one, it is better (after some sort) to have such open enemies, than friends reconciled when enforced thereto by fear. I speak of those, who being not greater than ourselves, of Amity be broke, they can do us little harm.  
4. For if we have to do with one greater than ourselves whose enmity may eclipse our Lustre, It were better to hold his affection redintegrated, and renewed, though fictitious and feignedly so, then to have him appear an open Enemy.  
5. If we have been the first offenders, let us be first in appeasing the party offended, either to themselves, or by mediation of friends.  
6. Now that we may discern who are of most ample ability to suppress and hinder us, it is needful, not only to consider their power, but their affection, by which (besides their hatred) they are carried to do us hurt.  
7. For some are acted by a desire of hatred, (the Piedee and lackey of revenge) others by fear, lest having gotten and obtained what we prosecuted, we should thereby be better armed to prejudice and offend them.  
8. That first and worst affection is violent, but that of fear is more violent, for Court oppressions; but that enemy, who, besides this, is stimulated also by that other, is the most inevitable.  
9 The former may be mitigated, by humble and satisfactory services; but the timorous will scarce ever be persuaded, to change his fear into a confidence, and assurance of your benevolence towards him; yet this must be assayed by all means, which occasion and opportunity will rather give him to understand, than any instruction or discipline.  
10. Agesilaus, that he might make them his friends again, whom he had offended, would promote them to the most honourable places and offices; in the administration whereof, when they had incurred envy, (as is commonly seen) the accused are constrained to fly to the Prince, who delivering them from hazard and infamy, obliges them by this good turn, to become his sincere friends.  
11. It is a very familiar artifice, and subtle trick used in Courts, to supplant and remove a man secretly, that so thou being advanced by this kindness and good office of his, Mayst be the more strictly engaged and obliged to him.  
12. Not less frequent in Court is that dangerous, and to be avoided craft and wiliness, of Eutrapelus Horatianus, who was wont to lend money to men, to supply their luxury, and would puff up the minds of those, whom he intended to accommodate, with a good round sum.  
13. In like manner, they who applaud and allow us in our pleasures, affections, and expenses, and advise us to undertake such things, as exceed our strength and abilities, (which also they extol beyond desert) or such things as are against reason, do mostwhat go about to hurry us to ruin and destruction.  
14. But let us return to the means of renewing friendship with Enemies, amongst which, this is in no wise the last, or least, viz. to assist the wishes and endeavours of an Enemy, both by counsel and endeavour, when you see that you cannot impede and hinder their success that so he may seem to be engaged to love by your good turns.  
15. By this means Ascanius Sforcia the Cardinal, observing, that he in vain interceded and went about, to hinder the machinations and plots of Julian the Cardinal, who laboured to advance John, the Nephew of Alexander the sixth, to the cardinal-dignity, did afterwards so affectedly act on John's side, that he obtained it for him; and after that, became a greater favourite to him, than Julian himself.  
16. If the stubborness of the enemy frustrate all endeavours of reconciliation, we must at last observe, whether our adversary hath not some other, whom he envies, and fears more than ourselves; if so, and he seem to prosecute the same design, which we do, you may so deal with the adversary by a friend, that though his hate be equally prevalent towards both, yet may he either favour or less hurt and obstruct our party.  
A device, not unlike to this, was that used by Gerlachus, the Bishop and Elector of Mentz; when he intended to create Adolfus Nassovius his kinsman, Emperor. He knew, that there was variance between the Princes, who were very likely to get, or else designed for, the Empire then vacant: He deals with the Electors, (whom he was about to make use of for his purpose) privately and apart: He admonisheth Vinceslans, than King of the Bohemians, that most of the suffrages and votes of the Electors, went against Albertus Duke of Austria, Vinceslaus his enemy; nevertheless he himself was ready to hinder and stop it, if he perceived, that Vincestaus consented. Having persuaded Vinceslaus, he sets upon the Duke of Saxony, and reports to him, that the Duke of Brunswick (his adversary) was the next in hope to achieve the business. But to the Palatine he boasteth lest he should be hindered, that Vinceslaus (who then was offended with the Palatinate) unless he were hindered, was nearer to it then the rest. Thus (every one promising to subvert his enemy) he circumvents them all, and at last nominates his kinsman, who (if he had mentioned him before), would doubtless have been rejected by consent of all parties.   

CHAP. XIX.  
The Argument.  
Concerning Envy, and by what means it may be overcome.  
1, OUr speech must now be framed, and applied to Envy, which is so great an evil that it needs much happiness and fortitude, to conquer and overcome it, as that which will not be satisfied but with the participation and enjoyment of that thing, which it denieth to another; but every one being tenacious of, and holding fast his own good, is willing to labour and take pains for himself, and not for others.  
2. This is superable, and may be overcome; though very hardly, nor to this is the communication of that good thing, we hunt after, simply needful. It sufficeth sometimes to show the envious, that the good thing which they desire, if it remain in our power, may be done to their profit and reputation.  
3. To this end, it behooveth us to get into their friendship and familiarity; and to demonstrate to them, That although they be manifestly envious, yet we do well affect them; affirming that we will all things as they will them, nor go we about any thing whatever but that thereby we may be the fitter to serve our friends, and themselves amongst them. In brief; we must so act, that they may conceive hopes of increasing their own fortunes, by the augments and amplifyings of our wealth and substance.  
4. All haughtiness of mind, too great exceedings in costliness, unreasonable feasts & banquetings; and lastly, all boasting and bragging, are chiefly to be shunned by such, who will be cautious of being envied.  
5. Especially by such as are raised from a mean place and office, unless the will of the Prince or the dignity of Office require the contrary: for then some Magnificence and sumptuous provision will not be unbeseeming, so that he manifest that he is not at such cost for his own pleasure, but in obedience to the Prince's Command.  
6. By such prudence and moderation, began Cardinal Ximenes in a principal City: he was borne in an obscure and unknown place, and 'twas uncertain whether noble, or not; although his fortune afterwards found those, who would affirm him noble. When he was but mean, he became a Monk; afterwards for his Endowment of mind, made confessor to Isabel Queen of Castilia, upon the recommendation of Cardinal Mendoza, and lastly Archbishop of Toledo, which archbishopric (when Mendoza was dead) Isabel having obtained from the Pope) he seeing himself unfit for envy, would not accept.  
7. In refusing whereof he was so pertinacious, and headstrong, that though Isabel had submitted and subjected all the Court-Nobles he would scarce suffer himself to be entreated to accept of, and undertake the charge and office. And after he had consented and accepted, there was need again of other entreaties, by which he might be induced to more ample charges and offices, and such splendour as befitted his dignity. And so retentive was he of his former way of life, that he was no otherwise wrought upon, to any alteration, then by the Authority even of the Pope himself. This modesty wrought well for him, and he appeased the Envy which otherwise was certainly to be expected to one, who possessed dignity, environed with so many noble Spaniards, and wealth second only to that of kings.  
8. Lastly this way of acting, as it is a not able and excellent Amulet and preservative-Pomander against Envy, under the beginnings of dignities: so it little advantageth those, who have once already carried themselves proudly; for such Moderation will seem but feigned. An example whereof the history of Constantinople will afford. A certain metropolitan, by name Constantine, being expelled the Court of Isaciaus Angelus, and afterwards of Alexius, the Emperors, returned with Euphrosyne the Empress, boasted of his disdain of business, and a Court life, took upon him the function of a Deacon; by which to credit his dissimulation, and that he might the more instantly be courted and entreated thereto. But, in brief, he so craftily played his Cards, that the Emperor himself sent for him to Court, contrary to the ordinances of the Church, he being excluded from the Sacrament of priesthood, and preferred him to great offices; and (not content with his own dignity) he brought two brothers to be at the Emperor's elbow, to supply his absence, if at any time by business of great moment he should be called aside. But because his former fortune had too much disclosed his insolency; therefore now, although seemingly modest, could he not long be credited, but afterwards being removed from Court, and never restored, he died.   

CHAP. XX.  
The Argument.  
Emulation is the sister of Envy. The Remedies against it.  
1. THe same remedies which do change Envy into the better, do also prevail against Emulation which indeed hath less malignity in it then Envy hath, but more ambition; and is not less treacherous against the growth and thrivings of others.  
2. But we may avert and turn aside those who are inflamed with ambition, by a specious show of veneration, and allure and delight them with vain honours; lest they become competitors with us, scruing up their hopes to higher things and assisting them as far as is lawful. On the contrary, undervaluing the things we affect and aim at, as below their Merits, yet sufficient for us to enterprise, as not having equal Hopes with them of greater.  
3. If there be any fear that they should get before us, they may be stopped by injecting a doubt, which may be done, if (arguments being proposed on both sides,) the greater species and show be added to those things, which are most apt to stop, and retard their ambitious courses.  
4. But of all courses, that were best, if we could conceal our designs till the Emulous, or offended parties have elapsed their time, wherein they could have stopped and hindered us.  
5: The suit of such as solicit too openly, is often odious to those, who acting more modestly take time to turn themselves in, and to consider they also have a conflict with greater difficulties, and are exposed to more Envy if they overcome; but if otherwise, to more reproach.  
6. Far safer is it (as is said in number 4.) to suppress and conceal advisements, and like watermen rowing in a boat to turn the ●ack upon the place they strive to land at.  
7. They who have canvassed for the greatest Empires, have steered this Course, nothing being more usual with them, than that (in Euripides his Tragedy) example of Agamemnon, to boast that his desires tended rather to peace, than honours. And many have been sensible, that this hath been the most wholesome remedy, and Antidote, in turning aside the plots of adversaries, and avoiding the Infamy, which abides these frustrated, and earnest Suitors. And at last they have attained that glory, that their honour seemeth rather to be conferred on them by their own merits, than by flattering suffrages and votes of others.  
8. Lastly, in achieving honours; this chiefly must we take heed to, that we strive not with any one who is greater than ourselves, and more potent than they, under whom we shelter ourselves. Manilius Lepidus a man in the judgement of Tacitus most wise, will then be worthy our imitation, who being brought into the Senate by Tiberius with Junius Blesus, Uncle to Sejanus, that one of them might be chosen Proconsul of Africa, excuseth himself with his own unhealthiness, the age of his Children, & that his daughter was marriageable, fearing doubtless that Sejanus would become his Enemy, if the Province had been taken before hand from Blesus. Annal 3.  
9 Neither may we strive too obstinately with one, whom the Prince more propitiously favouring goeth about to advance, although the law favoureth us against him. For the Law doubtless is overcome by favour, as the Historian tells us, was fotmerly done, when Germanicus and Drusus created Haterus Agrippa, the kinsman of Germanicus, Praetor, non obstnate Lege, the law notwithstanding, Annal 2.   

