LUES VENEREA. WHEREIN The Names, Nature, Subject, Causes, Signs, and Cure, are Handled. Mistakes in these discovered Rectified; Doubts and Questions Succinctly Resolved. BY JOHN WYNELL. M.D. Desidia & Luxuria, haec duo priùs in Graecia corpora vitiârunt, deinde apud nos afflixerunt— ●um reclè curaturum esse dicunt, quem prima origo causae non fefellerir— Alii putant interest, non quid morbum faciat, sed quid tollat. Celsus. LONDON, Printed by W.W. for the Author, and are to be sold by H. Herringman, in the lower Walk in the new Exchange. 1660. To my deservedly honoured Friend, James Boevey, of Upper-Chelsey, Esq;. SIR, IT is the Sanction of long-lived Custom, that no one appear to public view, without Dedication to some considerable Friend. And while others affect to choose Nobles by Nativity, and mutable Titles; I, one Noble by Nature, and a better portion of her endowments, the most primary, true and immutable dignity; which is not, in honorante, nor in the power of Men or Laws, to give or take away; but immures itself in your Principles, and sheds its beams of love and favour on all ingenious men (known) of what faculty soever. Sir, Bountiful Nature (to give an instance of what she can do) hath bestowed on you (not lavished) much more than a child's part, (the less she hath for some others, for her store is not infinite.) I writ not this to make you known, whom all Europe knows already: Much less would I offer dirty Wits an occasion to slur you, by this Dedication, as if the Argument ensuing spoke your disease, and therefore fittest for your view, study, and countenance. No, Eagles are not wont to pray on carrion. Great minds, sublime fancies, (furnished with Arts, Tongues, enriched with the advantages of Travel, kept in busiest speculative employments) I say, Great Souls, (whose activity the local world is too narrow to circumscribe) are above these carnal inescations, & leave them condemned to those, whose souls dwell in their senses. This Treatise hath lain in broken papers some years past, (penned for private use) and had never seen more light, but by your encouragement. And now, being got abroad, first offers self to you, to pay its birth duty and respects for public freedom. It lies in a small bulk, and without Rhetorical ornament, for, it intends the diseased, to make them known to themselves; appalls to abide the narrow scan of your curious fancy, which knows neither bonds nor rest, (the more's your danger.) For, let me tell you, Sir, you have a mind, (whom to supply with necessary animal-spirits) is able to depauperate the most just and equilibrious Temper. And provident Nature will store her Headquarters, and not fail to send enough to her Court and University, though the lower Towns and Villages of the Microcosm fail and pine for it. For the animal spirits luminous and aetherial, (fit to irradiate the soul's commands through the imperforate Nerves) are raised out of the Vital (in the Plexus Choroides) by further elaboration; whence Nature amaunds the more feculent part to the sewers of the Brain, and the residue by the veins to the Heart, for further concoction. Hence, the weak and depopulate bodies of busiest minds. Hence, those troublesome floods of rheums and destillations in them, whose nature delights to dwell largely in the Animals, (especially, quibus natura mater, fortuna noverca.) And such would be your condition, did not Fortune and Prudence conspire, to prompt you a more elegant and defoecated diet to prevent it. But what do I, setting up my Candle to your Torch, casting my Mite of advice into the Treasury of your prudential Rules? Your Tongue and Pen drop little else, and your loving Soul can do no less, than to publish and enlarge the stock of Learning, with your methodical Digests. All the divertisement that I shall further give your serious employment, is, to signify and assure you, that I am, SIR, Your affectionate Servant, JOHN WYNELL. Duresm-Yard 3d Nonas Decemb. 1659. To the Reader. Reader, BEfore thou enter the Treatise following, peruse well this Epistle directed unto thee; wherein thou hast, 1 The Occasion, that induced the penning and publishing of it. 2 My Scope, or End therein. 3 The advanragious Use that thou mayst make thereof. 1. The Occasion was made up of these Observations following. 1 Of the stupendious growth and spreading of two depopulating diseases, the Venercous, and the Scurvy: And (enquiring thereupon into their effects, in the yearly Bills of Mortality) I found them so benign, that it gave me occasion to admire the mystery of concealment. I observed the Consumption (in this sulphury air) to have slain its thousands; and the Venereous disease scarce its hundreds. I concluded thereupon, that, Latet dolus in generalibus, Consumption's back is broad enough to bear such mocks. I perceived also, that the Scurvy had scarce a constant name in the kill Catalogue, (though it destroy more than any ten of its fellows) but the Dropsy, Fevers of many kinds, etc. have great numbers dead at their feet. I concluded thence, that, Filiae devorârunt matrem. 2, I observed the mortality and pining of great, noble, and generous Families, their generations gasping, and soon run out, one treading on the heels of another, which gave me to inquire what should be the occasion. And guiding my thoughts by that rule, Causa & Effectus sunt simul; I accused their pampering diet, effeminate education, praemature marriage, indiscreet covetousness, in taking a weak, crooked, rickety woman, (for her Portion) to be mater familiâs. But my thoughts (reasoning against the sufficiency of this enumeration, as not of sufficient consideration) carried me with greatest reason to their diseases. And finding the Venereous disease amongst them, (as in its headquarters) I was strong in my conjecture, that this (traduced in the seed of parents, and mi1k of nurses, hindering nature in accomplishing her intention of perfection) hath brought this calamity on great Families, Haeret semini lethalis arundo. 3, I observed further, that hereby, one principal end of Marriage, (to propagate a strong, healthy, and numerous posterity, fit to traduce the being, name, and memory of parents, to such an eternity, as their mortal condition is capable of) was much made void. For (in this wanton, painting, patching, perfuming Issuing age) a man knows not whom or what he, taketh, to himself or his son, in marriage, a blessing, or a curse. Whereby not only our own bodies are endangered, damnified; but posterity, primarily, foundamentally, corrupted, extirpated; hearts of yokefellowes alienated, jealousy let in (of non-faithfulnsse after, having lost their girdle before:) and indeed, an uncomfortable life together, because they cannot asunder, (like two dogs in a chain, ever snaring) and all because abusefull deceit in the marriage, Manet altâ ment repôstum. And now, no securing evidence from the Hymen (as amongst the Jews anciently) being found; Nature now in formation, rarely plating any such transverse membrane; the weeping breach whereof may assure the husband, he is not deceived in his choice. 4. I observed also, that all pretenders to Physic, gave out a more than ordinary skill in the Venereous Cure; yet, scarce one patiented of ten went off from them sound, (as by relapse it too ordinarily appears.) I was therefore led to believe, that either the ignorance of the disease, or shamefacedness to discover it, made them carry it about them too long; or the ignorance of such as they applied unto, or the impatience of Patients to bear a cure, gave the disease this advantage. For, though by palliation, the dolorous symptoms w●re baffled; yet, the virulent cause was left in the dark, (deep in their spirits and bones, and made future work for the Physician. Hereby their Patients are deceived, who (not being able to judge) think better of their recovery than is meet and safe; and find by sad experience, that (the next evoking season) the disease (getting strength, by lying in trenches) breaks forth more dangerously, than was its first onset. 2. My scope therefore in publishing this little Treatise, is, to present a good office to my Nation, by entering the lists with this Champion; who (by trampling on such eminent members of it) abates its grandeur, and bids defiance to all the boast of Remedies in the Commonwealth of Physic. Therefore, since publicos in hosts quilibet homo miles; I sent out my Scouts, that I might acquaint myself with the enemy in all his motions. I enquired after an, Army that would not run, until they had broken his pride. I considered, how I might cut off provisions, supplies, r●cruits; and finally, how I might engage the enemy's whole body, until I had cleared him of all the coasis and quarters of the Microcosm. Whereby I conceived, I should deserve well of my suffering Countrymen; by, not. suffering the grandeur of the Nation to lie trodden under the foot of a proud stranger, and I stand by as an idle spectator. And since this Enemy plays small game also, and is come down so low as on the Spinster; I have therefore made him speak plain english, (not without due respect to modesty, and better understandings) that ordinary capacities may be able to judge of their own condition by their own light; and in season look out for relief, before captivity, and the further enervation of a valiant Nation. 