A PROSPECT OF The State of IRELAND, FROM The Year of the World 1756. TO The Year of Christ 1652. Written by P. W. Printed for Johanna Broom at the Gun in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1682. TO THE KING. SIR, I. Appear before Your Majesty with the ill grace of a Man who comes for a Pardon, and confesses he did the fau●t in hopes of it. For 'tis undeniably a guilty presumption in me to make bold with Your Royal Name, and that to a slight Argument, or at least made so by ill handling; such as will give People too much reason to say, Your Name is the only thing, which shows handsome in the whole Prospect. Neither have I any, but the sorry excuse of defenceless guilt: I was drawn in, though not by others, by Counsellors as dangerous and deceitful as my own thoughts. I considered that This, in the original design, was part of a Book which has the honour to be made Yours, and thought my altering the Method did not alter Your Majesty's Property; neither could I conceive, when Your Name appeared on the one half, any but Yours could show well on the other. I considered that 'tis an account of part of Your People, and contains an account of part of Your Pedigree. To the King, and to the Head of the Family, Justice I thought appropriated both, For it is the glory of the Irish Nation to have contributed to Your Sacred Blood, as well as the rest under Your happy Government: and when they shed their own in Your defence, to know they spend an inconsiderable part for preservation of the most Noble and most Precious: a sweeter and sometimes a stronger tye than the Duty of Subjects. As reciprocally, Nature with its secret allurements of propension towards a Country, from whence we are derived, and where our Ancestors have lived great and glorious, joins with the common care of a King, and Father of all his People, to move Your Majesty to cherish them with the rest. Thus much I beg leave to say by the by in behalf of my Native Country, because every Writer has not been either so curious to observe, or so kind to publish it. But leaving that matter, these reasons persuaded me I might find at least Companions in my fault, and where Your Sacred Name has been made bold with as improperly. Yet what wrought most, was a strong temptation, and which I could the less resist, because it came in the disguise of gratitude, to appear as little unworthy, as I could, of many and signal effects of Your Goodness. Every body knows I am deeply in Your Debt, and I thought it but just every body should know I own it, with the ●ense which becomes me; though I have not hitherto said so much as bare, I thank you, no not to Your Majesty Yourself sometimes. The thoughts of Death, which it concerns a man of my age to entertain, would be too terrible to me, if it should carry me away with the imputation of an insensible or ungrateful man. As I have always thought the best return a Subject can make to the favours of his Prince, is by his service to deserve them; I have indeed the comfort, that I cannot reproach myself with not having done my best. But alas! I must say to You as to God, after all I have, to my great grief, been but an unprofitable servant. That thought is a misery, which I am ill able to support. Should Ungrateful be added to Useless, it would certainly and soon sink my grey hairs to the Grave. Fear of this, as fear sometimes produces boldness, has cast me into that, of which I am now guilty, and in which my ill Fate still pursues me. For I am useless now too, having with much pains got a Present to make You, for which neither Your Majesty, nor any body else perhaps will be the better, and I know not whether worth more, than just so much Paper. But yet 'tis all I can do. For we of the Scribbling Trade are like Merchants who trade upon credit, and pay altogether in Bills. Besides that in truth, there lives not perhaps the man, whose stock, or luck in managing it is great enough to answer the mighty sum I own You. These were the thoughts which slattered my presumption with hopes of Pardon, to which all even Your Mercy will yet be needful. For I am an unrepenting Sinner, and who, far from sorrow, glory in the fault which gives me an occasion to tell all the World, I have lived and mean to die, Your majesty's most Loyal, most obedient, and most humble Subject, Peter Walsh. THE PREFACE. READER, You may well imagine by the Title and Method of this Treatise, the Author was very far from intending, it should pass for a History of Ireland. And for the Bulk I can assure you, that although, considering the extent of Times, and variety of Matters treated of therein, it be but little; yet, according to his first design, it should have been far less, at least by five parts of six. The truth is, I never had a thought of writing a word on this Subject, before the Earl of Castlehaven desired, nor only desired but importuned me a twelve month past, when his Lordship's Memoirs had been a working off the Press, that I would draw an Appendix to be published with them, which might in short represent the original Cause of the Rebellion broke out in Ireland on the 23d of October, 1641. and consequently somewhat of the State of that Kingdom, and Fatal Feud betwixt the two Nations there, since Henry II's time. What little inclination I had to the Subject, it will be to no purpose I should tell, being you see I was at last persuaded: though nevertheless I must acknowledge, it was only the power this Nobleman has, and can justly challenge over me, * See Castlehaven's Memoirs pag. 87. wrought my acquiescence to his desires. But laying aside that matter, what I would next inform you of are these particulars. 1. That although eight or nine sheets in the Whole, was the most I had first designed to write (because a larger Tract could not so well suit the Title of an Appendix to his Lordship's Memoirs:) yet when I was once entered on the Subject, so great a variety of matters offered themselves to consideration, as took up more time and paper than I first intended. 2. That in the mean while some Copies of the said Memoir's chancing (by some unexpected accident) to be given out by the Bookseller: my Lord, considering he could not otherwise prevent a sinister interpretation of his meaning by them in the main, as they were seen thus imperfect, found himself necessitated not only not to stay my leisure; but instead of such an Appendix as he expected from me, to change his former Preface, and write and print another; with an Appendix also of his own, though upon another Subject: and with such both amendments and accomplishments as he thought necessary, to order the free exposing of his Book to public view. 3. That notwithstanding I had on this emergent occasion thought myself eased of any further study on a Subject I had no liking to, it proved much otherwise. For his Lordship nevertheless continued his desires that I should prosecute and finish what I had begun: and to oblige me to it, without hopes of any change in him, gave notice in his Preface to the Reader of his Memoir's, how the Appendix he had first intended and promised of the State of Ireland was grown to such a Bulk as would require its coming out in a Book by its self. And therefore I found myself more deeply engaged. 4. That, however, seeing I was now at more liberty, as for Time, so for Matter and for Title both, I resolved to change my first design of so few sheets, and write under the Title of a Prospect, etc. about threescore sheets in all: but in the same method and Style I had already begun with, as more agreeable to my purpose of giving (though not a strict much less a full History, yet) the choicest Collections, and freest observations too, I could derive from, or in my way, i. e. in several, easy, plain Discourses make upon the History of Ireland; Thirty sheets representing in short the state of that Kingdom from the first Plantation of it after the Flood, till the English Conquest: and the other thirty what followed since for the last five hundred years. 5. That because I considered the Form (as Printers call it) which I had also begun with already, and therefore must have continued the same, would be too narrow and little for a Volume of sixty sheets, not rendered unproportinoably thick: I give them divided as in two Parts, which I call the Former and Later, so in two Volumes, each apart. So much for the Occasion, Title, Method, Form, Division of this Treatise. As for those matters of Irish Antiquity, so strangely far out of our ken, discoursed in this Former Part, I doubt not, some at least, or peradventure many of 'em will be excepted against by Critics in this censorious Age. And that, where nothing else can be objected, Varro's Three Differences of Time must serve the turn. We shall be told, How the First, having been That which extended from the Creation to the Flood, is called Obscure and uncertain: because we are wholly ignorant of all things happened in it. The Second, which was That from the Flood to the first Olympiad, is termed Fabulous: by reason of a world of Fables reported thereof. But the Third, extending frem the said Olympiad to our days, is called Historical: because the Acts of it are delivered in Histories that are true. And indeed, I must confess that so said Varro (the most learned of the Romans 1700 years ago) following herein the Greeks; and after him (of late) our English Cambden, who lays so much stress upon this observation of Varro, that (page 17. Hol. Translat.) he makes it his only argument to ruin the credit of Geoffrey of Monmouth's new History of Brute. But withal I do profess, that, for my own part, I see nothing in it that stresses. My reasons are, 1. The say of Varro, how learned soever he was, are no Oracles. 2. The Histories of the Jewish Nation, at least the Books of Moses, and several more of the Old Testament Record a great variety of Matters happened, some before the Flood, many more after it, both the one and the other with all certainty and truth imaginable; and yet all of 'em before the First Olympiad, which according to Cambden himself was no earlier than the year of the World 3189. though others make it earlier by fifteen years. 3. And to wave all kind of advantages from those holy Books which both Jews and Christians repute infallible, as being the Oracles of God; Josephus in his first Book against Appion, a Book written by him 1600. years ago, assures us, that even the Histories of the Phoenicians, Egyptians, and Chaldeans have recorded likewise with great truth and certainty the Reigns of their own Kings, and other memorable things happened in their Countries many hundred years before the first Olympiad; yea not a few of them happened even long before either Moses or Abraham himself was born. 4. There have been several Books written for true History of matters that (as the Authors would make us believe) happened since the first Olympiad, nay written partly of some things reported in them to have happened fourteen hundred years after that Olympiad, which yet we know to be most faculous. Witness, among so many other, the foresaid Geoffrey of Monmouth's seven Books of History; to say nothing at all of Annius Viterbiensis. But to return back to Josephus; it is also remarkable how (in the same Book against Appion) he wonders not a little at those who as to matters of Antiquity, suppose the truth ought only to be gathered from the Greeks. Whereas indeed (says he) whatever is written by the Greeks, is new, and of late memory, and has been done in the World in a manner but yesterday. And this he proves in the same place at large. Besides he shows, that albeit their knowledge or practice not only of other Arts and Sciences, but of any kind of Letters, had been very late; yet the latest of all among 'em was that of History. That herein, even after they had given themselves industriously to it, they were notwithstanding very imperfect, uncertain, short: their chiefest Authors contradicting one another in what they wrote: (as knowing there were no ancient Records, not even in Athens itself, to check their falsity, nor Laws to curb their Liberty of writing what they pleased at random) and what they wrote, being so little as to other Countries of the World, that of Rome itself, though very powerful within Italy in those times, and so near home, they seemed for some Ages wholly ignorant. That even their most curious Writers, and among 'em Ephorus by name, were so ignorant of the Gauls and Spaniards, as to have thought the later a People denominated of one only City, and related the manners both of the one and the other to be such, as neither are nor at any time were among either. Finally, that their knowledge of other Nations was a long time so extreme little, as to have extended only to the bordering Thracians, and the Inhabitants of the Sea Coasts, lying Easterly, and Westerly, not far from Greece; all other Inland or untraffiquing, nay and all trassiquing too, so they were far remote Countries, being utterly unknown to them. Moreover, and more nearly to our present purpose, it is observable how so excellent, so unbyass'd a Writer, as Josephus undoubtedly is, not only has in the same Book this very expression, That he presumes not for matter of Antiquity to compare his own Jewish Nation with the Chaldeans, Egyptians, or Phaenicians; but, for certainty and truth, highly celebrates in particular, the Phenician Historian Dius, and the Chaldean Berosus. And yet we know from him, that as well the one as the other of these two Writers has treated of the Affairs of that second Difference of Time in Varro, especially Berosus. He tells us that Berosus, both mentioned the Flood, and Ark, and resting of this on the Mountains of Armenia, and continued the series of his Narration downwards all along from the first of Kings after the Deluge, even from Noah himself, that is, for the whole extent of that very Second period or Difference of Time. Whence it must follow, that however this Time might well and justly be reputed fabulous by the Greeks in relation to themselves and their own Historians; yet their ignorance ought to be no rule to conclude other Nations that, like to those ancient Egyptians, Phaenicians, and his Chaldeans in Joseph, were from the beginning careful to preserve their Antiquities, i. e. their Genealogies, Adventures, Changes, Kings, Wars, and other Memorable Deeds, in public Registers on Record for Posterity. Such are at present the Chineses in the utmost limit of the old World in Asia towards the Rising Sun: as the History of Martinus a Martinis abundantly showeth. And that such also in the farthest Land of Europe, towards the Setting Sun, the ancient Irish have been while their State continued till about five hundred years since, may be sufficiently evinced by many arguments. Among which are those which you may briefly read in this Prospect, Former Part, Sect. II. page 46, 47, and 48. whereunto it will not be amiss to add what both Cambrensis and Neubrigensis do confess, that even from the beginning the Irish Nation has ever continued free from any foreign Yoke or Conquest till Henry the Second of England's time. That is, according to Cambrensis, has continued so, even for so long an extent of time as the successive Reigns of a hundred eighty one Monarches of their own Country and extraction from the same stock had certainly taken up. And therefore it must be also confessed, That so long at least, they were in a capacity to preserve their own Records. And so indeed they did preserve the chiefest of 'em safe, even amidst the greatest fury of the two Danish Wars. Neither of which, how destructive, calamitous and heavy soever, especially the Former was, arrived to the nature of an absolute or total Conquest of the Natives, not even for one week or day. All which considered by indifferent men, I hope may be enough to remove out of their way all prejudgment of Critics, from the foresaid observation of Varro, against those remote Antiquities of the Irish Nation, which you shall meet with in the Former Part of this Prospect. What or who were the Authors I have followed, it will be but reasonable I should inform you next. And I think it as reasonable to tell you, That although I have read whatever Cambrensis, or Campion, or Hanmer, or Spencer wrote of Ireland: yet in the whole Former Part of this Prospect, I have not borrowed from any one or more of them above one Paragraph of a few lines: unless peradventure you account those other to be such. (i. e. borrowed from them) which animadvert upon some few of their many Errors. Nor certainly would I have ventured on writing so much as one Line of the State of that Kingdom before the English Conquest, if I had not been acquainted with other kind of Authors; yea Authors not only more knowing, but incomparably better qualified to know the ancient Monuments of that Kingdom, than they or any other Foreigners that hitherto have gathered, written, printed some hear-say scraps of that Nation, could possibly be. In short, when I was a young man I had read Geoffrey Keting's Irish Manuscript History of Ireland. And now when my Lord of Castle-haven would needs engage me to write something, as you have seen before: I remembered how about four or five years since, the R. H. Earl of Anglesey, Lord Privy Seal, had been pleased to show me another Manuscript, being an English Translation of that Irish History of Ketings. Besides I remembered to have seen and read Gratianus Lucius, when he came out in print some twenty years ago. And because I was s●re to meet in the Former, materials enough for such Discourses upon the more Ancient Irish, or State of their Country before the English Conquest, as were to my purpose: and that the Later too might be very useful in some particulars: having borrowed Keting first, (i. e. that English Manuscript Translation of him, such as it is, from my Lord Privy Seal) I ventured to begin somewh●●, in the method you have here, on so Noble and Illustrious a Subject. Though, I must confess, I am still the more unsatisfied, that while I was drawing these Papers you have now before you, I could by no means procure the Reading either of Primate usher's Primordia Ecclesiarum Britannicarum, or Sir James Ware's Antiquities of Ireland. However, seeing I have exposed myself to censure, as relying wholly on the ability and sincerity of Keting and Lucius in the performance of their several undertake: I have the more reason to give here this following true account of them. Geoffrey Keting was a Native of Ireland in the Province of Monster, as were his Ancestors before him for many Generations, though not of Irish but English blood originally. He was by Education, Study, Gommencement abroad in France, a Doctor of Divinity; in his Religion, a Romanist; by Ordination and Calling, a secular Priest. He had by his former study at home in his younger days, under the best Masters of the Irish Tongue and the most skilful in their Antiquities, arrived to a high degree of knowledge in both. In his riper years, when returned back from his other Studies and Travails in Foreign Parts, his curiosity and genius led him to examine all Foreign Authors, both Ancient and Modern, who had written of that Kingdom either purposely or occasionally, whether in Latin or in English. And this diligent search made him observe two things chief. 1. That every one, even the very best and most knowing of those Writers, were either extremely out in many, if not most of their Relations concerning the State of that Country before the English Conquest, or rather indeed wholly ignorant of it. In so much, that like men groping in the dark, they related scarce any thing at all, well or ill, of what had passed among the Inhabitants of Ireland far above one and Thirty Hundred years. Except only what is by some of them reported of the Learning and Sanctimony of their Monks, during the first fervours of Christianity: and a very little more of their Wars at home in Ireland with the Danes; and even this very little involved in a mixture of Monstrous Fables, derived from such Romantic Stories, as were certainly written at first for mere diversion and pastime only. 2. That the generality of those British Authors, who have written of that Country since the English Conquest, are against all Justice and Truth, and Law's of History, in the highest degree injurious to the ancient Natives. These considerations improving by a fervent zeal for truth, and generous love to his Country, made Father Keting undergo the laborious task of writing the History of Ireland at large from the very first Plantation of it after the Deluge to Hen. II's time and 17th year of his Reign, being the year of Christ 1152. And this History (besides which there is no other full, complete or methodical one extant of all the Ages, Invasions, Conquests, Changes, Monarches, Wars, and other considerable matters of that truly ancient Kingdom) be lived to finish in his old Age, that is, a little after Charles I. of glorious memory had been proclaimed King. Nor did he only finish it, but prefix unto it a very judicious, large and learned Preface to the Reader. It is in this Preface he declares those two special motives of his writing, which you have seen already. Where also he declares who those Authors are that gave him the occasion, and refutes them one after another at large: namely, Strabo, Solinus, Pomponius Mela, S. Hierom against Jovinian, Cambrensis, Stanihurst, Campion, Hanmer, Cambden, Hector Boethius, John Barclay, Morison, Davies, Buchanan. All these in particular, as to some passages of theirs, he disputes against in the same Preface with the clearest evidence of Authority, matter of Fact, and Reason grounded on both. As likewise he does in the Body of his Work against other passages not only of some of these same Authors, especially Cambrensis, Hector Boethius, and Buchanan, but Nicholas Sanders too in his First Book de Schismate Anglicano. Besides in the same Preface he discourses five or six other Particulars, which I think worth the while not to pass over wholly in silence. The first is, That although in his History he has not seldom made use of some Collections out of Foreign Writers; yet the main Body of it all along is composed out of the most undoubtedly ancient and authentic Monuments of Ireland, viz. Psaltuir Ardemach, Psaltuir Cha●sil, Psaltuir na Rann (written by Aonghuis Ceile De) and then Leabhar na Huacongmhala, Leabhar Chluaino Huighnioch, Leabhar Fiontain in Leix, Leabhar Ghlinne Da-Loch, Leabhar B●idhe Mholing, Leabhar Dubh Mholaige, Leabhar na Gceart (written by S. Benignus) and Ubhdir Chiarrain, writ at Cluain-mhac-Noise: in all Thirteen Books. For you are to understand here not only that Leabhar signifies a Book, and Psaltuir (we call it Psaltor) a Book in Verse, but, as he says, That from the beginning it was the custom of the Irish to have their Chief Antiquities done into the choicest, severest, strictest Meeter, without any redundance or want as to sense and point of truth: and this as well for the more safe preserving of them from corruption, as the more easy getting them by heart. And consequently you see the true reason why their chief Records of Tarach, Cashel, Ardmagh, etc. are called Psalters. But if you would further know the heads of these thirteen Books: he answers in the same place, They are these. 1. The several Invasions and Conquests of Ireland. 2. The Division of its Provinces and lesser Countries. 3. The Reigns of their Kings. 4. Their Annals. 5. Their Computations and Concordances of Times. 6. The Genealogy of their Male Gentry. 7. The Pedigree of their Females. 8. Their Vocabulary. Where also is a large account of the great School in the Plain of Sennaar, and three first Teachers of it, soon after the Confusion of Tongues at Nimrod's Tower. 9 The Visions of Columb-Cille, with sundry other Antiquities of Ireland. The Second Particular gives in effect four Reasons, or at least one composed of so many Heads, to persuade the credibility and truth of these Irish Books. It tells us of above two hundred chief Chronologers together, from very early times, conttinuing a Succession in the same Families and all Ages in that Nation while their Kingdom stood, whose peculiar and only Office it was to record faithfully all memorable Concerns. It tells us how these Antiquaries had sufficient Estates in Land entailed on themselves and Issue for ever on that Condition. It tells us of the public Schools they had purposely and continually kept for the Education of their Youth in the knowledge of their Antiquities: and how these Schools were kept in the Country of Breifthne, as they call in Irish That which now we call the County of Letrim. It tells us of a Triennial search into and Revision of all their Records by a select Committee in the Public Assembly of all the Estates of that Kingdom. And lastly, it tells us of the Deposition of fair Copies of the same Records, in the hands of the Bishops from time to time ever since the Nation believed in Christ 1200 years since. Whereof you may see more at large in my 46. page following in this Former Part. A third Particular answers the Objection of some discordance among the Irish Books, concerning the number of years from the Creation of the World to the Birth of our Saviour. It desires the Objectors to consider the far greater discordance * Because I was not sure that my Copy of Keting was right in every of the particulars or Discordances noted here, I consulted of purpose the most learned Sixtus Senensis, l. 5. Bibl. S. (pag. 440. Imp. Colon. an 1626.) whither I remit you to see many more discordances, that is, Six and Twenty in all, in stead of these 15 here given by Keting, though most of these are among 'em. betwixt as well the Hebrews as the Greek and Latin Chronologers, each apart, on the same Subject. How, for Example, 1. among the Hebrews, Paul Sedecholim counts 3518. years: the Talmudists, 3784. the New Rabbins, 3760. Rabbi Naasson, 3740. Rabbi Moses Germidisi, 4058. Josephus, 4192. Among the Greek Authors, Metrodorus, 5000. Eusebius, 5199. Theophilus, 5476. And among the Latins, S. Hierom, 3941. S. Augustin, 5351. Isidorus, 5270. Orolius, 5190. Beda, 3952. Alphonsus, 5984. Now, says Keting, if so great a discordance on this very Subject impair not in other matters the credit of either Greek, Hebrew, or Latin Authors: why should it the Irish? Where also he acquaints his Reader, that because himself is of opinion, that such Irish Antiquaries or Books as count for this Period from the Creation to the Incarnation 4052. * This is the Computation followed by Augustinus Tornlellius in his Annals Sacri ab Orbe Condito ad Christum passum. Sext. M. Aetat. ad an. 4052. whether Keting had him for his Master, though I know not; yet I know he might, because Torniellius came out in Print at Francford, an▪ 1611. come nearest the Truth, he follows them in his History, or computation of times therein, either precedent or subsequent to the Birth of Christ. And farther, in the some place, he acquaints us with his purpose to give at the end of his History an Appendix, or a Table of Synchronism, showing what Monarchies, Monarches, Great Kings of the World in other parts, and since Christianity what Popes and general Councils were contemporary with the various Revolutions and Kings of Ireland. Whether he lived to finish this Table, I know not. But I remember to have seen, in stead thereof, two small Tracts of his in Irish, on another Subject, annexed to an Irish Copy of his History: the one being a Defence of the Mass; the other entitled in Irish, The Three Shafts of Death. An other Particular is That which tells how, and why, he thought it fitting, as to the number of years attributed to the several Reigns of some few of their Pagan Monarches, especially Siorna Saoghallach, and Cobhthach Caolbhreag, to vary from their Book of Reigns where it's said, That the later reigned fifty years; but the former a hundred and fifty, and that besides he was a hundred years old when he attained the Sovereignty, nor died naturally, but was murdered after he had lived two hundred and fifty years in all. In the Fifth Particular, he speaks only to those who seem rather to admire than believe how it can be at least probable, That other Pedigrees than those in Holy Scripture should be truly and in a perpetual Line without any interruption carried up along to Adam and Noah, as the Irish Genealogical and Historical Books pretend to do for all their Kings, Princes, and great Nobles. To such admiring incredulous men he answers, That the Irishry or Gathelian Offspring, even all along from the time of Gathelus himself (whose name gave these Descendants from hin● the general appellation of Clanna Gaodhel) till their arrival in Ireland, had with them a learned sort of men, called in their Language Draoithe (in ours Druids and Magicians) whose peculiar Office it was to write and preserve as well their Genealogies, as all other Memoirs concerning them or their Travails and Adventures whatsoever, good or bad. That the more famous Branch of those Gathelians, to wit the Clanna Mileadh or Descendants from Milesius the Spaniard, after they had conquered Ireland from the Nation called Tuatha-De-Danann thought fit to continue the same course, and accordingly did continue for the 2500 years of their Government and Laws, an uninterrupted numerous succession of Antiquaries for the same purpose, with large allowance and strict orders to regulate them; us has been said afore. That besides, and particularly to show the like care among some other Nations for preserving the Genealogies of their great Heroes; he instances in the Pedigree of that excellent Saxon King Alfredus, and out of Asser Menevensis inserts it carried up through all his Predecessors from Son to Father in a perpetual direct Line to Adam. To which Instance, alleged by Keting, I could myself most certainly, though without Book, add another. For about five or six and forty years since, travelling in Brabant, and within a little English mile to Louvain, entering the Choir of the Celestin's Abbey there, I saw and for a pretty while did view a Table hung up on the Wall, which contained the Genealogy of the Illustrious Founders the Dukes of Arscot, carried up in like manner through a vast number of Generations to the First of all men. Which may be enough to persuade us, that the old Germane Nation, how meanly soever for matter of civility or Learning, described by Tacitus, have been very careful in preserving at least their Genealogical Antiquities. And indeed, if my memory fail me not, I remember to have read in Favins' Theatre of Honour, much to this purpose; where he tells, It was from the Germans that all the rest of Europe derived the custom of giving Goats of Arms to show the Noble Antiquity of their Extraction. Though withal I must confess, that Keting in the Reign of the Irish Monarch Domhnal mhac Aodh mhic Ainmhire, who died in the year of Christ 642. not only demonstrates by a very special Instance, That custom of blazoning Arms to have been among the Irish in this Monarch's Reign very common, but farther says, It had been so in all Ages before, among their Ancestors, ever since the days of Gathelus himself, who derived it from the Israelites at the time of their passing the Red Sea, when each of the Tribes had its own peculiar Ensign carried before. But to return to my purpose: The Sixth and Last of those particulars (of Keting's Preface) I would acquaint you with, is That, being his whole History for the matter, is only of the Ancient Irish Nation, if any Reader shall perhaps apprehend his Relations, or commendations or praises of them any where, or in any point, or as to any matter or Times, excessive: he desires it be considered, That the Author is no Irish man by blood, but English, though born in Ireland. And therefore cannot rationally be supposed to magnify the Old Irish, or speak more excellent things of 'em, than the very force of Truth and duty of a Historian exacts from him. Besides he had immediately before, in the same Place, declared, That neither love nor hatred of any People, nor hope of any kind of Reward on Earth, made him either go through with, or indeed at first undergo any part of the toil of so laborious a Work, but only those other considerations given before. But what his reason was only to write it in Irish; I cannot tell. Unless it be, That he would not swerve from the custom of that Nation, while they were a free People before the English Conquest, of transmitting the Authentic Records or public Acts and Monuments of their Kingdom to after Ages in their own Language only. Which as I conceive, is the true reason why so little of them has ever yet been known elsewhere in the World. However you have by this time a sufficient account of Keting, the Author I am mostly guided by in the whole Former Part of my Prospect, or (which is the same thing) in my Discourses of the State of Ireland till the beginning of the English Conquest in the year of Christ, 1172. I had almost forgotten to prevent your prejudice against Keting's History, from his relating about the beginning of it, those three unlikely Stories. 1. How Seth the Son of Adam, and three daughters of Cain in a Company together landed in, and viewed all Ireland over. 2. How last year before the Deluge three Fishermen of South-Spain, by name Laigne, Capa, and Luasad, had been Wind-driven thither, etc. 3. How Keasar, the daughter of Baioth son to Noah, with three men, viz. Fionntuin, Lothra, and her said Father, and fifty Women, to save themselves from the Flood, which from Noah they had heard of as impending, after they had first by her advice renounced the God of Noah, taken to themselves an Idol God, which the Irish in their Language call Laimbh Dhia, and then wandered for seven years by Sea, at last arrived in Ireland, just forty days before the Flood, and there nevertheless perished by it. And indeed I must confess that Keting relates these Stories at large, with all their other circumstances. But how or why does he relate'em? It is manifest he does it, of set purpose to explode 'em every one as incredible, and mere Poetical Fictions. For so himself expressly says. Adding withal▪ that such only and no other was the repute they had in the very days of Yore among the best Irish Antiquaries. And for this he brings sufficient proofs, by alleging their own words. Gratianus Lucius is the next Author I make frequent use of to lead me in several remote affairs of the more Ancient Irish. And he likewise an Irish man by birth; but of the Province of Connaght, and (as himself professes) by name and blood of English Extraction. His own proper name and surname, John Lynch: his Function, Sacerdotal, and of the Secular Clergy too. His employ besides at Galway, for some years in our own time, was Teaching a School of Humanity, (as they call it) wherein he was excellent. In the differences between the Roman Catholic Confederates in the late unhappy War of that Nation, he joined with those of them that were against the Nuncio Rinuccini's Censures, for the Cessation with Inchiquin, submission to the King, and the two Peace's. After the surrender of Galway to the English Parliament Army he went to France. Where, employing his time as became a good Patriot & Loyal Subject, he wrote, printed and published two Latin Books in Quarto, with a Dedicatory Epistle to the Congregation of Cardinals de Propaganda Fide, against a Factious disloyal Manuscript which one Richard Ferral an Irish Capuccin▪ had some years before written and presented to the same Congregation, as a Direction for them in their government of the Church affairs of Ireland: the former entitled Alithinologia; the Later, Supplementum Alithinologiae. Some years after, that is an. 1662. he published under the name of Gratianus Lucius an other Latin Work in Folio, entitled Cambrensis Eversus, as being a full confutation of the Author that goes by the name of Cambrensis. Who this Cambrensis, and what the Quarrel was, to let you know▪ if I digress a little, it may peradventure be worth the while. His proper name and surname in English being Gerald Barry, that Additional of Cambrensis he had from his native Country, in Latin Cambria, in English Wales. His education of a Scholar, profession of a Divine, Function of a Priest, and (as I must suppose) merits in all brought him in time to be not only of S. David's, but Tutor to the young Earl of Mortaign Fifth Son to Henry II. Under which Qualifications, first his zeal for the old Archiepiscopal privileges of that See engaged him in a long Contest with the See of Canterbury, and then his Election to the same See of S. David's, involved him in another. In so much, that however he came to be worsted in both (for so he was) yet his name has ever since remained on Record in the Papal Canons. His extraction made him Nephew to Robert fitz Stephens and Maurice fitz Gerald, Cousin to Meylerus, and Brother to Philip Barry and Robert Barry, five of the first chief men that adventured to Ireland of purpose to advance their own fortune by helping on the Restauration of Diarmuid na Ngall King of Leinster. His own Genius once, and once more his Place carried him to Ireland. For twice he was there: first to see his kinsmen daily acquiring large possessions by their valour: and next to wait on his young Prince Earl John, when created Lord of Ireland, and sent thither by the King. And now, as himself confesses, being desirous of glory and immortal fame by describing Ireland, and informing the World not only of what he knew of the State of that Kingdom then under the English Conquerors, but of all former Conquests, and State thereof from the beginning, he wrote to this purpose five Books in Latin. The first three of 'em under the Title of The Topography of Ireland, and the other two under that of The Conquest of Ireland by Henry II. Indeed more specious Titles both, than his Relations under them do so much as meanly answer. Besides, that the Title at least of Topography must be very strangely applied to signify the Description of a whole Kingdom. And yet notwithstanding, This, together with the History of all former Conquests and other Antiquities of Ireland, is that which he promises to give under the same Title▪ That he has very ill performed, that he has given his Reader's nothing less than such a History or such a Description▪ we must not wonder. He neither could understand the Language, nor so much as read the Books whether of History or Chorography written at large by the Natives themselves in their own Character. He saw not in any manner, nor travelled, nor viewed even at a distance, above one Third of the Kingdom, nor dared for his Life venture into either of the other two parts. His whole stay in Ireland, being the whole extent of Yime employed by him in gathering materials for his intended Work▪ was but a year and a half; besides an other half years task▪ which he had left to his Companion Bertram Verdon, who therefore stayed so long behind him. His Collections, at least for such part of 'em as any way pertinently related to his foresaid promise, or Titles, were certainly extreme little; but the rest of them, no less extreme bad, and commonly false to boot. They were so little, that he describes not so much as one County, or Tract, or Town, no not of that very third Part of the Kingdom which he might have seen. Unless peradventure you take for a Description of all Ireland, his Fabulous Narrations of four Wells, three Islands, three Lakes, the Fountain head of four great Rivers, and the Fall of the greatest of them all, by name the River of Shannon, into the Northern Sea. Tho it be well known, That as all these Narrations are such, i. ●. mere Fables: so the one moiety of these Lakes, Wells, Islands, besides the Head-spring of Shannon, are within those other parts of Ireland, which he never saw nor durst enter. As for the History of the former Inhabitants, Conquests, and other Antiquities of that Kingdom, promised by him, it is in like manner not only so imperfect, but so little in all respects: That 1. he has not the least mention of Tuatha-De-Danainn, though a powerful People that by a bloody War entirely won it from Feara-Bolg, and were possessors of it for a hundred ninty seven Years under the successive Reigns of seven (or rather indeed Nine) Kings of their own: that is, until they also in their turn were conquered by the Clanna Mileadh about Thirteen hundred years before the Birth of Christ. 2. Of those Clanna Mileadh or Descendants from Milesius, though they were the People that continued the Possession and Government of Ireland ever since, about 2500 years, to this very Author's days; yet all the account he gives is only in short, that they had a hundred eighty one Monarches, ruling successively over that Kingdom; but not a word more of their History, Polity, Laws, Conquests abroad, Militia, or Wars at home▪ may, not so much as a bare Catalogue of those very Monarches; for he names only the first and last of 〈◊〉; being Feidlimidius, whom he mistakes for one more, was not King of Ireland, but of Monster only. So little he has of the very Milesians, or their Antiquities or Actions. Except only, 1. A few words of the six Sons of Muredus, Provincial King of Ulster, entering Scotland. 2. A slender touch upon the Danish Invasions of Ireland. In which notwithstanding, he is mightily out, both as to the Year of Christ he fixes on for the first of those Invasions, viz. 838. and as to the name, person, feats, yea and Nation too of Gurmundus, all being mere Fictions, borrowed mostly from Galfridus Monumethensis. However, with such, and many more idle stories in other matters not only impertinent to the Title of his Books, or discharge of his Promise, nor only not had from any Records or Writings whatsoever, as neither from the oral Testimony of men of knowledge or integrity; but wholly derived from old Wive's Tales, and pastime of Ferry-men, and random reports of Soldiers, and imposture of some Knaves who feigned things of purpose to impose on his vain credulity: and besides, with most vile reflections, Invectives, Satyrs almost every where against the Irish Nation of his own time, their Princes, Priests and People generally, without sparing any degree, not even the very Monks, nor even the very Bishops excepted, he patched up & finished at last, after five years' study, all his foresaid five Books of Ireland: prefixing Dedicatories of some to the King, as of other of 'em to Richard Earl of Poictou, who soon after was Richard I. of England And now, putting an extraordinary value on these Works of his own, and no longer able to conceal his ambitious design of glory by 'em, he goes to Oxford: renews the ancient Roman Rehearsals there, in the most public Audience could be had: continues 'em three days together, from morning till night; allowing a day for each of his Topographical Books. And to make his Comedy the more solemn, feasts all the meaner sort of that whole City, on the firstday: on the second all the Doctors, Masters and chief Scholars of the University: on the third day, the rest of the Scholars, the Soldiers too and all the Burgesses of that Place. A sumptuous and noble act, says Gerald himself glorying of it, whereby the ancient Custom of Poets was renewed, which neither the present Age, nor any former could show in England. But after all, he came short of his expectation of glory. His little performance, and great ignorance, his many Fables and evil choice of other materials to●, yea and his mortal enmity, hatred, malevolence to the Irish Nation were seen through, especially at Court; where, as himself complains, he had too many back Friends to malign him. Above all, his Satyrs and spleen against the very name of the Irish laid him open. Nor were the true causes thereof unknown. Besides the common concern he had in the destruction of that People for the sake of his Kinsmen, there was another more peculiar to himself that continually egged him to the greatest violence against them. He had even for his own sake very deeply engaged in a particular controversy with Albinus O Molloy a Cistercian Irish Monk and Abbot of Baltinglass, wherein he was worsted. Whether any other causes moved him, I do not know. But this I know, that in his Second Book of the Conquest of Ireland, he desired, that whole Nation might either be throughly weakened, or totally destroyed; yea notwithstanding the Peace but lately concluded, and still observed by them. And that besides, in the same Book cap. 36. he prescribed the ways to do it. I see also that on every occasion as he is perpetually in the greatest extremes even of Romantic praises of his own Relatives, Fitz Stephens, Fitz Gerald, Meyler, the two Barrys, and all their British Soldiers too, his own Countrymen: so, of the other side, upon the least pique he is no less passionately excessive in charging with and exaggerating the vilest things against the very Normans and English in Ireland, though embarked in the save public quarrel with them against the Irish Nation. Witness, among others, Herveus de Monte Marisco, and William Fitz Adelm the King's Lieutenant, and Progenitor of the noble Family of Bourks' in that Kingdom. Nay witness the King himself Henry II. Whom although, during his Life, this Author made the Occidental Alexander, the Invincible, the Solomon of his own Time, the most Pious of Princes, and his only Fame (though far short of his Merits) to have repressed the fury of all the very Gentiles of Europe, and Asia too beyond the Mediterranean Sea: adding many more Hyperbolical expressions to magnify him above all truth and reason; as for example, That his Victo●●●● 〈◊〉 with the Circumference of the Earth▪ and That if you seek after the Limits of his Conquests you shall sooner come to the end of the World than of them: yet after this Great Prince's death (as David Powel very particularly observes) he, the same Author Gerald of Wales, most bitterly invey'd against him, in his Book de Instructione Principis; where he so bel●bed forth the venom of his malevolence, that he manifestly discovered his old inveterate hatred of this King Henry. So says powel. Moreover, and in reference particularly to his stories of Ireland, you may find in Primate Ushers Sylloge (pag. 155.) how the expostulations of other men and evidence of Truth compelled him at last to several Retractations: among which he confesses, that although he had some of his Relations from persons of credit in that Country; yet for the rest he had only common report and fame. Which if I be not mistaken is in effect to acknowledge, that he had common Lies, and Forgeries to authorise them. Nay further, You may read Sir James Wares Censure of them in his own Antiquities of Ireland cap. 23. where in express terms he says in Latin. That Gerald of Wales in his Topography of Ireland has heaped together so many Fabulous Relations, that to discuss them exactly would require a just Treatise. And then adds, in the same place, his own wonder, How it should come to pass, that some of this very Age, though otherwise grave and learned men, have again for Truths obtruded on the World those Fictions of Girald▪ Besides, You are to know, that notwithstanding so many just exceptions against those Books of Cambrensis: yea notwithstanding they had therefore lain after his death 400 years neglected, obscure, unknown, till Cambden had them printed at Francford an. 1602. yet ever since that year, they have proved the only chief warrant to all such men of little reading as were delighted in writing ill of the ancient Irish. To conclude; what I would say on the whole is, That if hatred, enmity, open professed hostility, and special interest and actual engagement too in the destruction of that ancient Irish Nation: if ignorance of their Language, and wilful passing by their History, even the most authentic of their Records: if no knowledge at least of two Thirds of their Country: if hunting, collecting, and huddling together the vainest and falsest and most ridiculous hear-say stories, and this forsooth of purpose to gain immortal fame by telling stupendious things not heard before: if Satyrs of the people in general, so virulent and frequent, that in very deed the publishing of 'em may be justly suspected to have been at least a great part of the Author's chief design: if a licentious humour and immoderate passion transporting him to the strangest exorbitancy either of praises or dispraises, or flatteries or injuries, as he stood affected, in writing even of his own Party, and his own King for company among 'em: if his acknowledgement in Usher, and the Censure of him by Sir James Ware: in a word, if so many excellent Qualifications as are enumerated here, can render him an Author of Credit, or to be followed or believed in any passage of his foresaid Books that is to any degree of prejudice either against the Irish Nation, or contrary to their Chronicles, or vain or exotic in itself, and not warranted by better authority than his only word: I say, that if the matter be so indeed, then for my own part I must be of opinion, that no Author at all, how idle, or vain, or unwarrantable, or incredible, or false, or injurious, reproachful and satirical soever his Relations of any People or Country are, is to be rejected. Tho in all contingencies, it must be also confessed, that wherever Cambrensis has delivered any thing to the advantage, renown, or credit of the Irish Nation, his testimony is doubtless above all exception for so much. For the confession of an Adversary is valid in all Tribunals: and both Bodin and Reason requires it should be so in History. Thus having sufficiently informed you both of Cambrensis and the true original grounds of the Quarrel of Gratianus Lucius to him: I return to the finishing my account of Lucius himself. And this I shall dispatch by a little farther addition, first of those more special considerations that put him on writing his Cambrensis Eversus, and then of his performance therein. Those himself gives at large; but I shall contract 'em. 1. He had often considered, that although soon after the coming out of Cambrensis in Germany from the Press, two Learned Irish Gentlemen, Richard White a Jesuit, and Philip O Suillevan a Soldier, to undeceive the World, and right their injured Nation, had most exactly and convincingly written, each of them at large, against his impostures; yet through ill fortune their several Books on that subject were lost, and no body since had put Pen to paper to retrieve this loss. 2. By daily conversation among Foreigners, he had found, That because in so many years since that Francford Edition of Cambrensis, nothing appeared against him in Print, his very vilest Relations of Ireland were taken for confessedly true. 3. Having read a great number of Books, and he thinks all whatsoever written of that Kingdom by English & other British Authors; and observing how as many of 'em at least as came out since the change of Religion, were so unjust to the Irish Nation, that amongst all there was not so much as any one Individual, who does not either report Fictions, or conceal Truths, or exaggerate the bad, or extenuate the good Things of that People: he considered at last, that Giraldus Cambrensis was their first pattern. 4. And which to him was more grievous yet, he considered, that ever since the aforesaid Germane Edition, there was not a Book written, nor a Cosmographical or Geographical Table drawn, there was not (I mean) a Map, or a Card (as they are called) describing the customs or manners of Nations come forth in any part of Europe, which was not replenished with ugly base reflections on the Irish. In so much, that in all Countries and Languages they were on all occasions become a Fable to the Vulgar, and object of scorn to others. These were the considerations that prevailed with Lucius to exert his zeal for Truth and Love to his Country, in taking all the foresaid Books of Cambrensis to pieces; laying open the most material of his Errors and Calumnies; (for it had been endless to pursue him in the more immaterial) convincing him every where; and therefore, when he had finished his Work, publishing it for the satisfaction of Europe in Latin, under the Title of Cambrensis Eversus, which may be Englished The Cambrian overthrown. How justly it deserves this name, others may judge, seeing the Book is extant, and has been since the year 1622. when it was printed. For my own part, I can do no less than acknowledge what I think of it myself: which is, That the Author shows himself very conversant in those Letters we call Polite. That above all, for knowledge in History both Domestic & Foreign, Sacred and Profane, he appears excellently well qualified to write on the Subject he undertook. That every where, and whatever matter is treated, he is very exact in quoting his Authors: and where the allegation must depend on Irish Books or Writers, he never omits to give 'em by name in the Margin: among which are the Annals of Inis Fail, the Common Annals, the Annals of Anonymous, the Annals of Tigernacus, the Continuer of Tigernacus, the Books of Reigns, O Dwegan, O Donel, Colgan, Philip O Suillevan, Peter Lombard Archb. of Ardmagh, Keting, Primate Usher, Sir James Ware. That in a word, his performances in this Book against Cambrensis are accurate, absolute, full: and therefore not unworthy the Dedication they bear prefixed to the Sacred Majesty of Charles II. of Great Britain our gracious King. I say against Cambrensis. Because I do abstract wholly from his occasional or incidental Reflections any where on the State of Ireland since the Year 1640. To deliver my thoughts of them, is no part of my business here. What more, concerning Lucius, must be directly to the purpose of this place, is to let you understand, that although Cambrensis Eversus be not a History of Ireland: yet because it is in many places fraught with choice Collections out of the Irish Antiquities: and in the VIII. Chapter occasionally gives, together with a Catalogue of all the Monarches of Ireland under the several Conquests, even from Slanius the first of them, a brief account of their Reigns, and Years of the World, or Christ respectively, when each King began & finished his Reign: therefore, next to Keting, I have made the greatest use of him, in the Former Part; though not where before, page 130. for till I came so far I had him not. And out of him particularly it is, That in some places I add to such or such Monarches the Year of the World, or of our Saviour Christ's Incarnation. Now what Computation is followed by him, in giving the former Years, I mean those of the World, albeit he does not himself expressly inform us, we may notwithstanding most certainly know by his fixing the Birth of Christ in the Year of the World 5199. as he does in his Reign of the Irish Monarch Criomthan Niadhnair (whom he calls in Latin Criomthanius Niadhnarius.) Whereby 'tis evident, he follows the computation of Eusebius; holding therein with the generality of the Irish Chronologers, and consequently differing in so much from Keting: as he does also differ from him, and hold with the same generality, as to the length of Reign or Life attributed to the two Monarch's Cobhthach Caolbhreag, Siorna Saoghallach, & some others. In other matters treated by him in his Cambrensis Eversus, he seldom varies from Keting, otherwise than by addition of more particulars. So you have at last my whole Account, and I hope a sufficient one of these two Authors, whom I must acknowledge to have been my only chief Directors, for what concerns those Irish Affairs, treated of in the Former Part of this Prospect. I say my only chief Directors, etc. For, I am to inform you now a little farther, That as to other matters, and some Irish too, whether purposely or occasionally discoursed, I have not seldom in the same Former Part, especially in the V and VI Section, made use of my own reading and Collections out of other Authors, some Ancient, & some Modern. As for example, out of Tacitus, and the Augustan History Writers, and Venerable Bede, & Cambrensis, and Polychronicon, I have borrowed some things: out of Roderic of Toledo, and Polidore Virgil, Harpsfield, Bodin, William Camden, and Buchanan, other: out of S. Bernard, the far greater part of my whole discourse of Malachias: out of a French Anonimous Author in Messingham, and Sir James Ware's Book de Praesulibus Hiberniae, what I writ of Laurase O Tuathail, otherwise called (in Latin) Laurentius Dubliniensis: out of Rabanus, Ionas Abbas, Odericus Vitalis Angligena, Notkerus and Spondanus, those matters you find related by me of Columbanus, Gallus; and their Associates: besides divers other things out of other Authors. And these and those are commonly quoted where I make use of them: although sometimes they are not because both Margins being so narrow, and Pages so little; as you see they are, I thought it unfitting to crowd them with quotations. From the Learned Cambden I seldom recede, though almost as seldom made use of by me in the same Former Part. But the acknowledged either purity, or elegancy of Buchanan's style makes me no admirer of his skill in the Antiquities of that Nation he writes of. Much less can I esteem Hector Boethius in his writing at random of those matters what he had never had but from errand Impostors, or certainly himself had forged. And this (without question) even contrary to what he had found written by that Irish great Furtherer of his, whose name was Cornelius Historicus, and his Work entitled Chronicon multarum rerum; I mean, if this Cornelius was indeed no less by education in the Country, & knowledge in the Language than by birth an Irish man, and withal so learned as D. Hanmer, page 193. (out of Bale and Stanihurst) represents him to have been under Henry III. of England, about the Year of Christ 1230. that is, about 200 years before Boethius had written his History of Scotland. Of Hanmer, or Campion either (though each of them entitles his own Work, The History of Ireland: nay each of 'em ventures on deducing his Narration from almost the very beginning of times after the Flood.) I scarce make mention, but, once or twice where the Subject or leads or forces me to oppose their great mistakes. Which certainly are very numerous in both, especially in Hanmers' Work, as this is by much the larger of the two; Campion's being only a little extemporary Piece, written by him in ten Weeks time, as himself confesses in his Dedication thereof * 27 May 1571. To this year Camplon brought his History. But Hanmer deduced his Chronicle (for so he calls it) no further than to the year 1286. I suppose he intended to bring it to his own time, had he not been prevented by death, which seized him at Dublin, where he died of the Plague, Anno 1064. to Robert Earl of Leicester. Nor must we much wonder, it should be either so brief, or so faulty: seeing we have his own, farther acknowledgement in his Preface to the Reader, That he had never so much as seen any of those Irish Books that treat of matters that happened before the English Conquest, much less could have any person to interpret them. A greater cause of admiration, Doctor Meredith Hanmer has given us by making his Chronicle of Ireland so large, and yet giving every whit as little of the true Antiquities of Ireland for those times preceding the same English Conquest as Campion before him had, even a few scraps out of Cambrensis; but many more additional mere stories from himself, wherever he had 'em. Among which stories however, I do not rank his pious Relations of several Irish Saints, which take up above 20 leaves of his Chronicle. That is, from p. 33. to p. 104. But for Edmund Spencer, in his Dialogue be-between Irenaeus and Eudoxus (bound up in the same Volume, as it was at first published in print together with the two former Books of Campion and Hanmer at Dublin, an. 1635. by Sir James Ware,) I had 〈◊〉 little occasion to quote him▪ as I could have no other exception against him, than what is common to Hanmer and Campion too. Save only those two Particulars (in his 33 & 46 Pag.) whereof Keting has taken special notice before me, viz. 1. The two Saxon Kings, Egfrid the Northumbrian, and Edgar of England, to have had the Kingdom of Ireland in subjection. 