CHAP. XXI.  
The Argument.  
How ruin is to be avoided, when it is imminent; how it may be handled. Examples of such as have fallen by their power.  
1. Hitherto we have dispatched the chief precepts, which a politic man is to observe. If any remain, every one's prudence and dexterity may supply them. And although they serve not only to acquire and get, but also, to keep and maintain Courtly power; yet will it not be useless, to have in readiness the examples of such who have fallen by their power and greatness; that we may be wise by others perils, and if we cannot shun ruin, at least we may learn to prepare ourselves for it. For this last is not less necessary than the other. Sithence he who indeavoureth a flight, oft-times assayeth in vain; he who prepares for a fall (inevitable to most whom fortune mounteth on high) renders it the more gentle and supportable.  
2. Such chances often happen, either by our own default, or by the Arts, and devices of envious Enemies or Competitors, or by the perverseness of the Prince's inclination, or finally, by his death.  
3. Since all men's lives are prone to lapse and replete with errors, chiefly theirs, who live loftily, and by reason of their Authority (by which they who are near to them, are constrained to approve all their Actions, whether good or bad) are set without, and beyond the chance of the Dice, and danger of reprehension.  
4. But above all others, that's the basest treason when men rise up against their Prince, the Author of their dignity and honour, a note and character of an ungrateful mind and unfaithfulness, a filthy crime, and the most just matter and subject of a Prince's Odium and indignation.  
5. Let such men as are advanced to great dignity, fly the very shadow and appearance of this wickedness: and for the end, let them not move the Prince to the least suspicion, and let them decline those honours which may seem opportune, and seasonable, by evil endeavours.  
6. Paterculus adjudged Sejanus the most prudent of Courtiers; and indeed he ought to have been so, who could flourish in favour under that same crafty, and distrustful Tiberius.  
7. In acting (saith he) he was like one asleep revengeful of nothing done to himself, and so obtaining all things, scruing himself into the esteem of others; calm and undisturbed in countenance and life, but restless in mind. And yet on this crafty and subtle piece had Ambition so got hold, that he aspired to the Empire. For that end first he desired intermarriage with Livia the widow of Drusus, whereby being allied to the house of the Caesar's, he might the more faciliate his desire. And although his request was suspected by Tiberius, as he might guess by his tergiversation and refusal; he never yet changed his mind: but because this succeeded not, he attempted another way.  
8. He well knew that the City disdained Tiberius, and therefore, while he was wavering, he eggeth him forward, and persuades him to betake himself to Caprcas his magnificent Tower near Naples. Of this matter, Tacitus in the fourth of his Annals, saith thus. Least by driving away the troops which daily came to his house, he should infringe his power, or by receiving them, give way to criminations, be bent this way, to force Tiberius to live in pleasant and delightful places, far remote from Rome. He provided many things, he held addresses and accesses in his own hands; he intercepted Letters often which were conveyed to and fro by the soldiers; when as Caesar growing into years, and lying quiet, and at ease in a secret place, would, he thought, ere long, transmit the charge of the Empire to him with more facility. Nor did his hope altogether her deceive him, for in short space, under the show of helping Tiberius in his old age, he got▪ almost all the strength of the Empire into his own hands.  
9 Nevertheless, that this way which Sejanus took had more of hazard in it then expedition, the Sequel will declare: which more exactly to commemorate will be a work well worthy our labour, to the end that both our Courtiers may be better cautionated, in ruling and governing their own fortunes; and Princes in promoting of others.  
10. Sejanus was either more endeared unto, or more endured by Tiberius, when he found his help useful in repressing Agrippina, and her sons Nero and Drusus. In which villainy, Sejanus showed himself very prompt and ready, knowing that thereby he should not only hoist up sail, and have a speedy voyage to the Prince's favour, but also establish his hopes for future power and greatness, there being none remaining of Caesar's house but those two youths; whose tender Age, if they had accepted the chief Regiment and Government, had left to him the Authority and management of affairs, till opportunity would serve him, to usurp and possess the supreme style and Title.  
11. But observe how precipitate and heady Ambition makes men! He sees not by that how much the nearer he was to the height, by so much the more was he suspected by the diffidency of the Prince; and that the course he takes would rather diminish him, then further his progress. He hunts counter; for when nothing, save the name of Emperor (which yet many were ready to afford him) and the power of a Triune, (which title being the top and pinnacle of Honour and dignity, the Emperors did challenge as due solely to themselves) was wanting to him; not content therewith, he strives to exaggerate and heap up his power, to a greater bulk and breadth; And by this (as he renders himself venerable to all, so) he brought himself under suspect with Tiberius.  
12. He therefore, when he perceived that not only the Praetorian bands, but many of the Senators and principal Families, (partly by benefits and hope, and partly by fear) were addicted and devoted to Sejanus; and that his own secrets were carried, and disclosed by his own domestics to Sejanus, and the like not done to him of the matters of Sejanus; by and by, plotted and contrived his ruin and destruction, as of an Emulator, and one contending to outvie him. But before he would set upon any action, thought fit to try how some stood affected towards him, that so he might distinguish from the rest, who would approve his design and advise him in it.  
13. And lest Sejanus should smell out Caesar's intention, he makes him a Consul, and in his presence, and also by Letters to the Statesmen and people, styles him his friend in Labours; at length feigneth himself sick, that so he might sound the affection of Sejanns, and others towards him.  
14. Sometimes he writes to the Senate more cheerfully of his health, and that he would come shortly into the City. Sometimes commends and applauds Sejanus; another while depresseth him▪ receiving some upon his recommendation; spurning at others, that so he might keep him ambiguous, and doubtful betwixt hope and fear.  
15. Who, (whether yet emboldened by favour, or out of fear) determines to act nothing forcibly, lest he should hazard all his hopes, hoping that his petty trespasses against the Prince (if any were) would in time be razed and blotted out of memory. Some, mean while hitherto following rather Sejanus his fortune then himself, seeing the mutability of Tiberius, begin to act more cautiously the affection of others towards him by little and little, withers and grows ●●ale.  
16. Tiberius, having a good while since taken a clear prospect of the proud and lofty mind of Sejanus; and also mistrusting, lest his design, being stirred up by contempt, should be frustrated, by running the hazard of fortune and chance, commanded, it should be noised abroad, that he intended to deliver over the Tribunician power and authority to Sejanus. A little while after, by Letters to the Senate, which were carried by Macro, (who was Provost of the Praetorian Bands) he commands him to be committed to prison. Macro having entered the City, before day, acquainted first Memmius Regulus, than a Consul, (for the other Consul was more inclined to Sejanus) with the Prince's mandat, which afterwards he shows to Grecinus Laco, than Captain of the Watch. From thence going towards the Senate-house, he accidentally accosteth Sejanus, who being troubled in his thoughts, inquires whether he had any Letters for him from Tiberius: He whispereth him in the ear, that by and by he must be saluted a Tribune; who being tickled with secret joy, enters the Court. Macro dismisses the Praetorian Attendants, shows by Letters, that it is the Emperor's pleasure it should be so, and that thereby they are promised a donative. Macro having ordained Laco's Band to the Praetorian Attendants, who were now dismissed, entering the Senate-house, offers the Letters; and anon, (not expecting the reading of them) charges Laco diligently to watch, lest Sejanus breaking out of the Court, should raise a tumult, himself going to the Praetorian Attendants, and prohibits them from attempting any thing.  
17. The Letters which were then read being somewhat large, afforded Macro time enough, to provide necessaries, and were wonderfully interlaced and contrived. In the beginning, not a word of Sejanus, but of other matters; by and by he's nipped, but very lightly; after this, (some other things being interwoven) follows a high accusation; and yet but perfunctorily and slightly touched. At length, (after many digressions about the public affairs) two of Sejanus his familiars are nominated, whom the Senate are commanded to animadvert and consider, with this addition, that he himself should be apprehended; no mention was made of any course to be taken for his death, that so, hopes might be left to the accused, to purge him of the crimes, which were therefore objected but as light matters.  
18. The Letters being read, many of those who had brought him into the Senate-house, (when they perceived the business to be far otherwise, then that Sejanus should receive the power of a Tribune) began to rise up, and encompassed Sejanus, lest he should slink away, which was thought he would have done, if the beginning of the Letters had thundered more sharply against him. But contemning those petty and slight nips and twinges, he stirs not from his place; and being called upon twice or thrice by Memmi●s the Consul, he scarcely submitted; so insolent and haughty was he grown.  
19 When he was risen up, Laco first follows him; afterwards Regulus, accompanied with other of the Senators, brought him out of the Court into the Prison, where afterwards he was condemned by the Senate, ad scalas Gemonias, which was a place appointed, from whence condemned men were thrown down.  
20. Behold here the end and destruction of a Courtier, who had scarce his peer within the memory of man, for craftiness and power; whose structure and building, although as to the whole, and continuance of it, seems to be due to Tiberius, yet may rather be ascribed to the destiny of such power, as commonly, by reason of its own heap and bigness, falls so much the lower, by how much the higher and loftier it thrusts up itself; according to that saying, Tolluntur in altum & lapsu gravioreruant.  
21. This may be learned from the example of Perennius, whom (striving to get up to this height by Sejanus his Arts and devices) Commod●s, although far inferior to Tiberius in ingenuity and wit, subverted and overthrew.  
22. Perhaps these relations may not move many men, because they seem to themselves to be wiser than others, and to know some things which was unknown to those whose chances are here related; And truly, there have been some in these latter Ages, to whom this business hath succeeded not altogether so unhappily, such as Boyla was, (of whom we may read in the History of Constantinople) who being found to have conspired against Constantine, Monomachus the Emperor, suffered not such exquisite, and heavy punishment as others in like cases had done, because he fell into the hands of a mild and placable Prince.  
23. But we are willing here briefly to recite that story, from which may be understood, That counsels even the most secret, and such as to human eyes are not passable, oft-times by divine Providence, and even by unhoped for means are detected and discovered, and cannot avoid their punishment, although handled with never so much craftiness and subtlety.  
24. No mortal could have believed, that this Boyla had had, either aptitude and fitness, or subsequent cause for such a villainy. The greatness of the benefits wherewith he had adorned and beautified him, had wrought an opinion in the Prince of his fidelity, for otherwise he seemed simple to any great matters; for he was not only borne in a low and mean place, but also was of such a buffling, sumbling, and cumbered speech, that he could scarce be understood, and when he perceived that it delighted the Emperor, he afterwards industriously affected it.  
25. By this assentation and soothing, he so far insinuated into the Prince's familiarity, that he had admittance even to the privy, and bedchamber of Constantine. At length, being enriched by the Prince, and elected into the number of the Senators, he began to shoot out his hopes to a higher flight, and went so far, that he thought, by the ruin and destruction of the Prince, he might find a way to the sceptre itself. He first opens himself to those, whom he knew were offended with the Prince, and promiseth largely to those, who approve and associate their aids, commending the refusers for their goodwill to their Prince, and made show, as if he were but an explorator, and private spy, to try their faithfulness and loyalty.  
26. While these things were in agitation, he shunned the conscience of all men, save those whom he feared not; and had done the bloody act, had he not been discovered by one of his own comerades and counsellors, and by his art deprehended, having the very weapon in his hand, which he had sharpened to kill the Prince withal. The Emperor bore the injury so mildly, that he accounted it enough, that some of the conspirators were put to death; but the ringleader and Captain he only banished.  
27. It would be too tedious, to bring in here all those, who in Courts have been shipwrackt; such, I say, as by such offences have merited punishment; and which have hepned, not only to the manifest authors of such wickedness, but even to such, as have been suspected of the thoughts thereof. But we'll content ourselves, with producing these, and only add this, That all Pride, whether it offend the Prince by ambition, or boasting, upbraiding, malediction, or reviling; by splendour, or too great a retinue, is the high road to destruction and ruin.   

CHAP. XXII.  
The Argument.  
Bragging and boasting before the Prince, reproaching and twitting with offices, liberty, arrogancy, too much familiarity, pride, vanity, avarice, perfidiousness, conspiracy, sowing of dissension and strife, are every one of them denoted by their examples.  
BOasting and upbraiding of Offices, in the Court of Alexander the Great, lost Philotas and Clitus; Craterus also, was almost blown up with the same winds. Certes, he had longer stood affected with the Prince, had he contained himself within the bounds of noble and generous modesty.  
2. Thus Caius Sylius with Tiberius: Antonius the first, with Vespasian; Sulla's with King Agrippa, publishing aforehand their offices and employments, deprived themselves of all the fruit and benefit of them; concerning the first of whom, Tacitus, in the 4th. of his annals; and Josephus in his 4th. History, touching the last, are to be inspected and looked into.  
3. Princes believe, that their fortune is destroyed, by such kind of boastings; which fortune they will have seem to be due to themselves, not to the merits or virtue of their subjects.  
4. A lust and desire of reprehending the actions of Princes, and a freedom of inveighing against others before the Prince, is to be avoided, as the neighbour to arrogancy. Eumenes, petulantly and saucily, complaining before Alexander of Hephestion, that he assigned to Stage-players, and such kind of fellows, the soldier's quarters, incurred the displeasure of the King.  
5. To be too familiarly busy about the Prince, or to boast one's self, the sole Arbitrator and Commissioner of principal charges, savoureth, if not of pride, yet certainly vanity; and covetousness sometimes crowds itself in with it. Many examples of such are extant everywhere, in Histories. How immodestly did Zotirus demean and carry himself, under Heliogbalus? how did Turinus under Alexander, the son of Mammea? One whereof was by the Emperor's command suffocated with smoke, using a more uncouth and harsh fortune than the former, it seeming just, ut, qui fumum vendiderat, fumo puniretur, That he who had vended and sold smoke, should perish by smoke. The other was wont to boast, that the Prince was ruled by his advice, and also made advantage, by selling favours, when the courtesy was no way advantageous to the purchaser.  
6. Worthy in the first place to be remembered, is the arrogancy of Plancianus, which also was accompanied with vanity, and at length broke out into treachery: He was of that arrogancy, that he durst oppose himself against Bassianus, the Emperor's son, the author of his dignity and fortune: Moreover also, so vain, that passing through the City, he would not only preclude others from addresses to him, but almost from having a view of him; and had some to go before him, to turn those whom they met, out of his way. At length proved traitor to his Prince; and being found guilty of manifest conspiracy, lost his head for his pains.  
7. Philip the fair reigning in France, Enguerrandus Marigny, presuming to confront Carolus Valesius, how miserably he perished, together with others, is observed out of the French Histories.  
8. Before all things also in Courts, we ought to beware, that we lend not our help to the sowing of discord amongst Princes; for they being reconciled to each other, do mostly sacrifice such persons to their friendship. Which thing is made good, both by many examples, in the Histories of all Nations, and also by that memorable example of Otho Crondorferus, which the History of Bavaria supplies us withal. He was in flourishing favour with Radulphus the Palatine, and was the author of the enmities between him and his mother: At length, the mother ingratiates herself with her son; but Crondorferus was rewarded, with the loss and deprivation, both of his tongue and eyes.   

CHAP. XXIII.  
The Argument.  
How a man may conserve the Prince's benevolence, and the good will of such as are in favour with him.  
1. WE ought not therefore to cross or resist Princes themselves only, but even not such as are in favour with them, and are more prevalent than ourselves.  
2. This counsel Germanicus when he died gave to Agrippina; whereof Tacitus speaks in the 2. of his Annals, thus: Then turning to his wife (sayeth he) he intreateth her by the memory of himself, and the Children they had between them, that she should put off cruelty and fierceness, and submit her mind to rigorous fortune; lest returning back to the City, she should stir up, and provoke, such as were more powerful than herself, through emulation. This precept being slighted by Agrippina, ruined both her, and her children. We spoke a little before, of that which was the diminution and shortening of Eumenes his favour with Alexander, that behaving himself too irreverently and unseemly in the Prince's presence, when he came to complain of Hephaestion, he even weave himself, (through the Complaint) into the web of Envy.  
3. Therefore, when we see any one flourish by the grace and favour of the Prince; we ought carefully to weigh our Authority, if we have any, in the balance with theirs, and try whose is most ponderous. And in the Examen and trial thereof, not to attend so much to the external species and shadow; but to the importance and wa●ght of interior and inward causes.  
4. Craterus and Hephaestion seemed once to be both in great and equal favour with Alexander, till Alexander himself made the difference; when he calls the one, Amicum Regis, the friend of the King; the other Amicum Alexandri the friend of Alexander; for upon this speech, Craterus could make this observation and judgement, That Princes being commonly more addicted to their pleasure, than their own dignity and honour, do hold, and account them most dear unto them, who do love and embrace Alexander's, that is themselves; then those who do court, and admire the fortune of Kings. And although there arose a dissension afterwards between him and Hephaestion, whereby the whole Court was divided into parties; Alexander showed himself addicted and tied to neither party, but chid both; and threatened to punish them, if hereafter they put him to the like trouble. In this kind of decision which Alexander here useth, he manifested, not so much his equal and indifferent affection towards them both; as a singular and most especial kind of prudence in Princes, very much to be imitated. This discord and difference, he sees, may produce many troubles; neither was he ignorant that Craterus his wonderful Authority, with the Macedonians; and his own favour towards Hephaestion was envied, and bred displeasure against himself: he therefore blames Hephaestion for his envy, ●n p●blique; and chides Craterus p●ivately, lest the Macedonians should be offended.  
5. Amongst those, who in the examination of Princely benevolence and favour, have either been more neglective, or being devoid of reason have been more unexperienced and unskilful, Antonius Primus deserves to be listed, who (Presuming to contend with Mutianus) learned at length, That it was more destructive to him that he had disdained Mutianus, then if he had despised Vespasian.  
6. Now, that Princes do more sharply revenge an injury done to their Ministers, than to themselves, is a thing attested by Examples almost in all Courts, the cause whereof Dio sifted out; after he had declared the same to have happened in the case of Sejanus.  
7. Even as they, (saith he) whom virtue and their known merits, have dignified and exalred, do not very much stand upon, and esteem or heed the vanities of their honours, and the outward marks and expressions of worship and reverence: So on the contrary, they, who by Ambition endeavour to raise themselves from the ground and dust, and to cover their domestic and covetous briberies, do take it very heinously, and interpret it presently a contempt, if you neglect the least matter or punctilio of homage, or good turn towards them. So much the more difficult is it therefore, to conserve and hold fast the benevolence of such, then of the Prince himself. For he counts it his glory to pardon an injury, but they, (that they may not seem to remit, what they cannot vindicate) not only strain their power in persecuting their enemies, but ostentate and boast of such their doings.   