3. The advantageous use of these papers, either respects all, that, having been in unknown Hypocausts, have any reason, from perusing this Treatise, to suspect their bodily condition) to deal prudently for themselves, by seeking relief in season. Or especially, such as intent marriage, and the blessings of it; that they get them bodies made fit for marriage. For though they know their own personal integrity, yet what lurks in their humours from parent's seed, or nurse's milk●, they are ignorant of. And, however no present symptoms thereof discover it to themselves, much less to others; yet the foams of it, (oft and long lying obscure) doth traduce a present defilement in generation to posterity. And (by marriage-duty) that latent disposition is urged to break forth the sooner, (and will without such stimulation make itself known in time.) And though the pursuance of this Advice may question their Honour, yet it provides for their own, and posterity's safety, which all wise men highly value. I have read many Authors on this argument, and found satisfaction in none, (or this Treatise had been silenced.) I perceive, that on this (as on other Subjects) they too much tread in the steps of their Ancestors, and rest in their dictates without further enquiry; (swelling their volumes with transscriptions into their own methods) which serves to fill Libraries with much paper, yet few Bòcks. But every man's breath will smell somewhat of his diet, and after-ages can but inventis addere; which hath been my endeavour throughout. And though I writ in English, that all may know their condition of body, (as is fit) yet have I not set bogglers at work on the Therapeutic part, of which they are uncapable. If in this service I am accepted; then mayst thou, ere long, expect another Treatise, Of the Scurvy, (if an abler Pen (which were very acceptable) or want of leisure prevent m● not.) Wherein the Press hath failed, thou mayst excuse: but wherein I have erred, or come short, (if the more learned shall candidly correct or supply) it (tending to the advancement of health, and of the Commonwealth of Learning) shall be friendly taken by, Thine health-Servant, J. W. LUES VENEREA. Wherein its Names, Nature, Subject, Causes, Signs, and Cure, are handled. The mistakes in these, discovered, rectified; and many Doubts and Questions, succinctly resolved. CHAP. I. The preface. THat afric is never without some new Monster, nor England without some new Disease, as strange & monstrous, is a truth that needs no proof. But the proper reasons hereof are hard to find, and do less appear. Some send as far as the Stars, and accuse the inclemency of their influences; Others go no farther than the Kitchen, and accuse our diet of too much variety and change from the plainness of the Ancient healthier times, & our new inventions of Spermfiring Cookery. But a Christian looks yet higher, to the displeasure of God, at the new and horrid sins of man acted by the body, chastised and marked out by new and unheardof diseases, of which this is one. Before the year 1493. this disease never gave a visit to Europe, kept its own region in the then unknown Western world, where it was Endemical. Thence (as 'tis storied) the followers of Chr. Columbus returning brought it, and gave it to the Italian women, and they to the French Soldiers at the siege of Naples, Sua simul pudenda et pudendum morbum communicàrunt. After that siege, the French returning, brought it to those ●hat were or should be their wives from whom they received a malevolent benevolence. And when it was come so near us, we (that delight to imitate the French) took their faults and their fashions together. And this disease (liking this fertile Soil) amongst us brought forth a dreadful increase. Brassavolus observed long since 234 several differences (accidental he means); and, amongst us, scarce in two several bodies hath it the same face and phaenoms, so strangely, (in the effects and symptoms) did it soon appear, and therein the wrath of God. And that this is to be looked on as the most considerable cause of its growth in France, and Italy, and plentiful spreading amongst us, we shall easider, that (when first this Pest began to break out there, and became more spreading of late here) the wickedness of man increased. Great wars, and of long continuance, were moved by mighty Nimrods', heat of blood, brought forth heat of lust, the insatiability whereof was punished by this new Pest. But not to stay the reader on the provoking cause (or the avenging hand) I shall next lead him to the best Definition of this disease that I can find, that it may appear by its Essence, after I have given it its name. CHAP. II. The Names. WE commonly (knowing whence we had it) call it the French Pox. They for the same reason (for none take pleasure to own it) entitle it the Neapolitan, Italian, or Spanish. They again whip the vagrant, give it a passport and send it to the place of its birth, calling it the Indian disease. Some again, (observing how ill it is taken by each Nation, (that it should take the name of its Sire from their Country) have found or made a name for it, (from its first quarters commonly) and will have it called Pudendagra. But (what word bearing no modest English Translation) we, without slurring any other Nation, as making them reputed fathers of the common Bastard, (and knowing ourselves) do choose rather to call it the Venereous disease; or, (in contradistinction to the Variolae) the Grea● Pox. And there is no less dissent and clashing, amongst Authors of the first note, in defining its nature, than in assigning its name; which comes to pass, by the deep silence and darkness of the Ancients, in that they had no light from the Fathers of Physic, to slay and be a Basis to their thoughts. And therefore I shall take my liberty also, and give you its nature and being, thus. CHAP. III. The Definition. THe Venereous disease is, A praeternatural Affect or Disposition of man's body, primarily, and of itself, hurting or offending the Natural Operations (and thence the Vital and Animal) from a cause or reason occult or unknown. I call it an Affect or Disposition, not in a strict sense, as opposed to Habit, (as if I thought it easily removed) but in a large and general sense, such as may imply Habit as well as Disposition. For this Disease in weaker and more depravable constitutions, becomes so rooted, and hath committed such waste in the Vital and Animal spirits, and induced such an Atony on the whole Microcosm, as may admit Palliation, but not Cure. I call it Praeternatural, in opposition to natural, ordinate, and preserving dispositions. And, Of man's body; for there is no disease of man's body, (this excepted) but is common to them with beasts; but this befalls mankind only, (more lustfully insatiate than the beasts themselves). I say farther, That it hurts and offends the natural operations; it being proper to such as labour under this disease, that some natural operation be offended. And I call them Natural, (retaining the old received distinction) in opposition to Vital and Animal, as arising from the Vegetable faculty, (which the Stoics called Nature) amongst whom, Nutrition, Augmentation, and Generation, are contained, and such other operations as arise from, and are subservient to them. Now, there is a threefold hurt or offence done to any operation, viz. Abolition, Diminution, and Depravation. And, in this disease, the operations are evidently depraved: I do not say, they are not diminished, but they are always depraved; and as far as they are diminished, it comes on them by depravation. Then I say, Primarily, and of itself; because, though the Vital and Animal operations be also (and speedily) offended; yet it is Secondarily, and by reason that the natural operations were first offended; and so, not as Animals and Vitals, but as Natural bodies, have they their first injury. Lastly, I say, For, or from a cause or reason, occult and unknown. To distinguish this from other diseases, concerning whom, it appears, whence, how, and when, the operations are iujured, either by dissolution, or corruption, or some other manifest way. But, how this disease wounds the operations, is very obscure, and we hardly find words to express, what we conceive of it. And though in the disease, ulcers, and gummy tumours do appear, and other loathsome symptoms, (as in the Chapter of Signs more at large); yet these are not the disease itself, much less the causes, but the effects. I deny not, that the effects do appear, and oft do, where the true nature, reason, and causes thereof, lie in the dark. If I should call these ulcers and tumours, the disease, by a Metonymy; yet even in them is found, that which reason but imperfectly, much less sense, can know: For we do not find them cured by such remedies, as give the effect by their first or manifest qualities, or by any remedies, taught by the Ancients; but by other remedies, and such as are new, and were unknown unto them. Neither let this seem strange, to affirm, that there are diseases, whose nature, cause, and formal reasons, lie obscure; for the evidence of this is prepared, and plainly made out to our hands, by learned Fernelius, De abditis rerum causts, from the Monuments of the Ancients. And thus much for the description of the Disease Venereal. If any object, that I have penned a Treatise, to make a disease better known to my Countrymen, labouring under it, or in danger of it; and that I do in the issue resolve all, in rationes incognitas, occult operations, which are ignorantiae asyla. I answer, That of many things we know the quod sit, not the cur sit. When the Objectors can give me the reason of the strength of the Neather-jaw; of the Loadstone's work and impotency; of the Compass, its variation and stupor; of the motion of the Sea and Winds; of the production of the Stone and Worms; of the forms, and their transmutations in bodies mixed; of the causes and reasons of operations in pestilent diseases; By that time, I shall further satisfy them. Qui nil dubitat, nil didicit: & maxima pars eorum quae scimus, est minima pars eorum quae nescimus. Shall the learned'st Lights of the Apollinaean Art, (called to set forth the causes and reasons, of the Stone and Worms, in the several parts, ventricles, and cavities of the body; and being urged by stress of argument) fly (to defend their opinions) to Spiritus lapidescens & lumbrificans, as the Essicient cause; and Materia lapidescibilis & lumbrisicabilis, as the Material? Shall those Heroes (in showing the reason of pestilent