〈◊〉. That the large spread Irish Families or kep'st of the Birns, Tools, and Cavanaghss in the Province of Leinster, were originally British; and those other of the Mac Swine's, Mac Mahoons, and Mac Shehies in the Province of Monster no less originally English. In both Particulars how mightily Spencer is out, and without any support either from History or Criticism, Keting in his Preface, has very sufficiently, if not abundantly shown. And therefore I will say no more of Spencer, than that although in writing his Fairy Queen he had the right of a Poet to fancy any thing; nevertheless, in the Historical part of his Dialogue (written by him, anno 1599) he should have followed other Rules. I say Historical part, etc. For I am willing to acknowledge, that where he pursued the Political main design of this Dialogue, which was to prescribe the ways and means to reduce Ireland (a design well becoming him as being Secretary to Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton and Deputy of Ireland under Q. Elizabeth) none could surpass him: no man could except against him, save only those that would not be reduced. But I digress again. For my purpose here in mentioning Spencer, should only have been to tell you, that in all my Former Part I quote him but once. Unto which if I add in the last place, what I had almost forgotten, That I have more than once or twice either, quoted Geoffrey of Monmouth himself: I hope no man will be scandalised that considers, besides the occasion, what use I make of him. Nay I do persuade myself, That to see * Former Part from page 3 5. to pag. 347. And again p. 363, 364, 369. in five or six leaves of this little Form, a pretty just Abridgement of his famed Work, i. e. his Seven Books of the ancient History of Great Britain, or supposed Posterity of Brutus, cannot be displeasing to those who never saw nor knew where to find the Author himself, or his History at large, nor perhaps, were it lying by them, and in their own Language too, would have the patience to read it over. And now, That I gave given what I would say (in this Place) concerning any of those other Authors, whom besides Keting and Lucius, I either follow, or examine, or even utterly reject in the Former Part of my Prospect: there remains but little more to be Prefaced to it. For to the Latter Part I shall therefore prefix an other Preface; but one by so much the shorter, by how much it must be proper to that Part alone. In which other Preface I mean to observe the same Method I have in this; by giving an account of the Writers, who shall direct me in that Later Part: and how, and the reasons why I must therein be guided partly by some of those very men, whose testimonials in other matters, I slight in the Former. What more I would give for Preface here to the same Former Part only, are these Particulars. 1. That wheresoever I annex to any of those Irish Monarches, treated of by me, Capital or other Letters or Figures of Numbers, whereby I would signify what rank they held▪ in their Catalogue; for example, whether of the Tenth, or Twentieth, or so forth: there I related only to the Catalogue of Milesian Monarches; not to any other containing both Milesian, and the other 18. Monarches of the several Conquests that preceded theirs. 2. That although I have endeavoured with all diligence to extract in order those Milesian Monarches out of Ketings voluminous History, which no where adds to any of 'em the number, i. e. any such Letters, Figures, or Words importing it: after all I cannot be sure I have not mistaken, and this perhaps more than once, in adding my numbers. But the best on't is, that the error, if any such be, is not material. 3. That where I speak of 2988 years, or sometimes of a year, or a few years more or less from the first of the Milesian Conquest: in all such places I follow the Account of Keting. Who to reduce the Irish Chronology to an agreement not only with his own Computation of the years of the World, but with the Relation also of Cambrensis and Polychronicon (where they tell us, of the Milesians having conquered that Kingdom 1800 years before S. Patric's death) purposely cut off of the Reigns of several of their Kings, so many years as make in all 491. But elsewhere, that is, p. 496, etc. and in the Catalogue, I have strictly followed Gratianus Lucius (and consequently the Irish Book of Reigns) as to the number of years the Milesian Kings reigned, or Kingdom lasted. 4. That for want of Irish Books or Antiquaries to consult with, I confess it remains a difficulty with me still, How the six Sons of the Ulster K. Muredus, as Cambrensis calls him in Latin, who in Irish is called Muiridhach by Keting, even those very six famous Brothers that invaded T●ath-Chruthnigh (for so the Irish by a proper name in their Language called the Country of the Picts, which now we call Scotland.) How I say those very six Brothers go sometimes by the name of the Six Sons of Muiridhach, and sometimes again by that of the Six Sons of Eirck. Unless peradventure the same person had those two names of Muiridhach & Eirck: or that Keting derived their being the Sons of Muredus from Girald of Wales only. 5. That if any where in these Discourses of Ireland you meet with some Relations either of Miracles above Nature, or Antiquities hard to believe: I must beg that you will notwithstanding be so just as at least to believe, I have no design to impose either upon your reason or upon your freedom. 6. That besides, it will be no more than Justice requires of you, to persuade yourself, That no Relatour of matters so far beyond our ken is accountable for his own belief or disbelief of them, much less for their objective truth or untruth (being or not being) in themselves. Provided he relates no impossibilities, nor absurdities, nor contradictions of all other Histories that are esteemed true; nor any thing whatsoever out of other Records than Authentic, or other Authors than Classic, or at least other than such as have been among their own People reputed men of Probity and Reason, and acknowledged so in such matters as they writ of. 7. That I have commonly chosen to give the Irish proper Names and Surnames, though not in Irish Characters, yet in such Italic Letters as answer them: because by having them so, the Reader may be much better assured, that he sees before him the true genuine names, whether he can pronounce them rightly, or not, than he could be▪ if according to the custom of others, I had transformed 'em into the English or Latin, either syllables or terminations. And yet withal, my Copy of Keting being very bad in many places▪ and which I do willingly acknowledge my own skill to correct the Irish Orthography of it very small: I must in reason suspect my performance in this matter. But neither can the Errors herein be either material or any way considerable. 8. That I confess I have taken a quite contrary course to the late British Writers, in magnifying, so far as good Authority did warrant me, the Ancient Irish Nation: which they, a man would think, made it their business to lessen and vilify all they could. But nevertheless, I doubt not, all judicious impartial men will acknowledge; how much more it must redound to the honour of the English Nation, to have conquered an ancient, civil, warlike, brave People in the days of Yore, than such an obscure, barbarous, vile, hideous generation of men as partly the Cambrian Author, partly others that followed the pattern left by him represent those Old Inhabitants of Ireland in their time. Besides, if without any relation to others, but on the naked sole contemplation of some excellencies in that ancient People I have suffered some transport, who can blame me? None, I believe, that considers attentively the import and consequence of this Saying of the Roman Sage, though delivered by him on an other subject. Some acts of Liberality, some of Humanity, some of Fortitude had astonished us: and we began to admire them as perfect, Under 'em lay many vices, which the appearance & splendour of some conspicuous Fact did conceal: and these we dissembled. Nature bids us magnify deeds that are commendable. None but has extolled the glorious beyond truth. So said Lucius Annaeus Seneca (in his one Hundred and Twentieth Epistle) as rigid a Stoic as he was. And yet I can say for myself this much, that I have been so far from dissembling in any such kind, where I had unquestionable Authors to lead me, that I rather fear to have exceeded on this side, than on that other. 9 That when I had almost finished this Former Part, I was unexpectedly desired to print before it a Catalogue (though containing only the bare Names) of all the Kings that in the succession of so many Conquests, and many more Ages, for even 3204 years reigned from Slanius the Son of Dela to the sixth year of Rotheric O Connor the Last of the Irish Race, when Hen. II. of England was received Lord of Ireland in the year of Christ 1172. And though I had myself no inclination to it, as apprehending, that since I have not given any kind of History, great or small, of all their Lives or Reigns, nor indeed any particular account in any Method▪ Historical or not Historical, no not scarce of the Tenth among 'em: it would seem a vanity in me to promise more by the Frontispiece than the whole Structure is worth: yet after I was persuaded. So prevalent with me was the esteem I had of his judgement that urged it: although he gave me no other reason, than that certainly it would prove at least some satisfaction to all curious Searchers into such remote patterns of Antiquity. And truly had he or any other given me this occasion before I had engaged too far in pursuance of the Method taken by me all along: I would have given another kind of Catalogue. I mean such a one as, together with the Name of each King, should have had annexed the years of his Reign, the means of his attaining the Sovoreignty, the manner of his death, whether natural or violent, some one at least of his most remarkable Kingly Actions, if any such were recorded of him, the Year of the World or Christ respectively, answering both the first and last of his Reign: and all this of each in a small number of Lines: and the whole of all in seven or eight sheets, at most, or thereabouts. I am sure I might with far less trouble have done it, than the collecting, digesting, and discoursing on the matters handled in any one, at least in the sixth Section of this Former Part, have given me. Gratianus Lucius, in his Eighth Chapter, would have eased me of other care in doing it, than that of rendering his Catalogue there into English, & in some few places abridging him, by referring the Reader to those pages of my own where I treat the matter at large; and in very few places more, by adding somewhat out of Keting, and then animadverting on both Keting and him. But no easing me in that kind could hinder the unproportionable swelling of this Former Part, if I should annex to it such a Catalogue as this. And therefore in stead thereof I give that of bare Names, which take up but little room. Perhaps hereafter I may give the other too in a small Treatise bound together with the Later Part. I mean, if that Later Part can better than this here admit of such a conjunction, without rendering itself unproportionably thick. However that happen, there needs no further Preface now. A Catalogue of the Kings of Ireland; Who, (according to the Irish Book of Reigns, and Computation particularly of Lucius) Reigned (in all) 3204 Years, before Henry the II's landing there Anno Christi 1172. Kings of the Fir-bholgian Conquest, Reigning (in all) 36 Years. 1 Slainghe. 2 Rughruigh. 3 Gann and Geannan, two Brothers. 4 Seanghann. 5 Fiacha Cinn Fionnain. 6 Rionnal. 7 Oidghen. 8 Eoch●dh. Kings of the Tuatha-De-Danann Conquest, Reigning (in all) 197 Years. 1 Nuadhad Airgidlaimh. 2 Breas. 3 Lugha Lamhfhada. 4 Andaghdha. 5 Dealbbaoith. 6 Fiacha mhac Dealbhaoith. 7 Eachtur, Teachtur, & Ceachtur, surnamed Mac Coill, Mac Ceacht, and Mac Greine, the three sons of Cearmada. Kings of the Clanna Mileadh or Milesian Conq. Reigning (in all) 2971 Years. 1 Eibhir Fionn and Erimhon, two Sons of Mileadh, jointly reigning. 2 Erimhon, singly. 3 Muininne, Luigne, and Laigne, three Sons of Erimhon. 4 Iriall Faidh. 5 Ear, Orba, Fearon and Feargna, Four Brothers, Sons to Eibhir Fionn. 6 Ethriall, mhac Iriall Faidh. 7 Conmh●●l. 8 Tighearnmhais. 9 Eochodh I. Eadghathach. 10 Cearmna, and Sohairce, two Brothers. 11 Eochodh II. Faobharghlas. 12 Fiacha I. Labhranna. 13 Eochodh III. Mumho. 14 Aonghus I. Ollmhuicidh. 15 Eunna I. Airgtheach. 16 Roitheacthuigh I. mhac Maoin. 17 Seadhna I. mhac Artri. 18 Fiacha II. Fionscothach. 19 Muinemhon. 20 Allerghoid. 21 Ollamh Fodhla. 22 Fionshneachta I 23 Slanoll. (ache. 24 Geithe Ollghoth- 25 Fiacha III. 26 Bearnghall. 27 Oillioll I. 28 Siorna Saoghalach. 29 Roitheach●huigh II. mhac Roin. 30 Elim I. Ollfionshneachta. 31 Giallchadh. 32 Art I. Imleach. 33 Nuadhad II. Fionnfail. 34 Breasrigh. 35 Eochodh IV. Apthach. 36 Fionn mhac Bratha. 37 Sedhna II. Innarrhuidh. 38 Siomon Breac. 39 Duacha I. Fionn. 40 Muiriadhach Bolgrach. 41 Eunna II. Dearg. 42 Lughadh I. Jarann. 43 Siorlamha. 44 Eochodh V. Vaircheas. 45 Eochodh VI Fiadhmhaine, and Conn Begeaglach, 2 Bro. 46 Lughadh II. Lamhdhearg. 47 Con Begeaglach, the second time. 48 Art. II. mhac Lughaidh. 49 Fiacha IV. Tolgrach. 50 Oillioll II. Fionn. 51 Eochodh VII. mhac Oilliolla. 52 Airgiodmhair. 53 Duacha II. Ladhghrach. 54 Lughha III. Laidhe. 55 Aa●dh I. Ruadh. 56 Dithorba. 57 Ciombaoth. 58 Macha, the Queen. 59 Reachta Rithdhearg. 60 Eoghan Mor. 61 Buchadh. 62 Laoghaire I. Lorc. 63 Cobhthach Caolbhreag. 64 Lauradh Loinnseach. 65 Meilge Molbhthach. 66 Modhehorh. 67 Aonghus II. Ollamh. 68 Jar Ainghleo. 69 Fearchorh. 70 Connla I. Cruaidhcheallgach. 71 Oillioll III. Cass●hiaclach. 72 Adhamhair Foltchinn. 73 Eochodh VIII. Altleathan. 74 Ferghus I. Fortabhaile. 75 Aonghus III. Tuirmhidh Teamhrach. 76 Conall I. Columhrach. 77 Niadh Seadhghamhaine. 78 Eunna II. Aignioch. 79 Criomthann I. Cosgrach. 80 Rughruidh I. mhac Sithrigh. 81 Jodhnambar. 82 Breassal. 83 Lughadh IV. Luighnioch. 84 Conghall II. Clarigneach. 85 Duach III. Dalltha Deaghniodh. 86 Fachna Fathach. 87 Eochodh IX. Feidhlioch. 88 Eochodh X. Aimhremh. 89 Eidrisgceoil. 90 Nuadhad II. Neacht. 91 Conair I. Mor. Immediately after the murder of this Conair (surnamed the Great) committed on him by some Irish Outlaws, but headed (as Keting says) by Hainchill Keagh, Yond to the King of Britain, there followed, An Interregnum of five Years: which being over, the Succession was reassumed and continued thus: 92 Lughadh V. Sriamhndearg. 93 Conchahhar I. Abhraruadh. 94 Criomthann II. Niadhnair. 95 Fearadhach I. Fionnfachtuach. 96 Fiacha V. Fionn. 97 Fiacha VI Finnolaidh. 98 Cairbre I. Ceann-cheit. 99 Feilim I. mhac Conruidh. 100 Tuathal I. Teachtmhur. 101 Mal. 102 Feilim II. Rachtmhur. 103 Cathaoir Mor. 104 Con II. Ceadchathach. 105 Conair II. mhac Moghalaimhe. 106 Art III. Aoinfhir. 107 Lugha VI alias Mac Con. 108 Fearghus II. Dubhdheadach. 109 Cormuc Ulfhada. 210 Eochodh XI. Gunnat. 111 Cairbre II. Lithfiochair. 112 Fothach I. Airgtheach, and Fothach II. Cairb theach, two Brothers. 1●3 Fiacha VII. Sraibhtine. 114 Colla Vais. 115 Muireadhach Tireach. 116 Calbhach. 117 Eochodh XII. Muighmheadhion. 118 Criomthann III. mhac Eochuigh. 119 Niall I. Naoighiallach. 120 Fearadhach II. alias Dathi. Hitherto the Pagan Kings. For, according to Gratianus Lucius, all that follow were Christians. 121 Laoghaire II. mhac neil Naoighialluidh. 122 Oillioll IU. Moult. 123 Lughadh IU. mhac Laoghaire. 124 Muirchiortach I mhac Ercha. 125 Tuathal II. Maolgharbh. 126 Diarmuidh I. mhac Fearghussa Ceirbheoil. 127 Fearghus the III. and Domhnall the I▪ two Brothers. 128 Eochodh XIII. and Baothan I. the former being Nephew, and the later Uncle. 129 Ainmhire. 130 Baothan II. mhac Ninnede. 131 Aodh II. mhac Ainmhire. 132 Aodh III. Slain, and Colman Rimhigh, two Brothers. 133 Aodh IV. Vairidhneach. 134 Maolchoha. 135 Suibhne I. Meann. 136 Domhnall II. mhac Aodh. 137 Conall III. Ceile, and Ceallach, two Brothers. 138 Blaithmbae, and Diarmuid. II. Ruainnigh, two Brothers. 149 Seachnasach. 140 Ceannfodl●. 141 Fionneachta II. Fleadhach. 142 Loinnsioch. 143 Conghall IV. Kinnmhaghair. 144 Fearghal I. mhac Mhaoilduin. 145 Foghortach. 146 Kinaoth. 147 Flaithbhiortach. 148 Aodh V. Ollan. 149 Domhnall 3. mhac Murchaidh. 150 Niall II. Frassach. 151 Donnchadh I. mhac Domhnaill. 152 Aodh VI Oirnigh. 153 Conchabhar II. mhac Donnchaidh. 154 Niall III. Caille. 155 Maolseachluinn I. mhac Mhaoilruanuidh. 156 Aodh VII. Finnliath. 157 Flann mhac Sionna. 158 Niall iv Glundubh. 159 Donnchadh II. mhac Floinn. 160 Conghallach mhac Mhaoilmhidhe. 161 Dombnall IV. mhac Muirchiortuidh. 162 Maolseachluinn II. mhac Domhnaill. 163 Brian Boraimh. 164 Maolseachluinn II. restored. 165 Donnchadh III. mhac Briain Bhora imh. 166 Diarmuid III. Mhaoil-na-mbho. 167 Toirrdhealbhach I. mhac Taidhg. 168 Muirchiortach II. mhac Toirrdhealbhuidh, and Domhnal V mhac Ardghair. 169 Toirrdhealbhach II. Mor O Conchabhair. 170 Muirchiortach III. mhac neil. 171 Ruairidh II. O Conchabhair. In the sixth year of this Monarch's Reign, being the year of Christ, 1172. Henry II. of England, with a Fleet of 400 Sail invaded and landed in Ireland at Waterford: Some Observations on, and Inferences from this Catalogue. TO understand this Catalogue (which I have drawn with all the care and exactness I could, out of Ketings History at large, and Gratianus Lucius' VIII. Chapter of his Cambrensis Eversus) be pleased to observe, 1. That the Surnames of such Kings as had any, are given here, in a different Character from that of their first and proper Names. 2. That to all Kings of the same Proper Name, who had no Surname (I mean any other second Name, derived from some peculiar quality of Mind, or Body, or Fortune, as all their Surnames were,) I have likewise for distinction's sake, in a different Character (besides Figures signifying what place each of 'em held among the rest, for Example, whither the First, or Second, or so forth among those of the same Name) I have I say added their Father's Name also, with the word Mac (which in ports a Son) before 'em. 3. That the Marginal or First Figures in the head of the Lines, rather signify the order of Succession, than the number of Kings: because many of the Lines have two, one of 'em three, and an other four Kings, ruling together in a joint Sovereignty, at least for some time. 4. That although both Keting and Lucius concur in telling us how the four Brothers of the Milesian Conquest (numb. 5.) Ear, Orba, Fearon, and Feargna, sons to Eibhir Fionn (we call him Heber) had in the Third year of the former joint Sovereignty of the Three sons of Erimhon, (after the death of the First of these Three) killed in Battle the two surviving Kings Luighne and Laighne; yet Lucius only (not Keting) has ranked 'em in the Catalogue of Kings; who notwithstanding confesses, their Reign was but Three months in all, when their own Cousin German Iriall Faidh (the fourth and youngest son of Erimhon) gave them Battle at Cuile-Mertha, vanquished and killed 'em all four in that Field. 5. That neither Buchadh (N. 62.) though told us by Keting to have been the Man that killed the Monarch Eoghun Mor, is counted by him among the Kings, as who had had the Sovereign Power only 36 hours, or a day and a half in all. But Lucius nevertheless inserts him as one of 'em: adding however to his memory this Motto of the Poet, Vnusque Titan vidit, atque unus dies, stantem, & cadentem. 6. That in the same manner Diarmuid-Mhaoil na-mo (N. 167.) is laid aside by Keting; though not only Lancarnaruensis and Gemiticensis call him King of Ireland; but Sir James Ware places him in his Catalogue as such. And this very justly too a man would think; as in the Prospect (Form. P. p. 180.) you may see at large. 7. That Domhnal mhac Ardghair (N. 169.) is likewise passed over by Keting; yet not so by Lucius, nor Colganus neither. See the Prospect, F. P. p. 178, etc. 8. That Erimhon, Conn-Begeaglach, and Maolseachluinn II. are each of 'em twice inserted. The first, Num. 1 &. 2. the second, Num. 46 & 48. the last, N. 193, & 195. whereof the reasons are these. Erimhon had been first only joined in the Sovereignty with his elder Brother Eibhir Fionn; but after Eibhir had been killed by him in the Battle of Geassil, he was absolute, as ruling alone. Con B●geaglach, though when his Brother and Colleague in the Sovereign Power was killed, he had been forced to ●ly, & leave the Kingdom to the Victor; yet after some few years he recovered it again, by killing him. And Maolseachluinn II. who had been deposed to give place to Briain Boraimh, came to be the second time King of Ireland after Clantarff Field. 9 That the Irish Historians differ about giving the Title of King of Ireland to Maolseachluinn II's Successors: some giving it to one; and others, to another; and some (sometimes) to more than one: but all of 'em generally calling those Kings that succeeded him, Gafra Sabhrach, as who had assumed the said Title against the consent of some Provinces. For so Lucius (pag. 80.) has observed. And now that for your better and easier understanding of this Catalogue you have the necessary Observations: I'll only add one more; which though unnecessary for that end, may notwithstanding give you cause enough towonder, by considering the general Fate of about Nine Parts of Ten of so many Sovereign Princes as you see in this whole Catalogue, from Slainghe, the First of the Fir-bholgian, to Ruaridh, the Last of the Milesian Conquest. For I can assure you here, that after the greatest diligence I could use to satisfy myself by taking Notes out of Keting and Lucius both, I find That of so vast a number of Milesian Kings, not above six and twenty in all had other then violent ends. Which is three less than what I have elsewhere insinuated the number of such of them as had natural ends to have been. As for the Fir-bholgian & Tuath-De-Danann Kings, though proportionably fewer even of either died violent deaths; yet of their 18. which was their whole number, fourteen lost their Lives by the Sword. But how many, or how few soever you please, of all these and those Kings of all the Former Conquests ended their days either by the hands of other men, or some prodigious judgement of Heaven, or means of other extrinsic secondary Causes, in such manner as rendered their deaths properly violent: the Inferences out of this Catalogue are plain. 1. That if we count severally each of those Milesian Princes, who jointly, or in Association with any other, governed as Kings of Ireland: and withal not count the same Person twice; nor count among 'em either Cairbre I. surnamed Ccann-cheit, or Feilim I. mhac Conruidh (see Numb. 98. & 99) as indeed we ought not, being these Two are the only noted for mere Usurpers, because both were chosen, one after another, by the Plebeians only, nay and only too to head their most hideous bloody Rebellion of 25 years' continuance, against all the Royal Line (and as for the former of 'em, viz. Cairbre, he had not so much pretence of right as to have been either of the Milesian or even Gathelian Race, but originally a mere Dane:) I say that if we count so, we shall find the whole number of those Milesian Kings, as it is in this Catalogue, to agree exactly with that which Cambrensis himself, 500 years since, reported it to have been. That is, just 181 in all. 2. That counting, together with these Milesians, those ●8. Fir-bholgian and Tuatha-De-Donann Kings who preceded them: and withal admitting both Cairbre Ceann-cheit & Feilim mhac Conruidh as Kings of Ireland (for so they really, though illegally were in their time; the Former 5 years, till he died a natural death; and the Later 20. at the expiration of which he was killed in Battle by Tuathal Teachtmhur:) it must follow that they make in all 201 Kings of Ireland, while the Former Three Conquests held one after another. 3. That hereunto adding 22 more of the Fourth and Last (i. e. our English) Conquest; the whole Number of the Sovereign Princes of Ireland, from Slainghe to Charles II. must be 223. whereof Three were Queens, Macha, Mary, and Elizabeth. A PROSPECT OF The State of Ireland, etc. The Former PART. SECTION I. First Planter of Ireland, Ciocal; First Invader, Partholan; then Neimh, and his four Sons; then Fir-bholg; then Tuatha-De-Danann; and last of all the Eight Sons of Mileadh. Fights of the former Invaders. Nine of Ferramh Bolg, and Nine more of Tuatha-De-Danann, ruled as Kings of Ireland. Fir-Bholg divide it into two parts. Three Septs of these remaining still. The adventures of Mileadh. His eight Sons conquer Tuatha-De-Danann. How Erimhon came to be sole Monarch of Ireland. He was the first of 181 Kings of the Milesian Conquest. Eoghun Mor, 620 years after Erimhon, set up the Provincial Kings. Picts first appearing. They are the first time, and together with them all the Islands of Scotland, Conquered by Aonghus Ollbuadhach. Many Plantations of the Irish in Scotland. Niall Naoighiallach's Invasion of that Country: and an other by the six Sons of Muireadhach. Fergus Mor mhac Ercha made the first-King of Scots; that is, of the Irish in Scotland. Coilus, King of Great Britain destroyed by him. Three Walls built by the Romans against the Irish. Kingdom of the Picts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by these. Danish Wars in Ireland. Bad success of Roderic the King of Britain's Son. The Danes various success. They are at the same time plagued, as by others, so by Ceallaghane (King of Monster) most singularly. The Monarch Conghallach Mhac Mhaoil Mhithe routs 'em● and kills 7000 of them in Battle. What of his two next Successors in the Monarchy. Briain Boraimh, does Wonders in 25 Battles, and last of all in that of Clantarff Field. Maolseachluin, that succeeded him, and Hughaire mhac Tuathail King of Leinster, destroy the Reliqnes of the Danes. The vain attempt of Magnus' King of Norvegia to revenge their Fate. IReland, before that fatal War broke out in the year 1641. had two different Nations, (like the Twins of Rebecca) struggling in its Womb perpetually, almost five hundred years; the one called by themselves the Ancient Irish, the other the Old English, or English Irish. And indeed the former may justly glory in the Epithet of Ancient: since, as Cambden himself confesses, they fetch Britannia, translated by Philemon Holland, Edit. Lond. Tit. Ireland, pag. 64. the beginning of their Histories from the most profound and remote Records of Antiquity; so that in comparison of them, the Ancientness of all other Nations is but Novelty, and as it were, a matter of yesterday. It is now at least 2988 years since their Forefathers, the Sons of Mileadh (alias Milesius the Spaniard) in a Fleet of threescore Sail, arrived in Ireland from Gallicia in Spain, conquered it, and left it to their Posterity. I say at least: Because, although Polychronicon, and Cambrensis (Topog. Dist. 3. c. 17.) by their saying, That from the Arrival of those Milesians in Ireland, till the death of S. Patrick their Apostle, were effluxed 1800 years. (See Jocelin, Vit. Saucti Patricii, c. 196.) agree exactly with Ketings Epocha here: yet the Irish Book of Reigns, makes the Arrival of those Milesians much earlier; that is, (to this present year of Christ 1680.) even as long since as 3480 years complete. But I follow Keting's Reformation of that Book, and his Account (in his Mss. History, l. 1.) whereby he places the Milesian Conquest in the year of the World, 2736. after the Flood 1086, after Moses' passing the Red Sea, 192. and before the Birth of Christ 〈◊〉 308. Were it to my main purpose, which is, or only, or at least mostly concerned in those Milesians, I could insert here, out of Keting, the several Plantations and Conquests of that Country before they knew it. How one Ciocal, about a hundred years after the Deluge, in a small Fleet of Vessels, each Vessel having fifty Men, and fifty Women aboard, arriving there, was the First that planted it. How Bartholanus and his three Sons Languinus, Salanus, and Reterugus, with their Wives; and as This Author lived (as himself writes) An 830. under Anaraugh, King of Anglesey and Guinech, or North-Wales. Nennius writes, a thousand Fight Men, about 300 years after the Flood, Anno Mundi, 1956. before the Birth of Abraham 95 years, invaded it: had many doughty Battles therein with those Aborigines the Issue of Ciocal, and Progeny of Cham, who (come thither from Afric) were called Giants, because partly of their stature or corpulency (which yet was no way exceeding the tallest growth of other men) and partly of their wickedness, endeavouring to destroy every where the Descendants or Progeny of Japhet. And how this Bartholanus, alias Partholan, having Conquered at last those Aborigines, and Africans, his Issue after him were, at the end of three hundred years, consumed by a Pestilence; not one remaining of them. A just judgement from Heaven (without peradventure) on him, who had fled thither (as it were) from Heaven, for having in his own Country, in Scythia, killed both his Father and Mother, to make way for a Brother of his, and their Son, to come to the Royal Throne. How, in the end of 30 years more, Nemedus, another Scythian (some of the Irish Chronologists say he was a son to Bartholanus, left by him in Scythia when himself had departed thence) with his four Sons, Starius, Gervale, Annin, and Fergus, in a Fleet of 34 Ships, and 30 Mariners in each of them, arriving in Ireland, overthrew in three Battles the remainder of those African Giants, but was overcome in the fourth. And how soon after this defeat Nemedus being dead, his People rousing themselves, put it to the issue of one great Battle, sought at the same time both by Sea and by Land, they having 30 thousand at Land, and so many more at Sea: and the Fight proved so mortal, that albeit they had the victory, yet they could reap no benefit by it; the very Air being so corrupted by the stench of the Carcases which lay unburied every where (for they killed promiscuously in every place after that Victory, Man, Woman, and Child of their Enemies) that all over the Land there was an universal Pestilence; which after seven years more made 'em departed and quit the whole Country, leaving only ten Captains to defend those of their People (that could not have Shipping) against the remainder of the Gygantick Africans. How these Children or Posterity of Nemedus (Clanna Neimheadh, the Irish call 'em) to avoid that dreadful and continual Pestilence, departing in a thousand Vessels, great and small, under the Conduct of three Chieftains, Simeon Breac, Ibaath, and Briotan; the other two sailing to Greece, Briotan with his adherents Landed in the North of that Country, which we now call Scotland: and, with his and their Posterity remaining there, gave the denomination of Britain to this whole Island, which is now called Great Britain; as holy Cormac, the K. of Monster, and Bishop of Cashel, in his Psalter of Cashel, together with all the Chronologers of Ireland, affirm. Wherein surely they have at least much more probability of their side, than any late Authors have, that derive that name from Brutus, or his Romantic History either in Galfridus, or in any other. For if from Brutus, besides other reasons, why not Brutannia rather than Britannia? How the five sons of Dela, viz. Gandius, Genandius, Segandius, Rutheragus, and Slanius, being the 8th. Generation from Simeon Breach, and calied in Irish Fir-bholg. after 217 years complete from the former arrival of Nemedus there, invaded Ireland with 5000 men of all sorts in their company: and studing no great resistance, won it entirely, routed utterly out of it the remainder of that cursed Generation of Cham, the African Giants, and divided it into five Provinces or Portions; which Division continues till this day. How they, and four of their Children after them, were in succession Monarches of all Ireland, after that Slanius, who was the youngest of them all, had by force and War upon the rest erected it to a Monarchy; though he enjoyed it but one year, Death having given him no longer joy of his Conquest over his Brethren. How none before them, i. e. none of the former Invaders called themselves Kings: they being the first Kings, and Slanius among them too, as I have now said, the first Monarch that Ireland ever had. Yet the Reigns of all the nine made not above 36 years in the whole. How Eugenius, or Eoghun, as the Irish Books call him (and so they have quite other terminations, both for all these and all other Names too expressed by us with Latin terminations) being the last of them, and prosperously Reigning in peace and plenty over Ireland, the Nation whom the Irish call Tuath-De-Danann, under their King Nuathad Airgidlaimh, as descending from the foresaid Nemedus, or Nemeus, or Neimh, (which you please to call him) and therefore claiming that Kingdom, as their right, invaded it, fought a great Battle in Connaught, with Feramh-Bolg (the Generation of Simeon Breac, and Neimheadh, or Nemedus) killed a hundred thousand of them, and thereby, and without much loss to themselves, conquered the whole kingdom; the Relics of Ferramh-Bolg retiring to the small Islands of Arrain, I'll, Rachluinn, and many other about Ireland and Scotland, where they continued till such time as Ireland came to be governed by Provincial Kings under the Milesians. How the Posterity of those Relics of Ferraimb Bolg being forced away by the Picts, had their refuge back again to Ireland: and first to the King of Leinster, turning Tenants to him for such Lands as he was pleased to let unto them: and next from Leinster, because of the heavy rent there, to Connaught: shifting so in the best manner they could for themselves, until by Co-Chulain and Connall Cearnach, and the Inhabitants of Ulster, they were wholly driven away the second time, and quite Banished for ever: only three Families, Sur-names, or Septs of them excepted, which according to the judgement of some Irish Antiqnaries, remain still in Connaght and Leinster; as Dr. Keting, who also names these Septs, does write. Adding thereunto this further animadversion, as a necessary consequence, that these three Families are not of Clanna Gaoidhel, or Posterity of Gathelus, from whom all the Milesians descended long before either Milesius himself, or his Predecessors came into Spain. Lastly, how according to the Book called Psaltuir Chassil, the aforesaid Colony, or Nation of Tuatha-De-Danann, held the Sovereignty of Ireland for 197 years, under seven, or rather indeed nine Kings; for after Fiacha, who was the 6th of them, reigned the three Sons of Cearmada by turns, yearly. But neither to prosecute, nor so much as to insert any of these Plantations or Conquests of Ireland by Ciocal, or Partholan, or Neimhe, or Feara Bolg, or Tuatha Dee Danann (as the Irish names of them are) can be much, if any thing at all, to my main purpose here. And though perhaps it might be in some sort material to tell you what a famous man in his Generation, nay in a great part of the World, Milesius himself (otherwise called Galathus in Latin, but in Irish Galamh) had been. Or to tell you. 1. Of his first adventuring from Spain to Scythia, and serving there as General of the Army, under his Kinsman Refloir, the great Monarch of that Country. 2. Of his marrying this Refloir's Daughter, and Refloir's growing jealous of his greatness, and preparing therefore to dispatch him, and his preventing the King by taking away his life: and then his quitting Scythia, and passing to Egypt by Sea, with a Fleet of sixty Sail, and his being there employed by Pharaoh as General against the King of Ethiopia's Forces warring at that time on Egypt. 3. Of the many over-throws given by him to them, and Pharaoh's so great favour to him thereupon, that seeing him a Widower, (his former Wife, the Scythian Kings Daughter having died before he came to Egypt) the gave him one of his own Daughters to Wife. 4. Of his departure from Egypt by Sea, and various adventures for some years, roaming about all the Northern Seas and Isles of Europe. 5. Of his return at last to his own Country of Spain, and the five and forty Battles fought there victoriously by him, and under his conduct by his near Cousins the Children of Breoghuin (the Son of Bratha, who founded Braganza in Portugal) against the foreign Enemies that invaded that Kingdom then. 6. Of the destruction and utter extirpation, at least for a good while, of all those Foreiners out of Spain, by his Valour and Wisdom: and (which was consequent) of his possessing, by himself and his foresaid Kinsmen, the greater Part of this Kingdom. 7. Of his two and thirty Sons, part Legitimat, but the most part Illegitimat. 8. Of the great Dearth in his time all over Spain, continuing six and twenty years, thro' want of Rain. 9 And lastly, how this Dearth, together with several other reasons, but particularly that, of his minding now the Prophetical Prediction of him by his own Magician Cathoir some years before, That his Posterity should settle in Ireland: made him, and (soon after his death) eight of his Sons think upon invading Ireland. Tho, I say, these are matters not wholly foreign to my purpose; yet because they are unnecessary, it sufficeth to have touched 'em lightly. And so I proceed to what I intended, as more material here to let you know. Which is, 1. That of those 8. Sons of that Great Milesius (for no more of his two and thirty Sons ventured to Ireland) who presently after their Father's death, setting forth from Breoghuin's Tower, a place in Gallicia, long after called Notium, but of later years Compostella) and putting to Sea with the first convenience, and landing in Ireland then when the three Sons of Cearmada, ruled there by turns: and by their great Valour, destroying all three at last in the Battle of Tailtinn: and thereby subduing thoroughly the whole Nation of Tuatha-De-Danann: two only (I mean of those eight Brothers) survived to rejoice in their Conquest finished by that Battle, Eibhir and Erimhon (alias Heber and Herimon, as the Latins call them:) the other six being lost by various Chances. 2. That Eibhir and Erimhon assuming now the sovereign power of the whole Island, & after partition made first to themselves, then to their Cousins German, then to their other Captains, and last of all to the common Soldiers, of convenient proportions of Land) ruling severally over all (that is, Eibhir in the Southern, and Erimhon in the Northern Division) the first year in perfect peace together: and then falling at odds, through the Pride and instigation of Heber's Wife, that put her Husband upon having all in both Divisions to himself alone; to the end forsooth, she might sit and strut upon the three chief Ardes or Heights of Ireland, as the only Queen thereof: and then coming to a pitched Battle, and Heber killed in it: and then Herimon remaining the only King, without any Competitor until his death, which happened fourteen years after: He was the first of a hundred fourscore and one, that as Monarches of all Ireland, successively governed it, and the Milesian or Irish Nation the only possessors of it, for two thousand, four hundred, eighty eight years, until the landing of Henry the second there in the year of Christ 1172. 3. Cambrensis himself (though Giraldus Camb. Topog. Hiber. dist. 3. c. xv. 17. 36, 37, & 44. otherwise no great favourer of the Irish) does certify so much, by computing from Herimon the first King, to Laogirius, (who was King when St. Patrick landed there, An● Christi 432. to preach the Gospel) a hundred, thirty and one: from Laogirius to King Fedlimidius, which contained 400 years of the flourishing state of Christianity among the Irish, three and thirty more: and from that period to Ruaridh O Conchabhair, who was the Monarch when Henry II. landed as before, the whole remainder of that number of a hundred fourscore and one: who (besides a far greater number of the Provincial Kings under them) governed, as Sovereign Monarches▪ of all that Island for so many Ages, from the year of the World, 2736. Argument enough I think for the Antiquity of the Irish Nation, to be no where paralleled, if not peradventure by the Chineses only, in the late History written of them by Martinus à Martin●s. 4. That for their bravery in Martial Exploits (to say nothing now of a thousand bloody proofs thereof given by them at home for much above 2000 years, fight almost continually, either the Progeny of Heber in general against Herimon's for the Sovereignty; or one Province, or greater Division, Leath Cuinn, and Leath Mogh, invading the other, especially after the Provincial Kings had set up by the Authority of Eoghun Mor or Eugenius Magnus the Monarch, about 600 years after the death of Herimon: so that very few of their Monarches in so large an extent of time died other than violent deaths, and this in Battle commonly; but to say nothing of these proofs given by them at home) their manifest Invasions abroad, their Plantations, and at last even total Conquest of the Kingdom of Albain, that part of Great Britain which in after Ages came to be called Scotland, from their conquering and planting of it with Colonies of their Children (for they themselves were in this part of the World, the original Scots, as their Country now called Ireland, or in Latin Hibernia, was then the only Country named Scotia) is an argument which cannot be refuted. 5. That the Nation which we call Picts, but the Irish, in their Language, Cruinith, having in the reign of Herimon, the first Irish Monarch, roamed about by Sea from Scythia till they arrived at last in Ireland, and there desiring to inhabit, and being denied this request, but however directed by Herimon to that part of the now Great Britain, which lying North-east of Ireland was called Albain then, and is so still by the Irish; and here seated themselves, and then multiplying exceedingly for two hundred and fifty years; at the expiration of this time, upon some difference happened, Aonghus (or Aenaeas) Ollbhuadhach, the VII. Monarch of Ireland, succeeding Herimon, made so sharp and long a War upon them, and not on them only, but as well on the Northern Britain's remaining still their Neighbours, as upon the Inhabitants of the barren Orcades the Race of Fir Bholg long before expelled Ireland, that in fifty fierce Battles given them, he utterly broke their whole strength and made them Tributaries. Nor was this the only Conquest made by the Milesian Irish either on the Heathen or Christian Picts, and their Associates in Albain. For to pass over those six or seven Invasions more of the Irish into Albain, under several of their Monarches from the Reign of the foresaid Aonghus, or Aeneas, to the Reign of Niall the Great, surnamed also Naoighiallach. Likewise to say nothing how this very Niall not only went himself in Person with a powerful Army thither, partly to confirm, and partly to enlarge those ●●antations made there by his Predecessors, but was himself the first of Mortals, that by his own Authority, and at the instance of those Plantations gave the name of Scotia Minor, (or Scotland the Lesser) to that Northern part of Great Britain, ordaining all his Subjects to call it so. Besides, to pass by as well the Invasion, as the extraordinary great and famous Plantation made therein by the six sons of that Ulster King Muiredbach (whom Cambrensis calls in Latin Muredus) either in the Time of Lapghaire the II's being Monarch of Ireland, when St. Patrick conquered that Kingdom to Christian Religion, or at least somewhat later. To pass I say all these matters in silence, though otherwise both great in themselves, and no less attested by sufficient Authority: that I think is very great and very true, which Cambden a Title Scots. page 26. and before, page. 128. in his Britannia writes, That the Scots come from Ireland, after a long War, at last in the year of Christ 740. and in one great Battle destroyed the Picts so, as there was scarce one of them left alive; whereby that whole Nation and very name of the Picts was utterly extinguished. 6. That besides; the Irish Chronicles, without contradiction from any, tell us, how the foresaid Niall the Great, surnamed Naoighellach from the nine Hostages taken by him, five from the five Provinces of Ireland, and four from the Picts and other Inhabitants of Scotland or Albuin, not only made the other parts of Great Britain, even so far as the South of it, tributary, but with a mighty Force of Irish, Scots, Picts, and Britons in one Army passed the Sea to France, landed in Armorica, and marched so far as the River Loire. Where, being encamped, hewas treacherously killed by Eochae King of Leinster, whom he had formerly so punished and plagued, that he forced him to fly even out of all Ireland, and who therefore studying still revenge, followed him unknown to France, and finding there an opportunity, took it. For standing one day by chance on the bank of the foresaid River, and seeing Niall at the same time on the other Bank, not far off, he bent his Bow presently, and with all his might letting fly at him, shot him dead in the place by piercing his head through both scull and brain. 7. That moreover, Fergus the Great, King of all Ireland, as Buchanan calls him, entered Scotland with a puiffant Army, gave Battle to Coilus King of the Britons, who invaded both the Picts and Irish Plantations together, fought him, killed him, overthrew his whole Army, was thereupon himself both declared and received the first King of the Scottish Nation inhabiting the North of Great Britain; and after this being gone for Ireland, as he was returning back again to Scotland, was drowned hard by the Rock, which from his fate before it, hath ever since been called by the Irish Carig-Fherus, now Knockfergus by the English: and that all this Rerum Scoticar. l. 1. happened, says Buchanan, about the time that Alexander the Great entered Babylon. For albeit the Irish Books agree not with buchanan's relation of this Fergusius the Great; not either, I say, as to his quality of being King of Ireland, or as to this time of his Adventure in Scotland, or elsewhere, mentioning him only as a Brother to Mairchertach Mor mhac Ercha Monarch of Ireland, and then fixing both his life and death immediately after Saint Patrick's death, that is about 530 years after the Incarnation of our Lord: yet since they agree with Buchanan in all other material points related by him of this famous Fergus; especially that of his entering Scotland with a great Army, being the first King of Scots in Britain: I think the allegation of what they so agree upon is mightily to purpose. 8. That therefore it is easy to be understood (whatever Cambden's admiration be) how the Milesian Irish Race were those In his Britannia. Tit. Picts. p. 115. daring men, that having the assistance of the Picts their Tributaries, and some few Britons, withdrawn to them for protection from the Roman yoke, drew forth at one time thirty thousand armed men against Agricola, and gave Severus the Emperor so much trouble, that of Romans and Associates, he lost in one expedition against them fifty thousand men. And were yet the men against Dio. whose incursions into the Roman Province here; first the Fence was built by Adrian from Edinborough Frith to Cluyd, fourscore miles Spartianus. in length, the foundation of it being laid deep within the ground of huge piles or stakes, fastened together like a strong hedge or mound: then the work of Turf and Earth by Severus across the Island from one Sea to another; then under Honorius, the Wall of stone running the same extent, eight foot broad, and twelve foot high: and last of all, the Towers and Bulwarks all along the Southern Coast of Britain, at convenient distances, raised against their landing on that side out of their plundering Fleets. 6. That a further argument yet, and such as of all hands must be confessed to show abundantly their Martial spirit and fortitude in those days of old, was their brave defence of their own Country at home against the manifold powerful and almost continual Invasions of it from abroad by the Heathen Danes, Norvegians, and Easterlings, at least 200 years. For I pass wholly over those little, short and inconsiderable Invasions of them, either by Egfrid the Saxon King of Northumberland, in the year 640. according to Cambden, c Britannia Tit. Ireland. or (rather indeed) by his General Berthus in the year 684. as Beda d l. 4. c. 26. has it; or by some other British Commanders joined with the Picts, at two or three several times in the seventh Century after Christ. Of none of these do I take notice, because they signify not much, save only the preying and burning at two several times and places a part of the Country by the▪ Seaside, and three inconsiderable Fights, as they are related in the Irish Books. The first under the Sovereignty of Blathmhac and Diarmuid Ruannigh, two Brothers ruling peaceably together as Kings of Ireland; wherein the Saxon King and thirty of his Nobles were killed, say the Irish Chronicles, without mentioning other loss, or any at all of the other side. The second under the Sovereignty of Fionachta Fliadhach: whereof all the account they give is, that Comghusgach King of the Picts, and a great many of the Irish were slain in it. The third, after a few years more, under the Monarchy of Loionsiogch mhac Aonghussa, fought against the men of Ulster by the Britons, but to their own loss. And this is all the Irish Chronicles (in Doctor Keting) have of these matters. So that neither the loss nor Victory signifying much of either side, at least as to Ireland in general, by any of these Invasions, there was nothing more heard of them or of the Invaders. Much less was there ever in any Chronicle or Book that I could see, either in English, Irish, or Latin, before Cambden's Britannia came forth, any mention made of Edgar King of England, how puissant soever he was, his having conquered a great part of Ireland, and Dublin withal, or indeed so much as one foot of Land there, nay or so much as his having attempted any such thing. And therefore I take no notice of Cambden's old Charter of King Edgar, wherever he found it. And so I do as little of Buchanan's relation, where he writes, that Gregory the Great, King of Scotland (who began his Reign Anno Christi 875. and ended it with his life Anno 902.) invaded Ireland with a puissant Army, during the minority of Donogh King of Ireland, and Tutorship of this young King by Brien and Conchuair: beat these Tutors in two several great Fights: took Dondalk, Droghedagh, and Dublin: visited here the young King, assumed his Tutorage to himself: placed Governors in the strong Towns: received threescore Hostages for their fidelity: and with them returned victorious to Scotland. Certainly Ireland never had at any time, since the very beginning (not even since the first Monarch Slanius, who reigned above three thousand years ago) any King that was a Minor, as Doctor Keting well observes, and may be seen by any that reads over in his Chronology and History all the Reigns of the several Monarches, who during that vast extent of time successively governed Ireland, or had the Title to govern as Monarches there, until it came under the English Power in the year of Christ 1172. There was not one of them all that came to the Sovereignty, but either by election of the people, or power of the Sword: as there was not one in seven but came to it by this latter way, that is, by killing of his Predecessor, Keting in the life of Brian Borumha. and this commonly too in Battle. Besides their very fundamental Law of Tanistry did exclude a Minor. What then must we think, where so many thousands descended of Heber and Herimon were at hand to claim their Titles, rather than a Minor should have it? But to say no more to this feigned Invasion from Scotland, nor any thing, other than what I have already, of those former true however inconsiderable ones from elsewhere in Great Britain: and to return back where I was, to the Invasions both true, and terrible and lasting indeed of the Danes: what I would say is, that notwithstanding those cruel Heathens had from the year of Christ 820. (when they first invaded Ireland in the Reign of Hugh, in Irish Aodh, surnamed Ordnighe Monarch of Ireland, and Airtre mhic Caithil Provincial King of Monster; and after that year, all along in the Reigns of both that Monarch and his two Successors Conchavar mhac Donchadha and Niall Caille, as likewise of Feilimidh mhic Griomthaine, the Latins call him Feidlimidius, successor to Airtre in the Kingdom of Monster) in several Fleets, the two first, one after another, landing in Monster, the third in the North, the fourth in vibh Cinsallach in Leinster, fifth, in the Harbour of Limmerick, sixth, of 60 Sail at the River Boyne, seventh, of forty Sail on the River Liffy, eighth and ninth, extraordinary great mighty ones at Lough-Foyle in Ulster, poured in continually from time to time for above forty years together, those almost incredible Numbers of men, related by Hanmor: yet the Irish fought 'em still, and foiled 'em too in eight or nine Battles. And although, being too much overpowred by the continual supplies of new men coming to their Enemies, who were absolute masters of the Seas; they, after a tedious cruel and continual War, became at last for some little season Tributary to their Captain General Turgheise (for so the Irish call him, by us called Turgesius) who now styled himself King of Ireland; lived in the middle thereof at Lough Ribh near the place where now Athlone is; had both there and all over the whole Kingdom in every Province and Country, and almost nook of it, his Dane-Raths and other Fortifications made, and strong Garrisons planted in 'em: yet (very soon after the generality of their Princes and people (I say the generality: for some of them held out still in some inaccessible places of Rocks and Bogs ' and Woods) had so yielded to him) their wisdom & valour enfranchised them most wonderfully in little above one months' time, by their utter destruction of this Tyrant & all his Heathen Crew. For upon his lusting after the beautiful Daughter of Maolsechluin King of Meath, and his desiring her of her Father to be his Concubine, and the Father's seeming of purpose to consent, and then sending her privately at the Night appointed, but attended with fifteen resolute Youths in women's attire with short Swords under their Gowns, and instructions what to do: and then when it was very late at Night, and all the rest of the lecherous Tyrants great Commanders withdrawn each to his own Apartment, their seizing him so soon as he began to be rude with her, and the Armour too of all the rest laid together in one heap on a Table in the Hall: and then her Father's rushing in at the same time, and killing all those Commanders every one when they expected other Company, each one of them one of the young beautiful Damsels, as the Tyrant had promised them: hereupon, I say, and upon the word given by Messengers, who were ready of purpose, flying into all parts, the Irish to a man throughout the Kingdom are presently in Arms, fall upon the astonished Danes, attack and carry their Forts, fight their Troops wherever they embody, rout 'em, kill 'em, and pursue the remainders of them to their very Ships, getting now away out of the Roads, as Wind & Wether served 'em. As for Turgesius himself, Maolseachluin, reserved him in Fetters for a time, and then drowned him at last in Lough-ainme. So that, after much about forty years bloody, continual and general War at home in all the Provinces, and several years most miserable and general thraldom under the yoke of such powerful, barbarous and fell Tyrants, who left not a Monastery or Church, or Chappel standing where ever they came; who placed a Lay-heathen Abbot, in every Cloister, and endowed Church to gather the Revenues; who laid so many times all their Country in Ashes; who no less than four several times in one Month burnt Ardmagh, the most holy See and Metropolitan City then of all Ireland; who slew indistinctly for so many years both Priests and Clerks and Laics, and mean and great, and rich and poor without mercy; and who at last having subdued the miserable remainder, imposed those burdens of Bondage on them which were such, that if as to the particulars they were not attested by all the Irish Chronicles in Dr. Keting, they would surpass all belief: we see how at last, and for that present, the Irish Nation were by the wisdom of this Maolseachluin King of Meath, and by the great Valour and resolution of the rest of their Princes and People, delivered. I say for that present. For pursuant to what has been said before, you are to understand now, 10. That but a very few years after, because in the Keting. Polychronicon. Reign of the same Maolseachluin mhic Mhaolruanuidh King of Meath, (who deservedly upon the aforesaid expulsion of the Danes was by the Princes and Nobility made King of all Ireland, and continued so until his death, i. e. full sixteen years and no more) three Norvegian Brothers, Amelanus, Cytaracus, and Ivorus, as Polychronicon calls 'em, with their Train, being come to Ireland in a peaceable manner, and under pretence of Trafficking, got leave of the Princes of the Land to build three Cities, paying Tribute for them, Dublin, Waterford, and Limeric. Which they had no sooner finished, and strongly fortified, than the Irish found Keting. themselves engaged in as great a War as the former, by new and numerous Fleets both of Norvegians, Danes, and Oostmen (as they called 'em then) arriving continually from time to time in all the Quarters of the Kingdom. The difference only was, that the former continued forty years, or thereabouts; but this War now off and on a hundred and fifty years complete. And when the former began, the Irish had no strangers in pay whose Revolt might endanger them: but when this began they had a great number even of Danish, or other Easterling Foreigners (whom immediately upon ending the former War, they entertained in pay, and therefore called 'em Bownies) to guard their Coasts all round the Kingdom, and these every one turned against them now. Besides in the former the Irish were all of a mind against the common Enemy; but in this they were often divided, some of them confederating openly and fight in conjunction with those foreign Enemies against their Native Soil, especially the little King of Defies in Monster, and the King of Leinster too not seldom. Moreover, to end the former War, and redeem them from their bondage under Turgesius, the stratagem of Maolseachluin was necessary; but in this later all along both in the procedure, and final issue of it, they owed their great and frequent Victories not to any stratagem, but under God to pure Valour and manly Resolution. But that I may at last come to an issue on this point, I will pass over all those Victorious Battles fought by the Irish in the procedure of this second Danish War made upon them. As first the Battle of Dromma Damhaigha, fought by the foresaid King of Ireland, Maolseachluin himself. 2. The Battle of Loughfoill by his Successor Aoth Finliath. 