CHAP. XXIIII.  
The Argument.  
Pride denoted and observed by Examples in men, of the most inferior rank and Condition under Princes. Treachery and perfidiousness against the Prince in disclose●ng his secrets, is forged and compacted of many Monstr●●s, and unnatural courses and designs.  
1. ANd not only hath an insolent, and haughty carriage and deportment, been destructive and mischievous to Nobles and great ones: but even to men of the most inferior and base degree. John king of Arragon so fondly and fervently loved Alvarus de Luna (the son of a former king of Arragon, but borne out of wedlock) that he would commit to him the chief affairs, and even the kingly dignity; his Nobles in vain resisting. But when he being lifted up with pride in this prosperous fortune, had p●ecipitated and thrust down headlong a Noble man, who in the King's name had admonished him of his duty, himself by the King's Command, lost his head for his pains.  
2. This hath been in Court, the frequent cause of such shipwreck; when any hath rendered either himself, or the Prince odious to the people, or to the chief of the nation. For either the Prince himself to free him from envy, will cast such a one off; or else others will rour him, and destroy him.  
3. While Commodus was Emperor, Cleander had armed the Praetorian Companies against the people of Rome. This bred Rome so many troubles and tumults, that (had not the Emperor himself sacrificed Cleander to the people's fury), he could not have been secure.  
4. The same Commodus had incurred the odium and hatred of all men, for the love of one Anterus; f●om whom that they might deliver their Master, some of those Ministers, who well affected Commodus, met Ante●us upon a time as he returned from Court; and slew him.  
5. Eutropius being (amongst a few others) a long time beloved of Arcadius the Emperor, when he was but believed to be the Author of the sedition moved by Tribigildus; was delivered up by the Prince to his Enemies, as a price of peace and quietness.  
6. Amongst those evils, which subvert and overthrow Courtiers; that unfaithfulness is not to be passed by, which bewrayeth the secrets of the Prince, and imparts them to his enemy. That of Sylla, as it was horrible, so was it notorious by the destruction of many others, and hammered and forged with many Monstrous and prodigious actions, (to wit) with lightness and unconstancy, imprudence and lack of heed, vanity and infidelity; I may add, with a desire of getting money, unjust honour, Revenge, Curiosity, and other restless troubles.  
7. As to the secret of Princes, I esteem it best that they make choice of such, as are not cleft, and full of chinks and crannies, so as to vent and let out those secrets they impart to them; seeing they fly only to them to be admitted into their Consciences and private thoughts. For if thou alone be knowing; and yet fame and report, which is ingenious and cunning at conjecture and guessing, shall by chance spread abroad something like that committed to thy secrecy; thou wilt not avoid suspicion, but he will judge his Secret to issue out from thee; And although the Prince (it may be) hath by chance opened the same thing to another, yet possibly he may forget it; or more confide in the others silence and secrecy, and the blame be nevertheless laid on thee.  
8. Not without cause was Philippides the comic poet (amongst the chief) dear unto king Lysimachus, ●ho being asked what he would wish to be made partaker of, by the Prince; answered, That he would refuse nothing that came from him, so long as he might be free from the knowledge of his secrets. Let us follow, as much as may be, his example, and count it safer, to be unknowing of his Secret, as a thing hard to be kept, then to be acquainted therewith.  
9 Hiero Prince of Syracuse said, that they who revealed the secrets of Princes were injurious; in that they exposed others, as well as themselves, to the odium and loathing of the Prince.   

CHAP. XXV.  
The Argument.  
The causes, kinds, and examples of Conspiracies with the enemies of a Prince.  
1. BEsides this, most doubtful of all, is the fortune of those, who being driven thereto, either by avarice, or ambition, or by desire to prop up their own security, conspire with a Prince's Enemies, either extraneous and foreign, or domestic.  
2. Cardinal Balaeus, the Son of a butcher, being made Treasurer by Lewis the 11. was also from that preferred to a bishopric, from thence by the intercession of the King, and the accord of the Pope (who endeavoured to confer a benefit on him whom he had hitherto experienced to be his adversary) attained to Cardinal Dignity. But afterwards being found to have conspired with the King's foes, was imprisoned by the space of 12 years, from whence at length the prayers and intercession of Pope Sixtus the 4th only, freed him.  
3. For the like crime, Cardinal Pratenfis in the Reign of Francis the first, underwent the like punishment, who perhaps had never been released from Prison, but that afterwards drinking his own Urine, he deceived the physicians by dissembling the Strangury. For the King fearing the Pope's anger, if the Cardinal by that Malady should have been consumed, set him at Liberty.  
4. Peter de Vineis being a privy Counsellor to the Emperor Frederick the second; and being suspect of conspiracy with Pope Alexander the third being the Emperor's Enemy, lost his eyes by it.  
5. Not only the Counsels of Stilico (the Father in Law of Honorius the Emperor) to enjoy the Oriental Empire, but his occult and secret commerce with Alaricus King of the Goths, are believed to have procured and caused his death; which thing that Ignominious peace and League which he entered into with Alaricus, although the Senate withstood and did oppugn it, doth confirm. Lampadius, who also himself cried out against it, calls it not a Peace, but a Paction of Servitude, by which the Emperor was constrained to become tributary to the Barbarians.   

CHAP. XXVI.  
The Argument.  
A politician may not be the Author of ambiguous Counsels: After what sort Consults of undertaking war, and breaking Leagues may be instituted. How great a variety there is of those errors: for which Courtiers fall away from their reputation, and favour with the Prince.  
1. FIrst also, our politician whom we instruct, must beware, that he be not the Author of ambiguous Counsels; the unhappy issue of these, will be imputed to the Adviser, but the prosperous success, to the fortune and good hap of the Prince, not only by the vulgar who judge o● all things by their event; but by the Prince himself; who will be glad that he hath one, on whom he may derive the Envy of unhappy counsel.  
2. While Scilico was living, and after his dea●h, there was but one Argument and subject matter of wailing and complaining amongst the people, to wit, the peace which he had made with the Goths. Olympius who had procured the ruin of Stilico, striving to be famous by contrary ways, broke off the League of peace, Alaricus in vain objecting Right and Equity; War being begun, for sometime contrary to Augury and d●vination; he being accounted in the judgement of the vulgar the Author of all their evils was at length accused by the eunuchs, who were very gracious with the Emperor, and leaving the Court fled into Dalmatia.  
3. When the business was of undertaking a war or breaking the League, the Ministers and furtherers in this business are made parties; they only bring arguments on both sides, and leave the choice of either to the arbirrement of the Prince: not with standing, if they were constrained to deliver their opinions they would conclude it safer to incline to peace, unless very Necessity or manifest and apparent Utility, persuaded the contrary.  
4. Jovius, the Successor of Olympius, of whom we have spoken, wisely prosecutes the business: for he being more prone to War, that so he might be more necessary to the Prince, did nevertheless as the politic custom of some is, prefer the love of Peace. Meeting at Rheims to parley with Alaricus he sends those conditions which Alaricus had proposed to Honorius, persuading him apart by other Letters, to offer the command of the Armies to Alaricus, by which he might be made more equal and indifferent for other things. The Emperor denying that it was besides his business to commit the ●●resse thereof to a foreigner, and one who was yet an Enemy, answered that he had rather consent to became tributary.  
5. These Letters when Jovius had read before Alaricus, he being wroth, that himself, and his, were contemned by Honorius, broke off this uncertain web and work of the Paction and Agreement: Jovius returns to Honorius, who himself being offended with the insolency of his Enemy, swears not to have peace with Alaricas, and with the same Oath binds all his party. Thus Jovius by the same subtlety and craftiness, both removes the envy of the Truce-breakings from himself, and obliges Alaricus by the restification of his good will; whereby he would have had him been made the Tribune of Caesar's Armies; but enfolded Honorius in War: which thing wonderfully established the Authority and Power of Jovius.  
6. There is such great variety in Histories, of those Errors and faults, for which Courtiers fall into disfavour with Princes, that no man by any diligence can so collect them all, but that when he hath quoted many, he will yet seem to have omitted more. Wherefore the most principal only being tasted, we will leave the rest to every one's industry and prudence.   

CHAP. XXVII.  
The Argument.  
By what wiles a Courtier may be suppressed, by malevolent persons: First, That either he may go from Court himself, under some pretence; or else be speciously removed. Of such, who by the same Art, are called up out of the Provinces.  
WE have seen how by his own default, a Courtier may fall into the displeasure of a Prince. We will now show the means, by which his foes, such as are envious, or emulous, may depress and abase him: For, they may endeavour to remove him from Court, upon some pretext not dishonourable; or may render him suspected or hated to the Prince; or lastly, in a public and open manner, constrain the Prince to remove him.  
2. The way of Amolition, or removing, which we said was the first way, hath divers means, and various ends; for some, out of a show of honour, or occasion to live with some friends, and near allies, are induced, not unwillingly, to withdraw themselves from Court. This way Stippiota craftily used, (when Manuel Comnenus was Emperor) to remove Hagiotheodorita, who stood in his light; for there being a difference between Michael the Pedagogue, and Josephus Balsamon, Stippiota persuaded the Emperor, that if Hagiotheodorita, Balsamons' kinsman, were made governor of Peloponnesus, the difference would becomposed. Hagiotheodorita being glad of an opportunity to help his kinsman, accepteth the courtesy; little minding, that Stippiota alone, would in the interim (his Competitor being removed) have the ordering and managing of the chief affairs of the Empire, which also came to pass.  
3. Some men, being wearied with the contentions & brabblings of adversaries in Court, betake themselves unto any Province whatsoever, upon pretext of necessary departing thence. Thus did Agrippa, who (as Velleius testifieth) went into Asia, pretending some principal business; but, as report went, for some private grudge between him and Marcellus, withdrew himself from the present time.  
4. Tiberius (while Caius Caesar was yet alive, who envied him) departed to Rhodes, pretending to turn Student there, and (as Suetonius saith) by his mother's means, obtained, that to cover his reproach, he might make show, as if he had gone ambassador thither.  
5. If he whom you desire to remove, have no pretence to get leave to withdraw, and will not take it as a courtesy, that he may depart willingly, and without compulsion, you may persuade the Prince to prefer him, to some charge and office, upon this account, that none is more worthy or fit for such an employment.  
6. After the same manner do emulous and envious persons, desire to have such abstracted and drawn from a Province, or subdued Country, whose authority they endeavour to weaken, whom they labour to bring into Court, as necessary and useful to the Prince, and to thrust him into the crowd of Courtiers, by whose loftiness, he may be the more obscured and clouded.  
7. This was the artifice and trick, which Apelles used with Polybius, when he went about to deprive Taurio of the government of Peloponnesus.  
8. So Darius (by the advice of Megabyzus) called back Hyesteus from the government of Jonia, a Region of Greece; not because there was need of his presence, but that he might infringe and lessen his power and greatness.  
9 If these Courtiers were content to enlarge their own place and bounds, by the removing of another, and would stop there, the comparing of others far worse, would render this Art tolerable; but for the most part, they stick not here.  
10. When Constantius was Emperor, Sylvanus being Commander of the Infantry, (as Ammianus Marcellus reports) by the procurement of Arbetius, is sent into France, to correct and amend those mischiefs, wherewith the Barbarous people had infested the French; as one emulous, and that could not endure to see any one quiet, and out of trouble; declines so great and hazardous a work, and turns it upon another. Sylvanus undertaking the journey, and having ingratiated with the French, became thereby powerful. Afterwards Arbetius compiling envy against him, with the Emperor, was at length himself brought to ruin.  
11. The same fortune almost had Ursicinus, Commander of the Cavalry, under the same Emperor: One Eusebius an Eunuch, with many other Courtiers, had conspired his death; by the machinations and devices of these conspirators, he is sent into the borders of Persia, that so he might be at distance from Court, where having continued by the space of ten years, he receives for his successor Sabinianus, a man, who neither for wit nor experience, was comparable to him, for such a charge. By and by, (a rumour being raised, that the Persians made ready for war) he is commanded to stay there, having delivered up his power to the other; Eusebius purposely so disposing the matter, that so Sabinianus should challenge to himself, the prosperous event of the war against the Persians, and that the adverse and ill fortune thereof might be imputed to Ursicinus, which the event afterwards confirmed: For Ursicinus being dejected for another's fault, spent the remainder of his life in private. You may see if you please, chap. 30. numb. 5.  
12. The times of the same Constantius will supply us with another example; for Ruffinus, the uncle of Gallus, by the father's side, being President of the Praetorian bands, was sent to appease the sedition of the soldiery, with no other intention, then that he might perish amongst the hateful hands of those mad and peevish people. For the same end, Clitus complains, that he was sent by Alexander against the Sognians.   