and malignant cacoethicall diseases) fly to a cause, quae agit tota substantia, the Asylum ignorantiae? Then, what excuse or plea could my ignorance and madness have, if in so learned an age, I should tell the world in print, that I knew any thing so comprehensively, as that I were ignorant of it in nothing; Whereas, there are more depths of nature in a little Gnat, than the learning of the World shall ever attain in this mortal state. And he hath gone far in knowledge, that knows his own ignorance; And he's unworthy to know more, that is ashamed to confess it. And so much, by digression. From the Definition, I shall come to the Subject of this disease, and then more distinctly to the Effect itself; which, (though they have been touched in the Definition,) yet being most considerable parts, require a particular hand. CHAP. FOUR The Subject of the Venereous Disease. AND that I take to be the humours (and spirits) primarily, and (by their circulation●, and dispersing themselves throughout the body) there is no part secure from being, secondarily, the seat and Subject of it. Why the whole body is not always afflicted of this disease, but the Members of generation, the mouth, and instruments of sense and motion; no greater reason can be given, than the tenderness of those parts, their impotency to resist such an enemy, and their exquisite sense. That the humours first, and next the spirits, are the chief seat, this amounts to a reason undeniable; that the disease so speedily spreads the whole body. Besides, the spirits having their chief residence in those parts, (the genitals, and seminary vessels for generation,) the Liver, (according to old opinion) and the Veins, heart and mass of blood, (according to the new) and in the head for sense and motion; these parts must needs be first, and more taken of this disease, than the outward parts, which with their nourishment must of necessity, afterwards, successively have this defilement conveyed unto them also. Neither may any one think, that the humours and spirits are no living bodies, and therefore, not the subject of this disease; Though I could grant the consequence, yet the Antecedent can never be made good. For can they be the first receivers, instruments, and conveyors of Life unto the other parts, and yet have no life in themselves? Are they nourished, augmented, diminished, (which are properties of living bodies) and yet be no living bodies? We conclude then, the humours and spirits to be the subjects of this disease; For they have the requisite conditions of a true subject, which are these: That primarily, and of themselves, and not by the intervention of any other, and always, while the disease abides in the body, it is seated in them, though not always in them only. The truth of this opinion, you will the more rest in, and with the greater evidence; if I avoid the pretended claim, that other parts of the body are supposed to have, to be the seats of this disease. There be three options only, amongst many others, which are worthy to be taken into this contest. For some have seated this disease in them members of generation; others in the Liver▪ and a third sort in the Head. First, R●●son and experience both, will discharge the Genitals, from being the subject of this disease. Reason, For then there were no such disease in the body, but of necessity they must be offended, and injured: but we often find men strongly taken of this disease, without Ulcer, Tumour, or any other sign of wrong to the proper actions of those parts. Besides, if they were the subject, and the diseases lodged in them, than (supposing them to be amputed) the disease were cured, and the body rendered uncapable of it, (which cannot be granted.) For many receive this disease by inheritance, in the seed of their parents, one or both; and give it to their Nurses. Many receive it from the venereous milk of their nurses; the genitals of both which, for a long while remain sound. So that the members of generation are discharged. Next to quit the Liver's claim, to be the seat of this disease, (which hath been the opinion of many Physicians of note) against whom, I argue thus. That part which is primò, and per se offended, is the subject of that offence, or disease injuring; but that's not the Liver: for Ulcers and Tumours arise in the genitals, from this disease, (and that sometimes very speedily) which if by seasonable and fit remedies they were Cured, the Liver and whole body would remain sound. If any doubt, whether these Ulcers and Tumours be effects, and do show the presence of this disease; let them inquire, How their bodies were contaminated, and by what Contact; also by what specifical remedies they were cured, and they will cease to doubt. If then these effects discover the disease present, than that disease (being an accident) must have a subject proper to it, which, we have proved the genitals themselves, (though offended) cannot be; much less the Liver, which for a time remains untouched, (the disease being as yet not propagated so fare.) Therefore, either the accident must be without a subject, or there is some other; for the Liver must cease its claim. Besides, it is well known, that the disease is propagated by Contact, and contact is not of the Liver, which is far distant. Now, if the disease enter the body by Contact, it is then immediately, in its proper subject, or not; If not, than the disease passeth from subject to subject, and so hath no proper subject. Further, If the Liver were the proper subject, than (to speak in their language) the sanguifying faculty must necessarily be presently vitiated, as soon as the disease enters. For, if a bowel be vitiated, its proper faculty and work must necessarily be forthwith vitiated. Galen will tell you, that where sanguification is vitiated, Fiunt fluxus sanguinei, aut vitiatus colour. The body nourished by virulent blood, the whole habit of it becomes virulent. For, as is the blood, so is the flesh, and consequently the colour of the same, throughout the whole body. But that dark, squalid, fuscous, dull, flowerlesse colour, that usually accompanieth and discovereth this disease (grown,) appeareth not of a long time, in many infected, in whom the disease lurks, as kerbed and corrected by stronger spirits and bowels; and is in its progress resisted, (Nature endeavouring her own prefervation, and to keep her quarters secure.) Now for the third opinion, of those that make the Head the seat and subject of this disease. If not the Liver or Genitals, much less the Head can be: for many have the disease grown (as appears by afflicting-symptoms;) and yet find no sensible injury thereby, in their heads. Again, The Head is never primarily and immediately affected, but because some other parts of the body have been first taken with this disease; and, therefore, not the Subject. Besides, the effects of this disease have often been removed from the Head, and yet this Pest remained in other parts of the body, (which sufficiently evinceth the opinion asserted, and confuteth the contrary.) Now, though grievous symptoms, as flames, pustules, hard tumours, ringing in the ears, dimness of sight, falling away of the hair; and many other effects of this disease appear in the head: Yet these are caused by the contagion, carried along in the humours and vital spirits, which are distributed through the whole body; who (especially moving towards the head, and having this disease lodged in them) produce these effects there. For the spirits being light substances, thin, and passable, do naturally move upwards, and, by their tenuity, do pierce and pass through all the parts of the head; yet, the disease hath not its seat there, (for the reason in the former Section delivered): For the proper and principal operations of the animal faculty, are not offended by it, as Imagination, Reason, Memory. And if the sensory parts be offended, vitiated, and weakened by the disease, it is rather, by reason that they are natural bodies, (nourished by such blood and spirits) than that they are the instruments of, and belonging to, the animal and rational faculty. And therefore I conclude, Not the Genitals, not the Liver, not the Head, but the Humours and Spirits, are the true and proper subjects of this disease; of which, I had not so much enlarged, but for that it is importantly necessary to be known, to direct, how the Cure is to be specified and determined. CHAP. V What the Affect is, which is seated in the Humours, etc. IF you inquire what that Affect is, which is seated in the Humours and Spirits, I say, it is no other than a distemper. If, What distemper? a hot, cold, moist, or dry? I say, it may accompany any one, every one of them, and yet be another thing different from them. For the character of this disease is a certain degree and manner of distemper, which we have not words to express. Neither therefore must we fly to a fourth kind or species of diseases, (amongst whom, to place this) to the Ancients unknown, who have left us the acknowledgement but of three kinds, (though they knew a kind of diseases that offend after a secret manner) for they knew the biting of a mad Dog, of which they could give no sufficient reason, and yet they did not constitute another kind, besides the three, usually received; for Modus aut gradus non variat speciem. That there is in this Disease a degree and manner of distemper, above that which is Elementary, appears in this; that there are certain effects and impressions of it, that cannot be reduced to any manifest Distemper. The operations arise from the Temper, and they are injured or offended by Distemper. As therefore, perfect operations proceed from a like degree of Temper; so also, operations eminently offended, are thus offended by a like degree of Distemper. Also we find, that this Disease is cured by remedies, that do not cure manifest Distempers: yet, if they restore the operations, it is necessary, that they restore the