3. The many Battles in the Reign of Donnchoe mhic Floinn, fought by Ceallaghane King of Monster, whereby he not only took Limmerick, Cashel, Cork, and Waterford from the Danes, but quite extirpated them at least in his days out of that Province. His Sea-fight also with their Fleet before Dundalk; which proved extremely fatal to them. Likewise the great slaughter of their fellows in Connaught by the Conacians about the same time. Moreover, and which was somewhat extraordinary, and before Ceallaghane had taken Limmerick, the Battle of Roscrea, where the Merchants and Townsmen at a great Fair held in that place on Saint Peter's day, understanding of an Army of Danes coming on them from Connaught and Limmerick under a Danish Earl called Oilsin, set forth against them in the best order they could, fought them, defeated them, and killed three or four thousand of them in that Field. Besides Muirchiortach mhac neil King of Ulster, his kill 800 with their chief Commanders, Abilaine, Aufer, and Roilt, and soon after Conuing mhac neil 1200 more of their Heathen wicked Crew. And further yet, the Defeat given to Rodoricus the King of Britain's Son, who Anno Christi 966. as Hanmer says, invaded Ireland with a puissant Army, but lost both Army and Life by those he invaded. 4. The Battle of Muine Broghaine fought by the Monarch Conghallach mhac Maoil Mhithe, with the slaughter of 7000 Danes on the spot, though with great loss of his own side too. 5. and lastly, even all those four & twenty bloody Battles fought against the Danes, and their Confederates before the Battle of Cluain-Tairbh, and fought I say every one of them by that happy victorious Prince until his death Brien mhac Kinedie, alias Boraimhe, who in the fourth year of the foresaid Monarch Conghallach's Reign came to be King of Monster, and within eight years' next following made all Leath Mogha, i. e. the Southern half of Ireland acknowledge him their Sovereign: and ruled so for seven and thirty years, until he was chosen at last Monarch of all Ireland: in which last Supremacy he continued flourishing the remainder of his life, which after twelve years more he ended victoriously at Cluain-tairf Field. And as I do pass over so many former Battles wherein the Irish were victorious in this second War: so I shall those many other too wherein they were to some purpose foiled in the same War; though Martial courage, though true Valour may sometimes exert itself no less in the Foil than in the Victory. I'll take no notice, neither of the stoning to death Maolguala, King of Monster, by those barbarous heathen Foes, in the Reign of Aodh Finliath: nor of the mighty overthrow given the Leinster men by Jomhar one of their Generals, in the reign of Niall Gluindubh: nor of Sitric, another General of theirs, both defeating and killing, and that in a more considerable fight also, the said Monarch Niall Gluindubb himself: nor of the Battle of Biothlane against the Leinster men again, under the Reign of Domhnal mhac Muirchirtae: nor finally of the Battle of Cille mhoane, fought by the Danes and Lagenians both, joined together now against their Monarch Domhnal mhac Muirchirtae; wherein the King of Ulster Ardgall, and Dombnal King of Oirghiellae, and many others of great quality were killed of the Monarch's side. As well every one of these unsuccessful Battles, as all the former, ten times both in number and weight, more successful to the Irish in the second War, I willingly pass over, to come unto, and give you the famous Fight of Cluain-Tairbh at last. It was the five and twentieth and last of all the Battles fought so bravely by that victorious King of Ireland, Brian Boraimhe himself. It was indeed the Battle that put an end to all the Danish, hopes in that Kingdom. Besides, it was, if ever any was, by mutual consent of both sides, a pitched Battle, and the Field, whereon it was fought, some weeks before agreed upon between them. So that there was no place at all for Ambuscadoes, Tricks, or stratagems in it; but pure Valour must decide the quarrel and win the day. The occasion, manner and issue of it, take thus in short. About the end of Brian Boraimh's Reign, the Kingdom of Ireland being all over in peace and flourishing with all earthly blessings under him, and no more Danes left in the Land, but such a certain number of Artificers, Handycraftsmen, and Merchants in Dublin, Weixford, Waterford, Cork, and Limmerick, as he thought and knew could be mastered at any time if they dared rebel: he sends to his Brother-in-law Maolmoradh mhac Murchoe King of Leinster, desiring three special Masts for shipping out of his Woods. Maoldmoradh consents, and goes himself to see them drawn along by the streingth of men to Cean Choradh, the Monarch's House in Tomond. A difference happening in the way between those men, and thereupon Maolmoradh alighting, and helping them to draw one of the beams up a high Mountain which they must have crossed, he toare off the clasp of his outward Robe. Which, so soon as he came to the Monarch's Court, and visited the Queen, his own Sister Garmlaigh, he desires her to fasten, telling her how it was torn off. She takes the Robe, throws it into the fire, burns it before his face, and then rebukes him smartly for his unworthy subjection of himself and his people of Leinster to Briean, though her Husband. And the Monarch Maolmoradh taking to heart her words, and turning aside to see Murchoe the Prince, Brian's eldest Son, playing a game at Chess, advises against him on some draught, whereby the Prince lost his game. Who thereupon fretting and twitting his Uncle this Leinster King; told him, that his advice formerly given to the Danes at the Battle of Gleann Mama lost them the Field. Maolmoradh replies, that his next should prove otherwise. The Prince defies him. Maolmoradh withdraws, goes to bed Supperless, and early in the morning unknown posts away to Leinster. Where the very next day after his coming, he assembles his chief Noblemen, represents to them what had passed, sets them all on fire to renounce their Allegiance to Briean, confederate with the Danes, and send the Monarch defiance. Then he posts immediately to Dublin, engages the chief of the Danes there to send forthwith to the King of Denmark for a strong supply to help him against their mortal Enemy Brian Boraimhe, and promises them his destruction. And then he prepares at home for War. And then within a little more time having seen twelve thousand men under the command of two of the King of Denmark's Sons, Carolus Knutus, and Andreas, landed safely at Dublin, and both kindly received them, and refreshed them very well; he without longer delay by a Herald bid defiance to Brian, and challenges him to fight on Maghnealta a spacious Field at Cluain-Tairbh (otherwise Clantarf) within two miles of Dublin. And Brian, with what speed he can, joining together all the Forces of Monster, Connaght, and Meath (for those of Ulster he neither sent unto, nor would stay for, as confiding mightily in those he had already out of the three other Divisions, and hastening to fight) marches directly to the place appointed, Maghnealta, and sees the Enemy there, prepared to receive him, viz. sixteen thousand Danes, twelve of the new, and four of the old ones, together with all the power of Leinster, headed by their said King Maolmoradh the only Author of this Battle. To be short, both Armies drawing near, and viewing fully one another, the fatal sign is given at last, and Trumpets sound and skies resound with the terrible shouts of both sides, as they closed. But Maolseachluin the King of Meath, who had been Monarch before Brian Boraimhe, and was deposed to give him place (the only Monarch of Ireland, that from the beginning did survive his deposition) finding it now his time to be in some sort revenged on Brian, stands off with his Forces of Meath so soon as the signal was given, and continues a mere Spectator during the whole time of the Battle, without joining with either side. And yet notwithstanding this treacherous carriage of Maolseachluin, (for it can be termed no better, though after this Fight was over, he recovered the Monarchy by it, and was the last Monarch of the Milesian Raze obeyed or acknowledged as such universally throughout the Kingdom) yet I say, notwithstanding it, the valorous undaunted Prince Murchoe, eldest Son of Brian Boraimhe, having persuaded his Father to retire into his Tent by reason of his great age (for he was now fourscore and eight years old) behaved himself with his Momonian and Conacian Forces so bravely, and made such and so many furious impressions on every side into the main Battalions of the Enemies, that although neither courage, nor dexterity, nor ambition, nor glory, nor revenge, nor despair, proposed unto them respectively, were wanting to make the Danish and Lagenian Forces withstand him a very long time, and sell the Victory at a very dear rate; he won the Field at last, or rather indeed his Father and his Army won it after his death. For this renowned Prince was killed in the Battle. And, which is far more strange, the Father himself Brian Boraimhe the Monarch, now after the Field had been clearly gained, and the remainder of the Enemy scattered into the four Winds, was killed in his own Tent by one Bruaodor a Dane, who in the general Rout leading a party after him was forced to fly that way where the Monarch's Tent was pitched. Whereinto, as he passed by, entering, and seeing the Monarch whom he had formerly known, he slew him; though himself and his followers were presently cut in pieces by those that pursued them. Of the Monarch's side, besides himself and his Son the Prince, were killed in this Battle, seven little Kings, most of the other Nobility both of Monster and Connaught, and 4000 of inferior degree. But of the other side were killed, first the King of Leinster himself, Molmoradh mhac Murchoe (the Challenger of Brian to this Battle) with his chief Nobles, and 3000 common Soldiers: then of the Danes, the two Sons of the King of Denmark, all their great Nobility, 6700 of the Soldiers newly come with them, and of the old Danes, that were before their coming to Ireland, 4000 more: in all of both sides, 17000 seven hundred, besides Princes and other Noble men. It was fought in the year of Christ 1034. Apr. 22. on good Friday. After this Battle we hear but little of the Danes in Ireland. Only that the foresaid Maolseachluin (who now the second time succeeded in the Monarchy for nine years more until his death) took Dublin the next year, sacked it, burned it, and killed in it all those Danes that escaped from Clantarff. That soon after this again, i. e. in the Sovereignty of this same Maolseachluin, Huaghaire mhac Duinling mhac T●athil King of Leinster (a man of another mind, race and interest than Molmoradh mhac Murchoe was) gave a mighty overthrow (and it the very last given) to Siteric the Son of Aomlaibh, and the Danes of Dublin: who, it seems, after the Battle of Clantarff, and the burning of Dublin next year by Maolseachluin, had once more recruited from the Isle of Man, and other Islands possessed as yet by the Danes; but were now finally destroyed in Ireland by the said new King of Leinster. And lastly, as Hackluyt reports in his Chronicle, and so does Hanmer too, that in the Reign of Muirchiortach mhac Brien, who was the fourth after Brian Boraimhe, Magnus, than King of Denmark, would needs venture the attempting Ireland once more, to recover what his Predecessors held there; but that landing with part of his Fleet before the greater part of them came up, he was set upon immediately by the Country people and killed, and his Fleet understanding it returned presently from whence they came. SECT. II. The Irish for 2600 years a free Nation. They were never subject to, nor so much as invaded by the Romans. Their Political Government, or three Great Councils, of Teamhvuir, (alias Tarach) Eumhna, and Cruachain. The first, a Triennial Parliament. It's Laws, Feast, and other Ceremonies. The strict examination therein of their public Acts and Monuments. What of that nature done in the great Parliament under Laogirius; St. Patrick himself being one of the Examiner's. What matters debated in the Councils of Eumhna and Cruachain. The Titles of Duke, Marquess, Earl, Baron, Knight, not in use with them: as neither in Scotland till William the Conqueror's time. Their Leinster Militia, called Fiona Eirlonn, commanded by Fionn mhac Cwail as General of it. Hector Boethius and Hanmer corrected. Their other Militia in Monster, by name Dal-Gheass. Their celebrated Learning, after their Conversion to Christianity. Their four chief Universities: whereof Ardmagh had 7000 Scholars at one time. Their wonderful Sanctity, i. e. the prodigious Numbers of their holy Monks and Nuns, under S. Patrick first, and next under the great Abbot Conghall, alias Congellus. This Abbot in person founded and governed the Monasteries both of Beanchuir in Ulster, and Bangor in Wales near West-Chester: his Disciples, those of Lindisfarn in England, Luxeu in Burgundy, Bobie in Italy, etc. They converted several foreign Countries. But Scotland particularly was converted by Columb Cille. A special privilege given him and his Successors the Abbots of Hy. AND so by this time I think enough is said of the Warlike Spirit and Valour of the ancient Irish for so many Ages of the World, until that time which was near the Eleventh Century of Christian Religion. For as yet the infinite goodness, patience and mercy of God, expecting still their amendment, restrained his Justice from bereaving them utterly of that Virtue, that masculine bold Heroic Spirit I mean, which preserved them so long, even well nigh six and twenty hundred years a free Nation, independent of any other: unsubdued, undisturbed, uninvaded otherwise, and no longer, nor no oftener, nor with other success or issue than we have seen. Not even the old Roman Empire itself, whose conquering Eagles made all the rest, at least of the Western World, and among them, all, even the very most unaccessible remote recesses of Great Britain, a prey to their uncircumscribed ambition; having never at any time had either footing, or command, or tribute, or acknowledgement in Ireland. Though we knowwell enough out of History ( a Tacitus in vit. Agric. ) what a longing they had to be doing there: at least to see that Country and people, which dared receive continually so many fugitives ( b Cum suum Romani Imperium▪ undique propagassent, multi proculd●bio ex Hispania, Gallia, & Britannia huc se receperunt, ut iniquissimo Romanorum jugo colla subducerent. Camden, Hibern. ) from their power in Spain and France, and Great Britain and protect them to their face. But I am not to dwell or dilate on this Subject, nor indeed on any other concerning that Nation: the method I prescribed myself and bulk of this Treatise not allowing it. 11. What I would in the next place reflect upon, and as briefly as I well can, is somewhat of their Policy or Government, their standing Militia, their Learning, and their Sanctity, when they were a happy flourishing people before the first Invasion of the Danes. For their Government, besides a Monarch, five Provincial Kings, and in process of time, especially since the first Danish War, manyother much lesser Kings, they had anciently three great Councils held in three several places: the Council of Taragh, the Council of Eumhna, and the Council of Gruachain: all three called in their language Feis Teambrach, Feis Eumhna, and Feis Gruachain. The first was a Triennial Parliament of all the Estates assembled at Taragh in Meath, at the Monarch's pleasure, about that time of year, which we call now All Saints. It was ordained first by Ollamh Fodhla the Twentieth Monarch after Herimon, to be thenceforth from time to time perpetually observed in after Ages. It was death, without mercy, without any hopes of it, without any power in the Monarch himself to extend it to any person whatsoever, either to assault, or wound, or strike or draw upon any man attending that great Assembly, or to be convicted either of robbery or stealth, during the Session of it. It was called only for making Laws, reforming general abuses, revising their Antiquities, Genealogies, Chronicles, and either restoring or preserving peace and love among 'em by feasting together for seven days in one great House. And therefore it is notable what Dr. Keting has in the Reign of Tuathall Teachtvair the Monarch, of the manner of their meeting and sitting at these Feasts. That the Room prepared to receive them all being made of purpose, though very longs yet narrow, with Tables set on both sides and both ends, and all things ready for the Entertainment: and then the Room cleared of all persons whatsoever, only the Marshal, the chief Herald or Chronicler, and a Horn-winder excepted: and then at three convenient little distances of time, this Horn-winder calling to Dinner by the winding of his Horn; at the first of 'em, all the Esquires or Shield-bearers to the Princes and Nobility came to the door, and there delivered their Shields to the Marshal, who by the Herald's direction hung them up in their due places over the Tables prepared of the right hand-side for the Estates. At the second, in like manner all the Taget-bearers to the Generals and other great Commanders of the Militia delivered up theirs, and were on the other side of the House placed orderly as the former. But at the third, all the Kings, Princes, Estates, Military men, and other chief Gentry came in and fat down, each one under his own Goat of Arms blazoned on his Shield, without any disorder about precedency, or of places; no man sitting on the outside of the Table, nor any Woman at all admitted: the Table in one end being for the Antiquaries, and in the other for other Officers. But to pass over this matter of Ceremony, Heraldry and Feasting, what I chief note in their procedure, when they sat in Council or Parliament, is their extraordinary care, diligence and exactness in providing, That all their monuments of Antiquity, their Genealogies, Chronicles and Records should have nothing foisted into them, nothing at all inserted, but what was true and certain by the approbation of a special Committee of the most skilful in such matters. That all such, and only such National Concerns, Annals, or other matters, which they approved, after their diligent search and examination of them, should be there in public written in the Kings or Monarch's book of Royal Records called the Psalter of Taragh: and whatever was repugnant to that Book, should have no credit. That, in prosecution of this great care of their National Monuments, it was, that when they became Christians, a Parliament of all their Estates both Temporal and Spiritual (held under the Monarch Laogirius at the same Royal Habitation of the Monarches, Taragh) deputed three Kings, three Bishops, and three of their most singular Antiquaries (even Saint Patrick himself there present being one of these Bishops, as the other two were Benuin and Caraioch; and the three Kings, the foresaid Laogirius Monarch of Ireland, though never converted, Daire King of Ulster, and Cork mhac Luighioch King of Monster; the Antiquaries also being Dubthach, Fergus, and Rosse mhac Trichim) to review and reduce into order all their National Chronicles. That this Committee of Nine having done so with great pains and industry, they reduced all into one Book fairly written. That the keeping of this original Book, was entrusted after, by the Estates to the Prelates: and those Prelates, for its perpetual preservation, caused several authentic Copies of it to be fairly engrossed: whereof some are extant to this day, and several more faithfully transcribed out of them; their Names (taken from the places where they were for many Ages kept) being the Book of Ardmach, The Psalter of Casshell, The Book of Gleann da Loch, etc. Whereunto I may add, as not very impertinent in this place, That the Irish Nation were all along from the beginning so addicted to, and had so great an esteem of the knowledge of their own Genealogies & Histories, that Keting in his Preface. anciently there have been in Ireland above two hundred chief Annalists or Historians, by place and office such, who had Estates in Land set apart and assigned them and to their Issue after them in perpetuity for attending wholly that Calling and study of it; every great Lord having a peculiar Sept of them to record and transmit to Posterity what especially concerned him and those deriving from him; besides what concerned the Nation in general; yet all continually subject to the foresaid Triennial Scrutiny in Parliament. A care of Antiquity and History, I think, not to be matched by any other Nation in Europe. And as they took that care to provide for their Antiquaries, so they did also, as Cambden Britannia, tit. Ireland. p. 140. hath observed, the like for their Poets, Physicians, and Harpers, by assigning them Estates in Land to live independently of others, only the duty they owed their great Lords excepted still. In the two other Councils of Eumhna and Cruachain, the matters principally debated by the Nobility, Gentry, and other members of them were the concerns of all the Artificers, Tradesmen, and Handicraftsmen of Ireland, smith's of all sorts, Carpenters, Masons, etc. whereof a great number was summoned to be at each Assembly. Out of which number these two Councils did cull out sixty the most eminent in their professions, and gave them authority all over the Kingdom, allowing them distinct jurisdictions, to reform all the abuses of their several Callings, and suspend such as they thought fit from exercising them. So that none could set up or continue any Mechanical occupation but with their Licence, after they had examined and made trial of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the party concerned. These Masters so authorised they called in their Language Goldannuigh; which imports omniscient or skilful in all Mechanics. So much of their Councils and Government as to Civil Affairs in the more ancient times both of Paganism and Christianity. Of their Judicatures, and Judges, whom they call Brehons', he that please may see very singular and wonderful things related of them in D. Keting, ( a Reign of Laoghaire the Monarch in St. Patrick's days. ) even when they were Pagans, But if you desire to know the several degrees of their Nobility, or the different Titles of Honour among those Irish Noblemen who sat in their Parliaments or Councils: I can only answer, besides what is said already, that in Ireland until the English Conquest, they had none of our Titles, that is, not those either of Duke, or Marquis, Earl, Viscount, Baron, or Knight (only such Knights as they called Niadha-Nask, and may be called by us in English Knights of the Chain, or in Latin Milites Torquati, from a certain kind of Chain put about their Necks): as no more in truth had Scotland any such Titles before the year of Christ 1074. when Malcolm III Reigned there, and William I. surnamed the Bastard and Conqueror had subdued all entirely here in England. Concerning which custom of not using any such Titles of Honour, in Scotland particularly, as likewise concerning the other of the Language spoken till that time in the very Court of Scotland, (though as well the one as the other may seem foreign to this place:) this following Note, in Samuel Daniel's words, may give you further satisfaction. As in the Court of England, the French Tongue became more generally spoken, (viz. in William the conquerors Reign, for of that time this Author speaks here) so in that of Scotland, did the English, by reason of the multitude of this Nation, attending both the Queen and her Brother Edgar, and daily repairing thither for their safety, and combination against the common Enemy. Of whom divers, abandoning their Native distressed Country, were by the bounty of that King preferred: and there planted, spread their offspring into many Noble Families, remaining to this day. The Titles for distinguishing degrees of Honour, as of Duke, Earl, Baron, Rider, or Knight, were then (as is thought) first introduced: and the nobler sort began to be called by the title of their Seigneuries (according to the French manner) which before bare the name of their Father, with the addition of Mac, after the fashion of Ireland. Sam. Dan. in the Reign of William I. pag. 34. Where, in the Margin, he hath this further observation, that Scotland before this time generally spoke a kind of Irish. 12. As to their constant ordinary Militia, what it was in their times of peace we find in the Reign of Cormock Vlfada (the Son of Airt) King of Ireland a little after the Birth of Christ. For than it consisted of three Battalions or Divisions, of equal number each, in all nine thousand men, under several Commanders, and Fionn mhac Cwal their General; who was neither Giant, nor Dane, nor other Foreigner, as no more were any of his Commanders, Captains or Soldiers. He was himself but of the ordinary stature of other men; though Hector Boethius makes him a Giant of 15 Cubits high: and he was an Irish man both by birth and descent lineally come, of his Mother's side, in the fifth Generation, from Nuatha Neacht King of Leinster, and so upward all along from Herimon; whatever is reported by D. Hanmer a Page 24. to the contrary, in his History of Ireland. Hanmer might as well have made the Cappadocian Knight a Saxon, as Fionn the son of Cwal, a Dane. And so might Hector Boethius have as well turned Huon of Bordeaux, or Amadis de Gaul, or the Knight of the Sun, or the Seven Champions of Christendom, and such like Romances into the very truest Histories, as the Fables written of Fionn mhac Cwal, and the Captains under him called Fiona Erionn, only to entertain leasurable hours and Fancy. For the Irish had their Romances too for divertisement. They had Bruoidhuin in Chaorhuinn, and the Battle of Fionthraghadh (or Fentra, as Hanmer calls it) and the story of Gilladeackuir's Jade, and many other such, and so among these, some also of Fionn mhac Cwal and his Commanders. Which yet every one of common sense among the Irish could distinguish from their Chronicles and other Monuments of real story. In short, these Gentlemen Fionn mhac Cuaal and Fiona Erionn were the stoutest and bravest fight men of their time in Ireland. And they were kept in constant pay by the Monarch, Princes and people of that Kingdom, to guard the Coasts from abroad, and keep all at home quiet. With power nevertheless, that if the case required it, either to suppress a Rebellion, or withstand an Invasion, or succour Dalinea Riadac in Scotland, the said General Fionn mhac Cwal might make up the standing Forces to seven Battalions, that is, one and twenty thousand men in all. And this is the naked truth concerning these Fiona Erionn so famous in their Generation. On which truth many fabulous stories have been superstructed. To them may be added those other brave Warriors, whether of a later or earlier Generation (but as to the reality of things for aught I know, of as much bravery and Valour) called Dal-Gheasse. These were the standing Militia of those fortunate successful Kings of Monster, Ceallaghan, and Brian Boraimhe in the second Danish War, and the only Gens d'Armes about their persons, and continued to be so to the succeeding Kings of Monster, and Leathe Mogh, who were Monarches of Ireland, at least bore that Title, three of them in succession, after the death of that Maolseachluin, who immediately succeeded Brian Boraimhe. What number these Valiant men Dal-Gheasse did make, I cannot find. But see them all along represented for incomparable Warriors, till being overpowered at last by the King of Connaght and Leathe Cuinn, and presumed Monarch, Torlagh More O Connor, they were utterly destroyed a little before the English Conquest, and with them the Kingdom of Monster extinguished. For this by that Monarch was divided in two, and continued so till the English abolished them both. 13. Of their Learning, Historians make no mention till after their conversion to Christianity. Which Conversion, if we speak of it as to the generality of Ireland, was begun by Saint Patrick their Apostle, as we have seen before, early in the fifth Century, that is in the year 431. upon his second landing in that Country, and completed by him within threescore and one years more. For so long he lived carrying on that holy Work, though he had been full threescore and one aged upon this second landing of his when he began it. About this time all the Western and Southern parts too of the Roman Empire being overrun by the Goths, Vandals, Huns, Franks, and o●her barbarous partly German, partly Scythick Nations, and consequently all kind of Learning for the matter destroyed by them where ever they set footing: and the little remainders of the learned Contemplative men retiring still from the noise of Arms: and finding themselves no where on the Continent, and as little in Great Britain at rest or in safety: many of them at last passed over to Ireland. That is, to a Country, where, as they were told for certain (and so it was indeed) the Romans never challenged any right: and consequently neither could the Barbarians on account of such right pretend any quarrel to it; and yet a Country to admiration religious and holy. This of all likelihood was one of the causes or means whereby Ireland began suddenly to flourish above any Country of Europe at that time in Learning. Besides, and to speak without likelihood, but by the authority of good Authors for matters of Fact, their blessed Apostle St. Patrick himself at his coming thither to convert them in the aforesaid year, brought with him, besides other Clerks, in his own Company thirty Bishops whom himself had in his Journey through foreign parts gathered together, and before his shipping for Ireland, and for that mission of purpose consecrated: because he foresaw the Harvest would be very great, and therefore he needed many Workmen. So affirmeth an ancient French Author of good repute Henricus Altisiodorensis, ( c Vitae S. Germani, cap. 168. ) who flourished in the Emperor Carolus Calvus' Reign. Moreover, the Irish Chronicles tell us, that he also brought along with him all those of Ciniodb Scuit, or Scottish (that is Irish) Nation, whom he met abroad any where that were Christians. So here you may clearly see between these Bishops, Clerks, and other Christians, the first Seminary of that great Learning in Ireland then, when all the other Western Kingdoms and Provinces were grown illiterate, barbarous, rude. However, or whatever the causes or the Teachers of that Learning in Ireland were (besides these Bishops and Clerks, who no man will doubt but they were at least the Chief Instructors in holy Scripture and all matters of Divinity: as were also, next unto them, those other Bishops consecrated by S. Patrick at home in Ireland, during the time of his Apostleship, even 355. in number (says Nennius) that is, one for every two Churches founded by him in that Country, and those 3000 Priests (Jocelin says 5000) likewise that were not Bishops, all of them every one consecrated by himself in this Kingdom:) it is confessed of all hands, and venerable Bede ( a Histor. Anglic. l. 3. c. 4, 5. 19 & l. 4. c. 25. ) of old, and Cambden ( b Britan. pag. 730. edit. London. in Fol. an. 1607. ) of late, are sufficient vouchers for it, That in those days the Saxons flowed over into Ireland as to the Mart of good Literature. And that, when any was wanting here from home, it came to be a Proverb, He is gone to Ireland to be bred. Pursuant hereunto is that Distich in the life of Sulgenus (who flourished about 700 years since) Exemplo patrum commotus amore legendi, Ivit ad Hibernos sopbia mirabile claros. Besides all the Irish Chronicles tell us of the four great Universities in Ireland, Ardmagh, Cashel, Dun-da-Leathghlass, and Lismore; not to mention many other Colleges of lesser note elsewhere. And then I think seven thousand Scholars at one time, in one of these Universities, to wit, Ardmagh, ( c Manusc. of Keting. Reign of Conchwair Mhic Donochoe. ) is a considerable evidence how Learning did flourish at that time in Ireland. To all which may be added, that they were the Irish of those days, who gave a beginning abroad, if not to the Schools of Oxford, (for I have an Author by me that says they did so even to these) yet certainly to those of Paris and Pavia ( g Monach. Sangal. de Gest. Car. Mag. c. 1. apud Canis. Tom. 1. Antiq. Lect. ): yea and to many other great Colleges of Learning in foreign parts; or the most famous Monasteries of Europe then, that is of France and Germany, and Italy, have not been at any time reputed Colleges of Learning; which yet we know, and shall presently see they have, and have indeed equally both of Learning and Sanctity been reputed the chief Schools in those parts. Finally, both Camhden ( d Supra. ) and Spencer ( e View of Ireland, or Dialogue between Irenaeus and Eudoxus, pag. 29. ) acknowledge that from Ireland our Forefathers in Great Britain, the Ancient Saxons, or English, learned the very form and manner of framing their characters for writing. 14. But if their Learning was great (as in those Ages) from the year of Christ, 431. or soon after, to the year 820. when the Heathen Danes and Norvegians first invaded them, it was esteemed to be: the sanctity of those among them who gave themselves to a religious life, was yet much more admirable, as their numbers were almost beyond belief in these our days. And yet Cambden, that excellent Antiquary was convinced of both. Verily Hieric of Auxer (otherwise in Latin Henricus Altisiodorensis, whom I mentioned before) hath 800 years since written, ( f Vit. S. Germani, c. 174. Jocel. vi●. S. Pa●. c. 174. ) that S. Patrick having converted Ireland, did so prevail with the Princes and People thereof, that he obtained a tenth of all the Lands, Goods, Cattle, and Persons of the whole Kingdom to be dedicated by them to God; the Men to be Monks, and the Women Nuns, forsaking all worldly joys most willingly for a religious life: and that every where answerably to the Lands and other goods devoted so to God, he built Monasteries apart, the one half for Men, and the other for Women. From whence it came to pass within a very little time (says another ancient Author of great credit, Jocelinus the Monk, in his life of S. Patrick) 〈◊〉. 174. that there was not a Wilderness, nor corner, nor place so remote any where in the whole Island, but was replenished with perfect Monks and Nuns; in so much that Ireland came to be called then by a special name, The Island of Saints. For says he) all those religious persons lived according to the rule given them by S. Patrick, in perfect contempt of all earthly things, desire of celestial only, mortification of their flesh, and quitting of their own proper will, equal to the Monks of Egypt, both in merit and number. Besides these testimonies, though very many more of the ancient Writers of all Nations in Europe might be quoted; it will be sufficient to quote S. Bernard only, in the life written by him of S. Malachias, cap. v. where he relates that Ireland sent forth whole swarms of Saints into other parts of the world. And therefore I need not add but little more upon this subject than the sense of Cambden, and that in his own words, as m Britannia. tit. Ireland. P. 67. they are given by his Translator, Philemon Holland. The Irish Scholars of Patrick (says he) profited so notably in Christianity, that in the Age next ensuing, Ireland was termed Sanctorum Patria, The native Country of Saints; and the Soottish * See before, how at that time, by the name Scottish, were understood only the Irish, because as yet Ireland was called Scotia Major. Monks in Ireland and Britain highly excelled for their holiness and learning; yea, and sent out whole flocks of most devout men into all parts of Europe, who were the first Founders of Luxeu Abbey in Burgundy, of Bubie Abbey in Italy, of Wirtzburg Abbey in Franckland, of S. Galius in Sweitzerland, of Malmesbury, Lindisfern, and many other Monasteries in Britain: For out of Ireland came Celius Sedulius a Priest, Columba, Columbane, Colman, Aidan, Gallus, ●ithan, Maidulph, Brendan, and many other celebrated for their holy life and learning. Of these Monks is Hieric of Auxerres to be understood, when he writeth thus to the Emperor Charles the Bald, What should I speak of Ireland, which setting light by the dangers of the Sea, flitteth all of it well near with whole flocks of Philosophers unto our shores? Of whom so many as are more skilful and learned than the rest, do voluntarily banish themselves to attend dutifully on the wise Solomon, and be at his command. Then (says he, I mean Cambden, delivering his further judgement, and continuing his relation) this Monastical profession, although but then newly come up, was far different in those days from that of our time. They desired to be that indeed which they were named to be: they were far from colourable dealing or dissembling. Erred they in any thing? It was through simplicity, not through lewdness, much less of wilful obstinacy. As for wealth, and these worldly things, they so so highly contemned them, that they did not only not seek after, but also refused the same, though they were offered unto them descended by inheritance. For a notable Apophthegm was that of Columbane (a Monk of Ireland) who, as the Abbot Walafride writeth, When Sigebert, King of the Frankners, dealt very very earnestly with him, and that by way of many large and fair promises, that he should not departed out of his Kingdom; answered him in the same sort as Eusebius has reported of Thaddeus, namely, That it became not them to embrace other men's riches, who for Christ's sake had forsaken their own. Hitherto Cambden. who elsewhere m p. 144. tells us, that we must not wonder at the austerity of those ancient Irish Monks in their generation, that is, during those primitive ages of Christianity in Ireland, though nothing indeed can be more wonderful than what is written of them in that kind, For (says he) in very late times, Such as gave themselves to Religion there, did mortify their flesh even to a miracle, by watching, praying, and fasting. And verily Cambdens relation both of the sanctity and prodigious numbers too of the Irish Monks in those first ages of Christianity in Ireland, before the Danish Invasion is abundantly confirmed by the Irish Chronicles in Dr. Keting ( b Reign of Lovis the Son of Laogirius, Son to Nial the Great. The Irish call him Lugha, mhac Laoghaire, mhic neil Naoighiallaoi. ) where he tells us that the holy Abbot Comghall (who about the end of the first, and beginning of the second century of Christian Religion in Ireland, built the famous Monastery of Beannchuir in Ulster) had 20000 Monks cloistered in several Monasteries under his own government. Which is the more credible, because S. Bernard, six hundred years ago, in his life of S. Malachias, Archbishop of Ardmagh, and sometime Abbot and Restorer of Beannchuir, who died with him at Clara Vallis in France, reporteth, * Cap. 5. that this Monastery, under the first Founder of it, the blessed Comghall (or, as the Latins call him, Congellus) was the most noble head of many Monasteries, and fruitful Mother of many thousands of holy Monks. That one by name Luanus, a Son of that holy Congregation of Beannchuir, was himself alone Founder of a hundred Monasteries in other places. That from thence flowed such a prodigious inundation of Saints, all over Ireland, Scotland, and other foreign Nations in those days, as we have spoken of before out of Cambden. That Columbanus, who came to France, being another Son of that holy place, founded the Cloister of Luxeu in Burgundy, in which the number of Religious men was so great, that both day and night the Choir was replenished with Singers, praising God perpetually by turns, even all the 24 hours throughout the whole year, without intermission of one sole moment of time. That Beannchuir itself, the happy Mother of so blessed an Issue, had likewise of her own peculiar Conventuals at home constantly praising and serving God, such a number, that on a time some foreign Pirates Landing there unexpectedly (fort was upon the Seaside) to spoil and burn it, as they did both, found nine hundred Monks in the place: whom they slew, and burnt altogether most inhumanely, as the Histories of that Country tell. (Which Martyrdom, and first destruction of this Monastery happened, says Keting, in the Reign of Ceanfolae, Monarch or King of Ireland. That is, as I take it, about a hundred and fifty years before the the first Invasion of the Danes.) Finally that Malachias, about 400 years after this first destruction of Beannchuir, and a second too by the Danes, restored it once more to its ancient religious dedication to God, though not to the like number of Monks, and was himself Abbot of it, before his being Bishop either of Connor, Ardmagh, or Down. I add in the last place Down, because this wonderful Servant of God Malachias, against the will of all others resigned Ardmagh, and chose the poor Bishopric of Down to retire unto, of purpose to cultivate the Barbarous Inhabitants hereof, as he had successively those of the two former. To illustrate with a few more particulars this relation given of the memorable Abbot Congellus, I Hanmer, p. 62. and 53. can out of Hanmers Chronicle, add (passing over his vain attempt to challenge him for his own Countryman, and make him at least of British blood and birth. But he soon gives over his claim in the very next page, where on better grounds he confesses) that Congellus, not far from Westchester, founded the Monastery of Bangor, which then among the Britons was called the College of Christian Philosopher's, and was himself the first Abbot of it, in the days of King Arthur, An. Christi 530. That he also founded the famous Monastery of Benchor, as he calls it, but the Irish Beannchuir, in the Ardes (alias Altitudo Vltonum) in Ulster, which had 3000 Monks, and bred and trained up many singular and eminent men of Learning, not only Irish, but Britons, Saxons, and Scots, who dispersed themselves far and near into foreign Countries, and converted and confirmed thousands in the true faith of Christ. That seven years after the founding of this Abbey in Ulster, he founded the other near Chester; but then returned again to his former in Ulster, where he resteth in peace. And, besides other particulars, to conclude all, and acknowledge indeed both the Native Country of Congellus, and Country also of his breeding in holiness, that he was born in Dal-Naraidh in Ulster of honourable Parents, bred under Abbot Fiontan in Monster, and then at last under Kieran at Cluain-mhac-Noise, etc. 15. I might here enlarge on the Conversion of many Infidel Nations, especially in the North of Great Britain, and the Lower and Higher Germany, by the power of the words and Example of the lives of those wonderful Irish Monks. But having said enough already on this Head of their Sanctity, I will dilate no further on it. I will not recount any thing, not so much as of St. Aidam that holy Bishop of Lindisfarn, and great Instructor of King Oswald's Saxon Subjects in Christianity: ( g Beda Hist●r. Eccles. l. 3. c. v. & vi. ) nor much neither of Columb-Cille himself. Only of this later give me leave to deliver a few things. As 1. That he was born in Ulster, and the Son of Feilimidh, the Son of Fergus, the Son of Conal Gulbhann, the Son of Niall the Great, surnamed also Naoighiallach, Monarch of Ireland. Which I note against some Scottish Authors, that contrary to all known truth, would make him a Scotchman. 2. That his proper name received in Baptism was Criomhthan: and the name of Columb-Cille was given him by Children, his Playfellows; who because of his Dovelike simplicity, and because when he came to them upon a certain day, once every week, where they with great longing expected him, he always came to them immediately out of the Church or Monastery wherein he was educated (at Dubghlaissa in Tirconel) therefore they, so soon as he appeared to them, cried forth unanimously with one voice, Columb ne Cille. Whereof his Instructors taking notice at last, thought it the will of God he should be so called thenceforward by all others too, even as the innocent Children had already and constantly once a week by their joyful acclamations begun to do: those three distinct Irish words importing in English the Dove of the Church. For in that Language Celumb is a Dove, and Ceall, or Cill is a Church, Monastery, or Cell. And hence it was that Criomhthan came to be generally called no more Criomhthan, but Columb-Cille; the middle word at first used by the Children, being left out of the composition for brevity's sake. 3. That having in his youth dedicated himself to a Monastic life, and having by stupendious mortification arrived to the highest pitch of holiness, he founded the Monastery of Ardmagh, otherwise Dear-magh, in Latin Campus Roborum, as Beda notes. He passed from thence over to Scotland in the 43 year of his age, but of Christ 565. He Preached the Gospel Beda. l. 3. c. 4. there with so great power, that he converted to Christianity all the Picts then inhabiting the more Northern parts of Great Britain. He founded here another no less famous Abbey in the Isle of Hylas (in Latin jona) on which Abbey Connall mhac Conghvill, King of Dal-Rheuda, not a Pict, but an Irish Scot, bestowed that Keting in the Reign of whole Island, with the Sovereignty thereof to be transmitted to all future Abbots of it for ever. He was held in such extraordinary great veneration, both in his life and after his death, that as Venerable Bede records it, not only all In quibus omnibus, scilicet Monasteriis, per Hiberniam & Britanniam propagatis ex utroque Monasterio, idem Monasterium Insulanum, in quo ipse requi●scit corpore, principatum tenat. Habere autem solet ipsa Irsula Rectorem semper Abbatem presbyterum, cujus juri & omnis Provincia, & ipsi etiam Episcopi ordine inusitato debeant esse subjecti, juxta exemplum primi Doctoris illius, qui non Episcopus, sed presbyter extitit & Monachus. Beda, ibid. the Monasteries propagated in Ireland or Britain, from either of those two Abbeys founded by himself, were subordinate to this latter of Hylas, wherein he lived longest, and died at last, being 77 years aged: nor only all the whole Province: but even the very Bishops themselves, contrary to the custom of the Church in other countries', were subject to the jurisdiction of all the succeeding Abbots thereof, though Presbyters only by ordination: to wit, according to the primitive pattern of their first Doctor, who was himself not Bishop, but only a Priest and Monk. In fine, he most justly deserved the title which Posterity gave him of the first Converter of the North of Scotland, and great Apostle of the Picts, as Cambden himself calls him. And so he might have called him too, the great and chief (if not the first) Instructor in Christianity of all the Irish Scots. 4. That although I cannot tell certainly what Venerable Bede means here (in the Marginal Note) by his (omnis Provincia) whole Province; that is, whether he mean all the Kingdom of Scotland, as it lies now extended, and as then comprehending all the several petty Kingdoms, both of Scots and Picts (for by the Battle fought in Scotland at Monadoire, in the Reign of Diarmuid mhic Cearbheoil, King of Ireland, by the Family of the Neals, against the Picts, we understand this Nation of Picts had several petty Kings at that time: being they lost in this one Battle, together with the Victory, seven of them killed in the place by those Irish, formerly planted there;) or whether he mean the Kingdom of the Irish in Scotland, or (which is the same thing) of the Scots or Dal-Rheudans only (all three signifying the same People) or whether only the Dominions of those Northern Picts, converted by Columb; and there can be no other to be meant by omnis provincia, since the Island itself, wherein that Monastery was, exceeded not five English miles in length: yet thus much I can certainly say, that Keting tells us in his Reign of Aodh (or Hugh Ainmhirioch, Monarch of Ireland, that Columb-Cille, in his Voyages and Journey to the Parliament, held by this Monarch at Drom-Ceath, in that Kingdom, was all along out of Scotland, attended not only by 30 Subdeacons, 50 Deacons, and 40 Priests, but 20 Bishops also, to praise God continually, and officiate in divine Offices in his company; whereby we may somewhat guests at the largeness of that Province, whereof Venerable Bede does speak here. SECT. III. The Scene altered. 'Cause of admiration. Bloody horrible feuds begun, increased, multiplied, continued 2600 years. No People on earth so implacably set upon the destruction of one another as the Milesian Irish were. Above 600 Battles fought between themselves. A hundred and eighteen Monarches slaughtered. Fourscore and six of those very men that killed them, succeeded immediately in their Thrones. Other strange deaths of several of them. Of the whole number of 181 Monarches, not above 29 came to a natural end. The Author of this account. Battles fought by the Monarch's Caomhaol, Tighearnmhuir, Tuathal Teachtvair (where somewhat of the Plebeians 25 years' War) Con Ceadchathach, alias Constantinus Centibellis, and Mogha Nuadhat, King of Monster. What Leath Cuinn, and Leatha Mogh import. The feuds rather inflamed than allayed under Christianity. Number of main Battles fought, and Monarches killed the first 400 years after their Conversion by S. Patrick. By two of them, the one betwixt the Monarch Fearghall, and Murcho O Bruin King of Leinster; the other between the Monarch Aodl● Ollan, and Aodha mhac Colgan King also of Leinster, may be guessed how bloody the rest were. Foreign Conquests, and Plantations neglected all that while. Occasionally somewhat of the Heathen Monarch Dathi's Landing in France with an Army to pursue Niall the Great's example: and of his being killed by a Thunderbolt near the Alps: and of the ten several Invasions of Scotland by the Irish Pagans, and but one (if one) by the Christian Irish. The Families descended from those Irish, remaining to this day in that Country. A word of those called English Scots. Columb-Cille himself Author of fight three of the foresaid Battles in Ireland. The heavy penance during life, enjoined him therefore by S. Molaisse, and his humble performance of it, and much greater wonders of him. Why the particular of those Battles of Columb-Cille mentioned here. The Parliament of Dromceathe in his time. Banishment of the Poets, one of the three ends it was called for. Great Injustice, Cruelty, Pride, etc. instanced severally in their Monarches Tuathal Teuchtvar, etc. Nial Naoighiallach, Diarmuid mhac Ceirrbheoil, and Aodh mhac Ainmhiriogh. Some of the Murders and Battles that happened about the end of their fourth Century of Christian Religion particularised. HItherto I have briefly run over the Antiquity, Martial Exploits, Political Government, or Grand Councils, ordinary Militia, and (after their Conversion to Christianity) the Learning also and Sanctity of the Ancient Irish. And so have, I think, delivered in short all the most glorious Excellencies recorded of that Nation, either in their own Monuments, or any foreign Histories, that I have seen. 16. What follows next, is on the other side of the Medal to represent unto you not only a mixture of great imperfections with so many excellencies, nor only the prevalency of downright evil men against so many good, against so prodigiously numerous and great exemplars of virtue living among them, after their being enlightened with the doctrine of salvation: but, according to the vicissitude of all things on earth, the change, and wane, and strange decay, and utter fall at last of that People in general from all the glory of their Ancestors. And this, whether we regard the greatness of their former dominion and power abroad, or the more ancient policy of their Government at home, or the stupendious fame of their Letters and Holiness every where in those days of old. Nay, and this alteration too, in every point, as happening to them even before the English had set one foot in their Country under Henry II. All which I am to represent unto you now, because the order of things, and both title and nature of this Tract require I should. Though I shall nevertheless do it by so much the more briefly, by how much I am less inclined to dwell on this subject. However, I must confess that when I reflect on the most authentic Monuments of that Nation, as written by their own most select Antiquaries, and believed by themselves: I am absorbed in admiration, at the wonderful patience of God with them in particular, above all other People that I have read of, expecting their amendment so long, that is, well nigh 3000 years complete, before he would quite destroy them. A period so large, that within a far less extent of time, his wrath subverted utterly the Assyrian, Chaldean, Median, Persian, Macedonian, Roman Empires, and all the Republics of Europe and Africa, and all other Kingdoms or Dominions, how great or how little soever any where on earth; whereof we have but the least competent knowledge out of ancient History, or other authentic book. And yet he continued still the Irish Nation and Monarchy beyond that extent of time. And yet 'tis no less apparent in their own Chronicles, that according to the judgement of man, they had as little deserved the mercy of God as any of their Neighbours, or other the destroyed Nations. For to lay aside their Idolatry, and all the appendants of it, which yet among them in their time of Paganism, were as great and horrible, and provoking of Heaven as any where else in the world: and to pass over also those other Immoralities of theirs, how enormous soever in the sight of God, which were nevertheless but common to them with other Nations, reputed the most civil among men: certainly (if not among Cannibals, or Lestrigons, or such other Monsters, unworthy to be called men, or at least to be brought in comparison with any People that make use of reason, live in society and approve Government) never has any other Nation upon Earth anneered the Milesian race (inhabiting Ireland) in the most unnatural, bloody, everlasting destructive Feuds that have been heard, or can well be imagined. Feuds so prodigiously bloody, that as they were first founded, so they still increased and continued in blood, even along from the first foundation of the Irish Monarchy in the blood of Heber, shed in Battle by his Brother Herimon, until the slaughter of Muirchiortach mhac neil (the last reputed Monarch saving one) by the hands of Fearrnibh Fearrmhaighe, and O Brian, or even until the death of Diarmuid na Ngall (the last King of Leinster) at his Town of Ferns. And yet such Feuds as not only had for necessary concomitants the greatest pride, most hellish ambition, and cruelest desires of revenge; but also had for no less necessary consequents, the most horrible Injustices, Oppressions, Extortions, rapines, Desolations of the Country, Perfidiousnesses, Treasons, Rebellions, Conspiracies, Treacheries, Murders: and all this from time to time, for six and twenty hundred years, only a very few lucid intervals of the frenzy excepted. These prodigious provocations of Heaven to that excessive degree wherein they were National and peculiar to that People only, and the contemplation thereof, is it that, upon return of it, suspends my soul in admiration at the patience of God bearing so long with them, in particular, above all other Nations, far less guilty for aught appears to us in History, and much sooner utterly subverted by his revenging hand of justice. Never have we read of any other People in the World so implacably, so furiously, so eternally set upon the destruction of one another, as first, The Progenies of Heber and Herimon: then those two or three other descended from Ire and Ithe, and Breoghuin, all of the same Milesian stock or kindred: and then again the two former: and then last of all, the descendants of each apart among themselves, contending for the souraignty of the whole Island, were. To say nothing now of those no less bloody contentions of others of them very often about Provincial, or even lesser Kingdoms and Rights, after that either these or those petty Kingdoms came up. Never have we heard of any other Country on Earth, so frequently, so miserably, beyond almost all belief afflicted, harassed, wasted, turned into a Wilderness, by the accursed Pride of her Nobles, Tyranny of her Princes, Rebellion of their Subjects, Fury of her Men at arms, and other Soldiers, Preying, Sacking, Burning all that stood over ground in the Provinces invaded by them. Never has either book or man told us of any Region besides Ireland, that beheld so many of her beauteous Fields turned ruddy, all covered with the bloody gore of above 600 Battles fought on 'em so cruelly and unnaturally by her own Children of the same Language, Lineage, Religious rites, tearing out the lives of one another partly for dominion, and often for mere revenge. Never has the Sun bestowed his light on any other Land, to behold a hundred and eighteen Monarches slaughtered by the hands of their own disloyal Native Subjects; four and twenty of them in Battle, and the rest by downright Assassination and Murder. And which is yet more hideous, fourscore and six of them succeeded immediately in their Regal Thrones by those very men that so villainously had dispatched them. Nay, and a Brother, and a Son also to be in this number: besides a wicked Sister too, that by the privilege of her Sex more finely indeed, but I am sure no less impiously adding one more to the former number of Royal Victims; and this of purpose to make way for her own Son to mount the Throne, bereaved of life the Monarch Criomhthan mhac Fiodhuigh, her own Brother, with a cup of Poison ministered by her own hand to him. I say nothing of Lughac Riamh-Ndearg, murdered by himself: Nothing of Aodh Ruadh, Diahorba, Niall Caille, those three destroyed by water: Nothing of Roithsoigh mac Roain, Dathi, Laoghaire mhac neil, or Lugha mhac Laoghaire, all four struck dead by Thunderbolts: Nothing of Cormuck Vlsada, that was choke▪ d by the evil spirits for not adoring them: Lastly, nothing of Tighernmbuir, long before any of the former, by either good or evil Angels, on a sudden destroyed, on Magh Sleachta in Letrim, and together with him three parts of the People of Ireland on the same Field, and same night, (which was our All-Souls Eve, and the night of the day we name All-Saints, or All-Hallows) for their adoring on that very day and place, the devilish Idol set up by him there to be adored as the only God. Of none of all these, however strangely killed, either by their own hands, or by water or thunder, or invisible Demons, or other miraculous means, do I take notice here, because none of them was taken away by any other man. Yet I cannot pass over without special note either Sedhna Jonnarruydgh, or Simeon Brea●, two of the number dispatched by the hands of men, their own Subjects: Whereof the former was in a most barbarous manner, even that of straining his members asunder, tortured to death by the later, who nevertheless did succeed him next: and this later again in the very same manner bereft of life by Duach Fionn, the former's Son, succeeding now by a cruel retaliation in the Sovereignty, and so transmitting to others this particular feud, which though not by torture, yet by murder continued on still. For the same Duach Fionn lost both his Sovereignty and Life by the hands of Muireadhach Bolgrach, Son to the above Simeon Breac: and this Muireadhach also both his in like manner to Euno Dearg, Son to that very Duach now mentioned. Which Euno having thus not only satisfied his revenge by sacrificing to his Father's Ghost, but his ambition too by acquiring the Monarchy, and enjoying it twelve years, had the great luck to die a natural death. I say great luck, etc. For in short, of so vast a number of Irish Monarches of the sole Milesian Race or Conquest, as we have seen in the beginning of this Treatise, in all 181. not above nine and twenty (for aught we know, or I can observe by reading over their Lives) came to a natural end. All the rest of them (besides a few whose deaths, what they were, or how, are not mentioned at all) perishing as you have seen, except only Nial Gluinndubh, and Conghallach mhac Maoilmhithe, both in two several Battles killed by Foreign Enemies, the Danes, in their second War on Ireland; unless peradventure you may think it fit to except also Brian Boraimhe from that general rule, upon this ground that he was killed by a Dane; though the Battle against him was no less composed of Irish than Danes. Which account as well of those Irish Monarches, as of all the foresaid prodigious number of Battles fought between the several contending Parties of that Nation, during their eternal bloody feuds in the long succession of so many Ages, I have taken the pains by reading over attentively, at least twice or thrice, Dr. Ketings History, and all the several Reigns of the said Monarches, and consequently all the memorable acts performed or happened in each of them, to give here in brief: that is by summing up together what is so dispersedly given by him in his far more Voluminous work. Which, whoever please to consult, may find not only the names and acts, but even the genealogies of all the said Monarches carried up along to their several stocks, Heber, Herimon, Ire, Ithe, and Breoghuin, the Son of Bratha, who died in Spain long before Milesius himself was born. And he shall moreover find not only the principal actors in and occasions of fight every one of so vast a number of Battles, and the time or Reign of the Monarch under whom each of them happened; but the particular places or Fields, on which at least one half of them had been fought, and from which each of them respectively has its particular denomination. I say at least one half, etc. because I find not in Keting the Fields or places (by particular name set down) either of sixteen of those 25 Battles fought by Caomhaol, youngest Son to Heber, against the Progeny of Herimon; or of fourteen of those other 27 Battles, wherein Tighearnmhuir that killed Caomhaol, and thereupon succeeding him in the Sovereignty, foiled both his and all his Father's Race; or of any, except the first of all those hundred and five of Tuathal Teachtvair fought by him and the Nobility in five and twenty years, against the Plebeians, and the two usurping Monarches elected by them successively one after another, Cairbre Caitcheann and Conrach mhac Rossa; or even of any of those other, yet much more numerous of Con Ceadchathach, in all 260 (whence the Irish gave him in their own Language the furname of Ceadchathach, * Cead in Irish, imports an hundred; and Cath, a Battle. and in Latin called him Constantinus Centibellis, which we may render in English Con of the hundred Battles) which he had Victoriously fought to reduce the Provinces of Ireland to his own terms: foiling the Province of Ulster in a hundred of them, the Monster men in a hundred more, and those of Leinsten in sixty: though after all, he was himself in ten other Battles by Mogha Nuathat, King of Monster, so mightily beaten and worsted, that he was forced at last even fairly to part stakes, and come to a new division of Ireland, in two equal parts between 'em, by the Mere of Eisger-Riada, as it were a line drawn from the Eastern Sea at Dubh-linn (now Dublin) to the Western at Galway: quitting so the whole Southern side of the line for ever to Mogh, and contenting himself with the North-side only. Which division, as it continued in after Ages (though not as to the first purpose of it, but seldom) and took its name from those two Dividers, the Southern part of it being in Irish called Leath Mogh, and the Northern Leath Cuinn; the former importing the half of Mogh, and the latter the half of Con (for the word Leath signifies half): So it transmitted to their several Posterities, and rest of the Princes and People inhabiting either of these two halves, a strong addition to their former Feuds, and new general occasion of many cruel Fights. Of all and every of which Fights, and all the rest whatsoever, except only those but now excepted, the date, and place, and persons principally concerned, and particular occasions too not seldom, may be read in the foresaid History of Dr. Keting. And among them, seven of those ten Battles fought by Mogha against Con Ceadchathach, particularly named from the places where they were fought, viz. the Battles of Brosnuighe, and Sampaire, and Greine, and Atha-Luaine, and Luighe Croich, and Asail, and Vsnach; the names of the other three are lost. 17. But that which in this whole account of their Battles fought, and Monarches killed by their own Natives, must be not only strange, but astonishing, is, that the fury extended even to many Ages of Christianity, or rather indeed in a very great measure to the whole extent or duration of their being a free People. In the very first four hundred years of Christian Religion flourishing in Ireland so conspicuously, as we have seen before, with Myriad of holy Professors, yet their Princes and Nobles, and other Martial men were as furiously given to the destruction of one another, as their Ancestors had been in the time of Paganism. In so much, that of 33 Monarches, who (according even to Polychronicon and Cambrensis) had Reigned successively in that Nation from Laogirius (in whose Reign, and fourth year of it, S. Patrick entered upon the work of their Conversion) to the Reign of Aodh Ordnigh, in which the first Invasion and War of the Danes upon 'em began, four and twenty were by their own Irish Christian Subjects most unchristianly murdered in the Island of Saints; six of them in Battle, and eighteen without battle or other solemnity or ceremony, than that of the vilest Assassination committed on great Princes. Nor were the six Battles in which those six Monachs' were killed the only Battles fought in that space of time wherein the primitive fervour of Christianity most flourished among other Professors of it in that Country. So far otherwise, that of those 33 Monarches who Reigned in that time before the first Landing of the Danes, I find but three only, Aodh Slain, Colman Rimhigh, and Swine Mean that were not in Arms against any at all, Subjects or Foreigners; who nevertheless were all three murdered by some wicked Irish men, their own Subjects: and besides them, Blaithmhac and Diarmuid Ruannigh, two Brothers in like manner jointly enjoying the Sovereign Power, and then Seachnasach immediately succeeding, in all three more, that although they were in Arms at home, it was not against any of their own People, but the two former against the Saxons and Britons invading them under the leading of their General Brit (or Berthus) and the third against the Picts Landing in Ulster, whom the Forces of that Province overthrew presently; and yet he also was murdered by his own People. All the rest of the three and thirty Monarches had their Swords drawn (whether justly or injustly I dispute not here) against their own Rebellious Subjects at home; and these against them. So that besides infinite depredations, wastings, burn of the Country; besides the endless harrassing of the poor Peasants; and even sometime the violating of Sanctuaries, and burning of Churches, and killing of Clergy men, and Priests, and Bishops too for company; besides lesser Fights and skirmishes without number: you may read in Manuscript. in the several Reigns of those Kings. Keting above 58 main Battles fought between their Princes, Kings, and Monarches, within that period of time: a period that wanted seven or eightyears of 400. 