CHAP. XXVIII.  
The Argument.  
The second way, is; Calumnies and Commendations are made use of, to make others suspected and hateful to the Prince. Touching Detraction, Examples.  
THus much concerning Amolition and removing, as the primary means and way, which is used by enemies, and envious and emulous persons, to bring others into disfavour with their Prince and sovereign. The second is, that whereby they render men suspected and odious to the Prince, by the help of detractions and calumnies, or else by commendations.  
2. In Calumnies we must attend unto two things; First, Whether they be fit and sufficient to change the Prince's will. Secondly, Whether they have a likeness to truth. Of the first, judgement is to be made, both by the present state of affairs, and also, by the genius and inclination of the Prince, and the very nature and condition of negotiations.  
3. No calumnies do abound with more ruins of great men, than such as do accuse and impeach them, of machinations and plots, against the Prince, and his rule and government, or of contempt and disdaining to obey him, or such as are of detracting speech, and mocking or scorning the Prince's words or actions.  
4. Calumnies, and false accusations, are then rendered probable and likely, if the accusation, which makes the party accused guilty, be branded with a note of arrogancy, either in the words or actions of themselves, or else of their servants, friends, parents, or those who are tied and obliged to them, by necessity or alliance. If they be supposed to have counterfeited Letters, the judgement and sentence will be such, as that which the Prince hath already conceived in his mind, even the faithfulness of the calumniator, and the guiltiness of the party accused.  
5. Those things which by calumny are wrested into a crime, are such, as the party traduced is said to have spoken, or done; either spontaneously, and of his own accord, or else being induced by the deceits and circumventings of enemies, or envious persons. Such wits, by allurements and enticing words, can fetch and pump up things that are not; and in every matter, find occasion and opportunity, wherewith to help themselves.  
6. There are some, who having counselled and persuaded a man to do something; when they have found him yield, they make this the very weapon of their accusation, and feign, that he hath attempted some horrible design against the Prince.  
7. A certain Magician a Monk, one Santabarinus by name, was (before others) beloved by Basilius, Emperor of Constantinople, but envied beyond measure by Leo his son: And therefore, having endeavoured by all obsequious readiness of feigned devotion, to allure his goodwill, at length wrought the young man to credulity: For afterwards, (having gotten some credit with him) he advises Leo, to wear a dagger for his defence, privately, under his Mandilion or Jacket, if at any time he went out to hunting with his father. Following his instruction, the Magician goes to his father, and feigns to him, that his son had privately conceived parricide, and shows the Dagger, as a detection and token thereof, which he, watching his opportunity, had carried about him. To be brief, the matter was so handled, that the son was imprisoned; and although protected with the most intensive and vehement prayers and entreaties of the Nobility, he scarcely escaped punishment.  
8. In the time of Valentin●an the Emperor, Aetius accuseth Boniface his companion, (who was very dear to the Emperor, and made governor of Africa) of treachery against Placidia, the Prince's mother, and that he intended to subject Africa to himself; advising also, that he might be speedily recalled thence. At the same time, he admonisheth Boniface by Letters, that he was accused at Court, and upon that account recalled; but bade him yet take heed of coming back, lest he should be an enemy to his own safety. Boniface giving credit to these things, so far disobeyed the Empresses recalling him, that she agreed with Gontarus, King of the Valid●li, and Genseri●us his son, then managing the affairs in Spain, to reduce him, if he opposed by force; who by this occasion, possessed themselves of Mauritan●a. At length, the cheer being discovered, Placidia permitted, that after the custom of that age, a duel should be appointed, wherein Aetius being conquered, he was commanded to avoid the Court.  
9 Not unlike to this was the subtlety and wiliness of Samonas, who being dearly beloved to Leo the son of Basilius the Emperor; for detecting the Conspiracy of one Basilius a kinsman of Z●a the Empress, who would have destroyed Andronicus being chosen Chiefraine, together with Amerinus Log●the●a against the Saracens; he wills his friends to admonish him by Letters, that he should beware of Hymerius; who came with an intention to accuse him (exoculation, and depriving of the sight, was a sort of punishment in that age, wherewith principal men, and those whose power they thought fit to abate and weaken, were afflicted and chastised) An●ronicus believing these things to be of truth, which were but feigned by Samonas; having made his escape from Hymerius, possesseth himself of a certain Castle. This hindered not Samonas to exaggerate and heap up business against him to the Emperor, and by his persuasions, an army is sent, which drives Andronicus together with the Saracens from the confines of the Empire.  
10. We have a little before (Chap. 27. Numb 10) made mention of Arbetius. It seems worth observation how he superaddeth Treachery upon treachery. When he sees that Constantius was offended with Silvanus, and doubted lest he coming to Rome, should obliterate and wipe off the Criminations objected against him, he takes care that the Emperor's Letters (by which he calls Silvanus unto him) might be committed to the charge of one Apodemius. He coming into France, and suppressing the Letters, tells him that he was in very imminent danger. Here upon Silvanus moving sedition as a remedy and cure of his own safety, imprudently and unawares verified the Calumination.  
11. But truly we have too long been silent concerning Sejanus; who, as he was wonderfully crafty in all things, so was he not unaccustomed to this Art whereof we now treat. That he might render Agrippina the more suspected to Tiberius, he suborneth his friends, that they might puff up and increase her hopes beyond what was lawful. Her neighbours also are provoked and enticed, to stimulate and prick forward the haughty and smelling spirits of Agrippina, by depraved and stubborn words and speeches. Himself being the engineer and contriver of the plot, Claudia Pulchra niece to Agrippina is accused and slandered; to the end that Agrippina complaining hereof, and being a woman, hot and fell, ill able to bear a discontentment, might the more vehemently and sharply touch and gaul the suspicious mind of the Emperor.  
12. Sejanus, not herewith satisfied, strikes higher and harder at the discontented and improvident Lady: and having suborned some, who in show of friendship should admonish her, that there was an intent to poison her; and that therefore, she should shun to eat of the Banquet which Tiberius, her father in law had invited her to; She (unhappily credulous and rash of belief), when Tiberius offered her an Apple, withdrew her hand, and thereby very much offended him.  
13. He also, (when there was appointed unto Agrippina and her sons a scout-soldier to lie perdue, and to watch and observe their actions), instructed and suborned some to admonish her▪ that she should fly to the armies of Germany; or else lay hold on the effigies and portraiture of Augustus, in the most frequented place of judicature; and also should invoke the aid and assistance of the Senate and people of Rome.  
14. Moreover, by what kind of wickedness he also circumvented his Client Titius Sabinus, that he might render him altogether suspected of Ambition to Tiberius; is to be read in the very History. Which being no less abominable, then worthy your remembrance; 'twill not be irksome to thee Reader, that we have here run it over, in the very words of the worthy Historian, which are extant in the fourth Book of his Annals.   

CHAP. XXIX.  
The Argument.  
Examples of Treasons and Disloyalties. Of false Letters, and false witnesses.  
I Cannot but add one Example more out of the same Cornelius Tacitus. Firmius Catus a Senator, and of most intimate friendship with Libo a young Citizen of Rome, and one improvident and very soon to be drawn to vanities; drew the youth to the impious vows of the Chaldean Magicians, and himself became an Interpreter and expounder of dreams to him; while he ostentates and boasts to him that Pompey was his great Grandsire, that Scribonia (who was once the wife of Augustus) was his father's Sister; that the Caesars were his Cousin-germanes, and shows him a house full of Pictures; encourageth him to Luxury and borrowing of money, being his Companion in his Lusts and necessities; that by many such shows and representatures he might the better entangle him. He desires access to the Prince, having declared the Crime and Accusation; and the party accused by Flac●us Vescula●ius, a Roman Knight, who had nearer familiarity and acquaintance with Tiberius. annual fourth, Book the second.  
2. Stippiota, whose wi●e in removing Hagiotheoderita before (Chap. 27 Numb 2.) we have related, could not shun but that, after the same manner with Sab●●us Romanus (of which in the preceding Chapter. Numb 4.) he was almost circumvented. The builder of the snare was Cameterus Log●theta, who being an Enemy to Stippiota accuseth him before the Emperor as an Impostor; and one who had conceived in his intentions to betray Sicilia. And that the Calumny might resemble truth, he hides the Emperor in a corner in his bedchamber; and in his hearing, begins to discourse with Stippiota (whom he had purposely invited thither,) of the affairs of Sicily; where some few things fell from him which were either contrary, or unpleasant to Caesar, Cameterus not content with this, causeth feigned Letters to be put into Stippiota's Boots, which by the Emperor's Command being searched, Stippiota was condemned, and his Eyes put out.  
3. This discourse brings us occasionally to the other way and means, by which we told you, that Calumnies and false accusations come to have the resemblance of truth: and this consists in the supposition, and pretence of forged and counterfeit Letters; And yet, this mode, and way could not so preserve and maintain itself, but that at length it vanished and came to nought, although it hath ever had the greatest force, to cause suspicion to take the deeper impression in the mind of a Prince, and to alienate and estrange his will; which thing being considered, the parties accused fearing worse matters, have either spontaneously quitted their employments; or else after the Calumny has been accepted and taken for granted, having attempted and set upon those very villains, have added to and increased such detraction: which is verified a little before by the Example of Silvanus, Chap. 28. Num. 10.  
4. The perfidiousness and treachery of false witnesses, is a main and principal ground, and prop for Calumnies and slanders, and such as they chiefly have need of, who accuse any one of high Treason, in betraying their Prince and sovereign, whose domestics are in this case most prevalent.  
5. In the reign of Arcadius, Eutropius conspiring against Timasius an old swordman and of approved Authority, corrupted Bargus his Client, (or rather his most intimate familiar) with flattery and gifts, to accuse Timasius of affecting the Empire. Bargus puts his faith and credit out to use to the accuser Eutropius upon this account, because there having been such a conjunction between him and Timasius, he could not be thought or believed to accuse of any such crime one so well deserving at his hands, unless he were most certain of the truth thereof.  
6. They add moreover to the probation of the crime, feigned and forged Letters. By this means the most innocent man, together with his Son, is cast out into the Isle Oasis from whence neither of them returned.  
7. Caius Petronius seemed better and more to be desired to Nero, than Tigellinus, for skill and knowledge in volupty and pleasures. Scevinus, the friend of Petronius was the Author of Conspiracy against Nero. Whereupon Tigellinus being destempered with Envy, having corrupted and misled a servant of his to detect Petronius of Emulation, by and by objecteth and lays to his charge his friendship with Scevinus, and his knowledge of, and being conscious to his enterprise. Annal. Book the 16th.   

CHAP. XXX.  
The Argument.  
Of the principal Grounds and Basis, of Detraction and Calumniation; the affection of the Prince to both parties: And of feigned friendship under occult and secret inveighings and backbitings.  
We have said before, that the affection of the Prince towards the Calumniator, makes very much to confirm and strengthen the Calumny. This was throughly noted in Sejanus, who endeavouring to bring Agrippina the widow of Germanicus under suspicion with Livia Augusta, chose Julius Posthumus for his turn: for he, by the Adultery and forgery of Mutilia Prisca, was one of Livias' intimate ones, and very fit for Sejanus his Counsels, but Prisca was very great in the opinion of Augusta. They are the words of Tacitus, in his fourth book.  
2. But the snares and guiles of Calumnies have a more compendious, and short procedure and determination, if the party slandered have formerly been any whit suspected by the Prince. For than the Calumniator, may not only thereby suppress the other, but advance himself also.  
3. The familiars and friends of Aulus Vitellius, would not set upon Junius Blesus, before such time as they perceived Vitellius his benevolence and friendship towards him, begin to wax stale; and do the sooner obtain their desire, because Vitellius his brother Lucius accommodates them with his aid in the accusation. Hist. Book the third.  
4. Gracchus, one of the Children of Caesar, and, as Tacitus saith in the 13th of his Annals, by experience and Age having been taught in the Prince's family, even from the time of Tiberius, thought, that the best way, and remedy for him to conserve and keep the favour of the Prince, was, to accuse Cornelius Sylla, whom Nero had a good while before suspected. The like Art Tigellinus useth against the same Sylla and Plautus. Whereof Tacitus in the 14th of his Annals saith thus. Tigellinus groweth daily more strong, supposeth his evil arts in which only he excelled, will become the more acceptable, if he can but link the Prince in association of his lewd enterprises, his fear then would have a starting hole. And having found that Plautus and Sylla were much dreaded, Plautus having been lately removed into Asia, Sylla into Gallia Nar●●ensis, makes mention of, and commemorates their nobility, and near Allies, the one of the Eastern the other of the German Army. After a few other passages he turns quite about, and bespeaks Sylla a needy indigent fellow, and by that means notably adventurous and saucy, and a Counterfeiter of sloth and negligence, while he may find a place for temerity and rashness. Plautus by reason of his great wealth was unfeignedly desirous of ease and idleness.  
5. We have spoken of Ursicinus his being accucused by Eusebius the Eunuch, before the Emperor Constantius, to whom he was formerly under an ill opinion by reason of his alliance & nearness of kindred to Gallus before (in the 27 Chap. Numb. 11.) not observing the event of that cause which was this: The Eunuch fearing that he should want Arguments to prove the crime, devices another craft and treachery, desires the matter of accusation may be protracted, and the judgement for a time suspended. The business then remaining undecided, he obligeth to himself Ursicinus, whom he seems to free from the danger of the judgement, yet withal removes him from Court, which was his chief aim, making great show of friendship therein, but occultly and privately inveighing against him to the Prince,   

CHAP. XXXI.  
The Argument.  
The Art of Calumniators and the chief means of detracting; To accuse one of a speech which in itself is true but fouled, and not spoken by the accused; and by a ●●ew of relating the words of others, to reprove the evil actions of the Prince without punishment or danger.  
THey who accuse another to have spoken evil of the Prince, by how much they draw and heap up more evil words from those which are true, by so much the easy will their accusations find credit and belief.  
2. This evidently appears in the example of Granius Marcellus whom (as Tacitus saith in the 1 book of his Annals) Coepio Crispinus accused to have uttered some sinister and unhappy words touching Tiberius, a crime inevitable, sith that the accuser chooseth something of the Prince's vicious actions, and objecteth them to the accused's charge to have spoken of. For because they were true, therefore were they believed to have been spoken by him.  
3. Many Calumniators having followed this Example have upbraided and twitted the Emperors with their faults, by a show of relating other men's speeches, without reproof. This alone, in a manner moved them, to be very sparing in giving ear to false accusers.  
4. And truly Tiberius, as he was a hater of reproaches, so was he a lover of calumnies and accusations; and lest he should hear the one, when he was present in the Senate, and that the other might not be omitted, departed to Caprea, believing (as the Historian saith) it was fit for him to shun the assembly of his councils, and their votes,, which commonly, while he was present with them, were grave and weighty. Annal. Book 4.  
5. This way of upbraiding Princes, with their vicious actions, did they use, who translating by checks and taunts the Matricide of Nero, accuse others of the same crime, before Caesar, who was the author thereof, with a desire rather of rebuking and discommending the wickedness, then of destroying the party accused.  
6. These are the most usual ways and modes which calumniators use; for who can enumerate them all? Calumny is a Monster, which hath a thousand figures and shapes, a thousand crafts and cunning deceits.   