Temper. But seeing they do not, (as curing this Disease) restore the manifest Temper; it follows, that they restore a degree of Temper, that we cannot express; and that they take away a like degree of Distemper, superinduced by this Disease. This also is to be considered; that this Disease may lodge in every Distemper: for in practice we find, that men of cold Distemper, as well as hot, and some of dry, and marasmodicall bodies, as well as the moist, and succulent, are taken with this Disease. So that this Distemper may join with any, with every Distemper. It is evident therefore, that the Character of this Disease, is another degree, and manner of Distemper, super-induced besides that of their own formerly introduced. And this consideration also in of great moment; that in receiving this disease by Contact, (as in the next Chapter at large) this degree and manner of distemper, wherein it consisteth, is introduced after the manifest distemper is induced; yet so, as that there is no great space of time, (rather a priority of nature than time,) between the degree impressed, and the distemper: which though at the beginning it may be disjunct from all proper matter, yet most commonly it is joined to, and conveyed with, and in matter. And if not always so, yet while it corrupts the humours and spirits, bowels and members; it becomes the cause of begetting this corrupt and depraved matter, tough and viscous sanies, which is by degrees propagated in the humours and spirits, throughout all the bowels and members. And this is the manner of producing, and deriving the Venereous disease, which the next Chapter will more fully clear. CHAP. VI Of the Causes of the Venereous Disease. NOw we shall inquire into the Causes, producing this Disease, which are either Externall, or Internal. The Externall are all comprehended under Contagion, and that is either Immediate, or Mediate. Immediate contagion is, when there is an immediate Contact between the bodies infecting, and infected. Mediate, when some other body cometh between, which receiveth the infective vapour, and conveyeth it to the body, that is to be infected, (as the air;) Either the common air, or that portion of it, that by the infector is breathed out, and by the infected, is received in. Now that this disease cannot be contracted by the medium of common or outward air, is evident; for then, multitudes that dwell in places and neighbourhoods of venereous persons, (as it falls out in times of pestilent contagion) would daily be infected, (especially they that domesticaly cohabit, and kindreds mostly, would be much endangered) which experience doth not confirm. So that this good hath the Venereous plague beyond the other, that it keeps more at home, and doth not cast forth so strong a seminary of contagion, (though Fracastorus, an Author of no mean rank, thinketh otherwise.) Neither is it conveyed by air, breathed out, and received in; for then, they that talk mouth to mouth with the Venereous, (and especially such as apply remedies to the ulcers of their mouth) must needs be infected; which is not found. It is true, the Tabes of the lungs communicateth a seminary of to the air breathed out, so that they which are apt to receive that disease (drawing it in) are endangered. But not for itself, but as accompanied with an Hectic Fever. But of this disease, it is not observed. So that, all mediate contact being rejected, it follows, that only by immediate and corporeal contact, this disease is conveyed. And hereby I understand, carnal use of a venereous person, sucking venereous milk, or herditary disposition from the seed of venereous parents, (which Plautus in Amphiter, calls Contagio.) The true manner then how this disease is contracted, is no other but this, (as hath even now been shown) either by generation, lactation, or mutual attrition of bodies; whereby defiled spirits (mixed with the pure) communicate a degree and manner of distemper, together with a prava proluvies, (induced or produced) which running up and down the body, infecteth the bowels only in some, and in others the members also; but in some, not, (being resisted) as in Answer to the Questions shall be made appear. The Internal cause of this disease is no other, but, Ichor & sanies quaedam prava, (having their proper leaven in them) communicated, and tenaciously adhering to the humours and spirits. Why this Sanies is propagated, sometimes, and in some, sooner; in others, later; many causes may be alleged: 1. The latitude or straightness of the seminal passages; for, in wider pores and passages, this Illuvies is more easily drunk in. Where the way is strair, the disease doth seldomer, and more hardly propagate itself. 2. A greater, or less plenty of humours, as in bodies more or less moist-3. Greater or less disposedness of the bowels and members, to receive or resist the contagion. And hence is it, that they which have lose flesh, and abounding with humours, (their vessels being large and open-mouthed) are soon tainted, (first, the humours; then, the genitals; next, the mouth) for these causes, and other reasons before expressed. You may observe, that men of dryer, harder, and colder bodies, are less subject to this disease, (as labouring men, poor men, old men). I have read it observed, that the Turks are not easily infected herewith, though they have always amongst them venereous captives, of both sexes; and the reason suggested, is, for that their bodies are more hard and dry, and consequently their genitals. And thus much for the causes, whereby you may perceive, how this disease deriveth, insinuateth, and propagateth itself. Now, (forasmuch as no Argument can be set forth so clearly, as to leave no darkness or doubts in the mind of the Reader, especially in this branch of it, touching the Causes.) I shall therefore farther endeavour his satisfaction, by solving such Questions and Doubts, as may yet beclowd him. CHAP. VII. Doubts and Questions Resolved, touching the Causes especially. 1. QUest. Why may not Venereous contagion be conveyed mediately by the air, (since we find asserted before, touching the Tabes of the lungs; and, by venerable Authors, of the Ophthalmia, that it sends out spirits infecting the air; which the same air retaining, (for a certain time and distance) communicateth by contagion to the eyes of others)? And if it be so in these cases, why may not, from the ulcers in the mouths of the Venereous, infecting-vapours be sent out into the air, and that again infect others, as well as in the Opthalmia and Tabes? Answ. This disease lieth primarily in the humours and natural spirits, (for so I may call them) and they are more gross, and less movable, & cannot be emitted or darted out of the body, or, (if they should) would take weak impression upon the air. The vital spirits indeed are more subtle, and may pass further; and therefore diseases, primarily in them, have a more flagrant seminary, to impoison the air. Yet, if this disease be accompanied with a , (as, in time and growth, it will) that may put stings into it, and render it mediately contagious. Quest. 2. May not the contagion be conveyed by Garments, as some have thought? Answ. No; for if the air cannot receive it, so as to convey it from person to person, much less other external bodies, which should receive it from the air. For, qualities communicated to the air, are altered and changed by further mixture, and change of fleeting air; and so lose their morbific force. Quest. 3. May not kissing the Venerous, pledging them out of the same cup, sitting next after them on the same stool, close-stool; lying after them on the same bed, bed-cloaths, convey the infection? Answ. The contrary hath been proved, that no mediate contact, can, of itself, convey it; for, if the air or garments cannot, (for reasons expressed) much less solider bodies, as close-stools, and cups, leight contact of lips, etc. And if they should, then would this disease be much more spreading; and cohabitants with the Venereous, unavoidably be infected: so that Pest-houses were as necessary for these, as for the Leprous anciently, and of late for the visited with the plague of Pestilence. And although this diseased (usually) be a gentleman, yet common safety were preponderous to any man's private quality. Quest. 4. May a woman bring this Disease upon herself, by prostituting her body to many clean and uninfected men? Ans. To affirm this, doth suppose brothelry, debauched brothelry, to be of late edition in the World; or at least in those places, or regions, where not withstanding the Venereous Disease, never had a footing. Quest. 5. May sperm, oft injected by coition, with the same, or several clean Persons, (clogging the expulsive faculty of the Womb) cause such a putrefaction, as that her Humours become venereously corrupted, and so the disease be produced? Ans. No, for if clean seed extravasate, by not being expelled the Womb, should cause such a putrefaction, as to render the person Venereous; then seed long detained and kept in the seminary vessels, and there corrupting and putrifying, (the cause of the most leonine Histericall fits, as is commonly asserted) should have much more causality to produce this disease. But this cannot be granted, and therefore not the former. Quest. 