18. And that you may understand how bloody, how destructive indeed those greater Battles might have generally been: I will instance here in two of them. First, in that which they call the Battle of Allmbain, wherein about the year of Christ, 920. the Monarch Ferghall mhac Maolduin with an Army of one and twenty thousand men invading and fight Murchoe mhac Bruin King of Leinster, who had but nine thousand one hundred and sixty men to oppose him, was himself killed, and together with him seven thousand of his Army on the place; besides 269 persons more of them so strangely frighted, that they fell into that kind or height of frenzy which the Irish call in their Language Dubhghealtacht, flying over ground, like frighted Fowls from all People they met or saw. This ill fortune of this Monarch Fearghall was thought to have happened him, because a Party of his men in their march to this Field had spoilt a Sanctuary called Cillin, and the Anchoret there living had cursed the Monarch and his whole Army. Secondly, in that which they call the Battle of Seanaigh and Vchaidh, fought between the Monarch Aodh Ollan, and Aodh Colgan, King (also) of Leinster, yea sought with that fury on both sides, that besides this Monarch himself mortally wounded, and a very great slaughter of his Army; and besides Aodh Colgan killed, together with Bran Beg, the petty King of half Leinster; nine thousand more of the Leinster men alone remained dead on the Field; though the said Monarch died not of his wounds received here, but was killed sometimes after in the Battle of Seir. But what I cannot hear but particularly take notice of, as worthy of special remark, are two things. The one, that this fury of pursuing one another with Battles, and Slaughters, and Murders, even all along from their conversion to Christianity, for the extent of 400 years, had been so strangely violent, that it gave them no leisure at all to think of preserving, much less enlarging their former Conquests. In their time of Paganism how bloodily soever the several Factions had been commonly bend to mutual destruction; yet the prevailing Parties now and then had such generous public resolutions, as to give over at home, and employ their Warlike spirits abroad to enlarge their Dominions. We have formerly seen their brave exploits in subduing the Orcadeses, Hebrides, Isle of Man, and then all Scotland; and then making the rest of Great Britain's tributary, and last of all enterprizing on France itself in the decay of the Roman Empire, till Niall the Great was no less treacherously than revengfully murdered there amidst his Army camping on the River of Loyrc, as has been said before. I might also have added another adventure and enterprise of theirs on France, with a resolute Army under the leading of their Monarch Dathi, alias Fearadhach, who as in the Sovereignty of Ireland, so in his design on France succeeded immediately to the foresaid Niall the Great: though having Landed there, and marched through till he came near the Alps, he was here struck dead by a Thunderbolt from Heaven: for so the Irish Chronicles deliver his death. As they do also the cause of it (according to the conjectures of men) to have been, that he suffered the Cell of a Christian holy Anchorite, by name Parmenius, to be ransacked: who thereupon cursing this Heathen Sacrilegious King, and calling to Heaven for Vengeance, that exemplary punishment shown his prayer was heard by God. But whatever the cause of it was, the place where it happened shows how vigorously he pursued the brave adventures of so many other Pagan Kings and Princes of Ireland to enlarge their Dominions abroad. 19 And because peradventure it may be worth the while, take here in short a Catalogue of those Irish Monarches, Princes, and other chief Nobles, who by their first subduing, and then planting of Albain (as they call it) gave it the name of Scotland. 1. Aongus Ollbhuathach, not the VII Monarch, nor Monarch of any number at all, but Son to Fiachae Labhruinne the XIV. Monarch or King of Ireland (for so you must correct what is said of him otherwise before pag. 17.) I say this Aongus entered Albuin to recover of the Picts the chiefry due to the King of Ireland his Father. Wherein finding them refractory, he gave them and the Britain's, or Aborigines, inhabiting at that time the Northern parts of Great Britain so many overthrows, that he reduced them at last to his own conditions, making them not only Tributarles but Subjects to the Kings of Ireland: which happened about 250 years after the arrival of the Iberians there from Spain, that is well nigh 2800 years since. 2. Aongus surnamed Ollmhucuidh (from his extraordinary great Hogs: for Muc in their Language signifies a Hog in English) the XVI. King of Ireland, of the Milesian Conquest, fought the Picts and Fir Bholg inhabiting the Orcadeses, and other Islands of Scotland, and utterly subdued them in 50 Battles. For it was he, and not the foresaid Aongus, surnamed Ollbhuathach (or the Victorious) that fought them and subdued all those Islanders. And therefore by this observation also, be pleased to correct what you find otherwise in the foresaid 16 page. 3. Many centuries after, the sixtieth Monarch of Ireland, Reachta Righdhearg crossing the narrow Seas, and Landing in Albain (as the Irish call that Country still, which we call Scotland) once more established on the Picts what those other Princes did before him. This Reachta Righdhearg was the first of three Irish Monarches born in Monster, that enjoyed the Sovereign Power of Albain. The other two were Mac Con (otherwise called Lughae) and Criomthan mhac Fiodaigh. 4. There went also thither (about the year of Christ, 150.) on his own account with considerable Forces Cairbre Riadfadae (Son to the 106. Monarch of Ireland, by name Conaire mhac Mogha Lavae) who Conquered large Dominions for himself in the more Northern parts of that Kingdom, and left his Posterity after him there; who are those, or at least a great and the more ancient part of those called by ●●da. Nistor. Eccles. l. 1. c. 1. Venerable Bede Dal-Rheudini, as being the Inhabitants and first Irish Planters of Dal-Rheuda, or as the Irish call it, Dalriada, in Scotland. Whether it be not called so from that Cairbre Riadbfadae, that is from this surname of his, Riadfadae, being changed by V Bede to Rheuda, as it might easily be, I know not. But this I know that Dalinea, which is preposed in the composition, signifies Part, or Lot. And so the whole word Dal-Rheuda, or Dalriada signifies the Part of such a man who was the chief in Conquering it. 5. The foresaid Mac Con, alias Lughae, within a few years more, at least within less than thirty, purfuing the same examples, Landed in Scotland with a power of his Countrymen Adventurers. For it was from thence he returned back into Ireland to fight the Battle called Maigh Mhuchruimhe, wherein being Victorious, and killing the Monarch Art Aoinfir, he made himself Sovereign in his place. 6. This Mac Con's Grandson, Fiachae Ceanann entering likewise Scotland, not only gained large possessions, but left his Posterity after him to give a beginning to Mac Allin and his Family there, who are all descended from him. 7. Colla Vais, who had been four years, though by Usurpation, the 115. Monarch of Ireland, when he was by the lawful Heir, his own Cousin German, Muireadhach Tiriogh, defeated in Battle, and forced to fly, adventuring over to Scotland with the two other Collaes, his Brethren, and rest of his adherents, and acquiring great scopes of ground there, became the Grandsire of the Clan Ndomnaills both in Scotland and Ireland. For all of this Surname, in either Kingdom, in their several generations or branches derive their extraction in a direct line from this Colla Vais: and consequently neither from Herimon or Heber, but from Ithe, a Cousin of theirs, who was the Son of Breoghuin mhic Bratha, of the same stock with Milesius. 8. Next after that Colla, did Criamhthan mhac Fioda, the 120. King of Ireland, with a Royal Army invade Albain, I mean Scotland. He had in his company another very powerful Noble man called Earc mhac Eocha Muingreahar, mhic Aongussa. And from him the Septs, not only of Clann Eirc, and Cineall Gabhrain, but those of Cineall Conghvill, Cineall Naonghussa, and Cineall Conriche Anile, with their distinct propagations and Families in Scotland, ever since to this present are descended. 9 Corck mhac Luighdhioch is the next in order that deserves mention. Because that by the false and wicked surmises of his Stepmother, upon his refusal to consent to her incestuous Lust (she was Daughter to Fiachac mhac Reill, King of Ely) falling into his Father's displeasure; and thereupon forced to seek his fortune in Scotland, and arriving there, accompanied with such armed Troops as he could raise; and then by his own deserts coming into such extraordinary favour with the Scottish King Fearradhach Fionn, otherwise called Fionn Chormac, that he obtained his Daughter called Muingfionn to Wife; he had issue by her, besides other Sons, Many Leambna, from whom the Sept of Leambnuidh in Scotland, and Cairbre Cruithnioch, from whom the Families of Eoghanacht Muighe Geirghin, in the same Kingdom were propagated. 10. Soon after him Niall Naoighiallach the 121. and most powerful indeed of all the Irish Monarches that were at any time before or since, entered Scotland with so great a force that there was no resisting him. But having said enough of him before, I need not add to it here. 11. In the last place, and year of Christ 493. (much about ninety three years after the said Warlike Prince Niall the Great, surnamed also Naoighiallach, had been killed in France, and in the 20. year of Lugha the 125 Monarch (Son to Laogirius) his Reign, the six Sons of Muireadhach * So says Keting in the Reign of Niall Naoighiallach. yet formerly in the Reign of Oilioll Mol●, he calls them the six Sons of Eirc mhic Eachae Muinreamhair. mhic Eoghuin, Mhic neil, King of Ulster, being six Brothers of Mairchiartach Mor, that soon after came to be Monarch of Ireland, namely to the two Fergusses, the two Aongussaes, and the two Loarns, together with other Septs or Families of Dalriada, in the same Province of Ulster, adventured for Albain: and whether or no they gave the denomination of Dal-Rheuda, or Dalriada to the Country there mostly possessed by them, though at least for a great part of it planted before (as we have seen) by the Progeny of Cairbre Rioghfadae; † Eochae Muinreamhar of the Progeny of Cairbre Ridhfadae, had two Sons, Earcha and Elchon. From the former, the the Families of Dalriada in Scotland were descended. From the later those of Dalriada in Ulster. So Keting soys in the Reign of Art Aonsir. where he further says that the two Dal-Riades, or Families of them have been distinguished by the surname or nickname of Russach, given those of Dalinea Riada in Ulster. the Irish Chronicles are plain and positive herein, that they gave to themselves and all their Countrymen the Scots of Albion the first King that ever they had of the name of Fergus, who was one of those six Brothers. And it is he that both the Irish and English Scots have since, for his honour, surnamed the Great; as likewise Fergus I. Not that he was indeed the first Irish (or Scottish) King of Dal-Rheuda, (wherein Buchanan, and all the rest of his Fellow-Historians that were English Scots, are extremely out: for long before that very Fergus there have been many Scottish Kings of Irish descent in Dal-Rheuda:) but that he was greater than any of the former, and the first of his own name that ruled there. To conclude, so many were the Invasions, and so great the Plantations made in that Country by the Irish Milesians, and other Gathelians in their time of Paganism, that as they Conquered, so they planted it throughly at last, having quite expelled the Picts. And so they kept it possessed entirely by themselves, as Lords thereof, for some Ages: That is, until after the Norman Conquest of England, very many of the Saxons retiring thither under their protection, others invited in, and accompanying William the Scottish King, and both of them multiplying mightily▪ they not only made the other Nations which are now called English Scots, but by degrees gained from them, as we see, even all other the better parts of that Kingdom besides the Lowlands. I say accompanying William the Scottish King. For Stow in his Chronicle tells, That this King William of Scotland, Fol. 152. after he had been taken Prisoner by Henry II. of England, carried over to Normandy, confined at Rouen, until he compounded for his Ransom; returned back to England; set free at York upon his paying down 4000, etc. and now being on his journey home, and seeing the Noblemen, his own Subjects, would come no nearer than Pembels in Scotland, to receive him; therefore took with him many younger Sons of such of the English Nobility as showed him most kindness in the time of his Imprisonment. That he entertained them, and detained them, and bestowed on them great Estates and Possessions in Scotland, which he took from such as had rebelled against him there. That this of their waiting on him to Scotland was in the year of Christ, 1174. And that their names were Bailliol, Brewse, Soulley, Moubrey, St. Clare▪ Hay, Giff●rd, Ramsey, Lanudell, Biscy, Berk, Ley, Willegen, B●ys, Montgomery, Valx, Colenuille, Friser, Gran●●, G●●lay, and divers others. 20. Yet my meaning is not to assert positively, that the foresaid last Invasion or Plantation made by those Ulster Dal-Rheudans, and six Sons of Muredus King of Ulster, had been made in the time of Ireland's Paganism. I know it happened in the 20th. year of the Sovereignty of Lugha (mhac Laoghaire) Monarch of Ireland, which was of Christ, 493. and consequently the very next year after Patrick's death, according to Ketings computation; though according to Jocelinus, it must have been the next saving one. I know also, it is supposed by the Writers of this holy man's life, especially Jocelinus, c. 191. that even three and thirty years before his death, all Ireland, together with the Isle of Man, and all other Islands then subject to the Irish, had been throughly and wholly converted to Christian Religion by him. Which makes it indeed very probable, that this last expedition of the Irish into Scotland was wholly consisting of Christian Adventurers. And yet I am not certain of it for these reasons. 1. Because Jocelinus (c. 49.) and others tell us that notwithstanding all the prodigious wonders done by S. Patrick, and many of them in the very presence of Laogirius the Monarch, (Father to this Lugha,) he was never converted, but died in his Infidelity, being killed at Greallach (a Village near the River Liffy in that Country, which we now call the County of Kildare) by a Thunderbolt shot at him from Heaven. Tho Keting partly attributes this Vengeance of God fallen on him, to his perfidious breach of solemn promise made by him upon Oath, invoking the Sun, Moon, and all the Planets to attest it. Which Oath he made to obtain his Liberty, when he was foiled and taken Prisoner in the Battle of Ath-Dara, by the Lagenians and Criomthan mhac Euno: the contents of it being, to remit for ever the heavy Bor●imh (as they call it) or Fine, which he challenged from them as due to him and all other Monarches after him. 2. Because this very Monarch Luigha, in whose Reign that Expedition of the Ulster Dal-Rheudans, and six Sons of Muredus happened, though he lived and continued his Sovereignty 15 years longer, was nevertheless at last struck likewise dead by a Thunderbolt: and the Irish Antiquaries of those times have interpreted this Judgement on him as a just punishment of the great disrespects and dishonour done by him to the same extraordinary wonderful Servant of God. And these are my reasons for doubting. For it seems not likely, that if Lugha had been converted, he would after his Conversion have so behaved himself towards that Saint, as to incense Heaven to punish him in so dreadful a manner. And as unlikely it is, that in case he had so mis-behaved himself, during his Infidelity, he would not after his Conversion have repent so hearty thereof, as to merit the Saints prayers for him to God, at least for diverting so terrible a judgement. And then we know how far the example of a wicked Monarch might have prevailed with other wicked men to keep them still in their Infidelity. But be this conjecture true or false; nay, be it supposed for certain, that Lugha and all Ireland every one, and consequently those six Sons of Muireadhach King of Ulster, with their Dal-Rheudans were Christians then, when they entered Scotland: it appears notwithstanding out of the Irish Chronicles, that as they were the first, so they were the last and only Adventurers any where abroad out of Ireland, since its Conversion to Christianity; the Warlike humour of its Monarches, Princes, and Nobles, being always after that, wholly employed at home in destroying one another. Insomuch that they gave not themselves either opportunity or leisure to look after not so much as the payment of Chiefries or Tributes due to them from their Dominions abroad in the Islands or Terra Firma itself of Scotland. Not one of all their Monarches, for aught appears in their History, having at any time since entertained no not a thought of employing their Arms that way, save only Aodh mhac Aiumhiriogh the 10th. undoubted Christian Monarch, who proposed it in his great Parliament at Drum Ceatha, and was generously resolved upon it ' until by the customary obstacle of a Civil War at home, he was not only soon diverted from that resolution, but himself killed in the Battle of Beluigh Duin Bholg, fought against him by Brandubh King of Leinster; as this Brandubh also, not long after, was by his own Lagenian Subjects in the Battle of Cam-Chluana. By all which you may perceive that Christian Religion wrought so little on that People towards the abatement of their mortal feuds, that under it, even in its first four hundred years among them, their Princes were much more fatally engaged in pursuing one another with fire and sword, and horrid slaughters, to the utter undoing of themselves, and weakening of their Country, and making it an easy prey to Foreiners after, than their very Pagan Predecessors had been, whereof so many had extended their Dominions far and near, and still enlarged and kept them for so many Ages abroad; whatever in the mean time their dissensions were at home. And this is one of those two things I would especially remark here. 12. The other is, That not even the greatest holiness of some of their very greatest and most justly celebrated Saints has been exempt from the fatality of this genius of putting their Controversies to the bloody decision of Battles; though they foresaw the death of so many thousands must needs have followed, or at least be hazarded to follow. Even Columb-Cille himself, so religious a Monk, Priest, Abbot, so much a man of God, was nevertheless the very Author, Adviser, Procurer of fight three several Battles, namely those of Cuile-Dreimbne, Cuile-Rathan, and Cuile Feadha. The first on this occasion. At a Parliament held at Taragh by the Monarch Diardmuid mhic Fergusse Ceirrbheoil, it happened that contrary to the most sacred and severe Laws of that privileged place, one Cuornane mhac Aodh had killed a Gentleman: and that this Cuorn●ne flying away presently to shelter himself under the wings of Domhnal and Ferghusse, the Sons of Muirchiortach mhac Earcha, two powerful men in their own Territory: and they, for his better assurance, recommending him to Columb-Cille's protection: the Monarch nevertheless lighting on him, put him to death for his unpardonable crime at Taragh. Which Columb-Cille resented so grievously, that he persuaded such Families of the Neales' as inhabited the North (who, by way of distinction from those other Neales' living in the South of Ireland, were called Clanna neil in Tuaisg●●art, as the said other were Clanna neil in Disgc●art) to fight the Monarch, while himself prayed to God for their good success. And it seems God was pleased to hear his prayer for humbling the Monarch. For the issue of the Battle fought so by those Neales' at Cuile Druimhne was, that Diarmuid not only saw himself routed, but almost his whole Army killed in that very Field. The second on this occasion. Dal-Narruidh and other Vltonians had in a difference twixt Columb-Cille and Comghall shown themselves unjustly partial against Columb, as he thought. And therefore he had the Battle of Cuile Rathan fought against them. Who this Comghall was, I cannot certainly tell▪ though I think he might be the great Comghall, alias Congellus, Founder and Abbot of Beannchuir, of whom so much has been said before. I am sure he and Columcille were contemporaries, and of the same Province of Ulster. But for being Author of the third Battle, Columb-Cille had a much more specious cause (it I may presume to interpose my simple judgement) than either of the two former. Baodhan mhac Niveadha, who had been Monarch but one whole year, being in some extraordinary danger from his Enemies, Columb-Cille passed his word in the nature of a Sanctuary to him, to keep him safe in that extremity. Which Colmane mhac Colmain not regarding, he had him set upon and murdered by the two Cummins (viz. Cummin mhac Colmain Bhig, and Cummin in hac Libhrein) at Carrig Leime in Eich, or the Horse-leap in Jomairge. And this was the cause that moved Columb-Cille to persuade and be Author of the Battle of Cuile Feadha, fought against Colmane mhac Diarmuda. It is true, That whatever, or how just soever the causes of each, or all those three Battles had seemed to Columb-Cille; yet the holy Bishop Molaisse was so far from approving any of them, that for engaging in them any way, he not only most severely reproved Columb-Cille, but enjoined him the grievous penance of departing presently out of Ireland, and never more during life to see it. It is also true, that Columb-Cille with all humility and readiness obeying this injunction departed forthwith to Scotland: where the power of God was with him so eminently in converting such vast numbers of Infidels to Christ, as if God himself from all eternity had preordained those three Battles to be the occasion of saving the Picts. And no less true it is, That when the great Parliament of Ireland was summoned by the Monarch Aodh mhac Ainmhirogh to assemble at Drum Ceatha, as they did, and sat there thirteen months, without intermission or Prorogation, debating principally those three things which he proposed to them. 1. That of Banishing for ever all the Poets out of the Kingdom, by reason of their being an excessive, intolerable burden to the People. Whereof you may see strange particulars, in the following account. This was the fourth time the Poets (whom the Irish in their Language call Ollamhs) were by a general Decree all of them condemned to Banishment into Dalriada in Scotland, by reason of their insolency, excessive number, and burden to the People. For 1. They begged all seemed to be most valued by the Noblemen; who out of a foolish custom that prevailed too long, could deny them nothing. And therefore they had the impudence to beg of this very Monarch Aodh mhac Ainmhiriogh the richest and most precious Jewel in all his Treasury, and had it. 2. Their number was near a third part of the People of Ireland. So says Keting, if my Copy of his work be right. There was a thousand of them that kept Trains of Underlings waiting on them continually wherever they went. The chiefest of all had 30 men, for his own particular train. The next to him 15. and so forth descending; every one of them had some number in his own proper retinue, to the very last of 1000 leading Poets. 3. They were all of 'em, with all their numerous trains, yearly cessed on the other Inhabitants of the Kingdom from All-hallows-day till May-day, even six entire months of the year. And these I think were sufficient reasons to Banish them, as I have said they were three several times before this Parliament of Dromceatha had been chief called for the same end. For you are to understand, that after each of their former Banishments they were still harboured in the North until they procured licence to return to all the other Provinces. The first time, being a thousand in number, at the intercession of Columb-Cille, who went in behalf of Conchabhar King of Ulster, to meet and invite them, they were stayed, received and maintained by him and his Nobles of that Province till seven years were over. The second time by Fiachna mhac Baodhaine King of Ulster, but for one year only, their number being seven hundred. The third time by Maobchoba King of Ulster; likewise one whole year, when their number was full 1200. But this fourth time, at the Parliament at Dromceatha, though Columcille had interposed for them all he could, yet being convinced by the Monarch's reasons he acquiesed at last in what was decreed there, not only for the suppression of their multitudes, and reformation of their abuses, and ease of the People; but even for preservation of their own Language, Laws, Poetry, History, Genealogy, and Chronology, arts both useful and delightful to all ingenious Men, and civil Nations. As 1. That the Monarch, Provincial, and other lesser Kings, and every Lord of a Cantred (or Barony) should each of them entertain a Poet of his own; bestow on him and his Posterity for ever, a competent Estate in Lands, to live upon; and that both his Person, Lands, and other Goods should be exempt from all public duties. 2. That for preserving the sciences they professed, there should be some public Free Schools both appointed and endowed with Lands by the Estates of the Kingdom in general. And pursuant to this Decree those two in Breithfne, the one at Rath-Ceanaidh, the other at Magh-Sleacht, were established. 3. That the Monarch's Poet or Ollamh, should be the Ard-Ollamh, that is Arch-Poet and Arch-Professor of their knowledge: and that he should have the appointment of, and a superintendency too over the rest. 4. And lastly none otherwise, or above this number to be allowed. 2. That of deposing Scanlane Mor mhac Ceanfoaladh, King of Ossory, who was then his Prisoner, and committed even by Authority of that Parliament, for his refusing to pay the said Monarch a certain annual rent challenged as due from him. 3. That of invading Scotland with a Royal Army to force the payment of Chiefry, Tributes, and other Duties formerly paid thence to his Predecessors. And when Columb-Cille was persuaded to go thither out of Scotland, of purpose to intercede for the Poets, interpose for his devoted Friend the said Scanlane Mor King of Ossory, and to divert the Monarch from his resolution of invading Scotland: nevertheless he was so rigorously, and even so literally observant of that penance enjoined him by Molaisse, that he had continually during the whole time of going thither, staying there, and returning back, a Searcloath in such manner hanging down before his eyes, that he never saw light all the while, nor did at any time after during life, as neither before since the command laid upon him by Molaisse, any part or foot of Ireland's ground. Which admirable instance of the most perfect resignation of his will, judgement, soul, to the greatest exactness of Christian discipline, together with the prodigious austerity of his life, and mortification of his body, by watching and fasting to such a degree, that he seemed a very Skeleton alive: even all his ribs, and other bones of that side whereon he lay on the sandy ground, which was his ordinary bed in his little Cell, being perfectly countable in the print of them remaining there, when he risen up from it I say that all this together duly considered, besides his continual prayer and contemplation, makes me not wonder at all that he should have both converted Nations, and wrought so many stupendious miracles above all the power of Nature by invoking God, as are reported of him in his life. Nor consequently that in this very Parliament of Drom●eath, upon denial of his two last requests, the one for setting at liberty the foresaid King of Ossory, the other for not making War on Dal-Rheuda in Scotland, or requiring Chiefry or other duties of them any more, he should, as he was departing and taking his leave of them, so confidently have prayed to God, and withal prophetically told the Monarch there in public. 1. That Scanlane Mor should be freed that very night by God himself, and be with him wherever he should chance to be that same night before he went to midnight Prayers. 2. That Scotland should never more pay tribute, chief rent, or other duty of subjection to Ireland. Both which predictions were to a tittle accomplished. But these matters, either of his austerity, or sanctity, or miraculous power, and prophetical spirit are foreign to this place. And therefore I return to tell you, that I had no other design in relating those three Battles fought by his authority, than to let you see by such convincing proofs the native genius of that People, even in those early days of Ghristianity flourishing among them in all its glory. A fatal genius indeed, to put their controversies to the decisive judgement of the God of Hosts in Battle, without regard either of any other way of arbitration of man, or of so many thousand of unfortunate men that perished still by this bloody Test, or even of the consequential weakening of their Country by it; and this to such a degree as must have exposed them all at last an easy prey to Foreigners. Yet such their genius was, and so it continued still. Neither Monarches, nor Provincial Kings, nor other Princes or Leaders among them seemed to be at all moved by the holy injunction of Molaisse, or penitential divine observation of it by Columb-Cille all his life after, in expiating his former zeal. They, notwithstanding all their Christianity, went on all of them generally in the old beaten road, either of Battles, (or which was worse) of Murders, even from this very Monarch Aodh Aimmhiriogh for 300 years more. That is, just as their Predecessors had done before in the very first century of that holy religion among them. For it was within this earliest and holiest Age of all, that we read of six of their first Christian Sovereigns of Ireland downright murdered by their own Subjects at home, besides one more killed in Battle by them: Baodhan mhac Nineadha, by the two Cummins: Ainmhire mhac Seadna, by Ferghussa mhac neil: Diarmuid mhac Ferghussa Ceirbheoil by Aodh Dubh mhac Suibhne: the two Brothers who jointly ruled, Eochae and Baodhan, by Cronan mhac Tighernaigh King of Cionachta Ghlinne Geimhion: Tuathal Maolgharubh, by Maolmortha at a place called Grealla Eillte: and Oilloll Moult the first of them all, in the Battle of Ocha, by Lugha mhac Laoghaire, who thereupon immediately succeeded him in the Sovereignty: S. Patrick himself their great Apostle being yet alive among them. 22. To this unhappy Unchristian genius of the Princes and Nobles among that People for righting themselves, or deciding their quarrels whether right or wrong, by their own swords either in Battle, or the base way of surprisal and murder, you may add, as no less worthy of special remark, the highest injustice of too many of their Monarches both Heathen and Christian, in punishing the personal crime of one man by laying intolerable Fines on whole Provinces at their pleasures, and exacting them by Military execution, if otherwise not precisely paid. For example, Aongus Ainchille King of Leinster, having in the time of Paganism Married Dairin one of the two only Daughters of Tuathal Teachtuar the 101. Monarch of Ireland, and within a little time after visited his Father in Law at Tarach, and made him believe that Dairin was dead, and then prayed that for the greater strengthening of their Friendship he might have his other Daughter and her Sister (by name Fithir) to Wife, and by earnest suit obtained her: She was no sooner brought home by him to his own House, than seeing her Sister alive, and thereby finding herself abused, not only she, through extremity of shame seizing her, presently fell down dead in the place, but Dairin likewise through excess of grief breathed out her last upon her Sister's Corpse in the very same place, and almost same moment of time, accompanying so her Ghost to the other life with her own. Which coming to the Monarch, their Father's knowledge, did so enrage him, that entering Leinster with a mighty Force to destroy all the People of that whole Province indistinctly with Fire and Sword, though they knew nothing at all of the crime; he could not be otherwise appeased or withdrawn from this resolution, than by their universal submission for themselves and Posterity after them to a Fine (Eirick they call it) of 6000 Beefs, 6000 Muttons, 6000 fat Hogs, 6000 Mantles, 6000 Cauldrons or Pots of ●●ass, and 6000 ounces of Silver, to be every second year paid by them to him, and all future Kings of Ireland for ever. A Fine indeed both heavy, unjust, tyrannical, and which added so mightily to their former feuds, that upon the sole account of it divers Battles have been fought; and much even Christian blood in after-Ages spilt. For one third of it was for the Conacians, another to the Oirghillians or Methians, and another to the Clanna Neills of the North: as who had all of 'em assisted that Monarch Tuathal Teachtvar with their Forces to impose it. And forty Monarches in a continual succession after him, did even by Fire land word exact the payment of it when refused, until at last Fionachtae Fleadhach the four or five and twentieth Christian Monarch, did about the year of Christ 922. at the intercession of S. Moling, set Leinster free by remitting and abolishing it for ever after. Another example here of, might be the former Fine laid (about 160 years before Tuathal Teachtuar▪ time) on the same Province of Leinster, by the Monarch Conaire Mor Mhac Eidrisg●●oil, for the death of his said Father Eidrisg●●oil, who was likewise Monarch of Ireland before him, but after six years' Reign was murdered in Leinster, at Allmhain, (we now call it Allon) by Nuadhath Neacht, who thereupon succeeded him in the Sovereignty, though he held it only for half a year. For at the expiration of so little a time of his Reign, he also was killed by the foresaid Conacre Mor. Now this C●naire having thus possessed himself of the Sovereign power of all Ireland, and (whatever his end was at last) reigned prosperously many years (some say 30. others 70▪) did by his absolute authority, which had no control▪ and for the said death of his Father Eidrisg●●oile, lay upon Leinster a perpetual yearly Eiriook of 300 white Cows, 300 fat Hogs, 300 Vessels of Ale, and 300 Swords with golden handles. And withal, as part of their Eiriock, forced them to quit the whole Dominion of Ossory (which had a very large extent then, and they were three Countries of that name joined together) from Gawran to Greine Airbe, near the Moor called Main Eile, and give it up for ever to the Division or Province of Monster; yea, and to confirm this surrender by invoking all the Planets to witness that they and as much as in them lay, their Posterity after them, should stand to it irrevocably. All which taken together was peradventure a no less (if not much more) oppressive Eiriock, than the latter imposed by Tuathal Teachtvar. Yet because I find not how far the Leinster men were, or were not guilty of Eidrisg●eoil▪ death, I say nothing positively of this matter▪ though Keting relates that six Provincial Kings of Monster, viz. Oilioll Olum, Enghan mhae Oiliolla, Fiacha Muilleathan, Oilioll Flann, Beg, Lugha, his Son, and Gorck mhac Luighiodh, in a succession Reigning there, had this Eiriock duly paid them, or at least forced it by arms from the Lagenians. By what right, other than that Conaire Mor, the foresaid Monarch that imposed it, was himself a Monster man born, and therefore perhaps assigned it to that Province, I know not. But this I know, that Keting tells how by this time the Momonions, had got such footing in Leinster, that they possessed all to Maisdion, a height now better known by the Irish compound name of Mullach-Maisdon, in the County of Kildare. And how notwithstanding they were much about the same time, that is, above 200. years after the imposition of this Fine, beaten out of all, and their Fine to boot, and Ossory recovered from them by three several Fights, as they retired from Maisdion; the first at a place then called Truisdion, now by us Athy, on the River Barrow; the second in Cadirthin Amhaigh Riada, which after was called Laoighiss by the Natives, and from thence Lease by the English; the third at Slighe Dala, now the Beallach Mor in Ossory. And how this War and three Battles against the Monster men, were managed by Cu-Chorb, King of Leinster, not only with the assistance of Eochae Fionn, second Son to the Monarch Felim-Reachtvor, and consequently Brother to Conn Ceadchathach, likewise Monarch in his time, but under the conduct of Laoighseach Ceannmhor (or Lewis of the Gread Head, who was Son to the famous Warrior and Champion Conall Cearnach) as General of the Field under Cu-Chorb. And finally how this Leinster King rewarded the said Eochae Fionn by giving him for ever the countries' then called the seven Focharties; and the King of Ossory in like manner rewarded Laoighseach Ceannmhor with a grant of the seven Leases, besides many other Privileges bestowed upon him by Cu-Chorb. All which may be read at large in Keting. For I speak of this matter but occasionally. 23. After the great injustice and bloody cousequences of those Tyrannical Eiriocks, what I purposed next to observe as most remarkable is the greatest cruelty, the strangest insulting carriage, and the most inhuman rigour of some other Monarches, even towards the very Provincial Kings of their own Nation, when their Captives or at their mercy. To conclude this point, I give three instances; the first of a Pagan, and the other two of two Christian Monarches. First instance. Upon the death of the Monarch Criomthan mhac Fiodae, poison▪ d by his own Sister, and Niall Naoighiollach's succeeding him, but not yet possessed of Taragh, the Royal Mansion of the Monarches, Eochae King of Leinster, pretending some title to the Monarchy, anticipates him, and possesses that place. But Nialls Magician or chief Druid, by name Laighichin mhac Bairrchedha, dissuades him on the religious, or rather indeed superstitious account, That none could successfully possess Taragh, who had not been created a Niadh-Naisk, that is a Knight of the celebrated Chain, called in their Language Naisk. Which whoever receiv▪ d with due solemnity about their necks, were styled Niadha-Naisk, importing in Irish the same with Milites Torquati in Latin. For this of the Chain was an Order, and the only Order of Knighthood among 'em. However Eochae who had never been received into that Order, nor had that Chain about his neck, being thus dissuaded, and retiring presently into Leinster, but in his way lodging unluckily a night in the said Magicians House, it happened that on some provoking Language given him by his Son, he killed him presently in the place. This with all vehemency is exaggerated to Niall by the old Magician, Father to him that was killed. And Niall thereupon egged on partly by Eochaes late attempt on Taragh, and partly by the extreme incessant opportunity of Barrechedba to lay all Leinster in ashes for the death of his Son, enters that Province with so vast an Army that no power of the Lagenians was able to withstand him: and with such a revengeful bloody resolution too, that no prayers, no tears, no offers of the Leinster Nobility, though meeting him of purpose, and humbling themselves before him, could obtain any other answer from him, than that he was resolved without delay to ruin their whole Province with the utmost devastation imaginable, unless they did forth with deliver into his hands their King. Eochae seeing this desperate condition of his people, like a brave, just, and noble Prince, considering himself to be the only Criminal, chooses rather to lose his own life, than they who were innocent, should theirs: and therefore delivers himself freely up. But the merciless Monarch, not moved either with his generosity or humility, commands him to be tied presently and straightly about the middle with a strong iron Chain, to a huge stone like a Rock, which to this day stands an end on a Field that is on the Westside of the River Slain, between Kilbride and Tullo-O-Feilimm, in the County of Catherlogh: both ends of the chain carried through a hole that ran from one side to another in the Stone, and then fastened in the backside with an Iron-bar put into both the extreme links: and then nine bloody Fellows well arm▪ d to attack him, and mangle him in pieces, while he had nothing at all, no kind of weapon to defend himself. Though God and Nature, and the horror of so base a death did help him so strangely, or rather miraculously indeed, that seeing himself in this case (for his back was to the Stone, and his face to the People:) and hearing at last the word given to his Executioners, who were yet at a little distance off: he thereupon roused up his spirits so wonderfully, that by violent straining of himself, he tore in pieces the Chain before the Executioners were come so near as to reach him: and with part of those very pieces laid about him, so that some of the Villains lay dead at his feet, and he escaped the rest by running away. Whereby it seems that God himself in his secret Counsels had designed so strange a preservation of Eochae at this time, that he might be at another time in his own very person the punisher of that extraordinary cruel judgement given by Niall against him. For so in truth it happened at last in this manner following▪ Eochae, as now it has been related, having saved his life first by his valour, and then by his heels, to shun Nialls further cruelty, gets himself away, so soon as he could privately, over into Scotland, where he is incognito received into the protection of Gabhran mhac Domhunghoirt, King of Dal-Riadd there, and of all the Scots. And after some years more expired, when this Scottish King had by commands received from that (now mighty) Monarch Niall, with all the power he could make and spare out of Scotland, passed over to him in France (or Gaul, as it then was called) Eochae accompanies him still incognito: and so conceals himself, until at last he found his opportunity at the River Loire: where, as you have it before, he treacherously slew (by the flight of an Arrow) in the very midst of his Royal conquering Army, this otherwise invincible, though cruel Prince. But these later passages of Eochaes preservation, and revenge (as neither indeed any other of the evil consequences following, which were many and great) are to my purpose now. And therefore I proceed to the Second instance. Which though it have not so much either effectual or intentional cruelty, yet peradventure it shows the strangest insulting carriage of one Christian Prince a Conqueror towards another, not taken in Battle, or otherwise, but freely coming in of himself, and submitting to his mercy, that ever has been delivered in writing. Diarmuid mhac Ferghussa, mhic Ceirrbheoil, of whom I have said before, that he was the Tenth Christian, and now say that he was not only a Christian, but perhaps of the very best Christian Monarches of Ireland, being held for many respects a very good man, and very just King: so just, if not rather over just he was, that he put his own Son Breassal to death upon the complaint of an old Religious woman of Kill-Ealchruidh, That notwithstanding the immunity of that Sacred place, and her own right, he had forced from her a Cow, because it was extraordinary fat, or to his liking, for a Feast, though indeed he had first offered her seven Cows, and a Bull too in compensation: this very Diarmuid, I say, in the seventh year of his Reign, and upon the like complaint of another Nun called Sinioch Chro, about one single Cow taken from her, having made a sharp War on Guaire mhac Colmain, Provincial King of Connaght, by overthrowing him in a great Battle: and thereupon this Guaire, who was no less held as good a King as ever Connaght had, hospitable to admiration, bountiful without compare, so liberal to the Poor, that he never denied a considerable Alms to any such person craving it in the name of Christ; insomuch, that when at any time he wanted money about him, he stripped himself, and gave his very off his back to help them: I say this Guaire, so good a man and King too, after his said defeat, rallying his Troops again the next day, and then consulting the Chief among 'em, whether he should venture another Fight, or go freely of himself and submit to Diarmuids' mercy: and by their advice choosing the latter, and therefore going presently to the Victor's Camp, entering his Tent, and laying himself in an humble posture on his knees before him, begging pardon: Diarmuid nevertheless, without any regard either of the inconstancy of Fortune, or of Guaire▪ s voluntary submission, or penitent posture, or of his regal dignity, or of his renowned virtues, without other ceremony or more ado, commands him to lie down on his back, while himself standing up, held one foot on his breast, and the point of his Sword between his foreteeth. 'Tis true, that after this trial made, he did Guaire no further hurt; yet that does not wipe off the excessive pride and barbarity of the action or trial itself. How ever, before I pass from this instance, it will not be amiss to let the Reader know, that notwithstanding all the praises given by Keting to this Connaught King Guaire, yet he was the very man (as even Keting himself elsewhere relates it) who had the Bishop Ceallach, Disciple to St. Cieran of Cluan mhac Noise, and eldest Son to Eoghan Bell, the former King of Connacht, murdered by three of that Bishops own Servants: which happened in the Reign of the former Monarch Tuathal Maolgharbh. These Villains Guaire suborned to commit this horrid sacrilege: and this only on account or supposition of the said Bishops endeavouring to make friends for his own younger Brother to recover that Kingdom of Connaght, which his Father Eoghain Bell had some time before enjoyed, and held all along till death. Third instance, and it is an instance, I think, of very inhuman rigour. Aodh Ainmhiriogh, another Christian Monarch of this time (for he came to the Sovereignty within eight years after Diarmuids' death; and we have spoken of him before, as who held the great Parliament for 13 months at Dromceatha) was so rigorous to Scanlane Mor mhac Cinfoale, King of Ossory being his Prisoner, that he commanded him to be straightly bound in Prison with twelve chains of Iron loading him; fed only with salt Beef; allowed not a drop of any kind of liquor, no not so much as of water to drink; had all this rigour effectually put in execution against him, and rejected even Columb-Cille's Petition for his release, though come of purpose out of Scotland to obtain it. And so I have done with my Instances, nor have I more to say in reference to them. Only that although I cannot tell what reasons either of these two Christian Monarches had for such extreme rigour towards Christian Princes of their own Nation, though their Prisoners, or at their mercy: nor can tell, as to particulars, how considerably this cruel usage did add unto, or inflame the former feuds: Yet this much I can tell, that neither of them had other than a violent death: the former murdered by Aodh Dubh mhac Suibhne; the later killed in Battle by Brandubh King of Leinster, as I have said before, upon another occasion. And so by consequence I have likewise done with all my special remarks on this large subject of the manifold bloody Feuds of that Nation, both in the time of their Paganism, and in that of their being under the Gospel of Christ: for I intended no more such here than I have given. Which is the reason, that now returning once more thither, where I was before, I conclude at last this long Section with one general remark on that People, as they were under the Gospel in the more early Ages of it among them. viz. That from the kill of their foresaid Christian Monarch Aodh mhac Ainmhiriogh (the last we spoke of here) the Fate not only of the Milesians, but other Gathelians whatsoever in Ireland, and the Genius of their Kings, Princes, Nobles, and other Martial men, continuing for 300 years after him, the very same it had been in the Age before him, carried them on perpetually, from time to time, fight, and slaying, and murdering one another at home, until the four and twentieth of those Christian Monarches of theirs, who died violent deaths by the hands of their own Irish Subjects within the first 400 years of Christian Religion generally planted among 'em, by name Aodh Ollann, had been slaughtered in the Battle of Seir by Domhnal mhac Murchadha, that immediately succeeded him. Nay until that in this Domhnals' Reign, which continued 42 years, and the Reign of his Successor Niall Frassach, which lasted but four, besides Colman, the Bishop of Laosaine murdered by Vibh Tuirtre; the Battle of Beallach Cro, between Criomthan mhac Euno and Fionn mhac Airb, the Battle of Beallach Gawran, between Mac Conchearca King of Ossory, and Dunghall King of Vibh Cionsallach, kill▪ d therein; the Battle of Leagea, betwixt Vibh Mbruine and Vibh Mainne; the Battle of Corann betwixt Cinneal Gonnail and Cionneal Eoghuin; and finally the kill of Combhasgach King of Ibh-Failghe by Maolduin mhac Aodha Beanainn King of Monster. (whether in Battle, or out of Battle, I know not) had filled up at last brim full the measure of their domestic unnatural slaughters happening within that term of time, their first four Centuries of Christianity. SECT. iv National sins. Very slight causes of War. Cormock Ulfadas beard: Muireadhagh's Tiriogh's revenge: and the three Colla's War on Ferghussa Fogha King of Eumhna. Sundry warnings from God to the Irish Christians (but not like the judgement at Magh-Sleachta, or the other by Loch Earn on their Pagan Predecessors.) 1. The loss of all their Dominions abroad. 2. Those two Epidemical Plagues at home, called the Crom-Chonnioll and Buy-Chonnioll. 3. Mortality of Kine, and great Famil that followed. 4. Those three or four Inroads made into their Country by the Saxons and Britons. 5. Prodigies, with another extraordinary Famin. Notwithstanding all, no amendment. This instanced in the death of the Monarch's Loinnseach, Conghall Cinn, Fearrghall, Foghartach, and Kionaoth. What of Flaithiortach? The floodgates of the North set open at last to pour Vengeance on this contumacious people. Yet they amidst all continue their intestine feuds. Witness the Monarches Aodh Ordnigh, Conchabhar mhac Donochadh, and Niall Caille. A sad Interregnum. The particulars of their Bondage under Turgesius. The glory of their Learning and Sanctity now gone for ever. Scarce delivered from that Bondage, when they relapsed again far more enormously than before. This also instanced, 1. In eight of those eleven Monarches that Reigned in the second Danish War. 2. In the Reigns of those other six following that assumed the title of Monarches, though not allowed for such by near at least one half of the Provinces. Maolseachluinn the Second by his death put an end to the real Monarchy of Ireland, among the Irish; and Ruaruidh O Conchabhair saw in his own days not only the pretence or shadow of it gone, but the very Being of this Nation any more a free People on Earth. 