CHAP. XXXII.  
The Argument.  
Of the wiles and subtleties of Court-commendations, masked Courtiers, and such as disguise themselves. The inward intention and disposition of such, as commend or dispraise us, is to be looked into. The third way and means, by which one Courtier oppresseth and grieveth another, viz. Power and Force.  
FRom Calumnies, let us come to Commendations; there is use made likewise of these in Courts, (as we have said) to suppress and pull down others; the most here do palliate and cloak their odium, envy, and emulation, that so they may the more easily deceive and frustrate.  
2. Thus did Fabius Valens scandalize Mantius Valens, by secret criminations, without his knowledge or mistrust; and that he might be the less aware of his deceits, would openly commend him. Tacitus Hist. 1.  
3. So did Eusebius the Eunuch, impugn and overcome Ursicinus, by the inticing allurements of immense and huge bounty and largesse, and did often openly call him, a stout and valiant man; being very crafty and cunning, to entangle and ensnare the simple man, in his poisonous and deathful entrapments; and in that season too powerful, as Ammianus Marcellinus reports.  
4. Alfonsus' King of Arragon, when a certain person had before him commended another, (besides his accustomed wont and manner) turning about to his friend, Iste exitium haud dubie ei, quem laudat, meditatur, That man doubtless means ruin to him, whom he thus commendeth. Nor was the King mistaken in this opinion; for about six months after, he that so highly had commended, impleads and sues the other at Law, and had overthrown him, had not the King interceded.  
5. Mucianus, when he could not oppress Antonius the first, openly loadeth him with much commendations in the Senate, and secret promises; showing and boasting, that the nigher Spain was vacant, by the departure of Cluvius Rufus; and bestows upon his friends Tribuneships and Offices: And after he had puffed up his mind with hope and desire, remitteth and weakeneth his force and strength, by dismissing the seventh Legion in their winter-quarters, whose love to Antonius was most ardent. Tacitus in the 4. Book of his Histories.  
6. Neither do Courtiers only, but even Princes, when they desire to di●inish and pull down some, take this way and road. Tiberius (having Libo under secret suspect and envy) advanceth him to the praetorship, and feafteth him often, not being estranged in countenance, not moved in language, and so conceals his anger, as Tacitus saith, in the second Book of his annals. By the same Art, he also overthrew Sejanus. Domition was never more to be feared, than when in his countenance he made show of courtesy. Nicetas was wont to call the commendations of Andron●cus, the beginnings of an injury; his liberality, a token of confiscation of goods; his lenity, the forerunner of death.  
7. Some, in commending others, have this reach, that thereby they may kindle the Prince's hate against them. By this means, was Julius Agricola suppressed by Domitian; whereupon, Tacitus writing of Agricola, saith thus; The cause of his danger, was not any crime or complaint of hurting anybody, but the Prince's being displeased at his virtues, and the glory of the man, and withal (that worst sort of friends) such as commend and applaud.  
8. Ju●ian the Emperor had a saying, Nullos esse capitaliores hostes quàm larvates Aulicos: There are none more capital and deadly enemies, then masked and vizarded Courtiers, such as Polybius, and, after him, Mamertinus describes; who, in a panegyric, and flattering speech, speaks thus: Callido artificio accusatoriam dicacitatem laudum titul●s peragebant in omnibus conventiculis, quasi per benevo entiam: They rehearsed accusatory scoffings and reproaches, by a cunning Art, under the titles of commendations, in all their conventicles, and private meetings, as done out of good will.  
9 But we may then discover those commendations to be usurped by some, when in commending one, they endeavour to bewray●ard denote another, as unlike to him. This kind of malignity, Plutarch objects to Herodotus, when he says, that the Athenians were commended by him, as valiantly retunding and repressing the Persians Armies; not with a desire to extol the Athenians, but to disgrace and defame the others,  
10. It is usual with Kings, as Seneca testifieth, to commend their ministers and servants, who are deceased, that so they may shame such as are living. Thus did Augustus advance and set forth, the faithful duty and services of Maecenas and Agrippa, when having openly manifested the sensualities of their daughters, he would reprehend his familiars and friends, as careless and neglective of their Prince's business and fame.  
11. Augustus beats Tiberius black and blue, by commending and excusing him; whereof Tacitus writing in the first Book of his Annals, saith thus, Augustus a few years before, had required of the State and council, that Tiberius should have the power of a Tribune, although in an honourable Oration, he had yet cast out something, touching his habit and attire, and his institutions and purposes; all which, as seeming to excuse, he upbraids and casts in his teeth.  
12. These things therefore should admonish us, that we endeavour to look into the inward intents, and dispositions of such, as either praise or reproach us.  
13. We told you, that the last way and means, by which Courtiers are oppressed by their enemies, is, Force and Strength, which then principally takes place, when either People or soldiery, being offended at our dignity or manners, stir up sedition.  
14. 'Tis not unknown, what tumults were amongst the Parisians, how they were heated therewith, when John King of England was taken prisoner. Nor is the condition and fortune of those unknown, who, when his son was viceroy, held the principal offices and dignities in the kingdom.  
15. Not many years since, the seditions of the janissaries, swept away Ministers of chief authority, from the Turkish Emperors. The times of Arcadius the Emperor, will afford us some examples hereof, from the most ancient Histories. Ruffinus was very near and dear (amongst the chiefest) to that Prince, who being offended with Stilico, and meditating his ruin and destruction, sends Gaina with the Armies, as an Auxiliary to the Emperor; but, in very deed, to take away the life of Ruffinus, which also was accomplished: For Ruffinus being gone forth with the army, the soldiers of Gaina having risen up, by giving a signal, compassed him about, and tore him in pieces. Eutropius being substituted in place of Ruffinus, had likewise offended some prime Courtiers; and (the same Gaina being the plotter and contriver) Tribigildus moves sedition; who flying over, and despoiling Asia, denies peace upon any other terms or advantage, then, that Eutropius should be taken away: To which Law, at length (Gaina driving the Chariot) the Emperor consenteth. Nor was this enou●h; the same Gaina afterwards, openly joining with Tribigildus, that it might be manifested, that he was reconciled to Arca●ius, requires, that Aurelianus Salurinus, and Jobn Chrysostomus, (Than chief men in transacting affairs) should be delivered up to their arbitrement and pleasure; whom (being delivered up) he commands to banishment; and was content, that he had given them occasion, to bewail the edge of their own swords.   

CHAP. XXXIII.  
The Argument.  
Sometimes the fierce and untractable genius and d●sposition of the Prince, envying such as are deserving, is amongst the causes, why the Courtier is disfavoured and disesteemed by him. How such displeasure is to be handled and ordered.  
VEry often, Courtiers, who think themselves guarded on all hands, happen upon a Prince, whose Genius is vain, distrustful, envious, covetous, cruel, or timidous, which proves to their inevitable ruin. These diseases, as planted in Nature, do mostly what delude the circumspection of the most prudent. Seneca, owing much to his liberty with Nero, but little to his service, although prudent, and not uncrafty in Courtly Arts; yet being overcome, as it were, by the malice of the Prince's genius and disposition, yielded at last. He first incurs his envy by his eloquence and wealth; and afterwards falling under calumny and false accusations, was bereft of the Prince's favour, and his own life together.  
2. The diffidence and envy of Princes, towards some, hath been so formidable, that they had rather suffer a diminution and abatement of their own emoluments, and profits, then be highly active, with their Prince's envy and displeasure.  
3. Publi●s Ven●id●us, fearing the Envy of Marc Antony, (by whose Authority he waged war;) was content to have repelled the Parthians in three several battles even to Media, yet would not prosecute the victory.  
4. The same thing did Bellisarius, when Justinian was Emperor, as Agathias says; when in like manner he feared, lest the greatness of the victory, and applause of the people, should stir up the hatred of the Nobles and afterwards of the Prince.  
5. Such as these, neither provide rightly for the utility and advantage of the Prince; nor their own honours. But the fault nevertheless is not in them so much, as in him that rules; and for this cause Mercoenas persuades Augustus, that he should neither impute sinister Events to his Ministers▪ nor successful to himself. For (Says he) many of those who handle public affairs, fearing to be envied by the Prince, have more negligently acted in their employment; choosing rather to run the hazard of Glory, than safety.  
6. Their course notwithstanding, seems best in my approbation; who, to avoid Envy, whatsoever notable enterprise they publish and set forth, attribute the glory thereof to the Prince, though absent at the time of the action.  
7. Agrippa the son in law of Augustus, persuadeth those who take in hand great matters, to attribute the thing accomplished to the Prince; and himself did often so. Thus Joab when he had besieged Rabbath and could have subdued it, would not before David himself was come; Craerus when the war was to be composed, with Artacena; waited for the presence of Alexander▪ Julius Agricola, as Tacaus reports, never triumphed for any Actions to his own fame and renown, but referred the fortune to the Author, and general, looking on himself, but as a Minister and instrument.  
8. This same Envy and Emulation, (for the others though divers are here the like in effect;) let it be that they are diseases, yet have they been common and familiar to the most generous Princes; such as were Philip, and Alexander; and do more strongly blast some, than others.  
9 Theodosius the second of that name, had delegated and appointed the care of those Seas, which flowed up to Constantinople, to Syrus to be immured and walled in; which work when he had effected in sixty days, this Celerity and speedy dispatch was so grateful to the people; that they cried out on all sides, that the City was built by Constantine, but renewed by Cyrus. This being heard of the Emperor, stirred up such Envy in him, that Cyrus to expiate it, was necessitated to put on the hood.  
10. He that hath to do with such dispositions, may think that he walks upon the hot embers; and therefore ought with all diligence so to act, as that he may diligently search out their inclinations; that so he may guard himself against them, or if that may not be done; he may at least be conscious to himself, of having not omitted his duty and office.   

CHAP. XXXIIII.  
The Argument.  
Of obtaining favour with, and retaining an office under the Prince's successor. The kinds of calumniators that hinder us in this place. The d●xterity and quickness of stopping and restraining them. A true friend in Court, is Rara avis seldom found.  
1. HE may worthily be reckoned amongst the happy ones, and as it were the Chickens of fortune; whose Authority with the Prince from whom he had his beginning, remains in the same height and loftiness with his Successor. This is rare in Courts, because he who presumeth to be next; by retaining his office, is for the most part suspected to those that rule; and being so eminent in this place, they are very often necessitated to cross and thwart such persons which yields most frequent seed to deadly feuds and hatred.  
2. And besides this, the successor of a Prince hath mostly his own Ministers and Servants, well known to him by their long and faithful service and employments, to whom that they may make way to dignities and honours, he will pull down the Clients and retainers of the deceased, either freely or by persuasion to give place to others, that are petitioners.  
3. There are yet some, whom either the matter of their employments for which they are apter than others, their office whatever it be insinuateth them into the succeeding Prince's acceptance, that besides the deceased Prince he would not part with any such a one.  
4. Macro to ingratiate himself with Caligula suborns and incenseth his wise, Ennia, to entice the young man by love, and to contract matrimony with him, that so she might overcome him and prevail with him. The same Macro causeth Tiber●us when he lay dying, to be oppressed and overcharged, with the weight of heavy Clothes cast upon him, as sayeth Tacitus in his sixth Book. Julian the Emperor retains Arbetio by him, although he hated him for his pride, and for his contentious and turbulent spirit, conceiving him to be necessary to him. Afterwards Valentinian calls the same Arbetio to Court of purpose, that he might oppose and set himself against Procopius.  
5. We have shown hitherto, what a Courtier is to shun and avoid, who would enjoy the grace and favour of his Prince. The head and chief of all counsels, which can in this place be given a Courtier, is, Modesty towards the Prince; measuring himself not in himself, nor comparing himself with himself; not framing himself I say, by the Modul of fortune, but of his own duty, acting nothing boastingly and in a bravadoe, nothing irreverently, avoiding Envy (as much as is possible). A thing so formidable to many worthies and ancient Grandees; that many (pretending unfitness, or other inability to manage them); others (betaking themselves to their books,) have with drawn and estranged themselves from the public Negotiations, as one, whereof Historians make mention, of Domitian; as the other, of Galba.  
6. First we will carefully transmit, and pass over those Commendations of Malevolent persons, and the Calumnies; of which we have already spoken.  
7. They who slander us, or say, that there is wanting in us some of those things which are requisite to the well serving of a Prince; and affirm that we have spoken something amiss, and with intention to offend; or else have by Act, hurt and injured some body.  
8. The fault which is objected against us, is either to be excused, or amended; or else expiated and purged by the operation of other virtues. As also all our words and deeds are so to be moderated, that they become not obnoxious to Sinister interpretations and constructions. Therefore the mind of another, is first to be screwed and searched into; before we disclose our own. But if through carelessness, somewhat may fall from us, that may be offensive, we must show, and evidence to them; (either by some good office to be performed for them, or by casting in some smooth and handsome interpretation, by other words and speeches), that we had no mind to offend them in our discourse.  
9 If we have cognizance that we are calumninated, it will be advisedly and wisely done of us; to be as little absent, and at distance from the party, to whom we are accused, as possible may be. For besides this, that affection towards such as are absent freezeth in time; the reproach and slander, unless maturely and timously repelled, and foiled by the aid of verity and truth, will more easily find place; which (the course being turned, and a doubt speedily injected), will flag and wither: but by delay, and none contradicting the accuser's affirmations, will be co●oborated and strengthened, and take root in the Prince's mind, and carry him so far; as that he may hate the party accused, before he inquire into the Crime.  
10. He therefore that will be rightly advised herein, shall procure himself one, or more friends; who in his absence may defend him from the assaults of Slander: but be sure they be persons of honour; and such, as to whose defen●e the Prince may no less give ear, then to the others Calumnies. But of such friends, I confess there is great sterility and barrenne●se at Court: where it is mostly usual amongst all, either to oppress their fellows; or suffer them to be oppressed. Yet it happens sometimes that there may be one, who by benefits received from us; or by desire to oblige us to them; or lastly out of hate to the Accuser; may be moved and persuaded to such a good turn.   

CHAP. XXXV.  
The Argument.  
How much Ostentation is to be avoided by a Courtier in favour with the Prince. What retinue he may have. Of Courtly modesty & moderation. The reason and proportion of Clients and Retainers, and of friends.  
A Courtier should not only shun Ostentation and boasting of his Prince's favour, that so he may avoid the Envy of Compeers and equals (of which we have spoken Chap. 19) but that of the Prince also▪  
2. When on a time the Spanish Nobility in the reign of Philip the second, went about to root out and overthrow Cardinal Spinosa, see how they go about to undermine him: they all lay down their Mases and Offices at his foot, they all feign and profess that he is the Hinge upon which their fortunes depend. The Prince's domestic Ministers and servants offer themselves ready at his beck. When the King gets intelligence hereof he is removed from Court; and within two years' decays, what ever the lofty structure of power were, that he had built to himself.  
3. Let a Courtier therefore learn to be contented with a small retinue and train, to keep his station, and subsist with that dignity wherewith the Prince hath adorned him, and rather below his degree; but let him never transgress his bounds. It's unseasonable to diminish and curtail one's train only in a declining Fortune. 'Twas no boot to Seneca after he had left nero's favour to betake himself to a private Cottage, and to have composed and built up to himself a Pyramid of studies, and under pretence of unhealthiness to deny entrance to visitors; nor did it any thing ease the mind of Agricola, by night, and with slender attendance, to walk about the City.  
4. It behooveth very much that a man do timously compose and module himself to temperance and moderation.  
5. Yet although we would not have you be surround with the noise and rout of many suitors & attenders; nevertheless would we not have you neglect to make many your Clients and retainers: not such as should serve for your pomp and solemnity; but such, as, if any disaster should befall thee, may either restore and renew, or at least refresh and comfort thee.  
6. For though sinister and unhappy Fortune hath found but few such friends, yet hath it most found some, who if they cannot eye friendship yet may they for their own benefit and commodity, have respect to something tending to the conserving and preservation of thy Fortune.   