6. What is the reason, that this Disease, which in some persons, for some years lurketh in the body, so, as no sign of it appears; yet that at length, it should discover itself, and break forth in great rage? Ans. The venom of the biting of a mad Dog, lieth for some years in the body of some man, without any sign discovering it, (which all Physicians after Hippocra●●s acknowledge) and yet neither he, nor any of the Ancients understood the disease; So may this Lues. But the manner How, and reason Why, is most worthy to come under Consideration. I said before, that this proluvies is viscous, and therefore, tenaciously adheres to the bowels, and is mingled with the humours and spirits; but because, evidence of its presence cannot clearly, and by manifest effects, be showed but on solid bodies; which this venereous Illuvies doth find bowels so strongly spirited, as that they make great resistance, and refuse it, and obtrude it into the bycavities of the body, (where it lies fermenting) the disease resideth especially in this Venereous Illuvies, and is not communicated to the outwards parts. So that, when, how, and where this disease gins, acts, and creeps on, is not perceived. There are workings and alterations, and morbific sensations in the body, which are not (at all in strong constitutions, and in others not) perceived by their proper causes, and are of ten-times attributed to other, than their own. So that, if you put together the time, wherein the bowels resist the Venereous poison, and the time wherein it worketh insensibly, together with the time of the body's state neutral; it may amount to a year, many years, before the effects, symptoms, and evidences, undoubtedly discover the disease present. Quest. 7. How comes it to pass, that sometimes, and to some, at one coition with the Venereous, this disease is contracted; yet others can scarce be infected at many? Ans. This must be ascribed to many causes. 1. To the various dispositions of bodies; for some are more prone to this, or that disease, and therefore take it sooner: for nature makes less resistance. Which also is the reason, that they which have any weak part of their bodies, do receive a disease sooner in that part. For example, let a man that hath the gout, be taken Venereously, and he shall find it more to prevail, and afflict him in his feet. So on him that hath weak eyes, if this disease supervene; his eyes are sooner, and more afflicted, than other parts. 2. Carelessness, sordidness in neglecting their own bodies, is another cause. For they that rightly and rationally cleanse themselves after coition, are scarcely, and seldomer, taken of this disease. But they that (having no care of themselves) do suffer the Illuvies to cleave unto them, are sooner, and more fiercely, taken of it. 3. Long stay in carnal coition, makes much to infection; for they that welter in unclean bodies, (and, through the ecstasy of lust, much inflame themselves after satiety) are speedily, and at one coition infected: But they that soon withdraw, and are less inflamed, are not so easily stung. 4. They are soon infected that most burn in lust, and are (with the horse) more violently carried to coition, by a sperm-fire. And hence it is, that so many of the younger sort are so soon infected. For when heat of youth, and heat of lust, (more turgent, by spermatick and too liberal diet) meet together, there is a great flame, which makes them fearless of a worse, and greater. The like may be said of them, qui rarò venere fruuntur; for when they obtain their desires, they go on violently, and so are the sooner infected. The reason is, because a great conflux of stimulating spirits fall into the genitals, by whose heat and rage, the spermatick ways are much dilated, and so set the more open to the poison. Quest. 8. Some move the Question, Whether a woman, carnally known by a venereous man, and remaining herself (as to sense, at least) uninfected; may yet infect him that next approacheth her? Answ. Some hold the Negative, because, Nemo dat quod non habet; and therefore it hardly finds credit, that a person uninfected, should yet infect another. But to hold the Affirmative, is to maintain that, which is neither impossible nor irrational. It is evidenced already, that this Lues may lurk in the body many years, (in the humours and cavities) and therefore let it not seem strange, if, in coition, it defile others. We have the story in Avicen, of a young woman, nourished up with poisonous diet, who was never poisoned herself, and yet poisoned all that had carnal use of her. You have another precedent (in plague-times) of cats and dogs, who (not being infected themselves) carry the infection to others. So that the Affirmative is no absurd assertion. Quest. 9 whence comes it to pass, that at the beginning, when this disease came newly into Europe, it was so formidably raging; but now is became much more mild, and less destructive? Answ. There were many causes conspiring, that at first made this disease more fierce, which at this time ceasing, (or abating their activity) it is reasonable, the disease should remit. The causes that made the disease so formidable at first, were, 1. Affrighting novelty, new and fierce symptoms, whereof they neither understood whence they arose, nor to what degree of afflicting they might ascend. So that men being terrified by this novelty, and ignorant of the power of their enemy, became spirit-faln; and their bodies (not having the benefit of the counsel and courage of their minds) were delivered up captive to the disease, to do what it could on them. And this was one reason, why it became so formidable. For, as in times of Pestilence, that disease affrights most at first; so, they are in most danger, which are most cast down and trampled on by their own fears. Whereas the more careless and confident (having all the help, strength, and defence, of courage and resolution, that the generous governing mind can give) are so much the more secure. So is it in this case. And this also is the reason, why the body, in sleep, is more subject to the inclemency of the air; for (not being governed by the mind) it is wholly delivered up to the piercing air, (it being of itself able to make no resistance) and therefore men are then most subject (as we phrase it) to take cold, (which let them observe, who sleep in their day-cloaths, without superstrate cover.) 2. At the first breaking in of this disease, apt remedies were not found out, to arm men against the rage of it. The virtues of those Indian-Simples (whence the disease came) were not known; and when they were found, it was looked upon as a blessing dropped down from heaven, and the Inventors blessed. 3. When apt Simples were found, they were used (by most in practice) without weighty reason; so that for want of method to direct their use, those remedies not only proved fruitless to some, but to others hurtful. Bodies ill handled with acute medecines, become more defiled. 4. All enemies in their avaunt, show themselves most formidable. Time was, when the Yex, or Hicket, produced dreadful effects; the Neezing (which we look upon as a remedy) was once a disease so deplorate, that bystanders (terrified with it) brought in that custom of praying over them, Christ help, etc. which custom prevails to this day. So we read of the Mentagra and Gemursa, diseases, at their entrance, fierce, which afterwards became more remiss. And this leads me to the next Question. Quest. 10. What the reason should be, that though this disease be generally milder, yet, on some, it appears very cruel? Answ. Hereof may be assigned many reasons: 1. Either the disease finds weak bodies, full of corrupt humours, bodies passively disposed; and hereby it becomes the more tyrannous. 2. Or the disease is a relapse, and finds nature yielding; and renewed and ingeminated diseases ever appear worst. 3. Or other diseases fallen in, are joined with it, (one disease drawing on another his congenerate); and diseases the more complicate, the worse. 4. Besides, the new disease falls in, when nature is weak, low, and languishing; so that its expulsive ability cannot keep out, or drive off the diseases, new nor old. Quest. 11. Whence comes it to pass, that this disease falls most, sometimes on the hairs, sometimes the nerves, sometimes the bones, sometimes the fleshy parts? Answ. Because they are more disposed and propense to receive it; or, because they do less repel it. Hence it is, that when and where the flesh is weak, and doth less resist, (which ariseth of many causes) than it falls on fleshy or musculous parts. And the like may be said of all the rest. That which Physicians say of the Feavour-heat, (that sometimes it falls on the humours, sometimes on the spirits, and sometimes on the solid parts, as they are more disposed to inflammation, or do less resist that flame) may as truly be affirmed of this disease. Quest. 12. Some move the question, Whether there be any region or people, amongst whom this disease is more spreading? And the reason, why, they move, it, is, because it is observed of old, that there are diseases which have spread some Countries, for special reasons, and aptnesses in the natives: as the Elephantiasis in Egypt, the gout in Attica, the Dracunculi in Arabia, the Aphthaes in Syria. In Aethiopia, was a disease that sent out of their bodies winged louse, and out of the same perforations grew a strange scab, which held them till death. Ans. To give resolution to this question, know; That all diseases, (which distinctly befall some Countries more than other) do arise; either, from their diet, or from some evil conjunction of humours in, and thereby, inclinations of that people; or, from some winds, that bring contagious vapours, by inspiration assaulting them; or, from the temper of the air, impressed by Influences. The scab of Aethiopia, the Dracunculi of Arabia, (which the Ancients mention) came on them by their excess in diet; (for they were a voracious people) and especially, from their feeding on Locusts, which depraved their constitutions. The gout of Attica, arose from their full and delicious diet, and much venery. We read also of Winds, which brought the causes of sicknesses, (as the south Wind from afric to Europe) and some Wind's barrenness to Women. So that all Endemicall diseases, proper to regions arise; either, from a corrupt usage of those Countries, or from the temper of the air. But this disease hath no such rise (adjuvant causes, I deny not) so that it cannot be peculiar to any region: but seeing it is gotten by contact, (especially, that of coition) I say, it is most peculiar to those Countries, Cities, Families, Persons that are most addicted to Venery. And so I come from the Causes, and such doubts as arise thereupon, unto the, Signs. CHAP. VIII. Of the Signs, Diagnostic. THe signs of this disease, are either Diagnostic, or Prognostic: Diagnostic, or such as discover the disease present, (besides those which have been scattered in the precedent Chapters) may from the accidental differences of this disease, (the essence being always the same) be rallied in this order: as they flow, 1. From the rise, that one is haereditary and native, another accidentary; as by a soul bed, a venereous Child to the Nurse, or a venereous Nurse to the Child. 