24. SUch were the National provocations of Heaven, peculiar to that People hitherto, i. e. for two and twenty hundred years (besides what we shall yet see did happen after) above any other Nation of the whole Earth. Immortal Feuds of death, tyrannical oppressions of the Subject, cruelty as well of justice as revenge, Treason, Conspiracies, Rebellions, Murders even of their Sovereigns, effusion of human blood like water. And this without pity, without remorse, without any cause sometimes but very slight, and sometimes vain and ridiculous. An arbitration between two religious Monks in a difference, deciding against one of them, must engage Families and Countries in Arms, to fight it out in Battle, and cut one another in pieces. A known Murderer proscribed as unpardovable by their most sacred Laws, and therefore justly put to death by the Monarch, must nevertheless, on pretence of his being seized upon after he had been received into the protection of an Abbot, be a just cause of rebelling and fight that very Monarch, and killing his whole Army to boot. Nay, one single Beast, a Cow, at most but very little worth, taken away I know not how from the owner, was the only cause of a great Battle fought between the same Monarch and the Provincial King of Connaught, and a Battle wherein most of the Gentry of that Province and Monster too were killed. As if neither the Assailant nor Defendant, though Christian Kings both, could find any other way to satisfy the poor Woman that was robbed of that Cow: or rather indeed as if they had sported so with the lives not only of their Subjects, but of their Friends. I say nothing of the Candle-snuff, or of its firing the Monarch Cormack Vlfadas beard at an entertainment given him in Maig-Breag by Giolla King of Ulster, who shuffing a Candle, instead of throwing it aside, threw it (whether by chance, or of purpose) into Cormack's long beard, which presently catched and burned up to his tresses. Only I say, That however this ridiculous matter happened or passed at that time, it cost Ulster dear, long after Cormack's death. That Muireadhach Tiriogh, the great Grandchild of this Cormack; and sixth King of Ireland after him, took it for a pretence to pour an Army of one and twenty thousand men under the command of the three Collaes into Ulster, to destroy it, and conquer as much Land for themselves in it as they could. That in pursuance of this Order, they made so sharp War on Ferghus Fogha King of Eumhna there, that in seven several Fights against him, fought seven days consequently, without the interposition of one free day, they had the kill and taking of all the Ulster Forces: having as they beat 'em, still pursued them all along from Cearnagha to Gleann Ruigh. That being Masters of the Field, they returned back to Eumhna, spoiled it, burned it, and destroyed it so, that never after any King resided there. Finally, that by this expedition they conquered for themselves the large Territories of Modharnaigh, Vibh Criomthaine, and Vibh mhic Vaise, which their Posterities after them did hold, while the Milesian Kingdom stood in Ireland. But I pass over these matters depending on Cormack's beard: not because he and the rest mentioned in this story were Pagans (for I shall have occasion yet to speak somewhat, though but little, of as great Pagans as they:) but because peradventure the cause itself was not slight. Tho however I must acknowledge the punishment was too severe and unjust: as neither inflicted on the Criminals, nor on any that aught in such a distance of time to suffer for them; much less after legal summons, or any respite given them, to make reparation under peril of abiding the justice of Arms. But leaving this to the Readers judgement, I return back to the Christian Princes, where I was before animadverting the sport they made, on the sligtest causes that well might be, of the lives of so many thousands of other Christians, their own faithful Friends and Subjects. Yet what I am to consider now, is another thing. It is, That all this while nor they nor their Successors after 'em for 300 years more, seemed any way sensible that the All-avenging God began already to warn them. For so in truth he did, and that not once nor twice, but much oftener, within that very term of time, even while they were in their full career persecuting one another at home, with the greatest violence of deadly Foes. In which respect he dealt far otherwise, that is much more kindly and mercifully with them, than he had done with their Pagan Forefathers in that very Land; upon whom, about a hundred years after their conquering it, without any such gracious Fatherly warnings given them (for aught we find in History) he laid on a sudden the whole weight of his heavy hand in a most prodigious manner, at two several times. For what could be more dreadfully prodigious than that which I have related before, and you may remember here, three parts of four of all the people of Ireland, together with their Monarch Tighernmhuir (who was the tenth from Heber) slain in one only night upon Maigh-Sleacht, by invisible Demons, the Executioners of God's fury enraged against them? Or what, next to that, could be more prodigiously terrible than a rich Plain of forty miles long, and fourteen, fifteen, sixteen miles broad, in most places, throughly planted, and thick of Inhabitants, in Ulster, to be on a sudden overflown, covered over with a deluge of waters, burst out of its own entrails, and neither Man, nor Woman, nor Child, nor Beast, nor other goods of so large a tract of ground to be saved, but all in one hour perished under this Flood of God's avenging irresistible wrath? However, because their heinous Idolatry, i. e. their universal adoration and prostration of themselves before their grand Idol Crom Chruoigh, which by all circumstances, was the sin that brought upon 'em the former of those two stupendious Judgements, though it was national, yet it was not peculiar to their Nation only: and because the most beastly of sins (whence it has its proper name of Bestiality) which brought the latter of the same Judgements on those bestial Wretches that so astonishingly perished for it, was peculiar only to that tract of ground, or rather indeed to them who were Inhabitants of it, and no way National, or involving or affecting so much as any one other part of Ireland: therefore I pass over these punishments, as not inflicted (either of them) upon the Irish Nation, for those enormities which I have said before, were both National and peculiar to Cambden's Ireland, in the County of Fermanagh, pag. 106. them. Besides Cambden himself declares in particular, as to the latter of the said Judgements, how the Irish Annals deny those bestial Inhabitants of the destroyed Valley to have been other than certain Islanders out of the Hebrides, who being fled out of their own Country, lurked there, and consequently deny them to have been at all of the Irish Nation, much more deny 'em to have been either of the Milesian or Gathelian Race. Then Keting, though he tells us particularly Keting. (in the Reign of the foresaid Tighernmhuir) of the breaking out of that Inundation of Water, the great Lough Earn, which it presently made, and so continues ever since; yet has not a word of the horrible sin of Bestiality, as neither indeed of any other sin or cause whatsoever thereof on the part of the Inhabitants. And lastly Cambrensis, who is the Girald. Cambr. Topog. Hib. dist. 11. cap. 9 first Author of this relalation, brings no other warrant for it but hear-say. Yet be it, or be the original of Lough Earn (so famous ever since for Fishing) what you please: what I would be at to tell you here, is, That after that prodigious eruption of Water in the North, and the no less. (if not far more●) prodigious slaughter on Maghsleacha (we may call it in English the Field of Adoration) in Letrim; both which happened in the Reign of the selfsame King, and near the same time, about 2900 years ago: We do not find in the Irish Chronicles, that God had once in any special or visible manner concerned himself either in warning or punishing that People (at least otherwise than by themselves) until they became Christians; but let them go on securely without control from him in those National peculiar enormities of their own: I mean their immortal Feuds, and prodigal effusion of human blood, even that of their own Countrymen and Kinsmen, on every little occasion. That nevertheless he continued still their Victories and Dominions abroad unto them, and gave them the spoils of Foreign Kingdoms to enrich their own at home: and all this for causes known to his unsearchable Wisdom, but wholly unknown to us: at least otherwise than by conjecture, that he had peradventure so long contained hi● Wrath in his mercy, for the sake of those vast numbers of holy Men and Women, those great Saints who were in after Ages to issue from their Loins, and to carry his glorious Name far and near by Preaching the Gospel, and converting so many incredulous Nations to him, as they did. That after they were become Christians, and yet nevertheless pursued the bloody courses of their Pagan Ancestors, and not only pursued but exceeded them, as being wholly intent upon destroying one another at home: he thought it now high time to warn them as his Children. And that he did so both early and loudly, and often, by laying his hand upon them w●th smart enough, though not to their extermination or destruction as yet. 25. It was within the first Century of Christian Religion among them, he warned 'em with the loss of all their Dominions abroad, The Orcadeses, and the Hebrides, and all the Islands, not Mannuinn ●or Isle of Man) itself excepted; nay, the Terra Firma of Scotland, and all their Conquests and Plantations there, both ancient and late, those very Descendants of their own loins, renounced utterly in that very Age any further payment of Tribute, or Chiefry, or other duty of Allegiance or subjection to them. And I think any indifferent looker on would esteem so great a loss then, both an early and loud warning indeed given them to amend. But they did not regard it, as not touching them yet in their sensible Being at home. And therefore God proceeds thenceforwards by other (i. e. by nearer and keener) methods, touching 'em to the quick, where they should have more feeling. Such undoubtedly were those two dreadful Plagues; the one in the Reign of Diarmuid mhic Ferghussa mhic Ceirrbheoil, which they called Crom-Choinnioll (in English the Fading or Falling Candle,) that swept away infinite numbers of them; yea, very many of their most admired Saints, and among others Mac Dail the Patron of Kilcullin: the other called by them an Bhuidh Choinnioll, or the Yellow Candle, no less contagiously mortal; whereof, even their very Sovereigns, in whose Reigns it happened, the two Brothers Blaithmhac and Diarmuid Ruannigh died. Such also were those three or four several Invasions and inroads made into their Country by the Saxons and Britons, either in conjunction or apart, close one after another. The first of them in the joint Sovereignty of the foresaid two Brothers: when the Irish, who had so long and so unnaturally fought one another, were now constrained to fight a foreign and common Enemy at their own doors at home, and give them Battle at a place called Pancti. The second in the Reign of Fionachta Fleadhach, when Egfrid King of Northumberland sent an Army under the conduct of one Brit or Berthus, to Invade 'em. Who, as Venerable Beda * Anno Dominicae Incarnationis, 684. Egfridus Rex Northanhymbrorum misso in Hiberniam [Scotorum Insulam] cum exercitu Deuce Bertho, vastavit misere Gentem innoxiam, & Nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam; ita ut nec Ecclesiis quidem aut Monasteriis manus parceret hostilis. l. 4. c. 26. relates it, in the year of Christ, 684. so miserably wasted the Irish Nation, though a Nation most harmless to others, and always most friendly in particular to the English, that he spared neither Church nor Chapel, nor Monastery. His Army (says Ke●ing in the Reign of the foresaid Firnachta) spoiled and burned all the Seacoasts of Leinster, without any difference put between sacred and profane. And either a little before or after this devastation it was that in the same Reign they, or some other Forces Landing out of Great Britain, fought the Irish in the Battle named Cath Rath Moire in Moghlinne; where besides a great many of the latter, Comhusgach a Pictish King was lost. Lastly, in the Reign of Loinnsioch mhic Aonghussa, the Britons preyed, harras'd, ransacked the whole Country called Magh-Mhuir Theimhne, until the fortune of a Battle, I mean that of Cullinn, or Muigh Cullinn, which the Vltonians were compelled to at last, made them retire. Besides these several Inroads touching them pretty near the quick at home, in divers parts of their Country, the mercy of God, seeing not their amendment yet, was pleased in this very Loinnsioch's Reign to try other means more general to the whole Nation of Ireland, by afflicting them all with such a Mortality of their Kine, and Famine thence ensuing and continuing for three years, in such extremity, that men eaten one another, as Keting writes. But neither was this kind of warning any whit more effectual to work a Reformation. For Loinnsioch himself, their Monarch, was killed in Battle by Ceallach King of Connaght. And, after his immediate Successor Conghall Kin, who most sacrilegiously robbed and burned as well all the Churches and Sanctuaries, as all the rest of the Town of Kildare, before he was seized upon by a sudden death; the just reward of his Sacrilege, as all men thought in those days: the very next three Monarches, Fearrghall, Foghartach, and Kionaoth, were all of 'em, one after another, killed in three Battles fought by their own Coutrey-men and Subjects against them. And though Flaithiortoch, immediate Successor to the last of these three, escaped violent death by making himself the only happy man of all the Irish Monarches (at least of all until his time, except Maolchoba) in putting off voluntarily his Royal Robe, changing it for a Religious Weed, and both living and dying in peace, a professed Monk in the Monastery of Ardmagh; yet he that succeeded him next in the Sovereignty, Aodh Ollan was killed in Battle by Domhnal mhac Murchadha, as we have seen before. All which notwithstanding, the patience and goodness of God to them still was such, that he would warn them yet, and warn 'em indeed now even by prodigies and wonders, both in Heaven above, and in the Earth below. In the Reign of this Domhnal mhac Marchadha, who both killed and succeeded Aodh Ollan, the form of a hideous horrible Serpent appeared a long time, moving over their heads in the Firmament. And in his next Successor, Niall Frassach's Reign, the Earth under 'em throughout Ireland shut up her fruitful Womb in such extraordinary manner, that she deigned them no return at all of their Seed; but instead thereof, brought upon them a second, and it a most cruel, most universal Famine through all their Quarters. Then followed in the Monarch Aodh Ordnighe's Reign that Prodigious Thunder and Lightning, which in one little nook of the Land, between Corca Bhaisgin and the Sea, killed in a trice a thousand and seven persons dead. What shall I say of that wonderful threefold, and peradventure greatest prodigy of all, poured down from Heaven in a tripartite division, at the Birth of the foresaid Niall Frassach? I mean those three stupendious showers fallen at that time on three several Fields in Ireland: the one of Honey, on Fothanbeg; the other of Silver, on Fothain mhor, and the third of blood, on Maigh-Laightonn. Indeed according to Keting, they fell in the Reign of the above Fearrghall, the seventh Monarch in order ascending up from this Niall, surnamed Frassach in Irish, (in Latin Nimbosus or Imbricus) from those wonderful showers happening at his Nativity. And though I am no Diviner to interpret what they portended for certain; yet taking the shower of blood in conjunction with those other Prodigies that one after another so closely followed in so small a tract of time and circumstances of Ireland; I think he would not judge amiss that took it for one of the very last warnings from Heaven to this Nation, that the Anger of God was now on the point of overcoming all his patience; and his rage and fury at hand, since nothing else would do * And indeed it ought the rather to be taken so, because that much contrary to Ketings relation, so good an Author as Tigernacus many hundred years before his time has told us, that the shower of Blood fell in the Reign of this Niall; and that the three showers fallen at his Birth, were one of Honey, one of Silver, and one of Wheat. . Certainly the sequel did soon evince it to have been so. 26. For not long after that Prodigious Thunder and Lightning which happened in the Reign of Aodh Ordnigh, the patience of God being wearied, and his justice enraged by the unreclaimable contumacy of that People, he called out of their Northern Enclosures his exterminating Angels, the Heathen Danes, Norvegians, and other Easternlings, and in the same Reign of Aodh Ordnigh, poured them in on Ireland, to execute on the Christian Irish those very heaviest of Judgements that either such former Warnings would have prevented, or such later Prodigies had predicted, or that any People in the World for so many years after did suffer. Except only those, if any such have been whom God designed to extinguish totally root and branch: or the incredulous Jews that must be still preserved, though still dispersed among all Nations, to be a living Monument of God's Vengeance on the unpardonable sin of their Ancestors. But the sin of the Irish, how heinous soever, was not of that kind: nor was it the design of God to extinguish or extirpate them yet. And yet this first War of the Danes upon them, besides its having fully paid all their old scores to God, that is, abundantly punished them for above 40 years at least, in the very same methods they had offended him, and therefore covered all their Provinces with blood and ashes, and horrors of death, without any discrimination of People, or Professions, or Parties, it reduced them at last to a bondage and slavery far surpassing the Egyptian, Circassian, or any other I have read of any where on earth. For to pass over the life worse than death, that those of their Churchmen that escaped the Sword were forced unto: and in particular how Foranan, with a few more of the Clergy of Ardmagh * Gracianus Lucius, p. 328. relates this matter otherwise. He says, that Turgesius having taken the City of Ardmagh, in the year 843. or 848. made Foranan, and all the Clergy and Religious men, and all the rest of the Students too of that University, Prisoners, and Shipped them all for Limmeric, which his People held in their possession at that time. What became of them there, or any where else after that time, we have no account. , having fled so far as Cashel first; and together with the Archbishop of that See, and his Clergy too, thence again to the horrible habitation of Bogs, Woods, Rocks, and Subterranean Caves about, or not far off Jomlaigh Jobhair, must have been content to hid themselves there, and even to lu●k for several years like wild Beasts: But, I say, to pass over this condition of their Churchmen only, wherever any of them did scape the Sword; who cannot but be astonished at the particulars of their bondage in general? These particulars I have omitted before: and therefore give them now for better satisfaction to the Reader. 1. Every Canthred, or Division of ground containing one of our Baronies, had a Danish Lay-Danish- Heathen Abbot: every Town a Sergeant: every House a Soldier Cessed (the Irish called him a Sairioch, or Buanna:) all of 'em Danes; and each commanding absolutely within his own Precinct, only subordinate respectively to the higher, till they came to the Supreme, who was Turgesius himself. 2. The very Buanna did so command the House wherein he was Cessed, that not so much as an Egg, or cup of Milk could be disposed of till he had been served; though in the mean time a Sucking Babe did perish for want of it. And if his Host had but one Cow in the World, he must have killed her upon demand to give him flesh. Or failing therein, or in any other thing demanded of him, he was presently taken and lead away Prisoner to the next Danish Rath, where he was sure to be detained in Fetters till he had fully satisfied all the Buanna ' s demands either of Victuals, Money, or any thing else whatever. 3. Every Housekeeper must have yearly paid into the Treasury an ounce of Gold (the Irish called it Vinghe Oir:) and failing, have his Nose cut off: which made them call this kind of Tax Nose-rent. 4. Neither Lord nor Lady, much less an inferior person suffered to wear new ; but only the Cast-cloaths of the Danes. 5. None to keep School, or be taught any kind of Learning, not even in their own Houses. 6. None to enter any Monastery, Church, or Chapel: for they were all possessed by the Danes. 7. None to have either Clergyman, or any other Learned man, Philosopher, Poet, Lawyer, or other Artist, whom they call Sruithe. 8. None suffered to have any kind of Book; but all Books the Danes could light upon, either burned or taken away by them. 9 Neither Lords nor Princes, nor even Kings Daughters permitted to embroider in Gold or Silver, or so much as work in any kind of Silk. 10. Nor even King's Sons to learn or use any feats of activity. 11. None of what quality soever permitted to give or take any kind of entertainment, not even from or with his private Familiars; but all of 'em must e'● have contented themselves with the Leave of the Danes. I say nothing of that other barbarous Imposition forced on every Bride; at her first Marriage to lie the first night with the Danish Captain of the Precinct, before she had Bedded her Husband, if the Captain desired it; but if he did not, or disliked her, in either case to pay him a certain Tax in Money. How much this Money was, I cannot say. Tho I have known a custom derived thence, to have been continued in my own time by a Christian Landlord of English extraction, one Mr. Scurlog (who was commonly called Scurlog the Poet) a Gentleman of two or three hundred a year in the County of Wexford. To whom every Maid living upon his Land, when she was Married, was bound to pay, and accordingly did pay half a Crown English money, if he did not remit it. However, I pass over that Heathen Danish Original of this Un-christian custom, because I find nothing of it in Doctor Keting. Those other manifold particulars of the Irish bondage undoubtedly true, besides all their riches lost, and all their best blood spilled, and all their Provinces and Countries laid in Ashes, during this first Danish War, before they were totally subdued, give us to understand sufficiently, to what degree their everlasting feuds and obstinacy had incensed Heaven. An obstinacy it was indeed so strangely, so inveterately and unreclaimably fixed, that not even all the present terrors of so many mighty Fleets of those Heathenish cruel Barbarians, pouring in Armies and new Supplies continually for so many years together from all the four winds, into all their Provinces, could remove it, or make them relent. For 1. Aodh Ordnighe himself, the Monarch in whose Reign the Danes begun their first Invasion of Ireland, after he had twice in one month preyed and spoiled Leinster, was by one Maolcannaid, in the Battle of Fearta, fight against his own Rebellious Irish Subjects, killed. 2. The next succeeding him, namely Conchabhar mhac Donchadha, who Reigned 14. years, though he had the fortune to die in his Bed, and (for aught I can find) never once in his life to have fought the Danes, notwithstanding their sore incursions often made upon his Subjects within that extent of time: yet he had the good leisure, and took the opportunity of giving Battle to the Galleanguibh, his own Countrymen, at the Fair of Tailtean. 3. Again, his immediate Successor Niall Caille (who was sur-named Caille from his being drowned in the River of Callon; but drowned as he was attempting to perform a very charitable deed. For being to pass this River, and seeing it high, and therefore having commanded a young man to try it: and then observing this youth presently in danger, and all others refusing to hazard themselves to rescue him from the violence of the flood; he spurred on his own Horse to do it himself. But it pleased God that the bank breaking under the fore-feets of the Horse, he tumbled down, and so was lost.) This Niall Caille, I say, Reigning likewise 14 years more, and consequently in the very mightiest heat of this former Danish War: and therefore (a man would think) having need enough to employ all his power that way; as he did indeed when he gave the Danes Battle at Magh-Ith, and worsted 'em too: yet withal was so unfortunate, as to have (whether justly or unjustly, I know not) at two several times during his Reign, and the last of them but a little before that Battle, made War on his own Countrymen: that is, with a great Army wasted Leath Cuinn, first from Biorrha to Teambhuir, and then again Fercaill and Deallbhna Ethra. So that, I think, by these Instances of the only three Monarches that Reigned while the first Danish War continued, it appears how little Reformation of their bloody Feuds, all the terrors of so many mighty Fleets pouring in foreign Enemies continually, had wrought in that People, at least in their Princes, Nobles, and other Men of War. Which undoubtedly we may justly think to have been it, or at least a most extremely provoking addition to it, that by this time exasperated Heaven, and even forced the Almighty to pour without further delay the very utmost of those evils designed either by his justice or mercy to punish them. For now, that is, upon the death of Niall Caille, in the River of Callainn, their Monarchy, Kingdom, Dominion ceased even as entirely at home, as it had long before abroad. There was no more Monarch in Ireland now; but the saddest Interregnum that ever Christian People had, or Heathen Enemies could wish 'em: None, I am sure, either of the Milesian, or other Gathelian Race. No more King henceforth over that People, but that barbarous Heathen Tungesius, who assumed that title to himself till the days of their bondage which I have before, though only in part described. No more now the Island of Saints, nor the Mart of Literature in Ireland. No more Beannchuir to be seen, but in Ashes now a second time, and all the Learned holy Monks thereof Murdered by those cruel Danes, and buried under its rubbish. No more the Monastery of Fionbhar at Corck, which had 700 Conventual Monks, and together with them 17 Bishops at one time wholly devoting themselves to a contemplative life. No more now the most wonderful Cloister of all for Angelical Visions and Communications under S. Mochada, at Ratha first, and then at Lismore, containing no fewer hundreds of the most stupendious Monks for Sanctity that everhave been in any Age or Nation. No more the celebrated Cells of Magh-Bile, or any at all of so many other holy places echoing forth continually the praises of God. No more the renowned Schools of Dun-da-Leathghlaiss, Ardmagh, Lismore, or Cashell. No more University, nor Academy, nor College of Learning in all the Land: nor Foregners coming to admire and study in them: nor so much as the Natives to enter them, but only to stand aloof, and weep over their ruins, as the Jews did over Jerusalem in the Emperor Adrian's time. This was the deplorable condition of the Gathelian offspring in Ireland, which the heinous enormity of their no less National than peculiar sins, and among the rest their strange contempt of so many fair warnings from God given them continually from time to time above 300 years, brought them to at last, and kept them in until his Justice was in some measure satisfied. For so long he continued the Interregnum of their Monarches, and slavery of all their People under that Heathen Tyrant Turgesius. And though I cannot exactly tell, at least be positive in it, how many years in all this miserable condition of theirs lasted, I mean as to the general Bondage of the whole Nation universally in every Province and Part: because we do not certainly know in what year of Aodh Ordnighs Reign the Danes first entr'd: yet I can say out of Keting, that under other Commanders they Warred 12 years on the Irish before Turghesius' Landed in Ireland out of Norway with a much mightier Fleet than any of the former. That he continued his joint endeavours with the rest of the Heathen Invaders in carrying on, and prosecuting the most cruel War could be against the Natives for 17 years more, before he was chosen Captain General of all the Invaders, both White Danes & Black Danes * So the Irish distinguish 'em, calling the Norvegians the White Danes, and those arrived from Denmark itself the Black Danes. though in their own Language the general or common name they give them, and the Easterlings too is Loghlonnuidh, which says Keting, imports Great Robustious Scourers of the ●ea. For Lon in old Irish is a strong man, and Loch the Seas and Easterlings; which consequently he was in the 29th. year of this former Danish War. That now he went on furiously, spoiling, ransacking, destroying all before him every where; but particularly with several fleets of small Vessels and Boats all the Islands in Loch Neachach, Loch Erna, Loch Riogh, and other great Lakes of Ireland. And that being at last wholly Master of the Field, and taking advantage of the Interregnum after Nial Caille's death (for none of the whole Irish Nation had the ambition, or lust, or heart, or valour now to entitle himself to that Sovereignty which had cost their Forefathers so many hundred Battles, and such Rivers of blood to conquer it from one another) he now usurps the title, as he had before the power of King of Ireland; though not acknowledged for such by the Irish, at least not otherwise than by the merest Galley-slaves their cruel unjust tormentors may be. In fine, that how long, or how short soever it continued after this, although it was indeed unsupportable to any human Creatures not wholly devoid of sense or feeling: nevertheless it was no other than the most eminently prophetical Saints of that Nation, Columb-Cille and Berchane, observing even in their own time the detestable Pride, Ambition, Injustice, Violence, Licentiousness, Aversation from all good Government, so common and so engrafted in their great Lords and Chieftains, had 200 years before it happened, foretell should happen as a just judgement from God upon so sinful a Generation of men. And, which is very remarkable, that Columb-Cille particuly foretold how, in that very Monastery which in his time had been founded at Ardmacha, such a Heathen powerful Stranger from beyond Seas, and such in all respects as Turgheis was, should make himself Abbot of it; as verily he did, upon his chase away Foranan the Christian Abbot, long before he had assumed the Title of King of Ireland. Yea, and (which I am sure is no less, if not more remarkable yet) that Berchan in express terms prophesied how under such a Foreign Tyrant every Church or Cili in Ireland should be possessed by an Abbot of his Gang. 27. Besides, I can inform you, that although, in regard of the extraordinary mortifications offered, and prayers incessantly poured out to God by the small remainder of the Irish Clergy, who had hitherto saved themselves in uncouth horrid Wildernesses, he was mercifully pleased, as Keting says, about this time, i. e. after some few years of the universal Bondage, to inspire that counsel to Maolseachluinn mhac Mhaolruanuidh, the Irish King of Meath, which as we have related before, destroyed both the Tyrant himself, and all his Armies, and Fortifications too on a sudden, and consequently set all the Irish Nation free; being now restored every private person to his former possessions, as the Lords and Princes, and Provincial Kings were each of them to his own respective jurisdiction at large; and the said Maolseachluinn, by common consent made Monarch; and so their Policy and power of Dominion at home fully recovered: Yet so were not their Riches, their Treasures, their Gold, Silver, and Jewels, those former spoils of so many foreign Provinces, & for so many hundred years gathered home to Ireland by their Pagan Predecessors. During so many strong impressions of the late conquering Heathen Foe into the very heart and all the most secret recesses of Ireland, all were taken by them, and carried away by their several Fleets, some to Norway, some to Denmark, and the rest to other Eastern Borderers on the Germane or Baltic Sea. And which was a greater loss to the Learned, their Libraries, their Books were never recovered. Only the few Religious men that preserved themselves, preserved also a few of their Books. But the greatest loss of all was not only of Learning in the Mart of Litterature, but of Sanctity in the Island of Saints. Neither the one nor the other was ever at any time after this restored in Ireland, at least not near the former degree of eminence. The only thing, the only virtue indeed, that after so many great losses, revived illustriously, and continued eminently conspicuous in that People, was their Military prowess, their Valour, Bravery, Fortitude in the second Danish War; to say nothing more of their destroying Turgesius, and all his Forces, by help of that stratagem which ended the first. And yet I must confess that all their Martial spirit in that very second War did exert itself in, was only in defending themselves at home, without any design or thought (for aught appears to us) of imitating those former Heroes among their Ancestors, that carried the terror of their Arms both far and near abroad. The truth is, they were no sooner enfranchised from the Tyranny of Turgesius, than they resigned themselves wholly to ease and rest, and a life of extreme, unworthy, unmasculin laziness. Insomuch that they not only neglected all kind of Navigation, and provision for it: though they might have considered that the like neglect formerly since they became Christians, had been at least one of their greatest banes, and that which gave their Invaders the opportunity of attacking them without fear on every Quarter of their Island, whether with great or small inconsiderable Fleets: but were so far besides blinded, that having slighted all the Danish Fortificacations throughout the Land, they made none at all in their stead, nor indeed in any place, not even on the Sea Ports, for their own defence from abroad. And which was yet more strange, would not themselves be at the trouble of guarding so much as any one of all those very Ports, but entertained in pay some of those very Foreigners (their late vanquished enemies) for that employment of greatest trust▪ whom therefore, that is, from their being hired for pay, they called Buannacidhs. In a word, they gave themselves over to Luxury and full enjoyment of the good things of the Land; which naturally of itself, without much labour, was a Country flowing with Milk and Honey, and all things else necessary both for life and pleasure. But the greatest of Curses expecting them was, that by the time (and it was but a very short time when) they had surfeired on plenty and wantonness, they presently (says Keting) returned to their old vomit again. They renewed their fatal Feuds, divided, were at cruel discord, fell a persecuting one another like mad, as in former times, with all kind of hostility. This kindled anew the wrath of God against the Nation in general to such an extreme, that notwithstanding his mercy prevailed with him still so far as not to bereave them of their Martial Fortitude, though they had so long and so often, and so freshly now again abused it so mightily, but to expect for a much longer time, even two or three Ages yet, their amendment and repentance before he would utterly destroy them: nevertheless he did without delay permit his justice to set open once more the Floodgates of the North, to pour in the second time upon them those Ministers of his Vengeance, the Norvegians, Danes, and their other barbarous Heathen Associates known to us only by the name of Oostmen, or Easterlings; and to continue their ●●undations in Ireland, to Plague a Rebellious ungrateful Generation of Christians, and plague 'em now for a hundred and fifty years more complete. For, as I have already noted elsewhere, so long at least did this second Danish War continue heavy upon 'em, only some few lucid intervals it had excepted. And yet neither in the beginning, nor progress, nor issue of it, did they amend. So that Almighty God, the great Justicier, the great Striker of them from above, might justly say to them at this time, what he had formerly said to the Jews by the mouth of his Prophet Jeremy. In vain have Frustra percussi filios vestros; disciplinal non receperunt. Jerem. 2. 30. I stricken your children they received no correction. And the pious Observer of this continual recidivation, this fatal contumacy of theirs, Dr. Keting might have no less truly either complained or acknowledged it of them to God, than Jeremy did the like of his own People. Lord, thine Eyes Domine oculi tui respiciunt fidem: Percussisti eos & non doluerunt: attrivisti eos, & renuerunt accipere disciplinam: induraverunt facies suas supra petram▪ & noluerunt reverti. 5. 3. are upon the truth: Thou hast stricken them, but they have not grieved; thou hast consumed them, but they have refused to receive correction. They have made their faces harder than a Rock: they have refused to return. To satisfy the Reader that I speak not hyperbolically, or at random in this matter; I give here in short a sufficient number of instances that may serve for proofs thereof, as I find them in Ketings History. Indeed they are there (I confess as little intentionally for this purpose, as much more to his purpose) dispersedly given as they happened. That is, the former part of them in the several Reigns of eight of those eleven Monarches, that by the unanimous consent of the Irish Annals and Historians, were undoubtedly such over all Ireland, from Maolseachluinn 1. in whose Reign the second Danish War begun, to Maolseachluinn II. being the second time elected or submitted to as the Monarch, some few years before this long War ended▪ and the latter part of them likewise in the several Reigns of those other six that pretended to be such after this Maolseachluinn II. whereof Ruaruidh O Conchabhar was the last, and consequently of all the Irish that were any way such. But for saving you a labour, I have collected all those instances together, and so give 'em now: that if you please, you may read 'em over in a continual series, without interposition of any thing else. Where, I doubt not, you will admire how notwithstanding all the heavy pressures in every Province of Ireland, by so many powerful foreign Enemies, and so many Battles fought, and so much blood lost in the same War by the Irish defending their Country against those Pagans, they could nevertheless have time, and men, and blood to spare for so mischievous a work as the fight and destroying one another so cruelly. And yet it seems they wanted none of all, not even so early as the third Battle fought by them against the Danes in this very second War. For Maolseachluinn I. who had so Victoriously fought the first of these Battles, being dead in the 16th. year of his Reign; and Aodh Fionnleath, who had no less bravely fought the second of them, departing this life within or immediately after the next 16 years: Flann mhac Sionnadh, who then succeeded in the Monarchy, and Reigned 38 years, gave the fatal beginning to that new series of intestine Broils, Depredations, Battles, Slaughters, Murders, among the Natives themselves, that followed. Certainly the very first Act of this Monarch, I mean the first recorded of him in his Reign by Keting, is that he entered in hostile manner, Plundered, Ransacked, prayed the whole Province of Monster, and brought away Captives and Pledges thence. And after this, though I cannot say how long after, the great Battle of Beallach Muidh Mughna was fought between him and holy Cormock, the good King of Monster, and Archbishop of Cashel. For this virtuous Prince, who was both King and Priest together, though much contrary to his own judgement and inclination, yet by the great importunity of his Monster Noblemen, but chief by the advice of Flaithbhiortach mhac Jo●●haincine, Abbot of Inche-Cathaigh, marched with an Army towards Leinster, pretending that this Province owed him chiefry, as being lawful King of Leathmogh. But in his entering it, he was met and fought, and defeated, and killed, both himself and seven lesser Kings with him; besides other Nobles, by the said Monarch, who had of the other side in his Army Cearrbhall mhac Muirregin, King of Leinster, and ten petty Kings more. Besides, in this Monarch's Reign Aidheith mhac Laighnigh, King of Ulster, was murdered by his own Associates. And though in the Reign of Niall Gluindubh, who after the said Flann was the next Monarch for three years only, there be nothing recorded of action among the Irish themselves; but all against the Danes: and this Monarch Niall to have bravely in his own person fought 'em twice; though he was killed in the second Fight, and together with him Donchubhar mhac Maolseachluinn (called Riogh Damhna, or Tanist to the Monarch of Ireland) Aodh mhac Eoghagain King of Ulster, Maolmhithe mhac Flannegain King of Breag, and Maolchraoib●e O Duibh seanaigh King of Oirghiall, besides others of chief note and estimation: we shall find it otherwise in all and every one of the succeeding Reigns, at least, until this Danish War is wholly over. Donachadh mhac Floinn, immediate Successor to Niall, for twenty years more in the Sovereignty, entered as an Enemy the Countries about Athlone, where many of his Army were killed, and among others, the petty King of Ibh Failghe. In his Reign Fearrghraidh, succeeding Ceallaghan for two years in the Kingdom of Monster, was treacherously murdered by his own followers. And in the same Reign Mathgamhain mhac Kinedy, Successor to Fearghraidh, and a brave, constant, successful Warrior against the Danes, was betrayed in his own House by one Donomhan; thence conveyed to Mac Brain King of Eoghanach, a Confederate of the Danes; shut up in Prison by him, and there soon after murdered by his People. Conghallach mhac Mhaolmhithe, the next Monarch, notwithstanding his bravery against the Danes, invaded Monster with a main Army against his own Countrymen; upon what quarrel I know not. Though I find special notice taken of his kill in that expedition the two Sons of Kinede mhac Lorcaine. In his Reign also Damhnal Claon King of Leinster, and Domhnal O Faolain King of the Defies in Monster, joined with the Danes. From which conjunction followed not only many bloody Battles between them and Brien mhac Kinede (after surnamed Boraimh) younger Brother and Successor in the Kingdom of Monster to the foresaid Mathgamhain; but the destroying of this Monarch Conghallach himself in the Town of Ardmagh; where he was by an Army composed partly of Danes, and partly of Leinster-men, set upon, fought, defeated, killed; ending so his ten years troublesome vexatious Reign. Domhnal mhac Mairchiortae, succeeding him for ten years more in this fatal Sovereignty, could be at leisure to make War on Fearrghallach O Ruairck King of Connaght, pray all that Province, and bring away thence a great number of Captives. And so could one Conghallach some time after this, but in the same Monarch's Reign, make it either his interest or his revenge to murder that very same Connaght King. Besides it was against this Monarch Domhnal mhac Muirchiortac, that another Domhnal, the Son of Conghallach, had the prefidious, hard, unnatural heart to join with the Danes of Dublin, and fight him in the great Battle, which the Irish call in their Language Cath Chille Monae: wherein Ardghall mhac Madagain, King of Oirghillac, and many other illustrious persons of the Monarch▪ s side were lost; although himself after this, and many other Battles fought in his Reign, had the good luck to die a natural death at Ardmagh. Maolseachluinn the II. who appears next, for 20 years, as Monarch on the stage of Ireland, notwithstanding that he had known very well how one Gluneran had lately assumed the Title of King of the Danes in Ireland: that he had fought them victoriously in the Battle of Taragh: that he had from thence directly marched to Dublin, forced it, entered it, enriched himself with all the spoils of that City: and that he could not but see work enough remaining still among so many several sorts of Enemies, Danes, Normans, Easterlings, and their Irish Confederates: yet he found leisure and picked some quarrel to march his Army to Monster against Dal-Gheass and prey and spoil them too; albeit they were the bravest Warriors there against the common Enemy. In his Reign the three sons of Gearbheoill mhac Lorcain sacrilegiously spoiled the Sanctuary of Glean-da-Logh. For which impiety they were all three killed the very next following night. And in his Reign Muirchiortach va Conghalla, heading, or at least assisting the Danes of Dublin, plundered the Sanctuary of Domhnach-Padruig though to all their cost, for they all every one died within a month after this wickedness committed by them. Now Brien mhac Kinede, surnamed Boraimh, succeeding his murdered Brother in the Kingdom of Monster (which happened in the fourth year of the Monarch Conghallach mhic Mhaolmhithe) after he had in the second year of his reign over that Province only, and in revenge of his foresaid Brother's most barbarous death, challenged Maolmodh mhac Brain King of Eonachta to a set Battle: sought it accordingly at Bealach Leachta: killed the greater part of Mac Brains Army, and taken all the rest prisoners; an Army consisting of a numerous Body of Irish, and 1500 Danes that joined them: and when this Battle was over, upon intelligence brought him that, during his diversion by it, Domhnal O Faolan King of the Defies over-ran the greatest part of Monster, preying and spoiling all before him: after Brien hereupon had immediately marched towards him, overtaken him, fought him at a place called Fane mhich Conrach, routed him, pursued him, killed him in his flight, and together with him the most part of the Danes of Waterford that joined with him; then forced that Town, plundered it, burned it, and enriched his Army the brave Dal-Gheass with the spoils of it, and preys of all the parts about it: after that within the 8th year of his reign over Monster, he had brought the whole Division of Leathmogh to acknowledge his Sovereignty with perfect obedience: and that nevertheless upon the death of Domhnal Claon King of Leinster, which soon followed, that Province withdrawing their obedience, and joining anew with the Danes, he had with the whole power of Monster entered it, and given both the Leinster-men and their Danish Confederates, joined together, the memorable overthrow at Gleannmhama, killing 4000 of them in that place: I say that after all these, and many other bloody Fights against the Danes only, fought by him during his Reign over the Provinces of Monster and Leathmogh, under the successive Reigns of three Monarches or Kings of Ireland, Conghallach mhac Mhaolmhthe, Domhnal mhac Mairchiortae, and Maolseachluinn the Second: yet when he was chosen by the far greater part of Ireland, in the 23d year of this Maolseachluinn, to be Monarch, he was nevertheless necessitated to make that choice good, and establish himself by fight on still against some other Irish Lords that opposed him, till he had subdued all at last by main force and dint of Sword. For to this end it was, That with the flower of his Army he marched to Cineall Laigthagh, preyed it, spoiled it, and brought thence 300 Hostages. That in like manner he entered the Country called Magh Coruinn seized there Maolruanuidh King of Cineal Gonuill, and brought him prisoner along with himself to Ceann Chorah in Tuath Mhumhan. In fine, That Leinster was wholly overrun and burned by him, even to the Valley of Gleann-da-Logh, and from thence again cross to Cill-Mhuighnionn (we call it now Killmainam) within a small English mile of the walls of Dublin, Westward. And yet that also may be true which Keting here observes, viz. that Brien was mightily moved to this destruction of Leinster, because they were Leinster-men that joined with the Danes in ransacking, spoiling and leading away a great number of Cap tives from the Sanctuary of Termon Feichin in Meath. I say nothing more of any part of those 21 Battles in all, fought (as you have elsewhere seen) by this Brian Boraimh, a great part of them while he was only King of Monster, and the rest after he was Monarch: only that in 'em all, taking one with another, especially counting among 'em, as I should, the greatest & last Battle of them, which was that of Clantarff, I doubt not, there was much more Irish blood spilt by the Irish themselves on both sides, than there was of Danish or by the Danes on either. Besides I observe it, as worthy of special remark here, That immediately after this Battle of Clantarff had been over, and the Victorious Army of Brian Boraimh had buried their dead (especially this Monarch himself and Murchoe the Prince his oldest Son, with the rest of greatest quality of their side that were lost in the Battle) and interred 'em all at Cill-mhuinionn: after those funeral rites performed by the whole Army before they separated: after the Conacians had then parted, and returned the shortest way home to their own Country of Connaght; and the Momonians likewise in one body taking another as the nearest way to Monster: these being in all but 4000 men, and marching through an Enemy's Country, were no sooner come to Mullach Mastion, about some 20 miles from Dublin in their way to Monster, than those of them who were of West-Mounster, and they were three parts of the whole (i. e. 3000 men) withdrew themselves mutinously apart from the rest who were only a thousand North Monster men, but Dal-Gheass, the survivors of those other brave Dalinea Gheass their Companions that with the loss of their own lives made all their Army Victorious. That the Westmounster men being so withdrawn a little distance of ground, immediatey sent defiance to Donochadh, the Leader till then of both parties, as being one of the sons of Brien Boraimh, and heading still and remaining with the Dal-Gheass; but a conditional defiance it was, requiring Donochadh to send them Hostages for his acknowledging one of their own West-Mounster Tribe as rightful King of all Monster, by virtue of the ancient disposition made (some 800 years before) by Oillioll Ollum the first Provincial King of both Mounsters' to his second Son Cormock Caisse, and his Grandchild or his eldest Son Eoghun Mor's child (by name Fiochae Muilleathan.) That Donogh relying on his valiant Dal-Gheass though but so few, and a great many of them very grievously wounded, gave the Messenger nothing to hope, but returned him with an answer of disdain and scorn; bidding him tell those who had sent him, that his Father came to the Sovereignty of that Kingdom, not by virtue of any such or other ancient disposition, but by his Sword: and that he would endeavour to keep in the same manner what his descent from such a Father had entitled him to. That pursuant to this answer, preparing to fight, when he had put into the Danish Rath which remains to this day on that Height of Maistion all his wounded men, and appointed a third part of the rest to defend them: not only those very wounded men, understanding the cause, and thereupon seeing their wounds to open and bleed afresh, filled them with green Moss, called for their Arms, took 'em, marched forth, and embodied with their Companions, resolved to live or die with them in fight; but the Mutineers, observing (for they saw all) their desperate resolutions, thought better of it; and whether out of compassion, or cowardice, or some other motive, I know not, marched off presently their own way home to West Monster; leaving Donochadh with his few Dal-Gheass to fight theirs out in passing on towards Tomond, through a greater Army of professed enemies that expected to receive them near Athy; where they were to pass the River Barrow, some four or five miles from Maistion. That Donochadh mhac Brien Boraimh was no sooner come so far and encamped close by that River, than Donochadh mhac Gilla-Phadruig King of Ossory, that with an Army raised out of all parts of Leinster ten times the number of Dal-Gheass, lay not far off on the other side of the same River, at a place called Magh Cloinne Keallnigh, sent him a Herald requiring him forthwith to deliver considerable Hostages, or fight his way: though Mac Gilla-Phadruig's quarrel was no other, nor otherwise grounded than upon his Father's imprisonment for twelve months by Brian Boraimh some time past. That a much more scornful answer than the former being made to his Messenger, and Donochadh mhac Brien Boraimh, in the same manner he had so lately at Mastion, preparing now the second time to fight: his wounded men would not be excused, but filling again their wounds with green Moss, and taking to their Arms, they prevailed with the Prince to have great Piles or Posts of wood fastened deep in the ground where they were to stand, with two of their unwounded friends, one on each side of each of them: and then themselves tied to those Piles at their backs to keep them from falling while their hands were at work against their Assailants. That the sight (for now the Enemy was so near that they had a full sight) of this unusual preparation of men so strangely devoting themselves to death, did so abate the courage of Mac Gille-Phadruig's Army, that notwithstanding all his eagerness, and all his anger, and even his upbraiding them with the greatness of their number of one side, and the paucity of Dalinea Gheass on the other, which, says he, is such that if they were meat, you are enough to devour 'em up in one meal, yet he could not prevail with them to make the Onset, or do other than stand still. That Donogh O Brian seeing now at last there was no further hope of Battle, broke up his little Camp, and marched on the best he could, very slowly indeed (for how could it be otherwise?) being forced to skirmish almost continually in the Rear, and sometimes in the Front and sides too, for several days, and forty or fifty long miles, until at length, having lost in all a hundred and fifty of his wearied men, he got clear of this hard hearted Foe and his cowardly Forces that pursued him so far and in such manner attacking him. 28. Maolseachluin the II. that was formerly deposed to give place to Brian Boraimh, is now again immediately after the Battle of Clantarff, the second time Monarch of Ireland▪ In this second Reign of his, after he had, as you have seen before, killed in Dublin the whole remainder of the Danes fled thither from the Battle of Clantarff, then without delay he marched with all his Forces against his own Countrymen. And first against those of Cionsallach (we call it now the County of Wexford,) where he turned all into ashes, and slaughtered a great many of the Inhabitants. N●xt in like Hostile manner against those of Ulster; whence he returned with a great number of Hostages. About this time it was that Donochadh mhac Gille Phadruig, in the head of his own Troops, in the streets of Leith-Ghlinn (alias Laghlin) killed Donochan King of Leinster and Teadhg O Ryan King of Idrona, with many more of their followers. Nor was it long after, that Maolseachluin himself, the Monarch entered Ossory, killed Dunchall mhac Donochadh, than (after his Father's death) King of that Country, slaughtered a great number of his adherents, and for the future fidelity of the rest led away as many Hostages as he pleased. Lastly in this second Reign of Maolseachluinn it was that Dunn Sleibhe mhac Mhaoilmhorda mhac Muirreigheine burned the King of Leinster Vghaire mhac Tuathail mhac Duinlingine, mhac Vghaire, mhac Oiliola mhac Duinling, in his dwelling house at Dubh-Loch Easa-Chaille, even that brave Vghaire, that fought the very last Battle in Ireland against the Danes, and defeated them so mightily that they never after could any where make head against the Irish. And now both the second War of the the Danes, and second reign of Maolseachluinn the II. ending here; I also end the former part of my Instances. In which, if I be not much deceived, you may observe a wilful, obstinate, furious Nation, maugre all their Christianity, maugre the hand of God himself so heavy on 'em, proceeding still from worse to worse. For in the former Danish War, notwithstanding they had most enormously transgressed at several times, by turning the edge of their Swords against one another; yet all that while none of them arrived to the impiety of leaguing or joining with the common barbarous Heathen Foe against any Soul whatsoever, or upon any terms at all. But in the later we have seen a very great part of 'em do so, and do it even all along from the very beginning to the end. At least I am sure they did so full 55 years complete from time to time, before the Battle of Clantarff had broke all the hearts, and hopes, and Leagues together of those that did it. Though after all, the goodness of God put off a little further still that heaviest of his judgements on the Nation in general, which they (whether by relapsing again the third time into their accursed Feuds, or whether by continuing in 'em at all times, and particularly at this of their last delivery from all foreign Enemies) brought on themselves not only at last, but ere very long. And yet I must confess it was no sooner than 127 years more were over. For so long still, even after the second Danish War of a hundred and fifty years' continuance had been wholly ended by the destruction of all their Northern and Eastern Invaders whatsoever, did the wonderful mercy of God to them expect their amendment: certainly a longer period of time than he expected the repentance of the old World, when he had warned them to it by the building of the Ark. At present he was content only to add to the former losses of this Nation that which really was the last disposition to that heaviest doom expecting them: as it was indeed the very last symptom of their dying Commonwealth. He removed their Candlestick; that is, he subverted their ancient Monarchical Government. The power and majesty of which, as it had been for so many long Ages their only firm prop: so it was the only National glory they had left after the destruction made (by 200 years continual War with Foreiners) of all whatsoever else had been great or illustrious in their Nation. But this is now departed like all the rest. For, after this Maolseachluinn the II. had by death ended his second Reign of nine years' continuance, there was never more in Ireland any Monarch truly such; never any at all (I mean) universally either obeyed, or acknowledged, or accounted such by the Irish in general, at least till Henry the II. nay, I might say, till James I. of glorious memory reigned over 'em. Yet because, I must confess, there have been six more in Title and pretention such, that succeeded this Maolseachluinn, in their several periods of time, for a hundred and twenty seven years in all: and because the later part of my Instances are delivered in their Reigns, I give them also now in ororder. 