CHAP. XXXVI.  
The Argument.  
Comforts in adverse fortune. The benefits of Princes are to be dispensed warily: His favour is not to be too much divided amongst others. By what means one may intercede for others. Favour is not ambitiously to be boasted of. The free arbitrement of Princes in acting. What commands of his are to be obeyed & dispatched. The reason of a Princes dress and sumptuousness. How we are to deal with one that complains to us of being offended and hurt by the Prince. Of the Court household service. What is the most especial part and Office of Courtly wisdom.  
BUt yet, as it is a great Comfort and consolation in adverse fortune, to have communicated with others in our prosperity, and to have used the favour of the Prince to lift up and advance others: so is a Courtier also to be admonished that he dispense and bestow those benefits warily. For it is most certain, that whatever the Prince hath conferred on another at our request is in a great measure to be imputed to us. Therefore his grace and favour, unless it be very great towards us, is not to be too much divided amongst others; and very seldom are others who are not after some sort known to the prince, to be recomended unto him. That of Horace is to be observed.  
Qualem commends, etiam atque etiam adspice: ne mox  
Incutiant aliena tibi peccata pudorem.  
Englished thus,  
Such as in friendly wise thou wouldst commend,  
Be sure thou try them as thou wouldst thy friend.  
Lest by their faults thyself should get disgrace;  
By their reproof a blush light on thy face.  
2. If we desire to beg a Boon of the Prince let our request be just, and accommodated and fitted to time; conjoined likewise with the dignity and Emolument and advantage of the Prince, and such as the like hath been obtained by many others. If the Prince signifieth his consent, let us manifestly evidence that we accept it as a very great benefit and bounty; if he refuse, we must be very careful, that we give him not cause to think that we are discontented.  
3. Here also must we observe that which before Chap. 35. Num. 1. we admonished, that we do not ambitiously ostentate and boast of the Prince's favour, as if we had him obnoxious to our Commands, which some having done have ill succeeded as we showed. What ever Prince's act, they desire to seem to act it, by their own free Arbitrement and will, without the additament and props, or Authority of others, especially of their subjects.  
4. If the Prince give us in Command any thing hard and perilous, let's endeavour to have it comprehended in writing, and if possible to be most accurately and exquisitely gathered and composed; if any difficulties occur in executing them, let us ripen them, and before we betake us to the Province and place appointed to execute them in, let us not omit or neglect to unfold and declare them, if the matters be not sit to be written and be to be committed to us in secret, we are often to iterate and repeat them over in his presence, that we may more throughly understand the mind of the Commander, and he may see, that his Authority in the things which we act, is not denied.  
5. That which remains, is, We ought to show our promptitude and readiness to do, even the meanest offices the Prince Commands us to. A small matter ofttimes opens a way to a great fortune; and Princes will have their Commands to be estimated, not by the weight and ponderosity of the things commanded, but by the magnitude and greatness of their own fortune: and therefore are not less offended at our abandoning and disdaining of their less and easy Commands, than of the hardships and hazards they expose us to, by their employment.  
6. When we are near the Prince, we ought assiduously to watch that we be not overrun with sudden and unexpected commands, or taken tardy in doing something besides our business and employment. To this purpose, let us (as much as may be) observe and preoccupate in our mind, the things which are incumbent on us, and prepare our thoughts to every thing which falls into agitation, and that we speak not many things to the Prince, nor any thing that we do not well know and understand. When the Prince speaks, let us be intent, and not minding other matters, neither let us appear sad, and full of thoughts, lest we seem, either not to hear, or by a careless heating, to transmit and pass over slightly his speeches.  
7. If any one that is grieved by the Prince shall come to us and complain of his fortune; let us show, that we pity his case, and persuade him to silence and patience: let us also raise him up to hope well, extenuating the Injury done to him, and excusing the Prince. But we must act very circumspectly with such; for there are some who feign themselves injured, that so they may pump and draw up something from us, which may signify a sinister and evil will in us, towards the Prince, and may thereby find occasion to oppress us. Others are (re vera) and in truth grieved and hurt, yet oftentimes being imprudent and silly, and carried away by affection and selfishness, do not conceal those things which are communicated to them in secret trust.  
8. If it be our fortune to have the charge of a family, we ought to keep our servants also from speaking more freely against the Prince, or such as are by affection and love chiefly endeared to him; for the fault of a household servant is of times tranferred upon the Master.  
9 This is amongst the choicest parts and Offices of Courtly wisdom, viz. to be able sagaciously and prudently to resent the Prince's affection, when either changed, or but lukewarm towards us. If any such thing should happen, it is gently and sweetly to be dissolved and untied as the knot of love; but in no wise to be broken and torn open, till that the Cause of this change of affection be abolished; for so a return to the former favour is sometimes given, especially if we seem not to have remembered the injury; or else clearly to have never so much as heeded or regarded it.   

CHAP. XXXVII.  
The Argument.  
A judgement touching the Constancy and mutations and changes of Princely love and Benevolence. Felicity inexplicable and intricate; The Court star.  
THat a Courtier may rightly judge of the constancy and permanency of the Prince's good will, towards him, it is not enough that he be knowing of the Prince's Genius and disposition, and the Authority and power both of his friends and foes; he ought first throughly to weigh and consider the cause, which enkindled this love of the Prince towards him. For if that which was the cause should cease in us, or be found more valid and strong in another; doubtless the Prince's affection towards us, will altogether cool; or at least be lessened.  
2. It's sometimes difficult to divine, what the cause is for which thou art beloved; and as Ausonius says, This is a felicity, the reason whereof we cannot render. But ordinarily, this love of Princes ariseth, either from a similitude and likeness of disposition; or from the grace and comeliness of our deportment and behaviour, or from some duty and offices performed; or some other virtue and aptitude to obey their will.  
3. That love, which that external and outward grace and likeness of manners produceth; although it seem most firm and stable, doth soonest of all wax old and decay; both because as we have said, the Genius and inclinations of men is changed according to age, and the variety and change of intervening and accidental affairs; and also for that it is a rare thing for two such like dispositions to be found, which may not in some thing differ and disagree. Ofttimes also, that contrary thing which they have, is more prevalent to discord and division, than the things wherein they resemble each other, are to Concord and agreement.  
4. Notwithstanding, I know not what star or constellation, by an unusual manner and way, doth so attemperate and season some men to the Prince; that he can not easily in any thing depart from, nor leave such a ones fashions and temperature. And these are they, (I deny not) who reap a plentiful crop of good things before all others; especially if they know how, wittily and trimly to serve the time; and before a Tempest to furl up their sails.   

CHAP. XXXVIII.  
The Argument.  
The love of Princes towards women. The paramours of Princes. Presents bestowed on Princes, are easily envied. The condition of well deserving men in Court. The affections of some Princes towards such men. The reason why Rewards and Largesses are given and appointed for the undertaking of business▪ the love of Princes towards such as minister to their volupties and delights.  
WIth this kind of love, Princes are sometimes affected to Women; and that by so much the more, as they are prone to venereous volupties and pleasures.  
2. From the same nevertheless do these fail away and decline; if not by their own fault, yet at least by the satiety of the party loving, or by the sight of a better Love or Mistress: whereby it cometh to pass, that they become more crafty and guileful; who endeavour to divert the Prince from all familiarity and converse with others, especially with such, who seem fit and able to bend the Prince's mind another way. Some by feigned and counterfeit disdain, have kept them loving and kind to them. Others being more audacious, have ungirt and unbuckled those whom they perceive to be more obliged and constrained to them by Luxury and carnal pleasures and delights.  
3. This art used Poppaea to Nero; of which ye may see, in the words of the prince of Historians, in the 14 of his Annals.  
4. The female friends of Princes have oft-times more easily obliged some to them, after this mode and way then by flatteries or pleasures. But, there is no constancy (as we have said) in this kind of Love.  
5. It were more convenient and agreeable indeed, that the love which thou hast, (as it were) hatched to thee and bred by services; should be more stable and firm, as that which is sprung from a more honest Cause; and fitter to allure and entice others, to the like offices and duties.  
6. Yet very often, doth experience teach us the contrary; many times the chief benefits in Court are envied, and those whose turn and office they cannot requite; they oft revenge with hatred.  
7. Such are not willing to be indebted to any man, much less to a subject. They shun, and endure not, that deserving men should see them; as those who should upbraid their ingratitude, which is the cause that their condition, in Court, is most miserable; for, when by some office and service they have merited from the Prince, they are forthwith constrained by shamefacedness, not to require their reward; and seem by fear, not to have given, but sold their advantage and benefit. Princes, in the interim being careless of benefits and good turns, and very slothful as to compensations and recompenses, procrastinate and put off from day to day; until the remembrance of the benefits wither and fade away from the minds of those, who are conscious and privy to them, who before feared some secret taunts and reproaches.  
8. Some understanding thus much, have thought it good to strike (as they say) while the Iron's hot; (that is to say) when they have known themselves destinated and appointed to some certain business; before they would undertake it, have had an eye to the reward, knowing that the hope of receiving an Office, is more strong and valied with Princes, than the Hopes of a reward; that it is better to be obliged to Rulers, then to oblige them; because whom they oblige, they think should be benevolous and bear them goodwill; he who hath obliged them, (because he may be thought not to love the Prince, who shall deny him his recompense and reward) shall be punished with odium and hatred, instead of compensation. This was the judgement and opinion of Lewis the 11th, as Comineus reports.  
9 Love towards those who Minister aid and assistance to the Prince's volupty, and are obedient thereto, seems fit to be more stable, and is so indeed so long as the Prince is constant to his own inclinations: But (they being changed) such as administer to them, are also changed; sometimes also the Prince, becoming conscientious of what is honest, abominates and casts away the Ministers together with the vice.  
10. Moreover as the inclinations of the Prince are some more durable and lasting than others; so also the favour which we have spoken of to such as administer to them, will be alterable and unconstant.   

CHAP. XXXIX.  
The Argument.  
Of the pleasures of Princes. Venereal Love. Companions in evil actions. The affections of avarice and covetousness. Pretext of public exactions and ●azes. The morosity and peevishness of exacters denoted. The envy of Riches. What kind of avarice in a Prince may be consummated and accomplished. The too much faci●ity and gentleness, and the insolency of ministers, denoted and observed. A just occasion of enriching a man's self, is not to be refused.  
I Shall not here meddle with all the volupties to which a Prince's natures are prone, because they are not all such, as upon which the height of Court-fortune can be superstructed and built. There is a three fold kind of them, too common and familiar with Princes which I will rehearse v●z. venereal Love, Cruelty, and covetousness.  
2. Venereal Love, as it is mostly vehementer then the rest, so is it the more unconstanter; which although it may last in him, yet will he not long love and like one and the same party; and though he may not change the subject, yet (to use the scholastic term) he will change and vary the object. Nevertheless, very many have used this as the basis and foundation wherein they have reared and buil● up their fortunes, not sticking to prostitute and debauch their own wives that they might attain the Prince's favour. As we read in ●aci●us's 13th book of Annal. that one Ortho did, yet this succeeded not so, as to ingratiate him: for Nero removed him from Court, lest he should have a Rival near him.  
3. Others, that they might oblige the Prince, have associated themselves with him, and been contented to be witnesses and ministers of his misdeeds and lust. An example whereof was Tigellinus. Annal. 14th. These consider not, that Princes scrupple not to sacrifice such men at length to public envy, to free themselves there from. Such servants of Lust may expect the same which Remirus d'Orco (that Minister of Cruelties to Caesar Borgia) experienced, whom Borgia at length commanded to be put to death, as the persor guilty of all those things, which himself had cruelly acted and done.  
4. And by this example of Remirus we may learn their fate and destiny, who lend their aid to the cruelty of a Prince. Seldom is the Prince's affection towards such, long●lived; both because he afterwards reads his own vices in them, and also, because he is afraid himself of them, whom he perceives and find so apt for villainy.  
5. Nero although of a cruel disposition, and an old and crafty politician, after his mother was slain hated Anicetus, whom he perceived to have upbraided him with his Matricide.  
6. But least of all, is that affection of covetousness mutable. The diversity of object changes not that, as it doth Love; it is not lessened and impaired with age, but increased; and although it be equally and alike hateful to the people as Cruelty is, yet is longer endured; because exactions have commonly a pretext of public necessity, and honest parsimony, and likewise a species and show of common utility. Hence therefore they who are Ministers herein, may seem longer to be sheltered by the Prince's amity, whiles that they (which is rare in such kind of men) be nether froward, nor testy and difficult, nor too greedy of wealth and gain.  
7. Morosity, which for the most part is also contumelious and reproachful, procures odium and envy both to the party, and to the governor and Ruler of a people. The Author whereof the Prince at length will reject and cast off, that so he may remove the envy from himself. Riches are obnoxious to envy, not only of the multitude, but sometimes of the Prince himself; who, if truly covetous, will seldom be contented to have wrung out and squeezed the full sponge, which (as we read) Vespasian was wont to do, but will imitate the Peasants and rustic people, who at last devour and eat up those swine, which they have formerly crammed and fatted.  
8. Certes, the kingdom of France hath seen many such, who being rough and sharp beyond measure, or too hasty to enrich themselves, when they have acted too insolently, after a great and lofty fortune, have been brought to perdition and ruin.  
9 In the Reign of Philip the fair, one Peter Berchy being chancellor of the Exchequer, and of the Prince's bed Chamber, was strangled at Paris. Lewis the son of Philip having afterwards attained to the Kingdom, Enguerra●dus MaMarigny fell into the like misfortune, under Charles the seventh. Guise in dignity equal to Berchy, being questioned by the law, was afterwards sown up in a Sack, and drowned. His successor Camus Beauly, was slain at Poitiers. The like Fate had befallen Peter Essart, in the time of Philip the first, had he not redeemed himself with a hundred thousand florins.  
10. I could name others, but I spare their memory, mean while the examples produced do sufficiently instruct, that the facility of such kind of Ministers brings too much detriment and hurt to the Prince's utility; but their own insolency, attracteth hatred and destruction even to themselves. Too much Riches are to be avoided, which may stir up against us; as also it is lawful, not to refuse a just occasion of being wealthy.   