2. From the age of it; that one is begun, another growing, a third consummate. 3. From the symptoms; that one is more vehement, another milder, 4. From the sex. 5. From the age of the patiented. 6. From the constitution. 7. From the usages. 1. From the rise: for if the Countenance do not plainly speak the disease, (as by paint, it may be much silenced) yet it will give occasion to inquire, whether they have not been carnally joined to the venereous; whether they have not been informed, or had reason to believe, that they descended of venereous parents, one or both; or had a venereous Nurse; or she a venereous Child. These may make the matter probable, and prevent, or strengthen other inquiries. Otherwise, the signs discovering, are not certain, and infallible; but suspicious, and conjectural. 2. Signs from the age of the disease, fall under three Heads; either as it is, 1. Begun, for at entrance they are all obscure, and general, and much common with other diseases: as weariness, (without labour) overthe whole body, movable pains in the head and body, heaviness or slothfulness of all instruments of motion, unlustfulnesse after sleep, the colour of the face changing, and growing darker. If it entered by a defiled bed; heat and sharpness of urine, smart in the genitals, heat in the reins, dulness, sadness. 2. Growing on: virulent running of the reins, (green, yellow, or towards black) pains, swell, soft tumours of of the privities, (one or all) with increasing anguish. Sometimes a little , (without any great signs of putrefaction) akeing of the periostia, or by the bone; pains increasing in the evening, and later part of the night, and enraged by the heat of the bed; a little cough, urine becomn sabulous, pale, smelling strong and rancid, spermaticall matter floating on it; ordure feculent, of various forms and colours, (towards green, yellow, black) not only in divers, but in the same stool. 3. Consummate and Confirmed, are, coldness of nature, desirous of the fire, a continued and settled pain of the head, in some part of it; tumours, ulcers about the head; flaccidity, looseness of flesh, and rottenness of the privities; tumors, ulcers (or both) of the mouth, (which are sometimes crusty, sometimes, purulent, sometimes callous); whorsenesse of voice, speaking through the palate or roof of the mouth, and nose; not opening their mouths wide to speak as formerly, and finding it painful so to do; falling down of the nose, and a stinking breath, from the cariosity thereof; falling of the hairs, especially of the eye brows; sometimes a painful flying humour, from the brain, to the haemorhoid-veins, and thence a recurrence to the brain; hard knots in the legs, arms, neck, or all; rottenness of the periostia and bones; tumors, and sharp pains about the cheek-bones, ringing of the ears, clefts of the hands & feet; and grievous tormenting pains throughout the whole body; which becometh emaciate, (appetite being decayed, and concoction much weakened); dimness of sight, the colour of the eyes changed, (having lost their brightness and agility) become slow of motion; stinking, loathsome, slimy sweats; tophous knots, (like those of the gout) the colour of the skin becoming still more darksome, squalid, and like the countenance in a black Jaundice; Buboes swelling out in the Inguina, and sometimes falling in, (flying from place to place, especially of the Emunctories). Most commonly it appears in this order. First, by acrimony, and sharpness of urine, virulent running of the reins, (and sometimes not, which is seldom.) This flowing, women oft mistake for the Whites, whereby the disease is let grow on unperceived. Then, pustules appear, (arising first about the genitals;) next, swelling gums, knots. Thence crusty sores, white in the midst, and red round about, which being broken give case.) Then pains of the Head, in the evening increasing. After that, buboes about the Inguina, growing as big as Eggs. Then Tophous knots. At length, Ulcers of the Nose, palate, and cruel pains. 3. Signs from the symptoms; which ever at beginning are milder, and afterwards more fierce. This is the reason, why the patiented neglects the best season of Cure, governing the care of his health, by sense of pain; which (creeping on insensibly) makes him think the distemper will spend itself, and so wear away. 4. Signs from the sex; for the weaker sex have some benefit above the stronger, (to abate the disease by Childbed, and monthly cleansings) but a greater mischief, by the passive and receptive formation of their bodies, (lodging virulent sperm) and (being of more soft and spongy bodies) are more apt to receive contagion, and have weaker humours, and spirits to resist, and repel the same. And hence it is, that the signs and symptoms, before mentioned on them●, do become more fierce and dolorous. 5. Signs from the age of the Patient: As more years are an advantage against infection, (old men do not so easily receive it, and the signs and symptoms do not appear so fierce) so have they thereby a greater disadvantage, for if they are once seized, it seldom departs but with Life. 6. Signs from the constitution, and temperament. The Choleric are soon tanged, the Melancholy most afflicted, the sanguine make best resistance to infection, and are best Cured; the Phlegmatic have it lying longest in their humours, (all which must be taken into Consideration, when you examine upon the signs before mentioned.) Lastly, From the Usages. The tender and idle take it soon, are most afflicted, and with greatest difficulty Cured: Contrarily, laborious and dry bodies. And thus you have a Catalogue of the signs, (not all, for that were endless): about which, three things are to be observed. 1. That all these, at the entrance of the disease are less visible, and more mild; but as the disease grows on, do more appear and rage. 2. That as it is not necessary, that all these signs concur where ever the disease is; so it is hard to find a venereous body, on which one of these appears alone, (for if there befalling of the hairs, there are also Ulcers, Tumours, and manifold Pains; and so of all the rest.) For you shall never find one labouring under this disease (grown) but many of these signs conspire to blab, and discover it; and the reason is, (because the foams of this disease is seated in the humours, (as is before said) which are dispersed throughout the body, from which each bowel and member with its nourishment, having its defilement) filement) so that it cannot be, the disease should have but one window to look out at. 3. That most of these signs are produced by other diseases; yet, in two things they differ: One is, The contumacy or stubbornness of this disease, and its accidents, beyond those of other diseases. The other is, The disobedience and opposition, that this disease makes to all ordinary remedies. When you find a disease (seeming another) throughout not obedient to the remedies, left us by the Ancients, you may vehemently suspect to be Venereous. CHAP. IX. Of the Signs Prognostic, or discovering the Event of this Disease. THis disease of itself is seldom and slowly mortal. I say, Of itself; for it may, and oft doth, beget, or is accompanied with another, more nimbly mortal, (for diseases seldom go alone.) Unless it fall on a flaming constitution. It is no acute, but chronic disease, and therefore worst in old men. (Hypocrates gives the reason, 2 Aph. Old men are less subject to sickness than the younger; but their diseases are wont to be long, and accompany them till death.) Again, This disease contracted by coition only, is easiest cured; next, when brought on by the breast; and hardest, when inherited. Besides, they that purge well by childbed, terms, or flowing haemorrhoides, are less subject to, or afflicted by this disease; and on them it is more easily cured, (they having many ordinary Sewers for corruption.) Likewise, if there be a falling away of hairs, a proneness to sweat, the disease is the safer; (for when it falls outward, and the skin open) it appears the sooner to be removed; but the deeper the disease lodgeth, the harder the cure. Also, if the disease be joined with a fever, the more considerable the , the harder the cure. For the remedies which remove the venereous disease, (being hot and dry) increase the fever. Lastly, diseases, by relapse, the oftener, the worse. For, if rational means could not remove the body's disposition to this disease, it becometh still more prone and succumbent to it; therefore in such cases, the patiented needs a more prudent and well-furnished Artist. And so much for the signs. Before I enter upon the Cure, it will be necessary to remove some doubts, which tend to the clearing of what hath been delivered, and make way to the Cure. CHAP. X. Doubts and Questions Resolved. 