29. Donochadh mhac Brien Boraimh succeeded next to Malseachluinn II. for two and fifty years, says Keting, and was acknowledged by Leath Mogh and the greater part of Ireland. In his reign Art Cuilioch O Ruairck King of Breithfne, violated, spoiled, plundered the Sanctuary of Cluain Fearta Breanuinn; but on the same day, after he had committed this horrible sacrilegious villainy, was met, and fought, and defeated by the Monarch. In his reign (besides the sacking of Waterford by Diarmuid Mhaoil-na-mbho King of Leinster; which I pass over, because they were, at least most of them were Danes that lived there at that time) the other famed Sanctuary of Cluan mhic-Noise was in the like impious manner spoiled by those Irish called the Comhacnuibh; though ere long severely punished (says Keting) by a general mortality sweeping both themselves and their away. In his reign Carthach mhae Saoirbhreathaigh, King of Eoghanachta Casshell, and a great many other Gentlemen of Note were burned together in a Thatch-house by Mac Longhargain mhac Dunn Chuan. And after all, this Monarch himself, Dononachadh mhac Brian Boraimh, was not only deprived of his Kingdom, but glad to save his life by flying away, and going a poor Pilgrim to Rome, where he died in St. Stephen's Abbey. Which in short being the whole account, we find in Keting, of what happened, to our purpose here, in the long reign of this Dononachadh: what follows now is out of the Gratianus Lucius, p. 81. Author of Cambrensis Euersus. For this accurate Writer, though he delivers many excellent things of this Donogh; yet he tells us, That he was an Usurper on the rights of his elder Brother Teadhg (the undoubted Heir of the Crown, say the Annals of Innis-Faile:) and put him into the hands of those Ely-O-Carrol-Men who treacherously murdered him. That in the year 1027. which was the next after Maolseachluinn's death, he preyed all Meath, Fingall, Leinster, Ossory: and camped for two days near the Walls of Dublin, without any opposition. That An. 1036. with only one Vessel he fought, sunk and took 14 Breithfne Ships; and sufficiently revenged on 'em their plundering of Cluan Fear't. That in the year 1050, the Ossorians and Lagenians rebelling, he broke again their Stubbornness: and in the year 1060. having entered Connaght with a good Army, he compelled Ruadhruigh the King of that Proviuce to give him Hostages. So much indeed Gratianus Lucius tells us consequently (in the first place) of this Donochadh mhic Brien Boraimhe. But then going on he relates (in the next) of Diarmuid mhic Donochadh, surnamed Maol-na-Moa, King of Leinster, Nephew to this very Donochadh O Brian the Monster King, by Dearbhrogil his Daughter, That, he taking into his care and espousing against this Usurping Uncle the quarrel of young Toirrghiallach, who was the Son and Heir of the murdered Teidhg, and consequently his own Cousin German, to the end this injured youth might be restored to his right, made sharp War on the said Uncle, Keting's pretended Monarch of Ireland. That, to the end, he begun with Waterford in the year 1037. took, sacked, and burned it. In this year 1048. he set upon Glanuson, turned it to ashes, killed a hundred of its defenders, and brought away 400 more Captives. In the same year he wasted all the Defies, and returned with an infinite number of their and very many Prisoners. In the year 1058. he burned Limmerick, plundered Inis-Ceath, fought Donochadh at the Mountain Croth, and routed his whole Army. In the year 1061. he made a miserable slaughter of the Momonians at Cuamchoill, wasted their Country, and put all both Houses, Stacks, and standing Corn into a light flame of fire. Anno 1063. he burned Limmerick the second time, forced the Momonians to give him Hostages out of all parts of their Country; nay soon after upon a new rebellion or insurrection of theirs plagued them again and compelled 'em to new submissions and Hostages; which Hostages he delivered all every one to the foresaid Toirrghiallach. The next year, which was 1064. he beat Donochadh out of all his Kingdom, made him fly beyond Seas, placed Tourrghiallach in his Throne, at least of Monster: and in the following 1065. upon intelligence of Donochadh's son Murchadh▪ s setting up for himself, he marched the last time into Monster, suppressed that Insurrection, chased Murchadh into Connaght, received the third time Hostages from all Monster, and, as he had done before, put them into the hands of Tourrghiallach now King after his Uncle. Moreover this Author writes of the same Diarmuid King of Leinster; that, besides his pulling down and setting up so whom he pleased in that Province of Monster, he made Connaght also yield, having marched into it with a smart Army, harassed it, and reduced Aodh O Conchabhar, the King of it, to such straits, that in the year 1061. he was even forced at last to buy his peace by coming to his House in Leinster and submitting to his pleasure. That before this, in the year 1048. at three several times he wasted Meath so cruelly, so without any discrimination or distinction made 'twixt sacred and profane, that he destroyed with fire even most of the very Churches there: and in the year 1053. entering it the fourth time, he led away both a very great number of Captives, and innumerable preys. That for the Danes or Easterlings of Dublin, who (it seems) stood upon terms of Contest with him, he in the year 1052. plagued them so mightily by burning not only Fingall, but all other Territories round about them on every side, and then fight and worsting and slaughtering a great number of them hard by their own Walls, that they were glad at last to proclaim him their King also, and wholly submit to his will. That notwithstanding all his former Victories, he was in the year of Christ 1072, on the 17th of February, being Tuesday, fought, defeated, killed in the Battle of Odhbhen by Conchabhar O Maolseachluinn King of Meath. And lastly this Author tells us, That among all the Irish Antiquaries only Keting places Donochadh O Brien, only Sir James Ware, Diarmuid mhac Mhaoil-na-Moa in the Catalogue of Irish Monarches. So that all the rest of the Irish Writers, it seems, account neither of them, and consequently none at all in their days to have been King of Ireland, but hold a mere Interregnum then of the Monarchy. But be it so, or no, it matters not to my purpose; being the Instances brought all along in that very long Reign of Donochadh, at least over Monster, are true; whether Donochadh or Diarmuid, or any other Irish Prince in their time was more than a Provincial King, or less than a Monarch of the whole Island. Toirrghiallach mhae Teidhg, mhic Brien Boraimb (that is in our Language, Terence, the Son of Teig, the Son of Brien Boraimh) is now Successor to Donachadh, as in the Kingdom of Monster and Leath mogh, so in the Title of Monarch, says Keting. Nor do I find that any other opposed this Title of his. But one reason hereof might be his ruling peaceably, troubling no man, nor forcing any thing from either Province or man, And therefore they took no exception against the Title whether assumed by himself or given him by others during his short Reign, which was but of twelve years only, as most Antiquaries say; though some extend it to 22 years: the occasion of their difference being, that the former count the beginning of his Reign from the death of Diarmuid Mhaoil-na-moa in the Battle of Odhbhen; the later take it from the death of Donochadh O Brien at Rome, or at least from his deposition and flight. However, this is unanimously confessed, that as he lived quietly for his own part during his Reign, so he died naturally in the 77 year of his Age, being the year of Christ 1086. But so did not under his Reign Conchabhor O Maolseachluinn King of Meath For this but lately Victorious Prince was treacherously murdered by his own Nephew Murcho ' mhac Floinn: and his head, after burial of it at Cluain-mhac-Noise, carried to the Monarch then residing at Coann-Chora. Who desired to see it, because he bore this Methian King no good will, for having killed (though in Battle) his dear Cousin, his Patron, his supporter and Protector Diarmuid mhac Donochadh, surnamed Maol-na-moa, King of Leinster, as we have seen before. But his curiosity cost him dear. For the head being brought him on good Friday; as he was viewing it, a little Mouse slipped out of it into his Bosom, which so affrighted him, especially when he understood how next Sunday the same head was miraculously returned back to Cluain-mhac-Noise with a gold Ring upon it, that he fell presently into a languishing Disease, that held him after in cruel pain for several years, and never was perfectly over till he died. So writes the Author of Cambrensis Euersus. And now Muirchiortach mhac Toirrghialbhaigh mhac Teaidhg, the great Grandchild of Brien Boraimh, and Son to the foresaid Toirrgheallach, succeeded his Father in the Sovereignty at least of Monster, Leath Mogh, and greater part of Ireland for 20 years, says Keting. In which Reign, though he record nothing proper to our purpose in this place (and somewhat extraordinary that very same is) yet Gratianus Lucius has enough. This Author, page 82. and 84. gives a very particular account of the great combustions in it. He tells us how upon the death of Toirrghiallach O Brien the last Monarch, not only this Muirchiortach his Son, but Domhnall, the Son of Ardghar, the Son of Lochlen, King of Tirconel contended to some purpose for the Sovereignty of Ireland. How the former by fight and spoil subdued the Lagenians, and the later in the same manner the Methians. How Dombnal had in the year 1088. got the start of Muirchiortach by forcing the King and Kingdom of Connaght to give him Hostages for their future fidelity: and then immediately entered Monster, burnt Limmerick, demolished Ceann-Chora the chief Royal Seat ever since Brien Boraimh's time, wasted the whole Country thereabouts with Fire and Sword, and brought away thence besides an infinite number of Horses and all sorts of , vast Treasures of Gold, Silver and Plate. How, on the other side, Muirchiortach, besides forcing Dublin three several times, banishing Godred the Danish King, being there himself proclaimed King at each time, marched into Ulster with the Forces of Monster, Connaght, Leinster and Meath: harrass'd it most woefully: burned the Royal Seat of Domhnall there: and was thus revenged not once but often on that province; marching into it every time with main Forces, and scouring all the Coasts of the whole Island with a very numerous well provided Navy. How Domhnall had withal so many rebellions of his own Subjects against himself in the very North, nay within Tirc●nnel itself, that, having as often overcome them all, he put out the eyes of some of their petty Kings, and others to death. How after all the foresaid Muirchiortach King of Cashel, or (which is here the same thing) of Monster, and together with him Flann O Maolseachluinn King of Meath, and Ruidhruigh O Conchabhar King of Connaght found themselves necessitated not only to give Domhnall a meeting, but even to deliver him Hostages, in the year of Christ 1090. How in the year 1104. Domhnal turned to ashes that Country in Meath called then Ibh Laoghaire: and in the year 1112, broke into Fingall, preyed it, plundered it all over, and carried away thence, besides their , a very great deal of costly Raiments; (magnam boum pretiosissimarumque vestium vim illinc retulit, says my Author) How, after so many devastations of the poor Country and much blood spilt betwixt these two Contenders: and after frequent annual Cessations between 'em, procured by the Primats of Ireland even then when both their Armies stood ready in the Field to fall on: they came at last to the old Division of Leath Cuinn and Leath Mogh: that is, Domhnall to govern absolutely in all the North side of Eisker-Riada, and Muirchiortach in all the South of it; each styling himself King of Ireland. How, this agreement made, Muirchiortach falling into a heavy Disease that continued five years, his own Brother Diarmuid O Brien seized the Kingdom of Monster: and both he and other Provincial Kings divided among them all Muirchiortach's wealth and possessions while he was yet alive, though extremely sick: but he afterwards unexpectedly recovering, made so sharp a War on them all, that they were forced to quit and restore whatsoever they had so unjustly got. In fine, how piously both Muirchiortach and Diarmuid ended their days, notwithstanding their almost continual Wars during life and health: the former at Lismore in the 20th year of his Reign, and of Christ 1119. but having first devested himself of all worldly power and care by turning Clerk in that holy place: and the later, being 73 years old, in the Menastery of Columb-cille at Doire (now by us called ) 27 of his Reign, which was of Christ 1121. For so many years I find given him by Colganus in this Elegy of him: Donaldus Loghleni ex Ardgaro filio nepos, Rex Hiberniae, Hibernorumque excellentissimus formae praestantia, generis nobilitate, animi indole & in rebus agendis prosperitate postquam multa munera egenis clementer, & potentibus liberaliter elargitus fuerat, in Roboreto Divi Columbae (hoc est in Dorensi Monasterio) decessit anno aetatis suae 73. & principatus in Hibernia 27. Christi nati 1121. Where I must occasionally reflect on my own mistake, in the foregoing 75 page of this little Book, and desire the Reader to account it such. Indeed there I supposed that that Dearmach, where Beda says, Columbe-Cille had built his famous Irish Monastery, was the same with Ardmach. But now I see by Colgan's explication of Roboretum D. Columbae that without question that Dearmach (in Latin Roboretum or Campus Roborum, for Dair or Doir signifies an Oak in the Irish, and Mach or Magh a Field) which Beda meant, was at the place ever since called by the Irish Doire Columb-Cille, as it is of late by the English , and by no means at Ardmagh. But to pass over as well that error of my own, as the brief account, immediately before this reflection on it, given of the pious end those two great Contenders made: for peradventure you will say, and I confess it freely, that neither the one nor the other is to my main purpose here: and therefore to return, and prosecute only that which is my Province: I will now let you see all the glory of the Monarchical (or at least pretended Monarchical) Power of Ireland (which never lasted long, not even from Heber's days, in any one Family or Sept) removing from Monster to Cannaght; and from the O Brian's there to the O Connors here. Yet leaving still, for my part, the Question undetermined, whether the same Monarchy did not continue for two years longer in Tirconel, after it had ended in Tomond, and so passed immediately not from Muirchiortach O Brian, but from Dombnall mhac Ardghar mhac Loghlin. However, that was, Toirrghiallach mor mhac Ruidhruigh vibh Chonchabhair (i e. Terence the Great, Son of Roderick descended of Connor) King of Connaght, is now possessed of the Sovereignty of Leath-Cuinn and greater part of Ireland, and thereby of the Title of Monarch for 20 years more, says Keting. For so at least his his own Subjects and followers called him. I am sure his Reign has furnished History with Instances enough on the Subject I treat of. At three several times he entered the Province 〈◊〉 Monster with a great and Hostile power of men: though the first time having preyed and spoiled not only Ard-feanan but Cashel, he was set upon in the Rear by part of the Monster Army, and lost Aodh O Heidin King of Biorradh, and Muirriadhach O Flacthiorta King of Lower Connaght, with a great number of other prime Gentlemen. The second time he invaded it both by Land and Sea: himself marching by Land in the head of a strong Army, and laying all waste about him till he came to Cork; where a goodly Fleet (says Keting) well provided of Seamen and Soldiers, which he had sent about to destroy all the Coasts, having done their work, met him. And now this imperious Monarch Toirrghiallach mor O Conchabhair, glutted with revenge, divides Monster in two equal parts, the Southern and Northern Monster, so called. Whereof he commits the Southern to Donochadh mhac Cartha's government; the Northern to Conchabbar O Brien: and so returns home triumphantly to Connaght, with 30 Hostages of the best in Monster. But soon after, Cormock mhac Cartha, King of West-mounster, being treacherously killed by Toirrghiallach O Brien, his own Son-in-law and Gossip: and the whole Province of Monster, that is all the parts and power and Title too of it, seized by him as the lawful King of it: Toirrghiallach mor O Concbabhar the pretended Monarch draws together all the Forces of Connaght, Breithfne, Meath and Leinster; puts himself in the head of them: and marches now again the third time into Monster. Where, being advanced in so far as Gleann Mhachair, and to a place there called Moinmhoir (in English the Great Moor) Toirrghiallach O Brien, the new Monster King, in the head of 9000 men, the flower of all that Province, meets him, and fights him; but is so entirely and mightily defeated, that Dal-Gheass, the chief strength of his Army, never before nor after had the like overthrow, as being for the matter all destroyed therein. And the issue was, the banishment of this new unfortunate King to Tir-Eoghuin in Ulster; and the division of Monster the second time, between Diarmuid mhac Cormuick mhic Cartha and Teadhg O Brien, by the Monarch. Such is the account of this Monarch, and no more, I mean, of his Warlike Actions and Exploits, delivered by Keting, in his Reign. But Gratianus Lucius, in his Cambrensis Euersus says further of him, that he preyed all the Provinces of Ireland, every one. That he made his own Son Conchabhar actually and really King of the Dublinians, Lagenians and Methians. That with his Land Army he destroyed Tirconel, and with his Navy consisting of 190 Ships wasted Tir-Oen, and with both reduced both these warlike Countries of the North. That nevertheless, before the end of his Reign, his Glory was obscured and power humbled by him who came next to succeed in the Monarchy, and who begun early (it seems) to lay the foundation of his own future greatness by making War on this very Toirrghiallach mor O Conchabhar himself, the Monarch, and forcing Hostages from him in the year of Christ 1150. that is full six years before this Monarch's death. And that, however, he continued in the whole his Reign over Connaght 50 years, and according to all the Irish Annals and Historians, over Ireland 20. Though (says Gratianus) according to a more exact severe discussion of the truth, if the date of his Monarchy be taken from the death of his Predecessor Mairchiortach O Brien to his own, he must have reigned over Ireland 34 years in all: or at least 28, if it be continued only till the foresaid Hostages were forced from him. But I range again. For as well this calculation of his years or Reign, as his religious preparation for death, and his burial, and rest, close by the high Altar of St. Cieran in the Cathedral Church of Cluan-mhac-Noise is foreign to my purpose here. And therefore I return again. Muirchiortach, commonly called Mac Loghlenn, (but immediate Son to Niall, and by him Nephew to that Domhnal whom we have so lately seen to have so long contended for the Sovereignty of Ireland, and therefore stil●d by Colganus' King of Ireland) upon the death of Toirghiallach mor O Conchabhar assumes that Title of the Irish Monarchy, which he had so venturously and early prepared for while Toirrghiallach was yet alive, and in health. Of him, at least of any warlike action either of his, or indeed of any others in his Reign, though Keting has not a word, save only those very few that on an other occasion I have given before, page 73. viz. that Mairchiortach mhac neil the Monarch (that succeeded Toirghiallach mor O Conchabhar) was in the 18th year of his Reign, killed by Fearnibh, Fearrmhaighe and O Brian: yet the diligence and accurateness of Gratianus Lucius makes abundant compensation. For this Author p. 86. says of the present Muirchiartach, first in general, That his humour having been wholly Martial, and his fortune answerable, he overrun all the Provinces of Ireland in a continual course of Victories, obtained partly by Battles, and partly by the sole terror of his Name. That he subdued them all, and forced them every one to give him Hostages. That therefore at least He, without any contradiction, may be admitted next after Maolseachluinn II. for the undoubted King of all Ireland. And then, after letting us know that this Prince's great Virtues were much eclipsed by the Precipitancy of his anger: and that whom prosperity had raised to such a height, adversity at last did throw down as low even to the very earth: he particularly recounts how Eochadh King of Ulster, not only refused to pay any more Tribute or other deuce to him, but even without any other provocation made War upon him. That he being thereupon enraged enters the Territories of Eochadh, routs his Forces, burns his Lands, takes his Vassals, and puts them in Fetters; Eochadh himself by good luck escaping. That after this, yea notwithstanding a reconciliation made between them by the intercession, and upon the Engagement of the Primate of Ardmagh and Donochadh King of Oirghllae for performance of Covenants on both sides, and Eochadh's consequential pardon and reception to grace; which to assure him Muirchiortach took the most solemn Oath he could (for such it was accounted then in that Kingdom) on the Staff of Jesus (what this was, S. Bernard tells in the Life of Malachias:) yet ere long, whether out of the former cause, or any other new one enraging him, he had Eochadh's eyes pulled out of his head: and three of his Nobles (duos Olingsios, & Cathasachi O Flahry nepotem) most cruelly put to death; without any regard to the engagement of the Sureties. And, to conclude, that Donochadh O Cearrbhaoil the foresaid King of Oirghillae, one of the Sureties, taking to heart so heinous a breach of Faith, Oath, Covenants, and assurance given by himself; and therefore resolving to be revenged, draws to his association the People of Vibhruinne and Comhaicne; marches with an Army of 9000 men into Cineal-Eoghain (otherwise called by them Tir-Eoghain, but by us Tiroen) where the Monarch then resided; surprises him unprovided; fights the few tumultuary Forces led forth by him, routs them, and kills him in that Field, a man ever before Victorious in all his Encounters whatsoever. Yet such was his end in the 10th of his reign, Anno Christi 1166, says Gratianus Lucius; though Keting says he was killed in the eighteenth of his Reign, by Fearrnibh Fearrmhaighe and O Brien, as I have noted before. But as their difference in computing the years of the Reign is not material; the one beginning it when this Muirchiortach mhac neil had forced his predecessor Toirrghiallach mor O Conchabhar to give him Hostages, and the other when Toirrghiallach died: so neither is it material to know whether any such persons called Fearrnibh Fearrmhaighe and O Brien were, or were not in that Battle to kill him. What is to our present purpose, you have it very particularly delivered by the one, and not gainsaid by the other. And yet upon reflection I must confess I find that I have not delivered all the material things written by Gratianus Lucius in this Reign of Muirchiortach mhac neil. He further writes (page 87.) that in the Year 1156. even the very first year of it, presently after Toirrghiallach mor O Conchabhar's death, his Son and Heir and King of Connaght Ruidhruigh O Conchabhar did receive twelve Hostages from Muirchiortach O Brien; even that very Monster King so lately before deprived and banished to Tir-Eoghain by the said Toirrghiallach (Father to this Ruidhruigh) as we have seen already. That in the Year 1157. he rushed into Muirchiortach mhac neil the Monarch's own peculiar Country Tir-Eoghain, burned the fruitful Peninsula there, called Inis-Eoghain, destroyed all the delicate Gardens, Orchards, Plantations; wasted the whole Region to Cianachty. That after this he turned his Arms on Monster; Where having first settled the foresaid Muirchiortach O Brien in possession of North- Monster, he forced Hostages from Diarmuid mhac Cormuic mhic Cartha King of South- Monster, to remain with him till Muirchiortach mhac neil the Monarch did relieve the said Diarmuid. That Anno 1158. he entered Leinster in like hostile manner with great Force: marched through it to Leiglin: being encamped there had Hostages brought him from Ossory and Luighiss: and, in the close of all, loaded Mac Craih O Morrdha the little King of Luighiss with Irons. That in the next place he made Inroads into Teabhan, driving away thence from the Kerins an exceeding great prey of Cows: and with his Fleet afflicted all the Coasts of Tir-Eoghain mightily. That in the Year 1161. falling violently on Meath, he both compelled the countries' called Vibh Falain and Vibh Faoilghe to give him pledges, and then placed Governors in them, viz. Faolan O Faoelain in the one, and Mlaghlin O Conchabhair in the other. That after all, he made his Conditions of peace with the Monarch, delivered him four Hostages; received from him in gift the entire Province of Connaght, with the one half of Meath, and from Diarmuid O Maolseachluinn a hundred ounces of Gold for that half. So that by this time, I think the Reader has no reason to complain of want of Instances to purpose out of this Reign of Muirchiortach mhac neil: Who, as we have seen, was the saddest of them all himself, as having by his own Vassals been set upon unprovided, fought, overcome, and killed,. In the last place Ruaruidh O Conchabhar King of Connaght, e'en that very same Ruaruidh, who contended for so many years before with Muirchiortach mhac neil, and submitted to him at last, appears now his Successor on this long tottering Theatre of Irish Monarches. Keting delivers a very imperfect account of him, saying, That besides Cannaght he had only the Kings of Breithfne and Oirghillac to acknowledge his Sovereignty; and giving scarce any thing else happened in his Reign, but what relates to Diarmuid na Ngall the Leinster Kings Rape, and to the Britons invited in by this Diarmuid; nothing I am sure of those warlike Actions and great Contests of this Monarch with other Irish Princes. But this defect in Keting is elsewhere abundantly supplied, I mean by Gratianus Lucius in his Cambrensis Eversus. In this Author, grounding himself on the Annals of Inis Faile, you may read that this Ruaruidh not only bore the Title of King of Ireland, but was so indeed. But, without any peradventure the Relation given by him, shows this last Irish Monarch's fatal Reign to have been fruitful enough of those (and they the very last of those) Instances I purposed to recount. Immediately on the death of his Predecessor (killed by Eochadh) he marched his Connaght Army to Assa Ruah, subdued all Tirconel, and received their Hostages. From thence both with his own Connacians, and the Legions of Breithfne, Teamhfna, and Meath, led on by Tighernan O Ruairk King of Breithfne and Diarmuid O Maolseachluinn King of Meath, he marched to Dublin, entered it, was entertained in it by the Danes, Easterlings, and other the Inhabitants of that City and Territories belonging to it, with all demonstrations of honour: was proclaimed their King: and they presented by him according to the custom then with a royal Gift of 4000 Beefs. From hence, but joining first all the Militia of those Citizens to his former Legions, he goes directly so accompanied to Droghedagh (the Irish call it Droighid Ath) is received there by Donochad O Cearbheoil King of Oirghiallae, has Hostages whom he pleased of that Country put into his power, and then causes a present of 2000 Beefs more to be in his name given that King. From thence returning back to Leinster, he advances to Findorf, gives Battle there to Mac Murcho King of Leinster, defcats him, pursues him, forces him at last to submit and give Hostages, than abridges him of his jurisdiction, leaves him only Cionsallach, and bids him be content with that, or he should lose that too. From thence he made his progress to Mac Gille Phadruic, the King of Ossory; who delivering Pledges was royally treated and presented by him. And now he enters Monster; has the submissions of all the Province: bestows North-Mounster on Muirchiortach O Brien, his own Brother by a Mother: commands pledges from Diarmuid mhac Cartha King of South-mounster: and so passes on in triumph to Connaght his own home, having well nigh surrounded the whole Island in this very first year of his Reign. After which circuit (and either in the same year of our Lord 1166, as Gratianus insinuates it to have been: or, at furthest in the next, as the Annals of Ireland in Cambden expressly say) it was, that Diamuid mhac Mhurrchadh, (alias Mhurchu, and Diarmuid na Nghall) having committed the famous Rape (if it was a Rape) on Tighernan O Roirk King of Breithfn's Wife, the same Tighernan to be revenged on Diarmuid, by the Monarch's Authority heading both his own Breithne Forces with those of Meath, and most of Leinster too, marched into Ibh-Cionsallach; made Diarmuid fly beyond Seas; destroyed his Castle at Ferns; divided his said Country of Cionsallach between Mac Gille Phadrick King of Ossory and one Murchadh the Son of Murchadh; and then returned with seventeen Hostages for the Monarch. And now this revenge or justice on Diarmuid being executed, the Monarch himself An. 1167. attended on by all the Kings and Nobles of Monster, Leinster, Meath, Breithsne, Comhaicne, Orghiall, and Vlidia, or Vlla (which I take to have been then but a part of the now large Province of Ulster) with all their Troops, consisting of Nine and thirty thousand Foot, and one and twenty thousand Horse, marched to Ardmach. From thence, of one side with those great Land Forces, and from Doire (now by us called ) on the other, where his Fleet of a hundred and ninety Sail had landed, he attacks Tir-Eoghain so furiously on every side, that after the stubborn Forces of that Country, being first retired into their Woody Fastnesses, had not only in vain attempted to fall by Night on his Royal Camp, but instead thereof by a great mistake had fallen foully on one another in the dark, they found it necessary on the fourth day to submit and deliver him Hostages. This Expedition being ended so, he breaks up his Camp, dismisses his great Army, the several Troops and Legions to their respective Countries, returns himself by the way of Assa Ruagh to Connaght with the two Monster Kings in his Company, entertains them nobly at his own Palace there, and at their departure presents them richly. But he had not rested above one week at home, when he had intelligence brought him of Diarmuid mhac Mhurchadh the Leinster King's being landed in Cionnsallach with foreign Auxiliarics, possessed already of Wexford, Master besides of a great part of Leinster, and a terror to all the rest. Those called the Annals of Ireland, in Cambden, which yet began no earlier than four years before this Monarch Ruiruidgs' O Cenchabhar's Reign, say these foreign Aaxiliaries landed An 1168. But the right Irish Annals that record their landing in the former year 1167. are sollowed by Gratianus Lucius, and him I follow. However presently on the news, Ruaruidh O Conchabhar the Monarch heading his Conacian Troops, and joining in his way the Militia of Meath and Dublin, marches to Findorch, finds out, fights and defeats Diarmuid. An atonement between them follows; Diarmuid giving the Monarch seven Hostages for his future fidelity, and paying a hundred ounces in Gold to Tighernan O Ruairck for the injury done him by the Rape. And yet Diarmuid by new Tumults the very next Year giving new jealousies, the Monarch marches against him the second time, and fights and foils him again. Though after all he was wrought upon to accept this second time of Diarmuid's submission, promises, and base Son (for Diarmuid had none at this time remaining that was Legitimat) as a new addition to the former Hostages. In the same Year 1●68. Ludos Taltinos dedit, says Lucius. That is, he gave and held with great solemnity the public famous ancient Games at Tailtean. What these were, and who ordained them first, and upon what occasion you may peradventure know in the next Section. At present it may suffice to know they were much like the Olympic Games of Greece. But whatever this Aonach of Tailteann, as the Irish call it, be thought to have been, Lucius proceeds and tells us, that in the same Year also Muirchiortach O Brien King of North- monster was murdered by the South- monster mwn. That the Monarch made his Brother Domhnal O Brien King to succeed him: put him in full possession: fined the Desmonians in 3120 Beefs for killing his Brother: and made them effectually pay this Fine. The same year likewise he fined the Methians in 800 Beefs, and the men of Dealfna heavily, for the kill of O Finolan one of their Lords. In the Year 1169. Domhnal Breagach, for being Author of Diarmuid the Prince of Meath's death, he punished with the loss of that Estate which the said Domhnal by so wicked an Act of murder aimed to inherit. But this Monarch did confiscate it so, as he reserved Westmeath to himself and the Conacians; bestowing at the same time Eastmeath on the foresaid Tighernan O Ruairk and his people of Breithfne. Anno 1175. Domhnal O Brien King of North-mounster, pulled out the eyes both of Diarmuid mhic Teaidhg, and Mahoom mhic Toirrgiallaidgh vihh Bhrian, yea and murdered the Son of Conchabhar O Brien of Corcumruadh. To punish this Tyranny, Rotherick or Roderick (for so the English Writers name this Ruadhruigh the present Monarch) enters Tomond, makes Domhnal fly, and because he could not find him, lays his whole Country waste. In the same Year 1175. he defeated in Ormund (the Irish call it Ir-mhoun, that is, East Monster) both the Welsh, English, and Irish Troops led by Strougbow; killed 1700 of them in the place, and forced that Earl (how valiant and fortunate soever till then) to give over his present design, and retire in great disorder to Watenford. After this, but yet in the same Year still, Ruadhruigh considering not only the defection of many of the Princes from him, but their variance among themselves, and (which was most dangerous of all) his own Sons turned unruly and rebellious: and therefore considering also that himself alone was not able any longer to bear up against so many Enemies both Domestic and Foreign, Irish and British, well nigh already environing him round: he now at last descends to Capitulations of Peaco with the King of England. The sum of them, says Lucius, the Irish Annals deliver in words importing mostly this sense: that Cathal (alias Catholicus) O Dubhay Archbishop of Tuam returned out of England with the Peace concluded by him there with Henry II. on these conditions, viz. That Rotherick should enjoy still the authority and Title of King over the Irish; and the Provincial Kings their respective dignities and power, but with their former dependence on and subjection to him the said Ruadruigh O. Rotherick. But whatever those Capitulations were, which you may see more particularly and fully in Roger Hoveden (ad An. 1175. pag. 312.) the troubles of Ruadhruidh were but little abated by them. In the Year 1177. one of his own Sons, by name Murchadh, out of some unreasonable pique turned most unnaturally Traitor to him: sided with the common Enemy: and was the very Guide to Miles Cogan and his English Troops in their entering Connaght, or at least from their coming to Roscommon till they were soon after fought, and beat, and forced back out of that whole Province by Ruaruidh himself. Who thereupon seized the said Murchadh; and though his own Son put out his eyes for his rebellious unnatural Treachery (and justly enough without any peradventure:) as at the same time, for some other heinous transgression he confined prisoner to the small Island in Loch-Cuam his own other (yea his eldest) Son Conchabhar; whom notwithstanding O Flatherty and other Favourers of this young Prince, rescued by plain force within a twelvemonth from that restraint, and set at liberty. To conclude, partly the foreign Invaders, but chief his own Children brought this last Irish Monarch's hoary hairs with grief to the Grave. Even his own eldest Son, the foresaid Conchabhar in the year 1186. first deprived him of his very Kingdom of Connaght: then by sundry other indignities forced him to fly away to Monster: and last of all, after he had been recalled by the Connaght Nobility, compelled him again to seek refuge in Tir-Chonaill. And here it was that this now afflicted man indeed, though in his youth and manly years too for some time the Darling of Fortune, found his long wished-for death among the Cannon Regulars in the Year of Christ 1198. having first by habit and profession made himself a member of that Religious Order. He continued seventeen years possessed, at least in part and in Title, of his Monarchy over the Irish. For so many years their Antiquaries allow his Reign over Ireland: though from the beginning of it to his death, were effluxed full two and forty years. Thus you have in substance the account (and a very particular full one indeed it is) given by Gratianus Lucius of this very last Milesian Monarch and his Reign over Ireland. Wherein, if I be not extremely mistaken, you have withal (though among other matters, which I have for some use that may be made of them hereafter mentioned) Instances enough answerable both in quality and number to those alleged before out of any of the former Reigns of Irish Monarches since Maolseachluinn II. for demonstrating what I intended by them all. Certainly these and those jointly taken are sufficient demonstrations, that the Monarches, Princes and other great ones of that Nation received no correction from the great Hand that from above scourged them so grievously, so often, and so long. Nor can it be denied, that the later part of the same Instances, (I mean that large part of them which happened between Maolseachluinn II. Reign, and Ruadhruigh O Conchabhair's death) are most evident convictions of the little, nay the evil use, in order to any reformation of their fatal Feuds, they made of the hundred and thirty years' freedom from foreign Enemies after the last expulsion or subjection of the Danes; though a large term of time questionless allowed them by the extraordinary mercy of God to consider, at least then, more wisely of the matter, and not only relent from their former unnatural courses of persecuting and spoiling, and killing, and murdering one another, but hearty repent what themselves and their Parents and their Grandsires had done in that kind, exasperating him continually to hasten on 'em that final doom of theirs which he had so long suspended. Neither is it any further to be doubted, that both the former and later part equally of the same Instances are sufficient proofs that those passages of Jeremy the Prophet, which I have given before, (page 153.) however in his time, and as spoken by him, describing only the stubbornness of his own Jewish Countrymen, might nevertheless be most justly applied by Keting (the pious Reflecter on these matters) to the Milesian race in Ireland at this time of theirs, after that nothing at all, neither adversity nor prosperity, nor war nor peace, nor bondage nor liberty could reclaim them. Verily to me those Instances are more than sufficient proofs, That this wilful Generation of Christians did at this time in the language of the holy Prophet, harden their faces harder than a Rock, and, even refuse to return. Nay whatever any body else may think, certainly it seems further to me, that such was the Judgement God himself gave of them. For (if I may be allowed once more to speak my sense in a symbolical or Metaphorical Scripture phrase, and apply to them what another Prophet said many Ages before on another Subject and of another Kingdom, but is applicable enough to them) at this very time, The Watchman and holy one from Heaven (Dan. 4.) pronounced the long suspended Sentence, the fatal Decree, the final Doom, here on Earth, against this lofty-headed large-spread Tree of the Milesian Stock in Ireland. At this time he commanded this Eternal Decree to be forthwith put in execution. At this time he called upon the new Ministers of his Wrath, and bid 'em to cut down this Tree, chop off its boughs, shake off all its leaves, disperse its fruit, make the beasts fly that were under it, and the birds of the air from perching any more on its branches; though withal bidding them to leave the spring of the roots thereof still in the ground. And I am sure, that to speak plain without Similitude or Metaphor, what happened since the sixth year of Ruadhruigh O Conchabhar's Monarchical Reign hath manifestly shown that from thence, i. e. from that year, which was of Christ's Incarnation 1172. We must date the last and heaviest doom of Heaven declared against that People as to their Being in this World; Never more to have a King or State of their own; Never more to be a Free People on Earth, so as not to be under a foreign Yoke. And I believe you will think the same when you consider that since that Epocha or Date they and their posterity after them have already seen five hundred Years and Eight of this their heavy Doom continued. Tho after all, upon after-thoughts, I think it more wise to suspend than be positive in any judgement of the future; especially considering the example of Spain, recovered after seven hundred years' subjection to the Moors. SECT. V Five things considered: 1. Other Nations have at some times no less bloodily engaged in mortal intestine Feuds, one against an other. Instances in the Romans, Germans, Florentines, Italians at large, Spaniards, French, Saxons, Normans. 2. Irish Princes renowned for other excellent Qualifications than those only of Martial Courage and Conduct. For Example, under Paganism, the Monarches Ollamh Fodhla, Feilim Rachtmhor, Conair Mor mhac Eidrisgceoil, Conn Ceadchathatch, and Cormac mhac Airt; (where also you will meet with a very singular though only incidental story of Connor the first Provincial King of the North of Ireland.) Under Christianity, and for those Excellencies most peculiar to Christianity, first the Monarches Maolchoba, Flaithiortach, Niall Frassach, etc. next, those Provincial Kings, Feilim mhac Criomthain, Aillill Anmhana, Cormack the Bishop and King of Monster, &c. and lastly the Lesser Kings, Damhin mhac Damhinghoirt, Ferradhach mhac Duachadh, Maolbressel mhac Cearnaigh, etc. 3. Several Princes, even after the Danish Wars, that, notwithstanding whatever National Feuds, effectually proved themselves endued even with those excellent political Virtues necessary for good Governors as such. The first and great Instance Brian Boraimh; then Muirchiortach, etc. Ecclesiastical Synods of the whole Nation held under the two or three last of these: and Monasteries every where in all the Provinces, about the same time, erected anew. 4. Some, however few, yet very eminent, yea wonderworking Saints among their Churchmen, especially Maolmoadh and Laurase (in our Language, Malachi and Laurence:) the one Archbishop of Ardmagh, the other of Dublin, succeeding close one another in the very last Age of the Milesians Reign over Ireland. 5. The Decree of the holy Watchman, is nevertheless immutable. 30. BUT before I enter on this great Conversion of the State of Ireland, several matters yet remaining of another nature than those discoursed of lately must interpose. The first is, That by any thing said in either of the two last Sections, my meaning was not to make those bloody Feuds, or consequents of them, so peculiar to the Milesian Race or Irish Nation, as if no other People or Nation esteemed either Christian or Civil had been at any time so guilty in that kind as they. I was far from any such thought. And indeed how could I be otherwise? For, without any stress laid upon the Poet's Expression, Ad generum Cereris sine caede & sanguine pauci Descendunt Reges. Nay without any assistance from either Pagan Thebes, or Christian Byzantium, or any other Country so remote: the Histories of all Nations much nearer us, particularly those of Rome, Germany, Italy, Florence, Spain, France, and very singularly those of the Saxon Heptarchy and Barons Wars, and Lancaster and York Divisions here at home in England, must evince the contrary. Even for that very chief Mistress of Civility first, and then Chistianity, at least in most parts of Europe, that seven hilled Rome, that eternal City in Valentinian's language, without any peradvenventure, the Foundation of Her cemented by Romulus with the blood of his Brother Remus: the Rebellion against Tarquin: the Factions of the Plebeians: the oppressions by and killing of the Decemviri: the Tyranny of Tribune's: the Tables of Sylla and Marius: with the Rivers of blood flowing from their Swords: the Conspiracy of Catiline: the Civil Wars of Caesar and Pompey following: and then the total change of their Commonwealth into a Principacity, compassed not only by plain lawless rebellious Force, but by destruction of so many Myriad of men: and now thirty Emperors murdered at several times: and now also at one time, that is under Gallienus, at least Nine and Twenty Tyrants in several parts of the Empire set up for themselves, must evince the contrary. And so for Germany in later times the bloody contentions there so long continued, until at last they resolved into the prudent means of declaring an Heir apparent Successor and Caesar in the Emperor's Life-time: and the violent deaths of Rudolphus, Albertus, Henry VII. Frederick III. Lewis of Bavier, Charles, Nephew to the said Henry, Gunther, every one of them dispatched, as Bodin a Method. Histor. pag. 450. says) either by Conspiracy or Poison, must evince the contrary. So for Italy the Guelphs and Gibellins, and (besides many other Instances) the prodigiously bloody revolutions of the Florentin Republic for 331 years, till after the slaughter, extermination and total extinction of one of the sides, it was in the memory of our Fathers, at least of our Grandfathers, by the prudence of Cosmus Medici's reduced under the authority of a single Person, must evince the same truth. So for Spain, Alphonsus III. by putting out the eyes of all his Brethren, save one that was killed. Alfonsus' iv with the like cruelty used by his own Brother ●aymirus: Peter the Legitimat Son of Alphonsus XI. deposed and killed by his Bastard Brother Henry: Garzias by Sanctius: then Sanctius by Vellidus: and, after so many retaliations, all Spain under King Roderic betrayed to the Moors by a natural Spaniard, a Subject to that King, Count Julian (Prince of Celtiberia, as Bodin calls him) yea seven hundred thousand Spaniards killed in the short space of fourteen months' next following that hideous treachery, must evince mightily the selfsame truth. So for France, those horrible Feuds, Combustions, Devastations, cruelties, inhumanities', barbarous sacrileges of the late Civil Wars there, continued 40 years against four Kings (whereof you may read at large in D'Avila) and the Holy Ligue, and both Henry III. and Henry IU. one after another, so vilely murdered by those devoted Assassins' of Hell, Jaques Clement and Ravilliac, evince it still. Lastly, and to come nearer home, though in an earlier time, even so for England, 1. Those eight and twenty Saxon Kings of the Heptarchy, part by one another killed, part by their own Subjects murdered, besides many other deposed, and forced to fly away for their lives. For, as Matthew of Westminster (l. 1. c. 3.) writes, of the very Northumbrian Kings alone, four were murdered, and three more deposed, within the little time of one and forty years only. And therefore it was, that Charles the Great of France, when the news of the last of them, by name Ethelbert, being murdered, came to his hearing, not only resolved to stop the presents he was before on sending to England, nor only to do the English in lieu of sending them gifts all the mischiefs he could; but said to Alcuinus an English man (his own Instructor in Rhetoric, Logic and Astronomy) that indeed That was a perfidious and perverse Nation, a murderer of their Lords, and worse than Pagans. Nay therefore also it was, that many of the Bishops and Nobles fled out of this Northumbrian Kingdom, and no man dared for 30 years' next following venture on being their King; but all men declined it, and so left them a prey to the Irish, Scots and Danes, who by the just judgement of God overrun them and destroyed them at last, on that very occasion principally. 2. Since the Norman Conquest, besides the horrible rebellion of Henry the 2d's own Children against him, and many other particulars which I pass over, not only all the calamities, miseries, cruelties, unspeakable evils of the Baron's Wars on both sides, under King John, Henry III. and Edward II. nor only the deposition and murder too of this poor Edward, even his own Wife Queen Eleanor, and his own very So●th●e Prince of Wales having both of them concurred in the deposing him and usurping his Crown: but the most prodigiously mortal dissensions of Lancaster and York began with the rebellion against, deposition and murder of Richard the II. and so bloodily prosecuted for thirty years under Henry VI and Edw. IU. that besides eleven main Battles fought with infinite slaughter of English men on either side; nay even twenty thousand men killed (besides the wounded) in one of them, which Polydore calls the Battle of Touton, a Village of Yorkshire: the excellent Historian Philip Comines tells us of 80 of the Blood Royal destroyed in them: and among this number Henry VI a most virtuous, innocent, holy King most barbarously murdered. To say nothing of Richard the Third, that Usurping Tyrant, so justly dispatched in the Battle of Bosworth, by the Earl of Richmond, who thereupon succeeded King, by the name of Henry VII. and by marrying the Daughter of Edward IU. and thereby most happily uniting in himself and his Queen and Issue the right of the two Houses, ended those fatal dissensions of Lancaster and York. Dissensions indeed so fatal to England, that besides all her best blood at home, as we have seen, by their long continuance from the year of Christ 1393. to the year 1486. lost Her not only the Kingdom of France, but even the more ancient Inheritance of our Kings in the Dukedoms of Normandy, Aquitane, and whatever else belonged to the English Crown on that side of the Sea; only the Town of Calais, with its little Appendages excepted. Were it necessary, Buchanan could furnish, out of the neighbouring Kingdom of Scotland, a very large addition of more examples to the purpose of this place. But more than enough has been already said to conclude that notwithstanding any thing or expression in either of the two former Sections, my meaning could not be to make those bloody Feuds in Ireland, or consequents of them, so peculiar to the Milesian Race or Irish Nation, as if no other People on Earth had been at any time guilty of the like or as horrid. The truth is, I meant only to say, That in respect of their long duration & perpetual return from time to time for almost five and twenty hundred years complete, and their excessive degree at very many times within that long Succession of Ages, especially considering the small extent of Ireland, those cruel bloody Feuds were both National and peculiar to that People only. Which, I think, is true, notwithstanding that other Nations, either much greater, or much lesser, might have been in some few Instances of time as high, nay peradventure much more horrible transgressors in the very same kind than those ancient Milesians were at any one time since their Conquest of Ireland from Tuath-Dee-Danan. 33. The second point is, to do those ancient Milesians the right, as to acknowledge (what their Histories have at large) That amidst all the Feuds and fury of their Arms, how bloody or how lasting soever, they had several both Monarches, and (after the Pentarchy was set up) lesser Kings, yea some of those too in their time of Paganism, and many more as well of those as these after Christianity established, that were of great renown among them for other excellent Qualifications becoming their dignity, than those only of Martial Virtue and Fortitude. In time of Paganism, they had their (XXII) Monarch Ollamh Fodhla, so called from his great Knowledge: that very name given him importing in Irish (as Gratianus Lucius hath observed) a great master in Sciences, and Teacher of all Knowledge to his People. It was he that divided the Lands of Ireland into Hundreds, called by them Triochae-chead; and placed a Lord over each Hundred, and over each Town of the Hundred a Bailiff, an Applotter of Duties, and receiver of Strangers, to provide Entertainment for them. They had their (XCI) Monarch Conair mor mhac Eidirsgceoil, so great a Justiciar, so zealous a Prosecutor of all Malefactors, that although with great pains, industry, hazard to himself; yet he forced at last all kind of Robbers, Thiefs, Vagabonds and Idlers to fly the whole Kingdom: and after this, during his Reign, the throughout all parts and Provinces wandered safely in the Fields without any Keeper. Besides, the magnificent Hospitality of this Monarch is wonderfully celebrated in that Nation. Add hereunto this farther happiness of his Reign, That in it the weather was so mild from mid-harvest to mid-spring, that both Kine and Sheep and other Beasts lay continually abroad in the open air without feeling one sharp breath of wind; the Sea covered the very shores at Imbhercholptha (than so called; after Droichid o'th'; by us now corruptly Droghedae or Tredath) with a most prodigious ejection of all sorts of Fish: and the fruitbearing Trees were so laden that they hung down their branches to the very earth. They had their (CIV) Monarch Conn, surnamed Ceadchatach, whose Reign, notwithstanding that prodigious number of Battles sought by him, as we have seen before, was so wonderfully abounding in all earthly blessings throughout Ireland, that when the Writers of after-Ages were minded to express any time of extraordinary abundance or plenty, they said it was the Reign of Conn Ceadchatach, or Conair Mor, returned again on Earth. Now doubtless, it could not be otherwise than morally impossible, that, considering all his Battles, there should be so much plenty in every part of the Kingdom, had not he, as well as Conair Mor before him, been as good a Governor as he was a great Warrior. And yet, on this occasion, let me tell you, that neither the one nor other excellency could save him from being murdered. Whereof, because of the extraordinary contrivance and manner of it, I take that notice here, which I find in Gratianus Lucius; though otherwise it may seem foreign to this place; and Keting has not a syllable how, or where, or whether at all this Monarch died either of a natural or violent death, But thus in short it happened. In the 35th year of his Reign, which was of Christ 157. being retired, without Guards, or much attendance; at a place then called Tuaiham●rois, the King of Ulster, by name Tibraid Tirigh, employed 50 young striplings, clad like Maiden Ladies, to dispatch him: and they did it, says Lucius. For it is only to him we are beholden as for many other particulars, so for this very singular one indeed. And, if I may conjecture, it was, or at least might well be thought the pattern, whence Maolseachluinn I. when he was yet but King of Meath, derived his own stratagem whereby he destroyed the Danish Tyrant Turghesius. They had their (JUC) Monarch Fearrhadhach Fachivach, a Prince of so much Truth in h●s words, and such integrity in his Life and Actions, that from thence he was surnamed Fachtuach, signifying in Irish Truth and Integrity, says the same Author Lucius. And it is observable, what both he and Keting writ of one Moran, chief Justice under this King, that he had a ring or hoop of such Virtue, that when it was put about the Neck of any Judge or any Witness whatsoever, at the time the one was to give Sentence, or the other to depose upon Oath, if either did swerve a title from the right, then presently it clasped, and pinched and wrung them so close, that to avoid present death by strangling, they retracted openly before all the Spectators what they had so wickedly done amiss. Whence proceeded that Proverbial wish among the Irish, O That he had Moran's Ring about his Neck! when they suspect the truth or integrity of any person. But to proceed with their Kings. They had their (CII) Monarch Felim surnamed Rachtmhor from his being a Great Maker of excellent wholesome Laws, Among which he established with all firmness that of Retaliation: kept to it most inviolably; and by that means preserved the people in peace, quiet, plenty, and security during his Time. They had their (CIX) Monarch Cormock mhac Airt, who (says Lucius) in making good Laws for the Commonwealth, and observing them, exceeded by much all his Predecessors. He wrote a Book of the Institution of a Prince to his Son Cairbre. He had the Psalter of Taragh composed. In this he gives an account at large, 1. of all the noble Irish Families, their propagation, and relation by blood one to another. 2. Of the limits not only of every Province of Ireland, but of every Country both great and small in each of them. 3. Of the Duties, Rents, Tributes paid usually out of each Province to the Monarch or King of Ireland. 4. Of the Duties paid unto the Provincial Kings by the Lords their Vassals. 