CHAP. XL.  
The Argument.  
Aptitude and fitness for business in a Courtier, is the ultimate cause of Princely grace and favour. What consideration is to be had therein, to wisdom and glory. The weakness of Courtly power. Sovereign counsel, for such as act highly. A Compendium of a sedate and quiet life, and of the Author's wish.  
THe last of the causes, for which Courtiers are beloved of the Prince, now remains; which in the 37th Chap. Numb. 2. we told you, was aptness and expeditiousness in doing the Prince's business; which when we have observed to be acceptable to the Prince, we must also mark, whether or no it be therefore pleasant and taken in good part, because necessary; or because the Prince's desire provoked him, to such an aptitude. If acceptable because necessary, the love will endure so long as the necessity lasteth; nevertheless it will be rather a forced, than a voluntary and free love.  
2. If the Prince aspire the glory of this kind of aptitude, we may not doubt, but that they who in this shall exceed him; will in time be grievous to him. Sith that, there is an inbred desire, not in Princes only, but in all men, to excel all others in the art they profess; Certes, no man scarcely can with an equal and moderate mind bear it, if he be surpassed by his household servant.  
3. Asinius Pollio being exhorted by some to answer and require something that Augustus had written against him, with some verses; answered Nolle se ejus, qui possit proscribere, scribendo incurrere invidiam: That he would not incur the Envy of him by writing, in whose power it lay to proscribe and banish him.  
4. There being a controversy sometimes betwixt Favorinus a Philosopher, and Adrian the Emperor, concerning some word, when the Emperor had posed him, and his friends admired it, he answered thus: Non erubesco, vinci scientia ab illo, qui triginta Legionibus imperat: I am not ashamed to be conquered in knowledge by him, who hath thirty Legions at his command.  
5. It is a known precept of wisdom Coram Rege noli videri Sapiens: Seem not to be wise in the presence of the King. It cannot otherwise be, for to purchase the Prince's favour here, we ought to desert and lose our own glory: and not only when we have to do with words, but in every thing we ought to submit and yield him the palm of victory. And to that end, it will not be impertinent and besides the purpose, that a man sometimes admit against himself somewhat (though a little hurtful) even by his own consent and procurement.  
6. From the things hitherto discoursed on, it appears, of what slender stability and durableness all kind of Court-powers are. These therefore are the most sovereign advicements and counsels which can be given to such as act highly and eminently, ad descensum in arenam praparare sese: to make them ready for Combat, though it be judged more generous and courageous, to fight him who enters the List, than to fly. Notwithstanding if we must fight with more peril than Guerdon and recompense, a man may not be ashamed maturely to retreat, and to imitate the Parthians, who fight as they fly.  
7. It is also more glorious and commendable ●o descend slowly, and by gradatious and steps, then precipitately and rashly to commit himself into others hands, and retreat through a certain and sure postern, then to be thrown out at the window. So having found a pretence, it is less dishonourable, freely and spontaneously to bid adieu to honour, then to tarry till you be repelled, and removed. To this may be added the saying of an ancient Roman, Quid fatigatae felicitate molestis es? Quid expectas donec Castris eijciaris? why art thou troubulous to tired felicity? why tarriest thou, till thou be removed out of the Camp?  
8. 'Tis happiness (saith Seneca) to die in felicity. On the contrary, I deem him a happy Courtier, who in the middle of felicity betakes himself to a retirement. Peradventure he that doth so, shall not find the like judgement from all men in this particular, and shall seem unworthy of his fortune, the messenger whereof he so suddenly turns back: but who so is prudent will not stick at these sayings, but will rather provide for his safety; and will call to mind, that at all Games and pastimes which depend on fortune, 'tis better to break off a Gainer, than a loser; and that it is not a wise man's part to change certainties for hazards and doubtful chances.  
9 And mostly men ascend gradually to such a height of dignities; but who will not admire to see one descend from on high, when he sees no stairs or Ladders under him? And if so be that by the fulgor, and brightness of too great a fortune, a man be inveigled and dazelled, and one pace or step fail him (as may easily happen to such as live in a lofty and high condition) they may not be said then to descend, but to fall headlong.  
10. You have now (friendly Reader) the sum of such things which I conceive may as to these subjects herein treated of, satisfy your desire, which I have principally aimed at in collecting them them. Whether they may be profitable and behooveful to thee, tu videris, see to that thyself: they have indeed long since been of no use to me; take therefore as a Compendium and epiphenonema of my Life and wishes, these Verses of Seneca.  
Stet quicunque volet potens  
Aulae culmine lubrico;  
Me dulcis saturet quies,  
Obscuro positus loco.  
Leni per fruar otio;  
Nullis nota Quiritibus,  
Aetas per tacitum fluat.  
Sic, quam transierint mei  
Nullo cum strepitu dies;  
Plebeius moriar senex.  
Illi mors gravis iucubat.  
Qui, notus nimis omnibus▪  
Ignotus moritur sibi.  
Englished thus.  
Let who will stand advanced  
On Courtships slippy calm;  
Me sweet repose shall please  
Confined to place obscure.  
I shall enjoy my ease.  
Unkenned of Courtly spark  
My time in silence glides  
Thus when my days shall flit  
Without either noise or train  
I shall decease an old Plebeian.  
He dies a painful death  
Who's too well known of all  
Yet's to himself unknown.  
FINIS.   

AN INDEX. In which the first Number shows the Chapter; the Latter, the Aphorism or Paragraph, and full Sentence of the Chapter.  