1. QUest. Why doth this disease (which hath such cruel symptoms, and sometimes such as are commensurate with life itself) ordinarily kill so slowly? Answ. Death comes not, but when the heart is vehemently injured; and Nature ever (what it can) preserves and defends that fortress, especially against this disease. Besides, this disease of itself begets no fever, but by accident. In this disease, Respiration is not changed, but rarely, and at last extremity. The Pulse is not altered, for there are no diagnostic signs from thence of this disease, (a good evidence, that Nature defends the Heart.) But, de Modo quaeritur, which take thus. The vital spirits are the most mighty instruments of Nature, to secure themselves and her. Their fire is ever in opposition to, and depuration of, and from, what is heterogeneous, (and, against what is most opposite, most active.) And the oftener they pass the elaboration of the heart, the more strong they become. That which Aristotle saith of Choler, (how truly, I do not affirm) Quarto de part. Animal. [That the heart will not suffer choler to come near it, because choler is a great enemy to the heart] the like do I say of this venereous poison, The heart will not suffer it to come near it, but ever, by the vital spirits, oppugns it, because it is a great enemy unto it; and the heat of the heart is ever in depuration of them. As impure gold is (by the fire-heat, and separating ability) illustrated, purified, perfected; so, the humours and spirits (venereously defiled) by the heart's heat, are purified and preserved, the less and more slowly corrupted. Quest. 2. Whether this disease be curable? Whether it be true, (which some affirm) that it never makes peace, but truce only? Answ. Experience evidenceth the contrary. It is true, that unless this disease be seasonably set on, and restrained, it takes deeper roots; and though at beginning it hath secret and underground workings, and do less, or not at all appear, (for reasons formerly showed) yet, with time, it takes increase, and discovereth itself. Now, one reason why this disease is so seldom cured, ariseth from the Patient, who being (by the industry of the Physician) once delivered from fierce symptoms, and sense of pain, too hastily becometh confident of being cured; declines obedience to further endeavours: so that the disease-still lurks in the humours, (and with them imbibed by the bowels and members) and breaks forth again. Hence hath risen that proverbial speech, that it admits a truce, not a peace. Quest. 3. Whether, as time was, when this disease was not, (for it is a stranger unto us, not endemicall) so time shall be, when it shall cease? Whether it shall have but a season only; as the Mentagra, and Gemursa in Italy, and the Sweeting sickness in England? Ans. It is propable that it shall be so, and this I am induced to think from these conjectures. 1, Because, other diseases formerly not known, (nor being) had but their seasons, and now are antiquated and extinct, (as is instanced in the question.) 2, Because, since this disease began in Europe, it is much abated of its rage: and that which may abate, may abolish. If you ask me, how this should come to pass? I answer, many ways, 1. By diet, and manner of living, men will become more choice and frugal, 2. They have, and will learn more prudence in coition; and as time teacheth men discretion, so will they more avoid this contagion, 3. Cleanliness about the body, will do much to effect this, (as in answer to the seventh question.) I shall further give probability to this opinion, by answer to another Question, thus. Why was the plague of Pestilence, and Leprosy so frequent formerly, and now so rare? (Or, if the Pestilence break forth, is oft so soon quelled?) No reason, (as to men) can be given, but, that men have more care of their diet, skill to manage preservatives, are more diligent in cleansing their Cities, and Habitations, have more care of their persons in avoiding contagion: The same may be said of this disease. It raged formerly, because men were more negligent of themselves: but time and experience teach them more prudence. Quest. 4. Doth not the supervention of this disease, cure and remove the falling-sickness, Asthma, or other mortal disease. Ans. I know, it is affirmed by some, and they give this reason; because, by this disease, there is a total change wrought upon nature: so that it should easily come to pass, that those almost natural diseases (mentioned) should hereby be removed. But these are fallacies; for, grant that by this disease, a great change is made on nature; yet it is a change to the worse. Therefore, how can it be, that those diseases, which (in a body otherwise sound) are of themselves difficult, should (being coupled with a more depraved disease) become more easily cured? Quest. 5. Doth the Pox keep out the Plague? Ans. I know it hath been vulgarly asserted, that the venereous are secure against Pestilent contagion: and they give this reason, because another kind of distemper prevaileth in the venereous, distinct from that which is apt to produce pestilent diseases. They argue also from experience, that venereous houses and persons, are seldom visited with pestilent diseases. But these are trifles; for the character of the pestilence is Putrefaction, (whether occult or not) venenous putrefaction. And who can deny putrefaction in this disease? and that the humours, spirits, bowels, and members, (depraved by it) are apt further to beget it? So that it cannot be hoped, that one kind of putrefaction should secure against another. Only thus far it is true, that (if any venereous person hath been lately and perfectly cured) he is the less subject to pestilent infection; and the reason is, because the Foams of putrefaction is taken away in the venereous cure. But, that one plague keeps out another, is a pleasant dream, and were a madness to affirm. Quest. 6. Whether there be any Antidote, any true and certain means of avoiding contagion; so as, that a man may use a venereous woman, and yet not be infected by her? Answ. I know there are those, who promise great matters this way; and (that they may feed their own covetousness, and others lust, and factor for the devil) do boast of their secrets in this kind, as if they were skilled beyond others, to give an Antidote, that should secure against such venereous contagion. But I look upon these pleasant and wicked falls, as cheats, and methods of base gain. For we know, that in coition, there is a mutual attrition of genitals, a mixture of humours and spirits; (for the pores, by such flames, are set open) so that it cannot be, but that infected spirits should be mixed with the pure, in those pores, and they so become defiled. 'Tis true, such prophylactick medecines may do two things: 1. They may, densare poros genitalium, so that the passages of the humours and spirits may be less patent. 2. They may corroborate and confirm the spirits, that they may the more strongly repel the infection, (as Treacles do against poison.) But there is a different reason between poisons that are taken inwardly, and this disease, which is contracted by Contact; for poisons do not always and presently mingle themselves, with the humours and spirits, as this doth. Besides, poisons first enter the stomach, (which presently repels them, as appeareth in dogs vomitings) then are dispersed through the vessels, and contaminate the spirirs: but this Pest presently enters the inward parts, by defiling the humours and spirits. Lastly, such things as preserve from poison, are taken inwardly, that they may be diffused throughout the whole body, and so confirm the spirits and bowels. But the medecines (to which these attribute so great virtue) are outward things, which cannot diffuse their efficacy through the inward parts. Again, if there be any medecines to be given, which shall preserve from this infection, it must be those Antidotes which cure the disease, (as Treacles cure the poisoned, they also preserve from poison.) But the Indian Woods, which (though more flowly) do at length cure this disease, cannot preserve, but that they which use them, may at the same time be infected; much less can other remedies. But you will object, that many go in to the Venreous, and yet find, by experience, that they are not infected (which yet is more than they can be assured of:) And then; that which Nature doth for some, Why may not Art do for others? I answer, Art cannot impress upon the spirits such a faculty of resisting, as Nature can. Yet, I do not deny, but that Antidotes may be found, which may work, in tantum, that men may not so easily be taken of this disease; but, that they may promise them safety, I utterly deny. Therefore let none suffer themselves to be deluded; for, to avoid this danger, they have only these three remedies: To maintain Chastity, To live Continently, and, To avoid the Venereous. Questt. 7. Is the venereous cure to be attempted, as soon as the disease, by any sign or just suspicion, discovereth itself? Answ. I know, some are for the Negative, and they tell us of their experience, That they have found the disease thereby exasperated. Also they argue further, that the disease may be cured and expelled at first by Nature itself; but (when provoked by Medecines) it further spreads throughout the body. But this opinion is not more false than pernicious; for, all men rest in that general rule, Principiis obsta; and (from Hippoc. de locis in hom. & de sacro morbo) that a disease must be withstood at the beginning; and that great care is to be used, that young diseases be forthwith extinguished. Now, as this is a good rule in the curing of all diseases, so especially of this; for at first, this disease (when taken by impure coition) lodgeth in the outparts, and needs not medicines that work by alteration, but expulsion. And who doubts of the truth of that, Turpiùs ejicitur, & c? that venom is more easily driven out of the porch, than turned out of the house; when it enters by the genitals, than when it hath taken its walk through the humours and bowels? And so I come to the cure in the next Chapter. CHAP. XI. Of the Cure in Common. THe Cure hath two branches, either as common to other diseases, in the use of Vniv rsals; or, as Special and proper to this, Antivenereal. And this again; either the cure of the disease it seif, or of the symptoms, which are many and fierce. And though some go off, or abate, with the disease; yet others require special cure, (which is done by chirurgical applications, whereof I need not further trouble the Reader.) Now the cure in common, consists in the right use of Catharicks, Phlebotomy, Diaphoreticks; for if this Pest be to be thrown out, all passages are to be set open, that way may be made for the special cure. A method is to be taken from this distemper, and all complications, (for it rarely goes alone) and all other indications. The fix things called not-naturall, must be rightly ordered. Venery, for a season, banished, that so the Vires may be kept strong, to expel a disease of long cure, and short diet; and lest, by inflaming-motion of the body in coition, the disease entered in one part be diffused. Phlebotomy is (in case of Plethory, or fierce accidents) to be used, and not (as is the manner of some) in all venereous cures, to breathe a vein presently. Diaphoreticks in grown diseases are of great moment, and require due management. CHAP. XII. Of the Cure in Special. AS there are many methods of Special Cures, so they may all be reduced to these two heads, Reproved, or Approved. Methods Reproved are, 1. By remedies common, and not Specifical, which find no obedience here; or, not without a greater mischief, than benefit to Nature. 