5. And finally of the Rents accrueing to every such Lord from his Tenants any where in the Kingdom. The Book also which they call in Irish Sanasan Chormaic (and we in English may call the Etymological Dictionary of Cormock) is by most ascribed to him; though by some to Cormock O Cuillenan the holy King and Archshop of Monster. I pass over his Martial Spirit, his Fortune and success in Arms. Tho it was he, that when by the surprisal, force and rebellious usurpation of Ferghussa Dubhdeadach King of Ulster, he had been first dispossessed of his Royal Mansion of Teamhuir (alias Tarach) and then affronted with the burning of his Beard, as well by the command or direction, as by the servant of the same Ulster King Fearghussa (for so Gratianus Lucius calls this Northern King; though Keting names him Giolla, as I have done before:) and then after this affront, had been banished into Connaght; yet within a twelve month, accompanied with 30 great Lords, 50 other Chieftains, and fifty thousand men, gave Battle at Criombreag to this Usurper, killed him, destroyed his Army, and for the rest of his Ulster adherents, banished them for ever to the Isle of Man. Yea it was he, that after this Field, was further yet Conqueror of all his other Enemies in 36 Battles more: and thereby gave perfect peace to the whole Kingdom for the remainder of his long reign, which lasted in the whole forty years. And further also, it was he that with the Sword of Justice took revenge on the more than savage cruelty of Dunling (the Son of Eudeus) that murdered those 30 celebrated Virgins living collegially as in the Temple of Vesta at Cluain-fear● in Teamhuir; all of them of such Royal extraction and quality, that each had 30 Virgins more in retinue; which made in all Nine Hundred. For that unparallelled Savageness of Dunling, this Monarch destroyed the twelve Tyrants of Leinster, who either by approbation of it, or defence of him, were guilty of it. Lastly, It was he, that (whether on this occasion or no, I know not. But this I know that Lucius writes, how it was he, that) even to a farthing's worth made the Province of Leinster pay the old Boarian Fine imposed upon them by Tuathal Teach●mhor. Which this Author says consisted (not of 3000, but) of 15000 Cows, and so many Hogs, Mantles, Silver Chains, Cauldrons of Brass, or Coppers, that is 15000 of each, and each Cauldron as large as that in the Monarch's Kitchen at Tarach, which boiled together at one boiling twelve Beefs and twelve Hogs. Add further yet, as part of this heavy Leinster Fine, says Lucius, 30 either white or red Cows, with their Calves of the same colour; 30 brass Collars for those Cows to keep them quiet in their stabling, and 30 other brazen ties for their feet also to keep them gentle at their milking. Where nevertheless I must take notice, that Lucius in this Account does much vary from Keting: and that, whatever may be thought of all other particulars of it, surely the number of 15000 Cauldrons (or Coppers, as we call them now) of that capacity, seems to me somewhat incredible. But leaving this to the Readers indifferency: what is more proper here may be read in the same Author Lucius, where he tells us next of this Monarch's port and magnificence in House-keeping: which, though very great indeed, is however (I think) credible enough. He had eleven hundred and fifty Waiters that served him ordinarily at Table in his great Hall at Tarach. And this Hall was by himself built of purpose to answer in its capacity the entertainment and attendance of a great King. It was 300 Foot long, 30 Cubits high, and 50 Cubits broad, with fourteen Doors opening into it. And the daily service of Plate, the Flagous and Cups of Gold, Silver, and precious stone, at his Table there, consisted of a hundred and fifty pieces in all. What is besides delivered of this Monarch is, That (which among the truly wise must be more valuable than any worldly magnificence or secular glory whatsoever.) He was to all mankind very just: and in his later days through the mercy of God, very pious also & religious towards him. That so strangely powerful on a sudden were his inward illuminations, That in plain terms he now refused his Druids any more to worship their Idol Gods. That soon after he openly professed he would no more worship any but the only true God of the Universe, the Immortal and Invisible King of Ages, as the great Apostle calls him. And finally that those Priests of the Devil, by their Necromantical adjurations and ministry of damned Spirits raised from Hell, God permitting it, wrought his destruction by choking him, as I have said before. For in such manner and for such a cause died this great and happy King of Ireland, An. Christi 266. But whether he may, or may not therefore, be ranked among the true Christian Martyrs? I leave others to judge. And the same question might peradventure be rationally put (though not, I confess, with the same advantage of the circumstance of violence from an external cause) concerning Connor the first Provincial King of Ulster, made by the Monarch Eochuidh Feilioch himself the Author of the Pentarchy, about 400 years before the Birth of Christ. This Connor's Druyd, or Magician, which you please to call him, having it seems the spirit of Prophecy (as you see in the Book of Judges that Baldam, though otherwise a Heathen wicked Idolater, had the like) on a day speaking his Raptures to Connor, and among other things, delivering much of the Son of God that was to come down from Heaven to save mankind, and was nevertheless to suffer the most cruel death of the Cross, from his own beloved Countrymen the Jews whom he came to save before any others: Connor (says Keting) on the hearing of all became so affected first with the stupendious mercy of God to Sinners: and then presently so transported against the ungrateful Jews, that, being in a great Wood at the time of this Discourse, he drew his Sword, fell a slashing and cutting the Trees about him on every side with the greatest fury could be: imagining he had before him still those cruel men that put our Saviour to death: and continued so long in this passionate action of transport, till by over-heating himself and the opening thereby of some old wounds he had in his shall, he died. What the Reader may answer to the foresaid Quere in relation to either of these two Kings, I know not. But think nevertheless what St. John Chrysostom would have answered it very consequently, at least in reference to the former, had the case been debated by him, when he wrote his Three Books de Providentia Dei, to Stargirius, a holy Monk, that notwithstanding his holiness, was through the permission of God, either possessed, or obsessed, or both, by the power of the Devil. It was also in the time of Ireland's Paganism, that Niall the Great, surnamed Naoighiollach (in Latin Novi-obses, in English Niall of the Nine Hostages, because says Colgan, in his Trias Taumatorge, from Ulster, Connaght, Monster, Leinster, the Britons, Picts, Dal-Rheudans, and Morini a People of France, in all nine Nations, he had Hostages) did reign the CXX. or CXIX. Monarch of the Irish. Of whose great cruelty in his judgement given against Eochuidh King of Leinster, because I have so particularly spoken before: I will not conceal now what I have since observed in Gratianus Lucius of the extraordinary favour of God unto him. For such we must undoubtedly acknowledge it to have been: seeing it was no less than a heavenly illustration of his mind with the beams of Christianity to that degree, as turned him wholly to a new man of perfect holiness. Nor yet less than that above a hundred years after his death, his Body on the opening of his Shrine, or Tomb (which I take to have been on Cruach Phadruig in Connaght, whither the Army brought his Body from France) was found entire without any corruption. Nay nor a jot less than that a Christian Bishop, namely St. Cernachus, infected with the Leprosy was perfectly cured by visiting and lying down in that very Shrine of this Great Niall Naoighiallach. So writeth Gratianus Lucius, quoting for his Author, Colgan. And so I have done with those few of the Kings of Ireland in the time of Paganism, that besides many more of that very time and their Catalogue, have been for several great Excellencies, other than those of warlike bravery or success, renowned in that Nation. 34. But after Christianity had been among the people of Ireland universally preached and established, yea and all along from time to time in the succeeding Ages, not even those very Ages following the horrible desolations by the Danish Wars excepted, they had questionless (notwithstanding all their intestine Feuds) many more both Monarches, Provincial Kings, and other lesser Kings too, famous in their generation as well for other great Virtues, especially those peculiar to Religion, as for those of Martial fortitude and Valour. Yet because I perceive this little Book to swell insensibly beyond my design: I pass over much of that which otherwise I would have willingly mentioned in this place. And therefore what I can briefly on the present Subject observe, is, First in general, the wonderful Devotion, Zeal, Religious Liberality of the first Christian Monarches, Provincial Kings, and other great Lords of Ireland, who upon their first conversion not only parted so readily with the whole Tenths of their Estates real and personal, nay and of their Subjects also, both men and women, by the dedication of all, in a peculiar way to God, as hath been said before, but were so fervently Zealous, even to a degree of excess, in this kind, that (as both Keting and Lucius relate it) if St. Patrick would have received what they offered more, their Successors should have scarce been left the grazing of four Beasts to bestow on the Church. Secondly in particular, the great number of those Princes, one after another in the succession of so many Ages, that notwithstanding all the bloody Feuds and warlike humour of their Nation, withdrew themselves in time from sin, yea from all the pleasures, vanity, pomp, earthly glory of their condition, and by contemning the world for the sake of God, made themselves greater than the World. A large list of them you may find partly in Keting, but more amply and exactly in Lucius. And they were those that stripping themselves naked to follow Christ, and shutting themselves up in Cloisters made choice of the better part with Mary at the feet of out Lord. Such were the Monarches, 1. Ma●●●hoba, who by the prayers of Columbe-Cille recovering from death to life, thereupon without delay, Anno 610. renounced the World, entered a Monastery, professed himself a Monk, and was after, in regard of his holiness, made Bishop of Kildare. 2. Flaithiortach, who likewise (though without any such inducement as Maolchoba had) in perfect health, vigour, streingth, deliberately chose to dispoil himself of all earthly greatness, Goods, Employments, and exchange them all for a poor monastic Weed in the Monastery of Ardmagh, for a penitential course of life within the walls of that enclosure; and for a Christian happy death, which he found in that same place, after nine years more had been over in his holy exercises there. 3. Niall Frassach, that not only quitted the Crown and Power, but the very, Soil of Ireland, by retiring to the Scottish Isle of Hylas; and there in Columb Cille's Monastery, devoting himself wholly to works of Christian repentance, after eight years continual preparation by them for his passage to immortality, had it in the year 773. of our Saviour's Incarnation. 4. Muirchiortach (great Grandchild to Brion Buraimh, and one of Ketings Monarches of Ireland) who, having resigned his Royal Authority, and, together with it, whatever else he possessed or loved on earth, put on the habit of a pooor religious man at Lismore, where without looking back, he ended happily his days. 5. Domhnal mhac ●rdghair, who (according to Colgan, as we have seen before) was also King of Ireland, though in his declining years, yet amidst his prosperity retiring to the Abbey of Doire Cholumb-Cilie; employing the remainder of his life there in exercises of piety; holiness, and mortification; and lamenting the sins of his former days; prepared for, encountered, and received death with a serene countenance, full of hopes of a glorious Immortality. But whether he took upon him the outward profession of a Monk in those exercises there, or did not, I can say nothing on either side. Nor is it very material to know: seeing the inward habit of his Soul yielded fruits worthy of true repentance and the severest outward profession of it. 6. Ruaruidh O Conchabhair, the very last Irish Monarch, we have shown likewise before, to have made a religious life, under the Habit and in a Cloister of Augustinian Cannon Regulars, his last refuge in this World from so many vicissitudes of Fortune. There it was he became so truly wise indeed as to prepare only for that other World; which, being planted far above all the glory of the Sun, and all the Circles of time, expects only Souls either never tainted with sin at any time, or by perfect repentance, at least before death throughly purified from its deadly sting. And such indeed, for making choice either sooner or later of the better part with Mary, were those now enumerated Monarches of Ireland. And yet I know not why I might not add to their number Maolseachluinn I. and Brian Boraimh. For albeit they never had been either professed Monks, Anchorites, or Clerks, nor divested of their Authority Royal, nor at all outwardly retired from the cares of the Public, or management of their own domestic affairs, or comfort of their Wives and Children: yet their piety of life was such as purchased for them after death the reputation of holy men. Yea S. Cairbre Bishop of Cluan-mhac-Noise, when the former died Anno 860. being in ecstasy, beheld his Soul ascending to glory, says Lucius. And the later has been inserted not only by John Wilson in his martyrologue, but by Henry Fitz, Simons in his Catalogue of the Saints of Ireland: both these Authors having in this particular followed Marianus Scotus. Of the Provincial Kings a far greater number, and some of them very early, that is in their very youth, made the same prudential, wise, divine choice. Aillill Anmbanna King of Connaght led so wonderfully strict a life, according to the exactest Rules of Christianity, that upon his death it pleased God to show his Soul to Columb-Cille ascending to Heaven, Anno 544. Cormac King of South Leinster, about the Year of Christ 567. quitting voluntarily his Kingdom went to Beannchuir, professed himself there a Monk, continued in the same place leading a life truly answerable to his profession, till death translated him to happiness Anno 567. which the Irish Church believing has placed him in her Calendar of Saints. Aodh Dubh King of Leinster, forsaking in the same manner both his Kingdom and whatever else he might enjoy on earth, took the Monastical habit and Vows upon him; lived accordingly some years in the Monastery of Kildare an underling; was after made Abbot, then Bishop of the same Cloister and See; deceased Anno Christi 638. and in fine was recorded in the Register of Saints. Ceallach mhac Reghal, King of Connaght, made the like exchange of a Kingdom for a Cloister: died in the Year of our Lord 703. and is invoked particularly at Lochkinne as their tutelary Patron. Ardghal mhac Cathail King of Connaght, the very same; only that to be further off from all noise of the World, he retired out of Ireland to the Monastery of Columb-Cille in the Island of Hylas: where, in the seventh year of his peregrination, which was of Christ 786, he ended his mortal course. Before him a little, that is Anno Christi 739. flourished the good King of Ulster, Fiacha mhac Aodh Roin, surnamed In Droiched from his continual care of building Bridges throughout his Kingdom to make the ways more passable: for Droiched in their Tongue signifies a Bridge. He was even to admiration virtuously just and equitable to all persons whatsoever Only one Cow taken away by stealth within his Dominion, and because peradventure (says Gratianus Lucius) the Author of this stealth had not been with due severity punished, he inflicted the remainder on his own person, by going a Pilgrimage to Beannchuir. In his Reign and Year of Christ 743. (not as Cambrensis has it, bi●nnio ante Topog. dist. 2. c. 10. adventum Anglorum, two Years only, but 424 Years before the first landing of Fitz Stephens in Ireland. So far is Cambrensis out in his relation of the very time of this matter) it happening that a prodigious Whale with three golden Teeth stianded at Carlingford, within his jurisdiction; each Tooth weighing fifty ounces of Gold: he gave one of them to the chief workman-builder of the foresaid Bridges; the other two he dedicated to the making of Shrines in the Monastery of Beannchuir for those holy relics there, on which the Country people did use to take their most solemn Oaths for ending all Controversies arisen. Felim mhac Criomthain, alias in Latin Feidlimidius, that most famous King (though not of Ireland, wherein also Cambrensis, as in most his other Relations concerning Ireland, has most grossly erred, but) of Monster, having prosperously reigned 27 years, and within that time what by harrassing, what by fight Leath-Cuinn, humbled them mightily, at last resigned his Crown: retired from all secular Employments, all earthly joys, pleasures, vanities: withdrew to a Wilderness: turned a poor Hermit there: continued so the rest of his life, devoting himself wholly to God, till death called him away, under the Monarchy of Niall Caille, in the Year of Christ 845. For than it was that he departed hence, with the Opinion both of a great Saint, and of as excellent a Writer too as that Age might have, says Lucius. The Irish Book, called an Leabhar Irsi (or, as Keting expounds it, the Book of their Annals) has in short this Elegy of him: Optimus, S●piens & Anachoreta Scotorum quievit. Contemporary to him was Fionachta-Luibhne King of Connaght, who in the same manner exchanged his Royal Robe for an Hermit's Coat: and all the attendance, wealth, delights, pomp, gaiety of a Palace, for the laonliness, poverty, silence, obscurity of an uncouth, naked solitude: to prepare himself for the last day of his life; which he ended there Anno 846. Next to this Fionachta, in order of time, the King of Leinster, Dunling mhac Muireadhach retired both from his Kingdom and all worldly things else into the Monastery of Kildare, professing Monk, and continuing there in the exercises first of an Underling, then of an Abbot, till in the Year 867. he finished happily his course. And after him, Domhnal, son to the Monarch of Ireland Aodh Fionnliach, devoted himself to the service of God, in the habit and profession of a most godly mortified Ecclesiastic. In which condition he received without any fear at all the King of terrors, Death, in the Year of our Saviour 911. Him, although at a great distance of time, followed Ruaruidh O Conchabhair King of Connaght (I mean the Father of Toirghialiach mor O Conchabhair Monarch of Ireland) who in the 20th year after that O Flaith●●iortach had put out his eyes, entered the Order of Canon-Regulars, and among them rendered his Soul to his Redeemer An. 1118. And so did the King of the Dublinian Danes, and Leinster Irish, Domhnal O Brien, son to Muirchiortach O Brien King of Ireland, renounce his Kingdom, profess Clerk at Lismore, and accordingly there continued a life of penance to his death, which happened Anno Dom. 1135. Lastly, the religious Devotion of Cathal Cruddhearg King of Connaght (Lucius calls him in Latin Cathaldus à rubro Carpo) is very much celebrated amongst his Countrymen in all their Histories. He, after the death of his Wife, gave up his Kingdom, professed Cistercian Monk in the Monastery built by himself at a place in Connaght called the Hill of Victory, and in the Year of Christ 1224. breathed out his last in the same religious Cloister. The great liberality of this Provincial King to the Church, and particularly the large extent of Lands bestowed for ever by him upon that Cistercian Abbey de Colle Victoriae, when he built it, may perhaps be elsewhere in this Treatise reflected on. At present, and because I have now done with all the most singular patterns of Piety recorded among the Provincial Kings of that Nation; I proceed to those of the most celebrated memory, in that respect, among their Lesser Kings. Such were Damhin mhac Dambinghoirt, King of Orghillae, departed this life Anno Dom. 560. and Ferrhadhach mhac Duacha, parted in the Year 582. whose Souls are said by the Irish Writers to have been showed to Columb-Cille ascending to Heaven absque poenis purgatoriis. Such was Brian Boraimh's Ancestor in the seventh degree of ascent, by name Toirrghiallach, by Title or Dignity King of Dal-Gheass, or rather indeed (says Keting) of North-Mounster, who in the Year 690. or thereabouts, after he had bestowed all the Islands in his Kingdom on poor strangers, to be inhabited and cultivated by them, put on a Monk's Cowl at Lismore: and for his daily employment either polished stones for the building of Churches there, or mended Highways. So that he was never idle, but discharging continually with his own hands the part sometime of a Stone-cutter: at other times that of a poor ordinary Mason, or meanest Day-labourer. Such Maol-bressal mhac Cearnaigh King of Mogh dornuigh; who, after quitting the World, professing Monk, and living in that profession many years like a Saint, was killed at last by the Danes, Anno 847. Such Maolduin King of Oiligh, son to Aodgh Ordnigh the Monarch, that forsook all whatever was on earth, took the same course of a professed religious Life in a Monastery for many years, never looked back, never took his hand off the Plough till death seized him in the Year of Christ 865. Such also were Maolbride King of Cineal-Gonail, and Domhnal King of Cineal-Laoghaire, who trampling underfoot all worldly temptations, assumed the Monastic habit, retired into Cloister'd Cells, and for the remainder of their lives, which was of many years, continued their station there, practising only the methods of dying to themselves and living to Christ, till the blessed hour came when he called them to himself, the former Anno 897. the later Anno 882. And after them Donochadh (the son of Ceallach, and Son-in-law to Donochadh mhac Floinn the Monarch) King of Ossory is next recorded as a man of exceeding piety and godliness, though never so professed Monk, nor at all retired in outward appearance from the duties of his secular Employment. His care of the poor was such that in his time every house in Ossory had three several Bags for daily Collections of Victuals to feed them. One that received the tenth part of every persons meal: none at all of the Family, no not even of the servants, excepted. Another designed for the portion of Saint Michael the Archangel, as they called it. And a third was under the peculiar charge of the good Wife, to see all the scraps gathered into it. Besides he was himself exceeding bountiful to them. And then his devotion at Church, frequentation of the Sacrament, watch over his own senses, delight in all divine things, continual exercise in all good works, made his memory pleasant and fragrant, and sweet and precious after his death. The debt of Nature, that opened for him the passage into a blessed immortality, he paid in his Father-in-law's Reign over Ireland, that is, between the Years 918. when this Monarch Donochadh mhac Floinn be gun his reign, and the year 942. when he ended it. I might on this occasion peradventure call to mind what Keting has of Scanlan mor mhic Cinfoala, a former King of Ossory, his grateful devout liberality in applotting and enjoining three pence a smoke throughout his Country, to be paid yearly for ever to Columb-Cille's Abbey there at a place called Durramh. And I might withal remember how great, how beneficial, yea how wonderful even to this very Scanlan himself the inducement he had to this Devotion was. For it was no less than his miraculous delivery from the very extremest rigours of a most cruel imprisonment, and twelve chains of Iron loading him, and no drink at all allowed him to quench his thirst, when at Colum-Cille's instance for him in prayer to God, he was on a sudden by an Angel of glory from Heaven rescued, the Prison at midnight enlightened, his chains unloosed, his Keepers thrown down, the Gates opened, he led forth, and then presently as it were in another instant of time, both conducted and presented to his Wonderworking Patron Columb-Cille that expected him at that very hour. But as I have partly before touched upon the extraordinary Obligation laid by this miraculous favour on Scanlan: so let it suffice here to have only mentioned so much of his grateful acknowledgement thereof. And yet perhaps it may not be amiss to let the Reader know, what Lucius on the foresaid occasion hath observed of the Kings of Ossory in general, or indeed rather of the Irish Historians in relation to them, viz. That these Writers do seem all of them to have some peculiar esteem for the Kings of Ossory above any other of the Lesser Kings of Ireland. For when they give a Catalogue of those Provincial Kings of the Pentarchy, that is of those of South-Mounster, North-Mounster, Connaght, Leinster, and Ulster, that were contemporary to the Monarches whose Reigns, Lives, Acts they principally write: it may be seen in all their Books that then also they give a particular account of the Kings of Ossory; though on that occasion they take no kind of notice of any other of all the Lesser Kings of Ireland. What the reason hereof may be, I cannot divine▪ if not that peradventure they valued (as Lucius says) these Ossory Kings not upon the extent of their Dominion, which yet was not contemptible, but on their bravery and Martial courage like that of Eumenes (in Plutarch) who when he had but one Castle remaining in his possession, would not otherwise capitulate with Antigonus but upon equal terms of honour: as not esteeming any man better than himself whiles he had a Weapon in his hand. But be this conjecture as you please, I return back to the Subject I was on before. I now give the only two remaining of those Lesser Kings, that are celebrated for their prudent piety in their abandoning all they had on earth, taking up their Cross and following Christ in the poverty, habit and mortifications of a religious Life. These were Maolmordha Huadomhnail King of Cionsallach, who paid his tribute to Nature Anno 1022. and Vadah O Conchanain King of Huadiarmada, above a hundred years after; for he ended his days Anno 1167. Nor have I any other to add to them, but only Conchabhar O Cealla, surnamed of the Battles, King of Mannech in Connaght: whose Christian virtues are wonderfully admired by all the Irish Historians. Though he was a man that not only till the last continued in his station of a Prince and Governor of his People, but a very notable Warrior too, as you see that surname of his imports, cui cognomento à Proeliis, says Lucius. In short, they writ of him, 1. That he maintained in Clothes and Diet 3●0 Clerks, Monks, and poor Women: founded twelve Churches in Moanmaigha, endowed them with Lands, rendered them exempt from all public Duties: built the Cathedral Church of St. Brandan at Cluainfert, and the other of St. Kieran at Cluain-mhac-Noise; gave these two Cathedrals large possessions; furnished them with Ecclesiastical Books, Chalices, costly Palls, Vestments, and all other necessaries for the holy Ministry. 2. That he tyth'd his whole Estate three several times: bestowed the Tenth of it on the Churches; the Ninth on the poor, and the Eighth part on the Clerks and others that came for assistance and relief to his House. 3. That after all being warred upon by Conchabhar Moinmhuigh (son to Ruaruidgh the last Irish Monarch) by the Mac Teigs also, and other great Lords associated against him: and an agreement made between both sides to put the quarrel to the issue of a pitched Battle, with this caution and mutual promise, that neither should come unto it nor fight in it with Armour, i. e. with breast, or back, or Habergion, or any coat of Mail: and he for his part most religiously out of mere conscience of his word, keeping to that caution; but they on the other side, without any regard of theirs, having dealt perfidiously by covering themselves with Armour under their Cassocks: the issue was the slaughtering of a great number of his Army, the routing of the rest, and killing of him among others in the Field; which they call the Field or Battle of Srugheal, fought in the year of our Saviour Christ, 1180. 4. That upon the news, thosE 360 Pensioners above mentioned of his, though not living together in one place, but far and wide distant in their several Habitations, yet in all the hast they could, arriving all of them on the third day where his Body was; and there, upon the sight of it, first giving way to Nature by venting their extreme grief in abundance of tears, groans, and lamentations for him, but more especially because he that maintained so many Ministers for God, had not so much as any one of them, or any other such to assoil him or comfort him in the last hour: then taking his head (for it was cut off) and sowing it to his body: and this done, laying themselves on their knees, they prayed, etc. crying to God mightily, and with wonderful Faith beseeched him to return back the Soul of their dear Benefactor into his Body, while he prepared himself by repentance and reconciliation, and the Sacraments of Christ for a more quiet, and hopeful departure. 5. Lastly, That their prayers were so efficacious, and the mercy of God so extraordinarily propitious to Conchabhar, that he revived presently, confessed his sins, received the holy Viaticum; but then, as he told them, chose rather to die than live any longer. Adding withal, that the true cause why God would have him defeated and killed in that Battle was, that he had not incontinently punished some wickedness committed by his Brother. Which yet he had not forgiven, but only delayed to judge: as having never once heard of it before that very morning when he was preparing for Battle, and consequently his Soul taken up wholly with other cares. Whereby, says Gratianus Lucius, relating this matter at large, and quoting O Duvegan for it, we may guests at the condition of those Governors that wilfully and deliberately not only delay the punishment of so many horrible crimes they see daily committed even against all Justice and Religion; but resolve never to punish them. Ne● enim injuria quis dixerit eum saevire in bonos qui parcit-malis. But if you be of an other judgement, as to this Maxim I mean, That he is cruel to the good who spares the wicked: or if peradventure you boggle at the miraculous part either of this Relation of Conchabhar O Cealla's death, or of the former enumeration of such Irish Christian Monarches, Provincial and other Lesser Kings who have been famous in their time for piety: you may pass it over, and leave it to the devotion and credulity of other men that have not the same apprehensions, doubts or scruples, as they have not the same soul with you. I am sure that laying all such matters aside, there is among those great Examples of Virtue, enough still remaining to edify any good Christian, or any sober man alive. Though I must tell you withal, that as no Writer holds himself accountable either for the verity or falsity of any other matters of Fact whatsoever written by him out of ancient History: so much less for those of Miracles. And yet further I must acknowledge, that I know not whether any man writing purposely of a Nation or People that both firmly do believe such miraculous works to have been wrought by God among their Predecessors, and would perhaps hold it a very invidious malevolent diminution of their glory for such a man to pass them over wholly in silence, it were just or prudential in him to do so. However I have avoided the two extremes. I have not been wholly silent as to such matters: nor have I given but a very few of them. Besides, I do not interpose a syllable of my own judgement. Though I would nevertheless be as free either to assent or descent, or even to suspend as any other upon sufficient ground. But enough of this: and, together with it, of all I intended to give in the second Point. 35. The third is an Appendix to what has been hitherto said of the personal piety of those Princes. For I am now to give in order what was done partly by some of the very same partly by other Irish Kings, Princes, Lords, as well to reform the Commonwealth, regulate the Church, restore Learning to the Nation, as to promote Christian religious piety among all their Subjects no less than in themselves. And all this, I mean acted by them after the general calamity of the Danish Wars: yea and acted by them notwithstanding their own so frequent relapses at this very time into their old Feuds again. Brian Boraimh, so often mentioned, but never enough praised, must be the first Instance in this place. He set all men free from the exactions of the Danes. All the spoils gained by him from the Danes, he bestowed on others. All the Lands and Territories of the Kingdom he restored to the ancient Proprietors and lawful Heirs; not retaining to himself or any Relations one foot of Land belonging to others. He conferred on each Temporal Lord great Privileges and Immunities, according to his degree. He restored to each Bishop his own Diocese, to each Priest his Church throughout Ireland. He founded, built, endowed many Churches, Schools, Colleges: and with Royal munificence, care, solicitude gave a new beginning again to the destroyed Universities. He bestowed on every person that would learn, money to bear his charges competently. He built at his own proper cost the Cathedral of Cill-da-Luagh, the Church of Inis Cealtrach, and re-edified the Steeple of Tuaim-Ghreine. He built many Bridges, made many Causeys, mended many High ways before not passable. He erected many new Forts, strengthened the old ones with new Bulwarks, and in particular fortified Cashel the usual mansion of the Monster Kings. He re-edified all the Royal Houses or Palaces in Monster, that before his time had been either utterly ruined or wholly neglected, in particular thirteen of them. His Government was so rigid that under it a young Woman travailed all alone from Toruidh to Cliodhna, the length of Ireland, with a gold Ring hanging on the top of a Wand in her hand, without meeting any that attempted to rob or ravish her. Besides he entered not on the Sovereignty by murdering or killing his Predecessor, as so many others did, who nevertheless were not taxed with Usurpation, because of their descent from the Royal Line: and yet Brian was undoubtedly of the Line from Heber. Moreover, he was gloriously magnificent in his Port. No man could carry Arms in his Court, where ever it chanced to be, except only Dal-Gheass that were his own peculiar Guards. All the Provinces of Ireland every one, and some lesser Countries too, besides the Danes inhabiting Dublin and Limmeric, lay under a considerable Boraimh, or Tax which they paid yearly for the maintenance of his House at Ceann-Chora, viz. Connaght 800 Beefs, and so many Hogs. Tirchonail 500 Mantles and 500 Beefs. Tir-Eoghuin 600 Beefs, 600 Hogs, and 60 Tun of Iron. Clanna Ruidhruidh in Ulster 150 Beefs, and so many Hogs. Oirghilluibh 800 Beefs. Leinster 300 Beefs, 300 Hogs, and 300 Tuns of Iron. Ossory 60 Beefs, 60 Hogs, and 60 Tuns of Iron. Danes of Dublin 300 Pipes or Butts of Wine. Danes of Limmerick a Tun of Claret for every day in the Year, (what Monster paid, I do not find.) In short, his Hospitality at Ceann-Chora, in every degree was such, that excepting the Monarch's Cormock mhac Airt, and Conair mor mhac Eidrisgceoil, no other King of Ireland ever did an near it. Maolseachluinn II. in his Second Reign, especially towards the middle of it, when he gave himself to Devotion and thoughts of an other life, did as well in good Government and care of the Public, as in Piety show himself both a great and good King. He re-edified many Schools, repaired many Churches, maintained 300 Scholars out of his own Revenue, laid the foundation of S. Marry Abbey in Dublin, built and endowed it, An. 1039. * Understand this according to Ketings Computation, that gives Clantar Clantar●● Battle, fought on the 16th of April 1036. but not according to Gratianus Lucius or others that deliver it fought earlier by 20 years, viz. Anno. 1014. the very first Abbey we read of built in Ireland since the universal destruction by the Danes. For the Monarch Toirghiallach mhac Teaidhg mhic Brian Boraimh, that he was not only a good man, but excellent King you may read in Lucius very convincing Arguments: 1. That during his twelve years' Reign, there was none opposed his person, nor any that called in question his Title, none drew Sword nor lift up an armed Hand against him. 2. That he never enacted one farthing, never any kind of Boraimh or Tax of the Provinces, yet was abundantly furnished by them all along with all kind of necessaries to support his Regal dignity. 3. That he made very good, wholesome convenieent Laws for his People. 4. That Lanfrancus, then Archbishop of Canterbury, loved him entirely; remembered him still in his Prayers: did all the good Offices he could to his Friends: calls him tacitly a lover of Justice: and then expressly adds, Magnam misericordiam populis Hiberniae tunc divinitus collatam, quando omnipotens Deus Terdelacho magnifico Hiberniae Regi jus Regiae potestatis super illam terram concessit, That Almighty God had then showed great mercy to the people of Ireland when he gave the Royal power of that Land to the magnificent King Toirrghiallach. The Letters of Lanfrancus, containing these Eulogies of him are quoted by Lucius, page 83. Muirchiortach O Brien, son to the said Toirrgiallach, made a much further progress in restoring the Commonwealth, and both endowing and reforming the Church. In the first year of his Reign, which was the year of Christ 1106. he alienated th' City of Cashel from the Monster Kings, and to the honour of God and of St. Patrick bestowed it for ever (in puram eleemosynam) by way of pure Alms on the Bishops See there, says Keting. In his Reign also, not only a Parliament of all the Estates in Ireland * See Waraeus in his Commeut. de Praesul. Heb. p. 12. in Celsus. was held at Fiadh-mhac-Naoughussa, but (as Gratianus Lucius has it) even three several Synods, representing the whole Clergy of that Nation were convened at three divers places. One of them at Vsneach in Meath, convened Anno 1106, as Lucius expressly says; telling us withal, that in this Council Gillaspuic (whom he calls in Latin Gilbertus▪) Abbot of Beannchuir, Bishop of Limmeric, and Legate for the Pope was Precedent: and that in all, it consisted of fifty Bishops; whereof the said Precedent was the first, Celsus (in Irish Ceallach) successor to St. Patrick at Ardmagh the second, and Maolmuire Huadanain Archbishop of Monster the third: besides three hundred Priests and three thousand other ecclesiastics present. Another of them was held at the foresaid Fiadh-mhac Naonghussa, than (if I understand Keting aright) when all the Estates were assembled there. And though I cannot say for certain what Year that was, I may nevertheless Waraeus out of the Annals of Hister says it was held, Anno 1111. assure you that Keting says the Representatives or Members of this Synod were only the successor of that Patrick at Ardmagh (for he does not otherwise name him) and Maolmuire O Dunain the Archbishop of Monster, and eight Bishops more; besides 360 Priests, 140 Deacons, and other Ministers not numbered, that were present. But for the Acts of this Council we need not be inquisitive, since the same Keting has plainly told us they are lost. And so might Lucius, for aught I can see, have told us of those made at Vsneach: for it is he, and not Keting, that has observed that Synod. The third, which both of them equally mention, has been a memorable one indeed, and the chief Acts of it, preserved to Posterity, are at large in Keting. It was held at Rath Bressail, Anno 1110. under the presidency of the foresaid Gillaspuic Bishop of Limmeric as the Pope's Legat. The number of Bishops convened, I do not find. But I see clearly enough, their main business was to reduce the number of Bishops in the whole Island: and to assign to each Bishop his own peculiar Diocese, with the meers and bounds thereof, partly (as I suppose) to prevent disputes about Jurisdiction, and partly that the Flock might be the more carefully observed. They did both successfully. And for the number they ordered it should be six and twenty in all: twelve of them in Leath Cuinn, and twelve in Leath Mogh, and two in Meath. Of the twelve in Leath-Cuinn, six, were in the Province of Ulster, and Ardmagh one of the six, the rest in Connaght: of the other twelve for Leathmogh, seven were appointed for the two divisions of Monster, and five for Leinster. He of Dublin was not mentioned amongst them, nor indeed at all, as receiving then his consecration from Canterbury. But Gleann-da Loch, now united to it, was one of the Five for Leinster. All the other Sees also they named; whereof some are different from those we know at present. And so did they name, in the very Acts of the same Council, the peculiar Meers of each Bishopric, all round about every where throughout the whole Kingdom. The Annals of Inis Fail, as Lucius quotes 'em say this Synod (or rather perhaps the General Assembly consisting as well of the Lay Estates, as of Ecclesiastical sitting in the same Place) made better Laws than Ireland ever had before at any time. Among which Keting sets down one special Act for the plenary Exemption of the Church for ever from all Taxes, Impositions, Burdens, Duties, etc. imposed on 'em by the secular Power. Another also for every Bishop's consecrating at Easter, the Oil of holy Unction. After which concluding his whole account, of this National Synod, he adds how the Fathers assembled therein, had in the end of all their Acts, blessed the Observers and cursed the Transgressor's of them, in this form: The blessing of God Almighty, and of S. Peter, and S. Patrick, and of the Representer of S. Peter's Successor, the Legate Giolla-Aspuick Bishop of Limmerick, and of Ceallach S. Patrick's successor, Primate of Ireland, and of Maoil-Josa mhac Ainmhire Archbishop of Cashel, and of all the Bishops, Gentry and Clergy in this holy Synod of Rath-Breassuill light and remain upon every one that shall approve, ratify and observe these Ordinances. And, of the other side, their Curses on the Infringers of 'em. Gratianus Lucius (in his Cambr. Evers. page 83.) is of opinion, and his reasons for it can hardly be gainsayed, that these, which are called three National Synods, were but one and the selfsame Council, continued from time to time, and finished in three several Sessions, and Places, viz. One Session at Visneach, another at Fiadha-mhac-Naonghussa, and the Last of 'em at Rath-Bressail. But if you inquire what should bring to this Council such a vast conflux of ecclesiastics, as (besides all the Bishops, whose duty it was to be there) three hundred Priests and 3000 other Churchmen: I for my part, can guests at no other cause than one of Three, or all Three together. 1. The Novelty, or at least Rarity of a National Synod in that Kingdom. I am sure Keting in all his History has not any Instance of a National Synod of the Irish Church not even from the beginning of it; before that of Fiadh-mhac-Naonghussa. 2. The Fame of so great a Reformation of the Sacerdotal Order and state Ecclesiastical, intended by the reducing the number of Bishops, and bounding their Dioceses, might have drawn many to come thither. 3. The Temporal Estates of the whole Kingdom, sitting at the Place and Time, questionless occasioned the coming of many more ecclesiastics to that Council than perhaps otherwise would have come. What I would principally observe by occasion of that Synod at Rath-Bressail is, first, how short this number of 26 Bishops in all Ireland comes of that other of 350 Bishops related before page 56. out of Nennius and Jocelin to have been consecrated by St. Patrick in his time for that Country. But it may be said, that was a time of labouring in the conversion of every part of that Kingdom, and its Dominions abroad in Scotland and other adjacent Islands. To which purpose it was expedient there should be a very great number of Bishops, according to the greatness of the Harvest, which was all (at least as to Ireland at home) made up in 35 years. Besides, that in 61 or 62 years, the long term of Saint Patrick's life after he had entered on that Harvest, even so many hundred Bishops as are mentioned by the said Authors, might have died in Ireland and the adjacent Islands, though never the fifth or sixth part of them had lived together in any one time. And yet I must confess, there was in later times, and even but a little before this Council, a most corrupt custom in Ireland, that multiplied Bishops pro libitu Metropolitanis, at the sole Metropolitans pleasure, as we shall see hereafter, and whence that corruption, with many other, proceeded. However, to return to my main purpose. Muirchiortach O Brien King of Ireland (whether alone, or in association with Domhnal the son of Ardghal, enjoying that Title) was so happy as to have by his Royal Authority concur▪ d unto, compassed, and confirmed this material point of Reformation and establishment of the State Ecclesiastical. H●s next Successor, Toirrghiallach Mor O Connor, notwithstanding all his Wars did manifest his care of the Public both in civil and Ecclesiastical affairs. He built the three chief Bridges of Connaght; among which that of Athlone was. He had the Cathedral of Tuam solemnly consecrated by a number of Bishops called thither of purpose. He built a Hospital in the same Town, and endowed it with Lands. He settled a yearly Pension for a Divinity Professor at Ardmagh. He was so justly severe in punishing Criminals, that having imprisoned his own son for some great Offence, and rejected for a long time the intercession of several both Princes and Prelates, he could hardly at last be induced even by five hundred Priests and eleven Bishops together with the Archbishops of Ardmagh and Cashel appearing before him and interceding for the Prisoner, to set him at liberty after a twelve months' imprisonment. Of his piety, besides what I have said already, these are further proofs given by Lucius I. That he caused the Holy Cross to be carried about Ireland in great veneration. 2. That he bestowed great scopes of Land on the Clergy of Tuam: on the Successor of Saint Coman a Town: and on the Bishop of Cluain-mhac-Noise a number of Silver Crosses, Goblets, and Chalices. And 3. That by his last Will he bequeathed to several Churches all the costly furniture of his Houses; all his Gold and silver Plate; all his Jewels; all his Horses and Arms, even his very Bow and Quiver; besides 540 ounces of Gold, and 40 marks of Silver. His immediate Follower in the Sovereignty Muirchiortach mhac neil was pleased himself in person, together with all the Kings and Nobles of the whole Kingdom to be present in the National Synod of that Church held at Ceannannais (we call it now Kells) in Meath, in the first year of his Reign, which was of Christ 1152. This Council begun the 7th of March, being Dominica Laetare Jerusalem, had members of it present seven and twenty Bishops, and as many more Abbots and Priors; the Archbishops of Ardmagh and Cashel, and the Bishop of Dublin, besides sieve elect, being of the number of those 27 Bishops. It was in this Council that John Papiron, Cardinal of St. Laurence in Damascus, sent by Pope Eugenius III. presided. In this Council that he by the Authority of the Apostles Peter and Paul, and the Apostolical Lord Eugenius condemned Simony, execrated Usury, enjoined the payment of Tithes. In this Council, besides that he delivered the 4 Palls to the 4 Archbishops, Ardmagh, Cashel, Tuam, Dublin. Moreover it was in this Council that he ordained, as it was fit, that Ardmagh should be Primate over all. And these things being done by him, without further delay he departed, and on the Ninth of the Calends of May the same Year shipped for beyond Seas. So Keting writes of him and this Council, out of the Annals of Cluain Eidhnioch Fiontain in Lease: where he transcribes the very Latin words of those Annals. Tho according to an other account of his own, Giolla Criost (or Christianus) O Conneric Bishop of Lismore Provincial of all the Monks in Ireland, and Legate in ordinary from the Pope in that Kingdom presided in this Council jointly with the said Cardinal. But what is more observable in those Annals is, That as to the 4 Palls most of the Clergy in this Council, and especially those of Dun-da-Leath-Ghlass and Ardmach were dissenting: because they held it enough for Ireland to have two Archbishops, the one at Ardmach, the other in Monster, as formerly. The rest concerning this Council, and particular names and surnames of those two and twenty Bishops that according to his account composed it (for he leaves out the five Elect, and all the Abbots and Priors) you may read in him. I think it needless to transcribe them here. And yet I judge it not impertinent on this occasion to mind the Reader of Meredith Hanmers gross mistake; where, in his History of Ireland, he says 1. That before this time or Council of Ceannannais, the Irish had never had any Archbishops. 2. That ever since Austin the Monk's time (or his mission to England from Gregory the Great) the Irish Clergy till this time had been subject to the Archbishops of Canterbury. Whereas in truth they had all along from St. Patrick's time, and by his own special appointment too, even two Archbishops: the one styled of Ardmach; the other of Monster first, then of Cashel, after he came to have his fixed See there: the one for Leath-Cuinn, and the other of Leath-Mogha. Whereof you may see more at large in Keting; who in his Reign of Laogirius tells the very motive and chief inducement St. Patrick had for making the second chief Archiepiscopal See, and constituting it in Monster. Nay I have myself read in some of the Saints of Ireland's Lives (though I have not them by me now to quote them) mention made of the Archbishop of the Lagenians, and his See being sometimes Kildare, sometimes Ferns: and so I have of the Archbishop of the Conacians too, if my memory fail me not. But if it do, Sir James Ware in his Commentary de Praesulibus Hiberniae supplies it abundantly, page 174. concerning Monster: and pag. 243. and 244. concerning Connaght. What Authority or Jurisdiction these Archbishops had in those days of old, is an other question: or whether they had any more than only to be Episcopi primae sedis in their Province? or priority of place? I can say nothing to it. But in this I can be on rational grounds positive, That none of the Irish Clergy depended on the Archbishops of Canterbury, none of their Bishops received consecration from any of them, until Lanfraneus in William the Conqueror's time, was the Archbishop of that See. Nor then, nor after neither, but for some little time those only of Dublin, Wexford, Waterford and Limmeric. And the reason why these in particular would or did so depend was, That their Townsmen and subordinate peculiar Governors were Danes or Easterlings, now turned Christians. And that they suspected the Irish Prelates would not favourably judge or determine of their Elections in behalf of their own Citizens, blood, or Countrymen to Ecclesiastical Offices; but by reason at least of the former Feuds, if not those present and remaining still would prefer Irish to them. And therefore, and further yet because they expected in that behalf impartial dealing and justice, if not favour too, from the See of Canterbury, as being of late brought under the Norman Conquerors, originally their own Countrymen, they procured Licence from the Irish Kings to have their Bishops consecrated by the Archbishops of that See. whereby it happened, that so lately as the Reign of the Monarch Toirrghiallach, Grandchild to Brien Boraimh, in the Year of Christ 1098. the first Bishop of Waterford was consecrated by Anselmus of Canterbury. So says Keting; and much more Lucius; and most of all on this Subject the most eminently famous Primate Usher, who was both concerned for his own See of Ardmagh, and without question able enough to search into these matters. To him may be added Sir James Ware, pag. 102. 103, and 104. where he tells us of Patric, Donatus O Haingly, Samuel O Haingly and Gregory, four Bishops elected successively by the Oostmen of Dublin, and and consecrated for that See by the Archbishops of Canterbury, Lanfrancus, Anselmus, and Rudolphus; but no more: for the next Bishop of Dublin was consecrated by Ardmagh. Having thus reflected on those Errors of Hanmer, I have no more to say in relation to the Council of Ceannannais, but that all the advantage, benefit, glory redounding from it to the Irish Church, ought questionless to be attributed chief to the foresaid King and Monarch of Ireland Muirchiortach mhac neil, that rendered it both much more august by his own Royal presence, and much more effectual by his perfect submission to all its Decrees. A further strong argument of great resolutions taken by many of the Kings, Princes, Nobles, ecclesiastics of Ireland to restore civility, justice, learning; and, above all, Piety and holiness of Life, once more among their Countrymen, was the great number of Monasteries built and endowed by them within the very last eighty years of their Milesian Government before the final period of it. Yea and built by them, I mean, notwithstanding all the disadvantages of that time, especially of that part of it which was taken up by the extraordinary turbulencies happened in Ruaruidh O Connor's Reign. Who, as we have seen before, succeeded this Muirchiortach mhac neil, and was himself never since by any of his Country or Nation succeeded. In the Province of Ulster, Anno 1106 the Monastery of Lisgoval near Loch Erne, and the Abbey of Carrig, whose first Abbot was St. Euodius, were founded by Mac-Noellus Mackenlef King of Ulster. Anno 1138. an other for the Canons Regular of St. Austin in Feramanach. The same Year, an other in Louth for the same order by Donogh mhac Ceirrbheoil King of Orghillae. And by him, at the request of St. Malachias, the noble Abbey of Mellifont for the Cistercians Anno 1142. The Abbey of Jonmhair Chin Traigh, alias Newry, by Malachias himself; besides the celebrated Beannchuir restored by him. About this time also, the younger O Domlsn●l, as he is called, ●rince of Tirconnel, at the request of St. Dominick by Letters to him, built for his Order a Monastery at Doire Cholum Cille, which had usually a hundred and fifty religious men. In the Province of Monster, not only the Abb●y of O Dorne, in the County of Kierry, the Abbey of Fermoigh in the County of Cork, Anno 1140. and the Abbey of Neny or Magio Anno 1148 or 1151, all three for the Cistercian Order; but eighteen Monasteries founded by Domhnal O Brien the last King of North-Mounster. Among these were the famous Abbey of Holy Cross at Tipperary, and St. Peter's at Limmeric for the black Nuns of St. Austin, and the Monastery de Surio, and that called Killoulense, or de Albo campo, and the other Kilmoniense, or de Furgio, and lately the Cloister ●f Corcam●ua, or of the fruitful Rock. In the Province of Leinster Diarmuid mhac Murcho, (surnamed Na Ngall) the last King of it, founded six Monasteries: Two of them at Dublin; whereof one was for Nons of the Order (or rather Reformation) of Aroasia; the other for Canons of Aroasia in an Abbey of Monks in Artois. St. Austin: a third in the County of Kilkenny at Kilclehin, a fourth at Atoody in the County of Catherlach: the fifth being a great noble Abbey for the Cistercians (by them named de Valle Salutis) at Baltinglass in the County of Wicklo: and the sixth at Ferns in the County of Wexford. But Monaster-Euin, or de rubra Valle for the same Cistercian Order, was founded by Diarmuid O Daoimuse, alias Dempsy, Lord (or at least one of the Lords) of Ibh Failghe, Anno 1178. Jeripont Abbey in the County of Kilkenny, Anno 1181. by Donald Fitz Patric King of Ossory. The Monastery of Lease, or de Lege Dei, An. 1183. by Cuchogrius O Moadhirra. The Monastery of Dune in the County of Wexford, even before the landing of Fitz Stephens there, by Diarmuid O Ryan by consent of the Leinster King, founded for the Canons of St. Austin. In the Province of Connaght, before it was conquered by the English; Cathal O Conchabhair, surnamed Crombhdhearg, founded the Monastery of Benedictin Nuns at Killcreunath, the Monastery of Cnockmoigh, or de Colle Victoriae, for the Cistercians; that of Ballin Tohair for the Canons of St. Augustin: and not only endowed but enriched them all with large possessions. Add the Monastery of boil, about the Year 1151, founded for the Cistercian Order. Lastly, in Meath, the King or Prince of it, Murcho O Mleaghluinn founded the Monastery of Bectif (alias the Beatitudine) either Anno 1148. or 1151. for the Cistercians: likewise for the Votresses of Saint Augustin, or he or some other O Mlaghlin, King of that Country built the Cloister at Clonard. But the Cloister of Shrovil, in the County of Longford, ad Euium Fluvium, had its beginning, Anno 1152. Such is the account I find mostly in Lucius, and for some part in Keting, of the endeavours used in those later times by several Irish Princes and Prelates to repair in some degree the general destruction brought upon their Schools of Learning and Piety, and upon all that was excellent or civil in their Nation, by the long Danish Wars, and their own intestine broils immediately following. Questionless they reputed Monasteries as (and as indeed they were in that Age among them in Ireland) the best Schools of Learning and Religion: so the best means to civilize a Christian People much overrun with ignorance, barbarism, and wildness, and fierceness too of Nature; which two or three hundred years continual War in the very entrailss of their Country, for the most part with Heathen Foreigners, and for the rest with the Natives themselves, one against another, must of necessity have brought with it. The fourth Point is to let you know, that in this very decrepit Age and final wane of the Irish Monarchy, Heaven was yet so propitious to them, as to raise among them in the Ecclesiastical State some, (however few) even as wonderfully eminently Saints peradventure as were in the primitive Ages of Christianity in that Kingdom. For to say nothing now of those other excellent Bishops of this time, Ceallach or Celsus of Ardmagh, Gillaspuick, alias Gilbertus of Limm●rick Mal●bus of Lismore, and Giolla-Criost (or Christianus) of Clocher, though St. Bernard himself besides what he has of the rest, especially of Malchus, calls this Christian, a good man, full of grace and virtue, inferior indeed to his Brother (he means Malachias) in celebrity of Fame, but peradventure not so in sanctity of Life and Zeal of Justice: however, to pass over I say, all these four excellent Prelates of this time: those I mean at present were especially two other holy Monks, and they extraordinary Bishops too, one after an other. The former of them was Malachias (in Irish Maolmo, says Keting) or at least my Copy of him, but Malmedoic O Morgan, says Waraeus) a burning and shining Light indeed: as Saint Bernard applies to him what our Saviour Christ did say of Saint John Baptist. He was born an Ulster man of noble Parents, in the year of our Lord 1094. died in the 54 of his own Age, being the year of our Lord 1148. and therefore lived under some part of Donachadh mhac Brien Boraimh's reign, and the whole Reigns of his three Successors, even till the beginning of Muirchiortach mhac Neill's reign, the last Irish Monarch saving one. That is, he lived in a great part of those very times when almost the whole face of the Irish Church was most woefully deformed, ulcered, horrible to be seen. In most places all kind of Ecclesiastical Discipline, all the Canons of the Church trodden under foot: in many other all the very Sacraments of Christ not only neglected, but of no use at all. Nor must we much wonder at it, if we consider that the very Head of the Ecclesiastical Order in Ireland, the See of Ardmagb had in those days been as a mere lay Fee or Temporal Inheritance possessed by strong hand of one powerful Family, even for fifteen Generations successively, i. e. ever since the expulsion of the Danes, almost two hundred years, out of that Province. That besides, although sometimes there was not one Clerk in this Family, yet they never wanted a Bishop. And thirdly, that before Ceallach (whom we call Celsus, the immediate, but virtuous good Predecessor of Malachias) eight married men, without any Orders, though not without Learning, had been the only Bishops of that Metropolitan See. Hence throughout all Ireland, that dissolution of the Church's discipline, enervation of her Censures, evacuation of Religion, whereof we have spoken before, says the Mellifluous D. S. Bernard in the Life of Malachias cap. seven. For what has never been elsewhere, not even since the very beginning of Christianity heard, was now in Ireland to be seen. Bishops without Ordination, without reason multiplied at the lust of the Metropolitan. Insomuch that one Bishopric was not content with one Bishop; but almost every Church in it had a peculiar Bishop. And indeed how was it likely to be otherwise? or that under so diseased, so corrupt a Head, the Members could be sound? To reform these horrible corruptions of the Irish Church, God it seems had in his secret counsels designed Malachias to be the man. First by his Birth of noble Parents hard by Ardmagh, and his being the only beloved Son of such a Family. Then by his contemning in his tender years, even from his childhood at School in that City, whatever seemed worldly or vain: and his giving himself on all occasions, especially in all secret recesses, to prayer. Then by his