SLanderous Accusations. 31. 1.  
adiaphory, or Neutrality, taken away by Solon. 16. 9  
By what artifice Adolphus Nassovius was promoted to the Empire. 18. 17.  
When and how to use Adulation. 7. 1. & 2.  
Egidius, and Clodio Comatus. 12. 5.  
The remedies of Emulation. 20. 1, 2, 3, 4.  
Aetius and Boniface his Comrado, under Valentinian. 28. 8.  
The various ingeny and disposition of Agamemnon. 11 7.  
An example of suppressing counsels and advisements, when he hunted for the Emp●re. 20. 7.  
The praise of Agesilaus, in gaining himself friends. 18. 10.  
By what pretext Agrippa left the Court. 27. ●.  
His counsel, how to avoid a Prince's envy. 33. 7.  
Agrippina neglecting good advice, lost himself and his friends. 23. 2. By what way he was circumvented by Sejanus. 28. 11, 12, 13 He is rendered suspected to Livia Augusta, by Sejanus▪ 30. 1.  
Alaricus, and the ignominious Peace made with him. 25. 5.  
Alfonsus' King of Arragon. 32. 4.  
Alvarus de Luna, under John King of Arragon. 24. 1.  
How great an evil Ambition is. 21. 11. Considered under a Prince, 24. 6.  
The dangers of too manifest Ambition. 20. 5, 7.  
Friendship is to be purchased, before we need it. 16. 2.  
Friendship, with its divers parts. 16. 6. 10▪  
False or pretended friendship, 30. 5.  
Court amicabilities are factious. 16. 5.  
A true friend in Court, is rara avis. 34. 10 35. 6.  
None have friends, without some enemies. 13. 7.  
Amolition, and driving from Court, by malevolent persons. 27. 2, 5. And from the Province or County 27. 6.  
Andronicus and Samonas. 28. 9  
The nature and manners of Andronicus Comnenus. 32. 6.  
Anicetus. 9 7, 8. 39 5.  
Anterus under Commodus. 24. 4.  
Antipater, and Philip of Macedon. 10. 5.  
Antonius primus under Vespasian. 22. 2. 23. 5.  
By what art Apelles deprived Taurio, by the administration and assistance of Peloponnesus. 27. 7.  
Aptitude and readiness in the Prince's business. 40. 1.  
Arbetio. 34. 4. Sylvanus.  
Archelau●, King of Cappadocia, and Tiberius. 14. 4.  
Aristides, how he became from just to be injurious. 5. 7.  
Aristotle's counsel to Callisthenes, when he was providing himself to accompany Alexander. 6. 9  
Arrogancy in a Prince denoted. 22. 4, 6.  
Ascanius Sforcia, the Cardinal. 18. 1. 5.  
Asinius Pollio. 40. 3.  
The Court-Star. 37. 4.  
Atreus' his Tragedy. 9 12.  
Avarice in a Prince denoted. 22. 5. 24. 6.  
Augustus, why he associated to him Tiberius. 6. 7.  
Whether or no an honest and upright man may adventure to Court. 5. 2, 3, 9, 10. And wherefore. 5. 11.  
The first sort of Court-Nobles. 14. 1. a conflict with them, 14. 6, 10, 11. Another kind of them. 15. 1. A third. 15. 3. A fourth. 15. 8.  
The difference of Courts, in respect of Princes. 15. 5. & 10.  
Aulus Vitellius, his haughtiness and cruelty, whence. 12. 2.  
The infirmity and weakness of Courtly power. 40. 6.  
A Courtier ought not to intermeddle with the Prince's counsels. 8. 1, 4.  
He must be expeditious in sudden commands. 9 1.  
How the prudence of a Courtier may be first and chiefly made known to the Prince. 8. 7.  
Who are Courtiers under the degree of Nobility, and how to deal with them 16. 1.  
Courtiers masked, and under vizours. 32. 8.  
The art of Courtiers, in taking in associates. 10. 12.  
Prince's will have Courtiers owe their fortune to none but themselves. 22. 3.  
The condition of some at Court, who have well deserved at the Prince's hands. 38. 7.  
Aurelianus Salurinus, and John Chrysostom. 32. 15.  
Baleus the Cardinal, under Lewis the eleventh. 25. 2.  
Bardas' aspiring to the height of affairs. 12. 8.  
Bardas' Durus, and Bardas' Phoca. 16. 8.  
Bargus, Timasius his Client. 28. 5.  
Bellisarius under Justinian. 33. 4.  
By what and how, advice may be given, to undertake a War. 26. 3.  
Benefits and good turns done by Courtiers, are envied. 38. 6.  
Benevolence and goodwill of his ministers and servants, is harder to be kept, then that of the Prince. 23. 7.  
Love and charity to good men commended. 6. 4.  
Borilus and Germanus, kitchen-boyes of Botoniates the Emperor. 13. 4.  
Boyla, under Constantine Monomachus. 21. 12, 24.  
Burrhus. 5. 12. 8. 9 9 6, 7.  
Caesar B●rgias. 39 3.  
C. Petronius. 4. 7. 29 7.  
C. Sylius, under Tiberius. 22. 2.  
Caligula, the best servant, but the worst Master. 11. 3.  
Calumny, what a monster it is. 31. 6▪  
Calumnies, the instrument of malevolent persons, to shake off others. 28. 2. Their wiles and subtleties. 28. 4. How they are made to resemble truth. 28▪ 4. 27. 2, 3, 4, 6. How they are strengthened and backed. 30. 1, 2, 3. Accusations and commendations made use of, to reproach and scoff the party commended.  
Ways of calumniating. 34. 7. How to countermine and meet with them. 34. 8, 9  
Calumniators and revilers are not to be listened unto. 31. 3. Their art, in upbraiding men's vices, under the colour of relating what other men say. 31. 3, 5,  
Cambyses, whether greater than Cyrus, or not. 7. 3. He endeavoureth to marry his sister. 8. 1.  
Camuterus Logotheta, the betrayer of Stippiota. 28. 2.  
Camus Beaulius. 39 9  
Capito. 6. 2. 7 5.  
Charles d'Austria. 8. 2.  
When it is chiefly safe to conceal our designs. 20. 4, 6, 7.  
Cicho Simoneta. 13. 14, 15.  
Claudius and Pallas, formerly a bondman. 13. 2.  
Cleander, under Commodus. 24. 3.  
Court-Clients. 35. 5.  
Clodio Comatus. 12. 5.  
Clitus, in the time of Alexander the great. 22. 1. 27. 12.  
Coepio Crispinus slanderously accuseth Granius Marcellus. 31. 2.  
Courtly train and attendance. 35. 3.  
Prudence in commending others. 3●. 1.  
The vicious affections of Commodus. 4. 7.  
Conspiracy against the Prince. 22. 6.  
The religion of conscience, and care of estimation, can do more, than the fear of punishment, or imbecility of strength and abilities. 6. 4.  
Principal counsel. 40. 6.  
When there is place for advised and sober counselis. 8. 2, 3, 4, 5.  
We must refrain from doubtful counsels. 26. 1.  
The causes and kinds of conspiracies, with the Prince's enemies. 25. 1.  
Constantine, a Metropolitan. 19 8.  
Contempt from familiarity, what it produceth. 10. 6.  
From whence it is. 11. 8.  
The artifice and skill of reviling. 31. 3. 5.  
Unseasonable feasts and junketings, what evil they procure and increase to the party. 19 4.  
Cornelius Sylla betrayed. 30. 4. The variety of his manners. 11. 4.  
Craterus, under Alexander the great. 22. 1. 23. 4. 33. 7.  
Croesus and Cambyses. 7. 3.  
Cyrus, why he was punished by Theodosius the second, by the hood. 33. 9  
Words spoken, because true, are brought as an accusation. 31. 2.  
Democrates the Architect, how he intruded himself into the family of Alexander the great. 3. 3.  
Dionysius Tyrannus. 6. 6.  
Dionysius Syracusanus. 6. 8.  
Departure from Court voluntary. 27. 3.  
Discords not to be sown amongst Princes. 22. 8.  
Dissimulation of injuries, its just pretext; viz. Imparity of strength and abilities▪ 18. 2.  
A jusi occasion of being rich, is not to be refused. 39 10.  
Domitianus. 34. 5.  
When chiefly to be feared. 32. 6.  
Enguerandus Marigny. 39 3. 22. 7.  
Epaphroditus with Arrianus. 13. 6.  
Eumenes with Alexander the great. 22. 4. 23. 2  
Eunuchs, their Kingly power. 13. 3. Their wickedness. 27. 11. Their favour with the Emperor. 26. 2.  
Eusebius, the Eunuch of Constantius. 27. 11. 30, 5. 32. 3.  
Eutrapelus Horatianus. 18. 12.  
Eutropius under Arcadius. 24. 5. 28. 5. 32. 15.  
Exactions public, their pretext. 39 6.  
Excuses, sometimes exprobrations. 32. 11.  
Causes of destruction. 39 10.  
Exoculation, what punishment formerly. 28. 9  
Accusing by slander of others, the way to upbraid a Prince of his faults. 31. 3, 5.  
Exprobrations under the species of excusings. 32. 11.  
Exprobration of manners, what a mischief it is. 22. 1. 2.  
Fabius and Mantius Valens. 22. 2.  
Facetious & witty jests, when necessary. 9 11, 12.  
Facility too much, described. 39 10.  
Familiarity, when it breeds contempt. 10. 6.  
Familiarity too much with the Prince, denoted. 22. 5.  
Family servants, how to be accounted of. 36. 8.  
Haughtiness of mind, how great an evil to procure envy. 19 4.  
Favorinus the Philosopher, gives the Palm to Adrian, disputing with him. 40. 4.  
How counsels for breaking a League, are to be undertaken. 26. 3.  
Fel●city, what it is. 40. 8.  
Felicity wearied. 40. 7.  
Fel●city inexplicable. 37 2.  
The Iron to be smitten while 'tis hot. 38. 8.  
Festinus changed, by the prav●y of Maximinus his familiar. 5. 4, 5,  
The End to be considered before all things, in every action. 1. 1.  
Firmius Catus, the betrayer of Libo. 29. 1.  
Fortune's Chicken. 34. 1.  
Fortune, when prosperous, the right use thereof. 36. 1.  
Fortune unprosperous, it comforts. 36. 1.  
Fighting by flight. 40. 6.  
Functions public, why undertaken by honest men. 5. 11.  
Gainas, What a kind of traitor he was, under Arcadius. 32. 15.  
Galba. 34. 5.  
The avarice of some Frenchmen. 39 8.  
Gerlachus' Elector of Mentz, his artifice, in promoting Adol●us Nassovius his kinsman to the Empire. 18. 17.  
Germanicus, his counsel to Agrippina, when he was dying. 23. 2.  
Glory attained by us, is to be accounted of, after the glory of the Prince. 40. 5.  
Goths, and the ignominious peace with them. 25. 5. 26. 2.  
Grianus Marcellus reproachfully accused. 31. 2.  
Gracchus the betrayer of C. Sylla. 37. 4.  
Grace and favour overpowers the Law. 20. 9  
Grace to be attained by several artifices and ways. 18. 10, 11, 12, 14, 17.  
Gy●ce s●wed up into a sack. 39 9  
Hagiotheodorita, by what craft he was extruded from Court by Stippiota. 27. 2.  
Haterus Ag●ippa, made Praetor against Law. 20. 9  
Heliogabalus, his 〈◊〉 affections. 4. 7.  
Helvidius, a 〈…〉. 9 12.  
Hephaestion, under Alexander. 23. 4.  
Herodotus de●cte● 〈◊〉 Plu●●ch. 32. 9  
Hiero, Prince of Syracuse. 24. 9  
Men, even the vilest, thought useful in Courts. 13. 6.  
An open enemy, and an occult, either greater or not greater. 18. 3, 4.  
Hyesteus recalled from Jonia by Darius, th●ough the counsel of Megabyzus. 27. 8.  
janissaries their seditions. 32. 14.  
Imparity of our abilities, a just pretext of d●ssembling injuries. 18. 2.  
Imprudence towards a Prince denoted. 24. 6.  
Infidelity towards a Prince observed. 24. 6.  
Boasting, how great an evil, to procreate and augment envy. 19 4. The further evil thereof. 22. 1, 3. The same denoted. 34. 5.  
The depravation of inclinations, through arrogancy. 11. 9 Through adulation and flattery. 12. 1.  
The crafty reconciliation of some poor and low-spirited fellow's.. 18. 3.  
None have enemies, without some friends. 13. 7.  
In●urie done to a min●ster and servant, more sharply to be revenged, then if done to the master. 23. 6.  
Injuries, their fittest cure and remedy. 17. 2, 6, 7, 8.  
In●uries by great ones, how to be shunned. 18. 1, 2.  
All restlessness and trouble under a Prince, marked. 24, 6.  
Insolency in Ministers considered. 39 10.  
The means of overcoming envy. 19 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8.  
Envy to be avoided. 34. 5.  
How the envy of the Prince, and of associates, may be shunned. 35. 1.  
The causes of envy. 39 10.  
The wiles of causing men to be envied. 28. 1.  
Joab besieging Rabbath under King David. 33. 7.  
John King of England taken. 32. 14.  
John Chrysostom. 32. 15.  
John Pucius. 4. 10. 5. 6.  
Jovius, the successor of Olympius. 26. 4, 5.  
Irreverence denoted. 34. 5.  
Isaacius Angelus, his vicious affections. 4. 9  
Julian the Emperor, his saying touching vizarded Courtiers. 32. 8.  
Julius Agricola. 32. 7. 33. 7. 35. 3.  
Julius Posthumus. 30. 2.  
Junius Bloesus, under Aulus Vitellius. 30. 3.  
Justinian and Bellisarius. 33. 4.  
Labeo. 6. 2.  
Commendations and Court slanders, to be passed over with care. 34. 6.  
The wiles and subtlies of Court-commendations. 32. 1, 7, 9, 11.  
Lenity, its commendation. 17. 5.  
Leo, the son of Basilius, and Santabarinus, the Monk and magician. 28. 7.  
Levity in a Prince observed. 24. 6.  
Liberty towards the Prince noted. 22. 4.  
Libo, betrayed by Firmius Catus. 29. 1.  
Libo, under Tiberius. 32. 6.  
Le●ters false, their abuse, to make calumnies likely, and resembling truth. 28. 4. 10. 29. 2, 3, 6.  
Lucius Piso. 4. 5.  
Lucius Vitellius, the brother of Aulus 30. 3.  
The r●ght use of interludes, and more serious things. 10. 6. Also of facetious and witty concei●s.  
Lewis the 11th. 38. 8.  
Macro, under Caligula. 34. 4.  
The shameful evil of some great ones. 8. 6.  
Magnificence, its right use. 18. 5.  
Maledict●ons brought near to truth. 31. 1.  
The seminary and seed●plots of evil men in Court, very fruitful. 6. 5.  
Manlius Lepidus. 6. 1. His example commended, in the offering up of honours. ●0. 8.  
Manuel Comnenus, his vicious affections, 4. 10. 5. 6.  
Mark Antony his envy. 33. 3.  
Marius, his divers manners. 11. 4.  
Maximinus corrupteth Festinus, his familiar. 5. 4, 5.  
Maecenas. 2. 4. 6. 4. His counsel to Augustus. 33. 5.  
Mella, his favour with his Prince. 2. 5.  
Messalla Valerius. 7. 8.  
How every man ought to measure and limit himself. 34. 5.  
Menaces, a Courtier is to abstain from them chiefly. 17. 3.  
Ministers, when their favour is to be sought next the P●inces. 15. 4.  
Modesty, the best medicine against envy. 19 7, 8.  
It's commendation. 25. 3, 4.  
Modesty towards the Prince praised. 34. 5.  
Slackness, its reason and season. 8. 8. 10.  
Morosity under a Prince described, and observed. 39 7.  
Mutianus. 4. 8. 9 14. 32. 5.  
Mutilia Prisca. 30. 1.  
Narcissus, Claudius his late bondman. 13. 2.  
Nero, his vicious affections. 4. 7.  
Obligedness to Rulers is better, then to oblige them. 38. 8.  
Odium and hatred with some Princes have been repaid, instead of compensation. 38. 8.  
Odium, its seeds, 34. 1. and causes, 39 10. The desire thereof, is the handmaid of Revenge. 18. 7.  
Offended persons by the Prince, complaining to us, how they are to be handled by us. 36. 7.  
Offices boasted of beforehand, how great an evil. 22. 1, 2.  
Oh men, ready for servitude●A saying of Tiberius. 7. 1.  
Olympius and Stillico. 26. 2, 4.  
Wealth obnoxious to envy. 39 7. When too much, is to be avoided. 39 10. The too great study of it, at length undoes every thing. 39 6.  
Ostentation of the Prince's favour, why a Courtier should avoid it. 35. 1. 36. 3.  
Otho Crondorferus, with Radulfus the Palatine. 22. 8.  
Otho, prostituting his wife Poppaea to Nero. 39 2.  
Pallas, Claudius his late bondman. 13. 2.  
Paris, and Cenon, a Tragedy. 9 12.  
Parisians, their t●mult, when King John was taken. 32. 14.  
Parthians, they fight and fly at once. 30. 6.  
Parysatis. 9 10.  
Peace with Alaricus, how ignominious. 25. 5. 26 2.  
Perennius his arts, in agitating for the Empire. 12. 7. He is subverted by Commodus. 21. 21.  
Perfidiousness against the Prince. 22. 6. It's many evils. 24. 6.  
Periergia, or curiosity under a Prince, denoted. 24, 6.  
Peter Berchy. 39 9  
Peter Essart. 39 9  
Peter de Vineis, under Frederick the 2d. 25. 4.  
Philippides, a comic-poet. 24. 8.  
Philip of Macedon, and Antipater. 10. 5.  
Pythagorean Philosophers, denoted. 11. 11, 12.  
Philotas, under Alexander the great. 22. 1.  
Piso, his insolency. 14. 10.  
Plancius, under Bassianus the Emperor. 22. 6.  
Plato commanded to be sold. 6. 8.  
Pollio, his constancy in disposition, 11. 7.  
Pomponius. 4. 5.  
The reason of reward, where business is imposed. 38. 8.  
Pratensis the Cardinal, under Francis the first. 25. 3.  
Prince's affection, how to be repugned. 9 14. When changed or estranged from us, how to be handled. 36. 9 Love and benevolence, from what causes they spring. 37. 2. 40. 1. It's duration. 37. 3, 4. His love towards women. 38. 1. 2, 4. Venereal love. 39 2. 6. Love to such, as minister to their volupties. 38. 9 Benevolence, which is to be weighed with our authority. 23. 3. The constancy and muta●ion of benevolence and favour. 37. 1. A Courtier ought not to mingle with counsels. 8. 1, 4. Cupidities and lusts, how to be abated or appeased. 9 9 How to be moderated. 11. 13. Causes of detriment and loss. 39 10. Domestics and familiars. 13. 1. The affection of covetousness. 39 6. All our actings, to be assigned to the Prince's glory. 33. 6. The common ends and aims of Courtiers, is glory, and the favour of the Prince. 1. 4. which depends upon his inclination. 33. 9 10. To differ from him in this, is the cause of ruin, favour and grace in procureing and placing benefits on others, how it is to be handled, and how to be divided to others. 36. 1, 2. What favour is to be obtained from his Successor, and how to be preserved. 34. 1. How his mandates are to be expedited, 36. 4, 5. His temperature. 10. 1. Divers ways to be made known to the Prince. 3. 1. How to appear before him. 36. 6. His election in taking counsel is to be left free. 8. 5.  
Prince's will seem to act by their own arbitrement. 36. 3. Would not be indebted to any, much less to a subject. 38. 7. Some, when they cannot repay men's good turns, requite them with hatred. 38. 6. They are to be admonished against flatterers. 12. 9  
Prince's actions, though libidin●us, are not to be reprehended without mischief, 22. 4. their greatness, 4. 3. their volupties, and vicious affections, 4. 4, 5. their inclinations and affections, 10. 1. when these break forth, 13. 5. their secrets, are not to be disclosed, 24. 7. their consultations, 8. 3. The choleric, 10. 2, 3. sanguine nature, 10. 4. melancholic, 10. 7. phlegmatic, 10. 10. Their diffidence and envy are formidable, and to be shunned, 33. 2, 6, 8, 10, The mind and affection of some Princes, towards deserving men. 38. 7. The errors of such, as have fallen from their Prince's favour, and the innumerable variety of them. 26. 6. Arrogancy, the individual handmaid to great ones, 11. 8. their propensities, 4. 2. their temper and inclination, how it is varied and altered, 11. 1, 2, 5. 12. 1, 3. their volupties, 39 1. they have one countenance in private, and another in public. 13. 1, 5.  
The art, how to approve one's self to Princes. 6. 5.  
Princes, and they who are much in favour with them. are not to be disdained or neglected. 23. 1.  
Princes have been upbraided with their vices, by the accusing of others of the same. 31. 3, 5.  
Honesty, hard to be kept in Courts. 5. 9 6. 3, 8, 9  
The securest way to betray him, is, to be obsequious to the Prince's lust. 12. 4, 5.  
Prudence increaseth together with authority and fortune. 13. 6.  
Publius Ventidius. 33. 3.  
To fight and fly at once. 40. 6.  
He that offendeth, let him not forgive, 17. 1. or they who hurt do hate.  
Reconciliation feigned, is the part of base and low-minded ones. 18. 3.  
Reconciliation, its Arts. 18. 14. 16.  
Remirus d' Orco, a Minister of Caesar Borgia. 39 3, 4.  
Rubellius Plautus betrayed by Tigellinus. 30. 4.  
Ruffinus under Constantius. 27. 12. 32. 15.  
Ruin, its kinds. 21. 2. And causes. 21. 3. which are either by our own fault. 21. 4. Or the fault of Courtiers. 27. 1. Where also, of a specious removing from Courts and Provinces. 27. 2. 6. Or by suspicion and envy stirred and set forwards by calumnies and false Commendations. 28. 1. 32. 1. Or violen●. 22. 13. Or else of the Prince. 33. 1.  
Sabinianus the successor of Ursicinus. 27. 11.  
Salustius. 2. 4. 6. 4.  
Samonas, and Andronicus. 28. 9  
Santabarinus the monk and magician. 28. 7.  
It is not expedient to seem wise before the Prince. 40. 5.  
Seven wise men of Greece, denoted and deciphered. 11. 10.  
The chief and principal office of Court wisdom. 36. 9  
Scaurus, a Tragoediographer. 9 12.  
Scevinus Cepetronius his friend, 29. 7.  
Sejanus, the most prudent of Courtiers. 21. 6, 7. 20.  
He endeavours to render Agrippina suspected to Livia Augusta. 30. 1. By what artifice he was overthrown. 22. 6. His arts when the Empire was ready to be vocant. 12. 6. His wiles and devices against Agrippina. 28. 11, 12. The History thereof. 21. 7, 8, 9, 10. His porters. 13. 7.  
Seneca. 5. 12. 9 7. 35. 3. Being a great man yet sinks under the Prince's rancour. 33. 1.  
What kind of Associates are to be admitted by Courtiers, 10. 12. Associates with the Prince in vices. 39 3, 4. Solon, what kind of neutrality and indifferency be forbade. 16. 6.  
Spinosa the Ca●dinall. 35. 2.  
Stilicus, and his peace with Alaricus. 25. 5. 26. 2.  
Stillico and Ruffinus. 32. 15.  
Stippiota. 27. 2. Circumvented. 29. 2.  
Sudden Commands how to be handled. 9 2.  
Sinister successes, how hurtful they are. 14. 9  
Too much costliness, how great a mischief to contract Envy to itself. 19 4.  
Pride the way to perdition. 21. 27.  
Pride against a Prince observed. 22. 5. 24. 1, 2.  
S●ppla●ation at Court. 18. 11.  
Crafts and wiles of making men suspected. 28. 1.  
Siennenses, viceroy of Tarsis. 16. 7.  
Sulla's, with king Agrippa. 22. 2.  
Silvanus, Commander of the infantry under Constantius by the procurement of Arbetio is sent into France. 27. 10. 28. 10. 29. 3.  
Tau●io, by what means driven from the province of Peloponnesus in Greece by Apelles. 27. 7.  
Tim, to be served. 37. 4.  
The perfidiousness of false witnesses denoted. 29. 4, 5.  
Theodosius the 2d. his Envy against one Cyrius. 33. 9  
Tiberius, why he delivered up the Empire to Caligula. 6. 7. Upon what pretext he deserted the Court. 27. 4. why he went to Capreas. 21. 8. 31. 4. A lover of Calumnies but a hater of upbraidings. 31. 4. He advanceth such as he intends to overthrow. 22. 6.  
Tiberius his vicious affections. 4. 5, 6. His saying. 7. 1. Manners and nature, various at divers times. 11. 3. His custom in searching out counsels. 8. 3. Though a most crafty dissembler, yet time brought forth his Arts into light. 4. 1.  
Tigellinus. 4. 7. An emulator of Caius Petronius 39 7. The betrayer. 30. 4. 39 3.  
Titius Sabinus, Agrippina's Client. 28. 14. 29. 2.  
Tribigildus, and Gainas under Arcadius. 32. 15.  
The divers Ingeny and disposition of Tryphon when a king. 11. 6.  
Turinus, under Alexander Mammea. 22. 5.  
Vanity in a Prince, denoted. 22. 5. 6. 24. 6.  
Furl up sails before the Tempest. 37. 4.  
Silken words. 9 10.  
Vespasian his vicious affections. 4. 8. His degen●rate disposition. 12. 3. His avarice. 39 7.  
Revengeful desires, noted. 17. 5. 24. 6.  
The imparity and dislikeness in power and abilities, a just pretext to dissemble our injuries. 18. 2.  
A Compendium of the Authors composed and settled life, and of his wishes. 40. 10.  
The will and tendency of such as slander, or praise us, is to be inspected and throughly looked into. 32. 12.  
Ursicinus under Constantius. 27. 11. 30. 5. 32. 3.  
Vulgar people judge all things by Event. 14. 9 26. 1.  
Wives prostituted to receive the Prince's favour thereby. 39 2.  
Xerxes, with what mind he asks the counsel of his Nobles. 8. 2.  
Ximenes Cardinal. 8. 2. 14. 12, 13. 19 6, 7.  
Zeno the Emperor his divers inclination. 11. 5.  
Zopyrus under Heliogabalus. 22. 1.   
FINIS Indicis.