2. The good cheap poor whore cure, by Fontanels, taken up from the practice of the poorer Spaniards, (amongst whom it is in common use) whereby Nature findeth some ease, (disburthening part of the purulent matter), but the foams is left within, to render their condition deplorate. I am no friend to continued Issues, which prevailed not in practice, until this disease broke into to Europe. 3. By Mercurial Unguent, which may serve for Carriers and Porters, robustious bodies; and yet, even in them, the consequents render it perilous, if not pernicious. I know, some are so ignorant and audacious, that they make it their ordinary Champion, setting upon every venereous patient with this dreadful remedy, as if no cure could be dispatched without it; the effects of whose boldness, many have mournfully carried to their graves. What this Unguent is, I need not express; its composition is well known, better than trusted to, or delighted in by Artists. For, this Unguent, rubbed on the palms and plants of hands and feet, is speedily carried to the head, (as appears by the floods of salivation that follow the use of it.) For its Mercury (being an aerial & spirituous body compacted as appeareth by its orbicular & trembling motion) as soon as it is attenuated, and resolved by natural heat, breaks out of its compacture, as fired powder out of a gun, and (naturally flying upwards) is carried through veins and arteries to the brain, with many vapours accompanying it; which Vapours and Mercury (there condensing) are attenuated, eliquated, as a cloud for rain; and, through the palate are cast down to the mouth or stomach, in salivation. The truth of this appears to them, (who, in salivation, hold a piece of gold in their mouths) who find the spirits and vapours of the Mercury (concreating) hang about it; as it doth about other solid bodies: for its subtle flying spirits pass through the whole body, and fix about the bones also, who receive on themselves the substance and colour of the Mercury, (as in the mouth about the gold.) 4. By Mercurial Cinnaber-fume, which is yet more formidable; and (to such as have pectoral diseases, short breath, ill affected lungs, are troubled with distillations, weak bowels, colic pains, dysenteries) pernicious; use what care you can, Mercurial air will get in. There being safe methods of cure, let these be laid aside: for scarce to any person are they used, without the manifest offence and detriment of some bowel. And though great pretenders may promise security in its use, yet it is no wisdom to adventure your person upon every one's, bold rash, and ignorant confidence; Melius est non prodesse, quàm obesse, Fierce accidents will all in. Bold Empirics will promise much, and perform little; and will adventure upon what they cannot govern: and therefore must needs abuse themselves, and their patients. I do not decry the right use of Mercury; for, take away Mercury, Antimony, and Vitriol, you leave the Armoury of Physic, reproachfully weak. The Methods of cure approved, are 1. That by Treacles and Indian Alexipharmaca, which in time, and right use, will take effect: but this way is long and tedious. 2. That by Antivenereall Magnets; which is noble, and to be rested in; sure, potent, and effectual to draw out the venereous matter: which let none despise, because they do not understand by such hints. Dii laboribus omnia vendunt. The Last is, that by Sympathetic application; which saveth the patients much trouble, and useth nature in her most sublime, and noblest activities. (These two last Methods of cure, let the weaker sex especially take notice of whose more tender bodies, and feeble spirits, render them more unable to bea the more rough and difficult ways of cure.) These are methods, which many men, of great attainments otherwise, (through pride and unthankfulness) have rendered themselves uncapable of. What the Magneticks are, how applied, and by what causality they operate; what the Sympatheticks to be chosen are, and by what symmetry, oneness, and community of spirit, they have their effect, or whereby their causality is hindered, or set on motion, longa dies docuit; every one is not fit to receive it, nor would understand if they were told, nor could apply if they understood. The learned unprejudiced, may inform themselves. If any one find a new spring issuing out of Parnassus, reason will, that he first drink the waters thereof. The effect will best commend the work, and the patient's Euge's the cure: and that's enough to secure against the mad tooth of detraction, and silence the charge of Novelty, (the strength whereof others, (famous in their generation) have broken to my hands.) For who knows not, that the opinion of the Circulation of the blood is new, and thereupon the doctrine of Fevers fundamentally new, the way of the Chyle new, the sanguification of the heart, veins, mass of blood itself new, the proper work of the Liver new, the Chemical anatomy of all mixed bodies new, the whole frame and face of natural Philosophy new: and yet the Assertors of these not despised by any, but proud Stoics, whom no reason can persuade that they are men. Physic came in at first Empirically, (though it stood not so) and by induction of manifold experience it was brought into Precepts and Principles: And had the way of improving experience, been longer stood on, and Physic too soon not taught to systematize it had better improved, and fewer breaches been made on its doctrine; to the greater honour of the Art, and its Professors, and benefit of Patients. But this practical Art must be like speculative Sciences, and take a body of general Principles before they be found side digna, & sufficient causes of Conclusion. But had they been such; the Fabric had been firmer. It is true, and cannot be denied, that naked Experience, (not supported by weighty Reason) is but a dwarf, and can do little; nay, is often mischievous: but they that join both together, will find them a fortress strong enough to abide the battery of calumny. If (in these methods of cure) I walk in paths less trodden, yet (since my foundation is purest Philosophy) I shall say for myself, Salve amicum lumen! I will not, with some others, contra rationem insanire. All the satisfaction, I shall in conclusion give the Reader, (and that will satisfy the sober and modest) is, to remit him to that of Seveca. Multi ad sapientiam pervenire potuissent nisi putassent se pervenisse— Multum egerunt qui ante nos fuerunt, sed non peregerunt. Multum adhuc restat operae, multumque restabit; neque ulli nato post mille secula praecidetur occasio aliquid adhuc adjiciendi. THE CONTENTS. Chap I. THE Preface. Pag. 1 Chap II. The Names. Pag. 2 Chap III. The Definition. Pag. 6 Chap iv The Subject. Pag. 12 Chap V The Affect itself. Pag. 22 Chap VI The Causes. Pag. 26 Chap VII. Doubts and Questions resolved touching the Causes, viz. Pag. 31 1. Whether the disease may be conveyed by the air? ibid. 2. Whether by garments? Pag. 32 3. Whether by drinking after the Venereous of the same cup, sitting after on the same stool, lying next of oer on the same bed? Pag. 33 4. Whether a woman, by much prostitution to clean men, may contract it? Pag. 34 5. Whether by extinguishing the expulsive faculty of the womb? ibid. 6. Why the disease oft lurks in the body, & c? Pag. 35 7. Whence it is, that some are infected sooner than others? Pag. 37 8. Whether a woman, having coition with a venereous man, may remain uninfected, and yet she infect others? Pag. 39 9 Whence it is, that this disease at first enentrance into Europe, was so formidable, but now is more mild? Pag. 40 10 Whence it is, that though the disease be generally milder, yet it is cruel on some? Pag. 43 11. Why the disease falls mostly, in some, on the Hairs; in others, on the Nerves, Bones, & c? Pag. 44 12. Whether this disease be proper to any Country, and to what, & c? Pag. 45 Chap VIII. The Signs Diagnostic. Pag. 47 Chap IX. The signs Prognostic. Pag. 55 Chap X. Questions leading to the cure, viz. Pag. 57 1. Why this disease kills so slowly? ib. 2. Whether this disease be curable? Pag. 59 3. Whether (as time was, when the disease was not) it will in time cease to be? Pag. 60 4. Whether the supervention of this disease doth cure the Falling-sickness, etc. or other mortal diseases? Pag. 61 5. Whether the Pox keep out the Plague? Pag. 62 6. Whether there be any Antidote to keep a man (using a venereous wonan) from being infected? Pag. 63 7. Whether Cure be to be endeavoured at first entrance of the disease? Pag. 66 Chap. XI. Of the Cure in Common. Pag. 68 Chap. XII. Of the Cure in Special. Pag. 69 Some Methods Approved, others Reproved. Pag. 70 FINIS.