accosting, admiring, and delivering himself very early in his Youth to Imarius the holy Anchorite, who had by his own choice many long years before been shut up perpetually, and as it were buried alive in a little Cell that joined to the Wall of the Cathedral Church. Then by the multitude of other young delicate striplings, that surmounting all considerations of flesh, and blood, and sense, and what ever seemed gay or pleasant to the eye, soon after followed his example. Then by the holy Spirit's moving not only the good Archbishop Celsus, but Imarius also to force him in a manner to the Order of Deaconship before he was 25 years old, and to that of Priesthood, so soon as he was 25 complete: they (as they might well) supposing that the sanctity of his conversation did abundantly supply the defect of his Canonical Age for these Orders. Then by the further injunction laid upon him immediately by Celsus, making him notwithstanding his Youth, Vicar General of the Diocese. Then by the tenor of his Life and power of his Word piercing like a two edged Sword the very entrails of all that heard him preach, and like a burning Torch enflaming them; as the Son of Syrach speaks of Elias the Prophet's Word. Then by his departing, but with the licence of Celsus and Imarius, for some years to Lismore in Monster, and putting himself there in a Monastery under the discipline of Malchus the holy miraculous Bishop of that See, who had been himself, though an Irish man by birth, educated in the Abbey of Winchester in England. Then by occasion of King Cormack's retirement from his Enemies to the said Monastery: where this afflicted Prince making it his choice to live in a poor narrow cell, feed on bread and a little salt, drink nothing but water, bathe his body once every day in cold water to extinguish the rebellion of his flesh; do all this by the direction of Malachias, his only Instructor and comfort, yea and continue it until at last he rather suffered than desired himself to be restored, his Enemies flying away before his face every where: by this occasion I say the hidden things of Malachias, came to be known, and his name celebrated among all the Clergy and People and Princes of that Province too. Then by his returning back to his own Province of Ulster, upon the commands of Celsus and Imarius: and there presently repairing the old ruins of the famous Beannchuir; which till this time lay in rubbish for so many years ever since the destruction of it by the Danes, though not without a Titular Lay-Abbot (made still by Election of the Lay-Natives) who possessed all the Revenues; nor at this very time neither with-such an Incumbent, and he both a very powerful man, and Uncle also to Malachias himself; but, on the return of Malachias from Monster, suddenly changed, and as it were by a powerful touch of the very finger of God himself so mightily changed, that without delay he resigned both the place and whole Estate belonging to it, yea and his own person also to this holy Nephew's disposition. Then by his refusing the Estate, building nevertheless the place, planting it with some of his own blessed condisciples under Imarius, and in obedience to Celsus and Imarius both, taking upon him now as well the true Office as the title of Abbot of Beannchuir; imitating so in all respects the sanctity of his great Predecessor Congellus, though not equalling his number of Monks. Then by the glory of Miracles, beginning first to appear wrought by him, to the astonishment of the beholders, as he was at work with his own hands among the Carpenters that were building this Monastery. Then by the Election made of him in the thirtieth year of his Age for the See of Conner, and his reluctance for a long time; and the perseverance of the other side, and his submission at last to the positive commands of Celsus and Imarius. Then by his entering upon his Episcopal Function there, but withal, his finding presently, as St. Bernard expressly writes, He was not sent to men, but Beasts. That he had never before, not even amongst the most barbarous any where, observed the like. No where the People so stubborn as to Manners, so bestial as to Rites, so impious as to Faith, so barbarous as to Laws, so headstrong as to Discipline, so filthy as to Life; Christians by Name, but in very deed Pagans: not paying Tithes, not offering First-fruits, not joining in lawful Marriages, not confessing their sins. None among them found either to receive or to enjoin penance. The Ministers of the Altar few; and yet no work among the Laity for those same few: no opportunity given them to make use of their Ministry among a wicked generation of people: nor they endeavouring it much, if not rather scarce any way at all: for in their Churches the voice neither of a Preacher nor Singer was heard. Then by his Divine Sermons, Exhortations, Entreaties, Visits, Prayers, Tears, Mortification, austerity of Life both in public and private, together with the assistance of his 150 Monks that were never from his side; overcoming though▪ with great labour, yet in a little time all opposition, and working so wonderful either a conversion or Reformation (which you please to call it) of all that Diocese, that they are all now become a new people, i. e. the People of God now, who had been nothing less before: and every where now to be seen the repairing of Churches, adorning of Altars; and Choires resounding now the praises of God: and wicked Laws abolished, and Christian Institutions received in their place: the Churches thronging from every side with people greedy of hearing the Word: and Sacraments frequented, and confession of sins made, and Concubinage yielding to lawful marriage. Then by his necessary migration to Monster, when the King of Ulster had on some pretence destroyed the City of Conner: and by the reception he found there from his former Disciple King Cormac, who came to meet him now, and withal to entertain both him and his 150 Monks of Beannchuir, come along with him out of the North. Then by his building here in Monster the Abbey of Ibrac (Monasterium Ibracense, St. Bernard calls it) King Cormac with Royal munificence abundantly furnishing Gold and Silver, and all other necessaries both to finish the building and maintain the Convent after. Then by his living there so exemplarily, mortifiedly, humbly among them, as he had elsewhere perpetually, even from the first day of his Episcopal Charge at Conner, done; taking his turn like an other Monk both in reading and serving in the Refectory at meals; yea in all the very meanest Offices of the Cloister; even that of Cook, to dress their meat in the Kitchen, not excepted. Then by the last sickness of Celsus (who had successively ordained him Deacon, Priest, and Bishop) and by the choice made by him of Malachias for his Successor; and his Letters to all the Princes of the Kingdom, especially the two Monster Kings, * Cormack was one of them, his Kingdom South-Mounster, his name and surname Cormack mhac Cartha; his end by a soul murder committed on him by his own Son in Law. All which, and the revenge of this murder you may see in the former ●ection, page 183. to see after his death Malachias installed in the Metropolitical See of Ardmagh. Which for the memory of their great Apostle St. Patrick, who living governed it, and dying chose it for his place of rest, was held in such veneration, that all the people of Ireland, Clergy and Laiety▪ Nobles, Bishops, Princes and Kings were subject in all obedience to the Metropolitan thereof. Then by the Vision about this time (but before any notice had of Ceallach's being sick) the Vision I say of a Tall, ancient, venerable Woman appearing to Malachias: and, upon his demand what she was, answering him, she was the Wife of Celsus; but withal delivering him a Pastoral Staff. Then by a real Messenger come from Celsus, as he was yet on his death bed alive, with his real Staff indeed, and by the real delivery thereof by him, as he was commanded by Celsus to this man of God. Then by the unanimous application of all the Kingdon, from all parts, made unto him to accept of this Election: and by his declining it nevertheless a very long time: alleging now his own unworthiness; now his poverty and meanness, and inability to contend with the powerful Family that hitherto well nigh two hundred years had possessed that See; besides, that not even with the death of men their stubbornness could be overcome; moreover that to see blood spilt in his behalf, or by his occasion did not become him, or his calling; finally that he was already joined to an other Spouse, the Church of Conner. Then (after three years continual reluctance) by the National Synods meeting on purpose, wherein the Pope's Legate Gillaspuic, alias Gilbertus, Bishop of Limmeric, and Malchus Bishop of Lismore were the chief; and by their laying their commands upon him, adding threats withal to excommunicate him, if he resisted any longer; and his own reflecting at the same time on the Vision he had formerly had (in Monster) of the grave Matron, etc. which frighted him above all other considerations: and by his yielding thereupon at last, but on this condition, that if, and whensoever by his means or Ministry, God were pleased to restore peace to that Metropolitan See, it should be lawful for him to ordain an other in it, and return to his former Spouse the poor Bishopric of Conner. Then by his not entering for the two next years either the Cathedral Church or City itself of Ardmagh, and not meddling with the Revenue while the Usurper Mauritius lived; but officiating abroad, and discharging so his duty to the Diocese at large, without any bloodshed or quarrel. Then, upon the death of Mauritius, when the King and Nobles of the Province came to introduce him, and were to that purpose together with him assembled on a Hill near the City, but without any armed Troops, and intelligence was brought him, that hard by there lay in ambush a strong party of the malignant bloody Generation ready to fall on and kill them all, not even him nor the King himself excepted: Then, I say, by his withdrawing into a little Church hard by; putting himself to prayer, and presently obtaining of Heaven such a formidable judgement as ended all the danger and all the controversy too in a trice, ●ay all the hopes of that perverse Generation for ever after. Even on a sudden such a prodigious tempest of Rain, Wind, Lightning, Thunder, which as to the place and persons of the Conspirators, turned the day to night, commixed all the Elements, struck dead their Captain with three other of his principal Associates, hung them up on the boughs of Trees (for so they were found next morning half burnt and stinking) dispersed all the rest, save only three more left grovelling on the ground, half burnt likewise, but some life remaining in them still: and yet no harm done by it, nor feeling of it by the King or of his company though they stood close by that very place, and saw the storm falling on it. Then by his entering now into the Metropolitan Church, taking the possession of it delivered him by the King, Princes, and other Nobles of the Land: and after their departure exposing himself to the continual danger both day and night impending over his head from that bloody sacrilegious Progeny, that breathed no more now any thing less than mortal revenge in behalf of their Cousin Nigellus, that by usurpation and actual possession succeeded Mauritius, till he was now compelled to fly, but retaining nevertheless in his own possession still, by conveying them away in his flight, the chief holy Ensigns of that See, the Staff of Jesus, and Gospel of St. Patrick; which the common people held in such veneration, that the possessor of them, whoever he was, they esteemed the only true Bishop of Ardmagh. Then by his overcoming with the Arms of Faith, and a Christian resolution to suffer Martyrdom, the arms of Flesh and fury and rage of a great man of the foresaid impious Tribe, who came of purpose to Ardmagh to murder him. For though the King, before his departure, had made this very man not only to give Hostages, but take his corporal Oath, that he would inviolably be and keep at peace with Malachias; yet, without regard of either, he soon after in a consult of his own People determines the place, and time and manner to dispatch him: comes thereupon with his Assassins to Ardmagh: and after Evensong had been ended in the Church sends to Malachius, as desiring on pretence of peace and friendship to speak with him at his own Lodging. But the whole Clergy and People at Church entreat Malaachias, beseech him, conjure him with tears and lamentations not to go to his death. And yet Malachias, after some other words of comfort and edification, telling them it became not the Disciple of Christ to fear death, immediately departs, accompanied only with three religious men resolved to die with him: enters the House: sees the Assassins' all together in the same Room with that great man their Leader; as they were prepared to assassinate him: and yet coming up a little nearer finds them all every one strangely seized as with some panic fear appalled, astonished, mute, as if they had been Planetstruck, as if they were unable to lift up an armed hand against him or any other. Nay their very Chieftain, instead of giving them the word, submitting himself in all humility and obedience: and promising to continue both (as he did sincerely) until his death. Then by the submission likewise of Nigellus, the Pseudo-Bishop, and his yielding up to Malachias the sacred Ensigns, which he had hitherto so wrongfully detained; but now together with them delivering also himself in all humility to the disposal of Malachias. Then by the sudden ceasing of a pestilential Disease at Ardmagh, so soon as Malachias went about the Town in Procession, and prayed God that in his mercy he would command his exterminating Angel of Justice to put up his bloody Falchion and spare the people thence forward. Then by the dreadful Judgements fallen upon the two remaining chiefest, boldest and most blasphemously virulent detractors of his Name, a Man and Woman of the accursed Race: the man's tongue rotting in his mouth, spitting out Worms almost continually for seven days, and together with them at last his miserable Soul: the Woman turned frantic, crying out frequently that she was a strangling by Malachias, and in that wretched condition yielding up her ghost. Finally, by the universal terror fallen upon all his Enemies, considering now at last so many Wonders wrought in his behalf; and therefore crying one to an other now, as the Canaanites did of old concerning Israel, Let us fly from the Face of Malachias, for God fighteth for him. Tho too late indeed for that adulterous generation of Vipers, who by this time were all of them every one perished: without leaving either Heir or other memory behind them, save only that of their having continued the sacrilegious possession, violation, pollution, destruction of the Sanctuary of God well nigh 200 years. And such indeed were the means, and such the degrees and order of them, by which the Almighty himself fitted, prepared, carried on, placed at last his beloved Malachias in that full power, which he had from the beginning designed for him; undoubtedly of purpose to repair those lamentable ruins, reform those horrible corruptions, enlighten that universal darkness, and breath new life again into the whole Body of the Irish Church, that really for so many Ages before did seem, at least for the greater part of it, utterly dead. But that which appears to me most admirable in this holy man is, that having within three years of his acceptation of the Metropolitical charge of Ardmagh, and but a twelve month after his instalment in the See or the Cathedral itself, humbled, nay brought to nothing all the proud Usurpers, restored the Church, extinguished Barbarism, reform d every where throughout the Diocese all degrees of People by Christian Discipline: seeing now all in peace, and remembering his own former purpose, he ordained another, by name Gilla-Josa, alias Gelasius, in his own stead Bishop of Ardmagh; gave him possession, and notwithstanding the reluctance of others, without further delay retired to his former Spouse the poor subordinat Church of Conner. That because he now understood this Bishopric of Conner had, but in later times, an other Bishopric, I mean that of Down, united to it; and because himself upon his translation to Ardmagh had ordained a Bishop in Conner: he would neither intrude upon him, nor yet suffer any longer that Union made by covetousness to continue; but restoring the ancient division, assumed to himself, i. e. to his own peculiar charge, the poorer and least reformed of the two the Bishopric of Down. That here again calling to his assistance and erecting a new Convent of Regulars, he devoted himself among them to his former course of Life, in all poverty and humility, and rigours of cenobial Discipline, assiduity of Prayer and raptures of Contemplation, spending all the time he could spare from his Pastoral charge. What follows next is to let you know, that he was not suffered long the enjoyment of himself in those ascetic exercises. That ere long there was an universal conflux of all sorts of people to him, even from the highest to the very lowest of the Land. That therefore now he finds it necessary, like the Husbandmen in the Gospel, to go forth and sow his seed: and now he disposes with all Authority of all kind of Church affairs: and no man questions him, by what power he did so: all being persuaded by the signs and prodigies wrought by him every where, that as he had the power, so he had the Spirit of God to direct all his actions. That nevertheless himself after some time thought it ●itting to take a journey to Rome and consult the See Apostolic, as Paul did the Apostles at Jerusalem, after his three years preaching of Christ in Arabia. Besides he considered that the See of Ardmagh had never at any time had the Metropolitical Ornament, which they call Pallium; a word that in the Ecclesiastical use of it imports the plenitude of honour, says Bernard; but not the plenitude of power, as they speak at Rome in this Age. Moreover, that his late Predecessor in the Metropolitan Church, I mean Celsus, had by his own authority erected another Metropolitical See else where in Ireland, though with dependence and subjection still to the See of Ardmagh as the only Primatial or Patriarchical See of the Kingdom. That to obtain from the See Apostolic of Rome, as well the honour of the Pall for each of those two Irish Metropolitan Sees, as the confirmation of what Celsus had done in erecting the later of them, was another chief motive of his undertaking such a Journey. That having passed through Scotland and England, rested a few days with St. Bernard at Claravallis in France, arrived at Rome, continued there for a month visiting the holy places, and conferring much from time to time with his Holiness, who was very inquisitive of all the concerns of Ireland, the nature of the people, etc. and especially what Wonders God had lately done by his Ministry there: he obtained indeed the confirmation of that new Metropolitical See erected by Celsus; but was put off the present grant of those Palls desired by him. That the Pope told him, that by reason Gillaspuic (or Gilbertus) being now grown old and infirm, had signified so much, and his desire to he cased of the Legatin care, it was necessary he should undertake it, and in that quality return back and hold a general Synod of the whole Nation. Which when he had done, and by general consent and fitting messengers desired the Pallia, they should be granted. And therefore told him also in plain terms, he could by no means yield to his first and most earnest petition of all, though by so many tears solicited by him, viz. that it might be lawful for him to retire presently to Claravallis, and live and die there with Bernard. That with this answer he is now dismissed by the Pope, but as with all delegable power, so with all imaginable kindness and respect, kissing him and putting his own Mitre on his head, his own stole about his neck, and his own maniple on his arm: which Malachias ever after used in officiating at the Altar. That having returned by Claravallis, left there four of his own disciples to be educated in the Monastic Life by Saint Bernard: from thence proceeded on in his Journey, and in his way through Scotland, at the instance of the good King David, by praying over the young Prince Robert his Son and Heir, recovered him instantly from the jaws of death; for he was quite given over by the Physicians: landed soon after at his beloved Beannchuir in the North of Ireland: he put himself immediately on the work of a true Legate indeed. And this for many years, without any intermission, going about all the Provinces, holding frequent Synods, in all the quarters of the Land; restoring vigour to the old Canons of the Church: adding new ones that were of use: reforming all the corruptions, both new and old: preaching every where like an other Helias, or some Angel of Heaven come down on Earth. No Age, no Sex, no condition, no profession could abscond from his Beams, or hinder the operation of them. Whatever Decrees he made, whatever Canons he published were presently accepted, submitted unto, obeyed, as Oracles without any contradiction at all. Nor had any person, Man or Woman, Prince or Prelate, or Peasant, or Monarch, the daring heart to resist him in any thing: because they daily saw before their eyes the signs wrought by him. You may read cap. 5. 8. 9 of his Life, written by St. Bernard, a good many of them; though few in respect of those he passes over, as the same holy Author St. Bernard says. And among them you may find the expulsion of Devils, and healing all Diseases, and reviving the Dead to Life, and the striking also of some impious wicked Blasphemers with an exemplary death to terrify others. And all these miraculous works above Nature, done by the God of Nature, at the sole invocation of his Name by Malachias, without any other application, without any charm used by him, than that sometimes of lifting up his eyes to Heaven or a short Prayer, sometimes of a longer continued with fasting and weeping on God twenty four hours together. Unless peradventure his laying his hand on a desperate man, brought to him bound in cords, by reason of a furious frenzy that possessed him: or his touching with his finger the tongue of a Young Girl that was mute: or his blessing a Cup of Drink, and sending it to a Woman so long past her Reckoning, that all her Neighbours wondered she was not dead: or his sprinkling of water, hallowed by himself, upon a wicked Nobleman that lay long Bedrid: or his invoking the name of God on three Apples, and sending them to a Lady in the last agonies of death: be reputed a Diabolical Charm. And yet after all I am of Bernard's opinion, that the first and greatest Miracle wrought by Malachias was himself. From the first day of his conversion to the last of his Life, sine proprio vixit, he lived without property in any kind of thing. Even when he was Bishop he had neither manservant nor maid-servant, nor Town, nor Village, nor Land nor one farthing either of Ecclesiastical or Temporal Revenue, no not for allowance to his Episcopal Table. He had not so much as a House of his own. He almost incessantly went about the Parishes preaching the Gospel, and living on the Gospel as our Lord had showed him the Example: save only that for most part he preached it without putting his Auditory to the charge of entertaining him; but maintained himself, and his Religious Train, by the labour of his own hands and theirs. When he found it necessary to take a little rest, he took it in some of the holy places founded by himself in all Countries of the Kingdom. (For it was he that was the great Restorer of the Monastic Life and Cloisters in Ireland: where, for so many Ages before, i. e. ever since the Universal desolation by the Danes, the people generally, though they had heard of the name, yet they never saw any such thing as a Monk, till he begun. A diebus antiquis Monachi quidem nomen audierunt, monachum non viderunt: says Malachias himself. Vit. cap. xi. And wheresoever he rested, how shor tor how long soever his abode was, he conformed to all their observances, their Habit, their Table, their Diet. Insomuch, that as to the exterior man, he could not be discovered from the meanest Brother of the House. Lastly, in his going about the Parishes or Countries either to preach or to visit, he never made use of Horse, or Coach or Wagon, he went a foot constantly, as likewise did all his Train, though now both Bishop and Legat. And was not all this, trow you, to be a true Heir indeed, a true Successor to the Apostles? or was it not in Malachias, to be himself the first and last and greatest of his Miracles? O virum Apostolicum, quem tot & talia nobilitant signa Apostolatus sui! Quid ergo mirum, si mira operatus est sic mirabilis ipso! Imo verò non ipse, sed Deus in ipso. Alioquin tu es Deus (inquit) qui facis mirabilia, says Bernard, exclaiming here with admiration of this wonderful man. However, this Life he led for about a dozen years, perpetually going about all the Provinces, reforming all the abuses, doing good to all mortals, and working those other prodigious signs every where that I have touched upon before. At last understanding that Innocent II. was dead: and after him within sixteen months more Celestin II. and Luoius the second too: and that Eugenius III. a Disciple of Saint Bernard's, being chosen to succeed them, was come so near as France: he calls a National Synod, holds it, dispatches in the three first days of it what was thought expedient as to Reformation: on the fourth proposes that of sending to the See Apostolic for the Archiepiscopal Ensigns called Pallia: offers himself to be the Solicitor of it in person: and though with great difficulty to part with him at all for any time, yet obtains their consent, the rather that the Pope was so near. And now he takes his Journey again through Scotland: where being receiv▪ d with all veneration by King David, he found'st the last of his Monasteries, at a place called (stagnum viride) the Green Lake; haviug to that purpose brought with him out of Ireland a sufficient number of Cistercian Monks. And then he goes forward the second time to Claravallis in France; taking that in his way to Rome, whither the Pope before his arrival on that side of the Sea was returned. And finally now, and from hence, i. e. from Claravallis, but after a few days of sickness, and by a death answerable in all respects to his life, he is called to glory on that very day which himself had both desired and foretold, the day of the Commemoration of all faithful souls departed; which, as I have noted before, was in the Year of Christ 1148. More particulars, either of his life, or death, or miracles, whoever desires may find them at large in the funeral Sermon preached, and Life also most exactly and divinely written of him even by St. Bernard himself. Who, besides many other Abbots, and the whole Cistercian Convent of Claravallis, was present with him at his death; as they all ministered to him all along in his sickness. And it is even this very Bernard, that with his own Eyes beheld the great Miracle which he tells wrought on a Paralytic by touching the hand of Malachias, while after his death he was yet exposed in public before Burial. But it is not for the sake of this or any other Miracle wrought by him, that I have dilated so much upon him; but to show the state of the Church of Ireland in those days out of so good an Author as St. Bernard is. For in that Life of Malachias written by him (besides many other points relating directly to the most healthful use of Confession, saluberrimum usum confessionis are Bernard's own words, and the Sacrament of extreme Unction, and the real presence of Christ in the consecrated Host, and Prayers for the Dead: all which I pass over as not to the purpose of this Historical Discourse:) it is very observable, That so blessed a Man as Ceallach was, even by the character of a Saint (Sanctus Celsus) given him by Colganus, and so learned withal, as Sir James Ware represents him to have been, did without consulting the See Apostolic of Rome, and did I say by his own authority alone as Primate of Ardmagh, erect another Metropolitical See in Ireland. That, not even at any time from the beginning, the Irish Church, or Metropolitans thereof, until this time of Malachias either had, or (for aught we know) ever desired the Pallium; but without it exercised all plenitude of Archiepiscopal and Primatial jurisdiction all over Ireland. Besides we may plainly see by whose solicitation at first the Court of Rome was moved in the concern of Palls of Ireland. And that Cardinal John Papiron's bringing them to Ireland, about four years after the death of Malachias, was undoubtedly an effect of those two Journeys made by him out of Ireland to obtain them. Albeit we know not certainly whether it was Malachias that desired so many as were brought by Papiron. Or whether, after his death others did suggest for the reasonableness and expediency of so many, that in Ireland were chief four Parti●ions, Governments or Provincial Kingdoms, of very different natures, manners, interests, Feuds, and Kings too, that would not yield any of them to the other willingly: and by consequence would not be governed, not even in Ecclesiastical affairs, but by some of their own, without dependence on any other, except only the Prelate of that See which from the beginning of Christianity had prescribed some right over them all. But enough on this Subject relating to Malachias, the former of those two extraordinary Saints raised by God in the decrepit Age of the Irish Monarchy. The later of them was a Leinster man of Noble Descent: his Irish name and surname Laurace O Tuathil (in English, Laurence Tool:) his Father Muirchiortach O Tuathil, Lord of Imaile and peradventure some other small adjoining Tracts in the County of Wickloe: his Mother, Inghin J. Bhrian, i. e. one of O Brian's Daughters: and he the youngest of all their Children. But for the name of Laurence (a name so unusual in that Country then) 'twas given him on this occasion. Being born, his Father sent him to be Christened at Kildare by Donachadh Lord of that Country, of purpose to let him know by this Gossipred he was reconciled to him: for before they had been at some distance: and therefore those that carried the Child were commanded by the Father to christian him Conchabhar; this being that Nobleman's surname who was to be Godfather. But a person, reputed in that Country then, such an other as Merlin had been of old among the Britain's, meeting them in the Highway, charged them to call him Laurence: assuring them he would himself that night excuse them to their Lord; and then adding prophetically in Irish Verse; This Child shall be great on Earth and glorious in Heaven: he shall command over great multitudes both of rich and poor, and Laurence shall be his name. When he was but ten years old, his Father delivered him an Hostage to Diarmuid the King of Leinster. In which condition, notwithstanding the innocency of his Age he suffered incredible miseries, even to extreme want of Raiment and Food, in a desert place among barbarous people, where he had been for two years confined. At the expiration of which, being returned back in exchange of other Prisoners, though not delivered to the Father himself, but to the Bishop of Gleann-da-Logh: and his Father coming on the twelfth day, not only to see him, but to desire the Bishop to learn of God by Lot which of his children he should dedicate to an Ecclesiastic Life; and he taking this opportunity and telling his Father, That with his leave he himself would be that Child: the Father surprised with joy, takes him presently by the right hand; and offers him up perpetually to God in that holy place dedicated to St. Kevin, both Cathedral Church and Abbey, the one governed by a Bishop, the other by an Abbot. Where Laurence proves in a little time so singular a proficient in all Virtue, that the Abbot dying, the unanimous consent both of the Monks and Nobles of the Country Voted him Abbot, and forced him to accept of it in the 25th year of his Age. And now it begun to appear more eminently what spirit he was of. For the more he was honoured, the more he abased himself, the stricter guard he kept on all his senses, and the more intent he was upon his holy ascetic Exercises. Above all, that Virtue which is the bond of perfection; that Virtue which shall never be evacuated, but after Faith and Hope are ended shall remain; that Virtue which, by relieving the afflictions of other mortals, makes the Reliever a God to them, as Pliny speaks in his Panegyric to Trajan; Charity, I mean, did at this time show what power she had over the Soul of Laurence. He was no sooner made Abbot, than a general Famine oppressing all that Country four years continually, he no less continually employed himself in relieving all that were in want, especially the poorer sort, with corn and , and all the Revenues of his Abbey: Revenues that were very great; yea far surpassing those of the Bishopric. Nor must we admire they should be so. It was one of the most famous ancient Monasteries of the Kingdom, founded at first by St. Kevin (as we call him, but the Irish Ceaghin, the Latins Coenginus) a person though illustrious for his Royal extraction, yet much more celebrated as well for the admirable austerity of his Life, as for his manifold prodigious Miracles; which made him after his death be assumed Patron both of the Town, Abbey, Cathedral Church and whole Diocese of Gleann-da-Loch, where he lived and died. Besides none but Nobleman's children were elected Abbots: and the Noblemen themselves of the whole Diocese had by ancient custom their Voices in the election of them as well as the Monks. However the large Revenues of the Abbey as they came short of the necessities of the poor in that long and general Famine: so they did of the charity of Laurence; as may be well concluded out of what follows hereafter. Much about the time this Famine had ended; the Bishop of Gleann-da-Loch dying, he was chosen to succeed. But notwithstanding all the importunity of the Electors, he declined it, though pretending only his un-Canonical Age. Yet so he could not soon after the Archbishopric of Dublin. For Gregory the First Archbishop of this See being dead, Laurence by the unanimous consent of the Clergy and People of Dublin, says Waraeus, was elected Commentar. de Praesul. Hiber. Archbishop: and, being at last by continual importunities drawn to yield, was consecrated at Dublin by Gelasius Primate of Ardmagh and other Bishops, Anno 1162. just fourteen years after the death of Malachias in France. What more Waraeus thought fit to record of him is, That presently after consecration he changed the secular Canons of his Cathedral Church into Regular of the Order of Aroasia, whose habit and rule of Life himself also took upon him now. That about eleven years after he built the Choir and Steeple with an other addition of three new Chapels to Trinity Church in that City. That in the Year 1179. he went to the General Council held then at Rome under Alexander III. That according to the Author of his Life, he was there made Legate of Ireland by that Pope: soon after returned back, and exercised his Legatin Authority in Ireland. That Gerald L. 2. expugn. Hib. c. 23. Barry, commonly called Cambrensis, seems to intimate, he never had been permitted to return to Ireland; (sed ob privilegia aliqua zelo suae Gentis impetrata) but for some privileges obtained from the Pope in that Council for his Country, prejudicial to the Royal power of Henry II. was detained a long time partly in England, partly in France; until at last falling sick in his Journey, he died at Auge in Normandy the 14th of Novemb. 1180. or as others have it 1181. Finally, that in the Year 1225. he was canonised by Pope Honorius III. and his Relics translated to Trinity Church in Dublin. Which being the brief account given by Waraeus of this great Servant of God; he leaves us for the rest, that is, for the Virtues and Wonders of his Life to the Author of it, published by Surius. Out of this nameless Author chief, though for some part also out of the Bull of his canonisation, I have selected these few particulars following, that give us a Scheme of the remainder of his Life after he was made Bishop. In which remainder, I must confess I know not what to admire least. I am sure there is enough that show 1 Cor. 9 26. him to have run his Race not as uncertainly; to have fought not as one that beateth the air; but like an other Paul, to have chastised his Body, and brought it to subjection, lest preaching to others he should himself be a Reprobat. Enough that evince him to Gal. ver. 24. have crucified his flesh with all its vices and all its concupiscences. Enough that prove him to have truly imitated the good Shepherd of Joan. X. 1●. the Gospel, by employing all his care, and Power, and Wealth, and Zeal, and Life also, to the very last, for preservation of the Sheep committed to his keeping. In a word, enough that demonstrate him to have been a familiar of Heaven while he was yet on Earth, and a most stupendious Saint of God both in his life and death, and after his death. He was no sooner outwardly clad at his consecration with the glory of an Archbishop's Vesture and the Pontifical habiliments, than he covered himself inwardly next his skin with the severity of a rough cilicium (a course Haircloth) reaching down from his neck to his heels, sowed close to his Limbs, and never put off, never washed, never changed, never opened while the pieces of it could hold together; only one certain piece that was turned aside thrice a day while he received on his bare flesh the smarting strokes of a knotty discipline. For so many times at least in twenty four hours, he was constantly disciplined (as they call it) by the hands of a familiar Friend, whom he trusted, after he had first enjoined him to secrecy all his life. He as soon begun his abstinence from all sorts of flesh throughout the whole Year; which he continued evermore to his death. On Fridays, when he eaten, he eaten only bread and water: for very often he took neither: and when he did, he commonly tempered his bread with lie and ashes. In the forty days of Lent he tasted nothing at all but thrice a week the same hard fare of bread and water, and now and then a few Herbs. And all that Quadragesimal season, at the return of it every year, he retired into a most horrid, though holy, Wilderness, Saint Kevin's Rock three miles from Gleann-da loch. A Rock environed on every side with dark Woods, besides a deep Lake of one side, enclosing its perpendicular precipice of sixty Cubits high, whence there is not so much as any looking down without horror; and on the other side an other precipice too, though but of thirty Cubits in height, and by a Ladder ascendable. Within it is a little Plain, Verdure, Trees, and a Spring. In that side of it, which hangs over the Lake; there is a hollow made by St. Keuin's own hands (for so the Tradition of that Country says) that served him both for an Oratory to pray in, and repository when he would sleep. However in this hollow and on this Rock did Laurence all alone yearly spend those 40 days and 40 nights of Lent in spiritual Exercises conversing only with God: seeing no creature but only thrice a weck; and then only his own Nephew Thomas Abbot of Gleannda-loch, who alone brought him a meals meat of bread each time he came; for the Rock of itself afforded water, as we have seen already. By this Nephew also he both received the complaints or whatever affairs of the Diocese that needed his determination. And by him he answered all, unless the matter was so extraordinary that it required his own presence out of hand: for than he appeared; yet withal retiring presently when he had done, and so continuing his former station and exercises till Easter. As for the rest of the Year when he had any vacation from the public charge of his own Diocese, or others under him as Metropolitan, he lived with his Canons in the same Cloister * Albertus Myraeus in his Fasti Belg. & Eurgund. says this ●l●ister was call●d the Monastery of St. Patrick. built by himself, and annexed to his Cathedral Church: eaten as they did, and in the same Refectory and time with them: kept silence in the same places and hours they did: went to the same Choir with them at midnight, and sung Matins as they did there; With this only difference, that after all was over, and the Canons returned to repose in their Chambers, he singing to himself the whole Psalter of David, always continued alone in the Church at his private Devotions till break of day: sometime standing, sometime kneeling; but in either posture before the holy Rood, and not seldom breaking out into Raptures and Divine Colloquies with him that was crucified upon it, our Lord and Saviour Christ. For so it was observed very often by some of the Canons, that unknown to him remained likewise in private prayer for some time after the Community was gone. But so soon as it was clear day, he went constantly forth to the Churchyard; where walking a good while▪ he sung to God the commendation of all faithful Souls departed. And such indeed were the divine Exercises of Laurence, 1st, in his Anachoretical Solitude in the Rock of St. Kevin. 2dly, in his ordinary retirement to his own Aroasian Cloister of Dublin: in both as a private man, but familiar of God, cultivating his own Soul, and soaring to Heaven with many wings like a Cherub; especially those of prayer and contemplation, that seemed to suspend him already far above all sublunary things. But as a Bishop, the Virtues peculiarly belonging to the discharge of his Pastoral Duty could not be so easily concealed. They were a great many of them too illustrious and conspicuous to the eyes of all men. As a Bishop he observed in a very excellent manner the Rule of the Apostle both to rich and poor. And first towards the Rich. For though he continued still so abstemious himself, though perpetually so severe a punisher of his own body with fasting and other mortifications too; yet as he was notwithstanding of a most comely personage and noble presence, so his reception of all persons of Quality and Gentlemen that came to his Episcopal Table was answerably graceful, liberal, splendid in all respects according to their degrees: variety of the best dishes, and choice withal of the most delicate Wines. Besides he sat down himself sometimes to entertain them; though feeding but very little, and that on some grosser Dish; or rather indeed commonly seeming only to feed, that nothing singular might appear in him. Which was the reason too, that although in very deed his drink at these entertainments was no other in substance than water; yet his Cupbearer had orders to dash it lightly with red, that he might seem to drink Wine. Secondly towards the poor. He never miss a day without seeing now Threescore, now Forty, and never less than Thirty of them fed in his own presence; Besides far greater numbers of them maintained out of his Revenue constantly for a long time, as we shall presently see. As a Bishop he preached Repentance continually to the people of that opulent City, who were prodigiously immersed in drunkenness, lust, contentions, rapine, bloodshed, and all kind of wickedness. Yea, and as a Prophet too he ceased not with Tears to warn 'em of their general destruction at hand, if they did not speedily appease Heaven with unseign●d Repentance. As a Bishop, when this general calamity like the breaking in of the Sea came upon them suddenly in one day, in one hour; when the City was taken and sacked and burned by Diarmuid na Ngall their incensed King and his foreign Auxiliaries; when their str●●ts were all covered with the bodies of the slaughtered Citizens, and the Gutters ran with blood; when the very Clergy were plundered and Churches ri●led of all that was precious in them: as a good Bishop, I say, it was that Laurence at this time, first beholding with floods of Tears like an other Jeremy the slaughter of his people before his eyes; then taking courage like the good Pastor in the Gospel, thrnst himself upon the bloody swords of the Conquerors, holding their Arms, praying their mercy, entreating them for some, snatching others from their fury to Christian burial who had their Souls yet panting in their Bodies: and when no more could be done by him in any other kind, giving himself wholly now to that generous imitation of Tobias. As a Bishop it was that although with great hazard still unto himself, yet he used that Episcopal freedom with the King and his insulting Commanders, that the Clergy were at last permitted their own Habitations, and the Churches restored their Books and Ornaments. As a Bishop, he employed in the next place all his compassion and all his Revenue (I mean what was left thereof unseized by the Military men, or undestroy'd by fire) yea and all whatever he could procure from others to relieve the few Survivors of the slaughtered Citizens. His very Bowels did yearn over them; especially those whom he had so lately seen to flourish in all kind of Earthly happiness; and now saw without House to lie in, without to cover their nakedness, without meat or drink to preserve life, without other comfort than that of miserable Captives under a most deadly Foe. As a Bishop, when an other general Famine had in his days lain heavy on all the Land, he not only gave daily sustenance for three whole years to five hundred persons, reduced before to the worst of conditions, plain starving; but in several parts of his Diocese provided meat, and drink and , and all other necessaries for three hundred more. And in the same cruel season of scarcity it was that, Mothers reduced to extreme want, laying their chrism Babes in the night at his door, and in the day also where ever they saw he was to pass, he took care of them all, providing Nurses from them; and, though two hundred in number at one time, sent them to his own Stewards and Baylis●s to be kept on his own Land; and, when they were come to years of discretion and some abilities of Body, recommended them about all the Province with the badge of a wooden Cross in their hands. As a Bishop, and a Legate too says the Author of his Life, he connived at no disorder in the Clergy, no vice, no sin, and least of all at the scandalous one of Incontinency whether in Priest, Deacon, or sub-Deacon. Which fleshly Vice he did so much abominate, especially in them, and found it so necessary to be proceeded against with vigour: that even so great a number as a hundred and forty Priests convict thereof he sent together at one time for Penance and Absolution to Rome; though he might otherwise have given them both at home by his own Authority. As a Bishop, yea as a Father of his Country in general, he spent the little remainder as well of his Revenue as of his health and Life in crossing the Seas now again from Ireland to England, from England to France, in both countries', following and soliciting peace from Henry II. to ease the common calamities of his Nation at this time. And now the dissolution of his earthly Tabernacle being at hand, how hecoming a most Christian Bishop, and a most holy Apostolical Legate indeed, not only his very last exemplary Ecclesiastical preparation for it, but his very last answer to the Abbot of Auge on that occasion was? For in his way through France to Normandy, having fallen sick of a Fever at Abbevil a Cambreusis. Vit. apud Sur. : gone forward nevertheless to Auge on the borders of Normandy: when at a distance he saw the Church of our Lady there, prophetically foretold his own departure in that place: then entered that Church: prayed in it a little while: thence gone to his Lodging and Bed: sent for Osbert the religious Abbot of that Monastery: confessed his sins to him, and received the holy Viaticum from him: then for prosecuting his business to Henry II. dispatched his Chaplain David, together with his own Nephew, to that King: on their return the fourth day with the joyful news of their success (i. e. of the Peace granted by the same Henry II. to Roderick the Irish King) seemed transported with it for the sake of his Country, how low soever he knew himself brought by his sickness: upon the third day following desired of the said Abbot and his whole Monastery to be as a Member incorporated among them: and this accordingly done, then presently desired further and (pursuant to his desire) in all their presence received the last Sacrament, which they call Extreme Unction: having I say passed through all these steps, and very last Ecclesiastical preparatories for death: when the good Abbot Osbertus, considering him an Archbishop, had according to custom, minded him of making his last Will and Testament: his Answer was in th●se few words [Novit Dominus mihi ne nummum quidem sub sole relictum esse] The Lord knows that I have not a penny left me under the Sun. Besides, how like the great Bishop of our Souls weeping over Jerusalem, this Bishop of Ireland remembering and lamenting (once more for all) the condition of his own Country, broke forth into these Expressions in his own mother Language? Ah foolish and sottish People! what will you do now? who will bring you back from your strayings? who will apply Balm to your wounds? who will cure you, or take care of you at all? And this Lamentation which Nature expressed from him, ended, how then at last like an other Austin, he behaved himself in the last moments of his Life. For then converting himself wholly and for himself only to God, he ceased not with tears, and sighs, and sobs too, repeating continually while he could open his lips, that Verse of the Psalmist, Have mercy on me O God, have mercy on me, because my soul confideth in thee: until about midnight on the 13th of November, Anno 1181. he breathed out his last to his Redeemer. Now that such a life, and such a death of a man so virtuous all along from his very Youth, whether he be considered either as a Clerk, or Monk, or Abbot of Gleann-da-Loch, or as Archbishop of Dublin, and Cannon of the Aroasian Institute, or as Legate of Ireland, or as a prosperous or afflicted man, should be attested as pleasing to God by prodigious Miracles both in his life and after his death, seems nothing strange to me. The Author of his Life recounts a good many of them wrought in the time of his Life. And the Bull of his canonisation (dated at Reate III. Ideses Decemb. by Honorius III. Ninth year of his Pontificat, which was of Christ 1225.) gives a brief sum of all (that had been wrought either in his Life or after his death) by telling us, That besides the Dumb, and Lame, and Lepers, and many others afflicted with sundry other maladies, cured of all their evils at the sole invocation of God by him, or in his name, and at his Tomb by others: he was, by the power of God, the wonderful raiser even from death to life of seven persons in particular, and among 'em of one who had been full three days dead. Nor can I well deny that this Bull ought to have by much the more credit with many who are not in other matters over-credulous, and aught so to have for these reasons: 1. Because it was procured and the whole ceremony and process of this canonisation solicited, not only by the Letters of the Archbishop and Chapter of Rouen, and of the Abbot and Convent of the foresaid Auge, where the body then rested within the Diocese of Rouen, but by those also of many other Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots and religious men: all attesting the sanctity of his Life and glory of Miracles continually wrought after his death at his Tomb. 2. Because the Inquisition was made partly in France by the Archbishop, Dean and Treasurer of Rouen, and for the rest in Ireland by the Bishop of Kildare and Prior of Trinity Church in Dublin. 3. Because within 45 years after his death all was finished, and this very Bull issued, and his Festivity with an Octave kept in the most solemn manner could be, both at Auge in France, and at Dublin and elsewhere in Ireland, while the people were yet alive, nay by a world of those very people of all degrees that knew and conversed with him familiarly, and yet invoked him now most devoutly and religiously as Coheir of Christ in glory, and their tutelary Patron under Christ with God the Father. The fifth and last Point is, That notwithstanding all the sanctity and merits either of those two extraordinary Wonderworking Saints of God, Malachy and Laurence, or of any other holy men whatsoever, that in secret mourned for the iniquities of their People; that cried to God incessantly to spare them; and that in the Language of Ezechiel interposed themselves Ezech. XXII. 30. a hedge between the wrath of Heaven and their Land, by fasting and praying, and afflicting their own Bodies for the sins of others, yet all would not do. It was now come to that pass with the People of Ireland in general, which had been with the People of Judaea, when God spoke to Hieremy the Prophet, (c. XV. v. 1.) first assuring him, that although Samuel and Moses stood before his face to intercede for them, yet he would not listen to their prayer; because his soul was against that People: and then commanding him to pronounce ejection from before his face, ex●crmination and flitting out of their Land against them. It was come to that very pass with the Irish now, in which it had been again with the same stubborn stiffnecked Israelites, when he declared to the Prophet Ezechiel and swore unto him even by his own Life, That if those very three (most perfect servants of his in their generation) Moses, Daniel and Job lived among them: yet by their righteousness they should only save themselves; not any other, no not so much as either Son or Daughter. For such indeed was the deplorable case of the ancient Milesians of Ireland at this time, the very last period of their Monarchy. And such it was notwithstanding so many just men, as in particular the Bishops Malchus, and Gilbertus, and Celsus, and Christianus and Gelasius, and Malachi and Laurence, that lived among them and interceded for them continually to God. Yea, such it was notwithstanding all the Reformation so lately wrought by any of these holy men, among either ecclesiastics or Laics any where in the Nation, and all the Councils held, and all the Monasteries built, and Schools erected, and Churches endowed, and whatever else at this time was practised to restore both civility and piety to some degree of the ancient Lustre. Nothing at all could any longer slow the execution of the final doom pronounced by the Watcher and holy one of Heaven against the lofty proud Milesian Tree. Nor must we wonder at it, if we reflect upon what is discoursed at large in the former Section. The Kings, and Princes, and Nobles, and Men at Arms of Ireland, either all this while were not at all themselves reform: or certainly, and that most frequently too, were again relapsed into their old accursed Feuds, their concussions, violences, rapine, oppression, revenge, their spilling of one another's blood to death: and this even all along, from time to time, until the Executioners of their final Sentence came to part them, and make them for ever slaves on every side to a foreign People. What other sins of the Irish Nation might (according to the judgement of man) have incensed God, after so long forbearance, to pour upon 'em so dreadful a judgement, I cannot say. And the reason is, because I find no specification of any other in those Histories of theirs which I have read. Yet, I will not pass over in silence, what I find to this purpose in Girald of Wales (I mean Cambrensis.) This Author says, that upon the taking of Dublin, and harrasing of Meath by Diarmuid na-Ngall King of Leinster and his foreign Auxiliaries: the Clergy of Ireland assembled in a National Synod at Ardmach, having debated the causes of this Invasion: and after full debate, resolved first in general, that the sins of their Nation had brought this calamity on them: Secondly, in particular, That their evil custom of buying Christian English Youths, as well from Merchants as Pirates, and making them slaves for ever, had been a special Cause of it: Thirdly, That God was just in subjecting their People to the same condition of slavery under that very Nation which they had so unchristianly used: it was therefore in the last place unanimously decreed, That immediately all English slaves wheresoever throughout the whole Kingdom should be manumised, and set at full Liberty. So says Cambrensis, in his First Book de Expug. Hibern. c. 28. Where he further says, That the People of England, i. e. the Saxons, while their Kingdom flourished before the Norman Conquest, had this vicious custom among them generally, That rather than suffer any the least want, they set their children to public sale, and sent both children and Cousins too over Seas to be sold in Ireland. And then he gives his own judgement on the whole, concluding, It may be probably believed, That as God in his Justice had already punished with servitude under a foreign Yoke the Saxon Sellers, so the Irish Buyers were justly fallen at this time into the like severity of God's avenging wrath. But whether also that horrible violation of the Sanctuary of God for fifteen Generations: and the most hideous corruption of Manners flowing thence, and overflowing well nigh the whole Kingdom: whereof we have seen before so much out of St. Bernard, might not be another special and peradventure more exasperating cause? Or whether the exemplary punishment fallen so suddenly under Malachias upon the whole Race of those nesarious men, that for so long were the chief Authors of that sacrilege and corruption, did, or did not satisfy the Justice of God as to that matter? And whether the Reformation wrought by Malachias in his own days, continued any while after his death? Nay whether so great a number of incontinent Priests, within so little a time of his death, and under the superintendency of so blessed a man as St. Laurence was, might not argue a third or fourth special motive? Or whether at least, it might not evince a very just ground to suspect even a very great Apostasy among the Clergy themselves in some places, and by consequence a much greater among thepeople in the same places, from that holy Reform of them by Malachias? I must confess, I know not what to answer these Queres; as being for one part of them enveloped in the darkness of God's secret determinations: and for the rest, or matter of Fact, observable by man, passed over without any mention of it in History. Only this I can with much probability aver, That they are much out, who, grounding themselves on that number of Priests convict of Incontinency by St. Laurence, would thence conclude, this of Incontinency to have been a general Vice infecting the Irish Clergy and People of Ireland at this time, and consequently one of the special causes that brought the heaviest of their judgements, The English Conquest, upon them. 1. Gratianus Lucius (p. 319.) tells us, That Albinus O Moliny, Abbot first of Baltinglass, than Bishop of Ferns (under Henry II. when Laurence was Archbishop of Dublin, and those Priests convict) in a Midlent Sermon of his, treating at large of the continency of Clerks, and inveighing bitterly as to that point, against the wicked Example given by those Welsh and English ecclesiastics come to Ireland with Fitz-Steven, Strongbow, etc. declared in very ample manner how extraordinary pure the Chastity of the Irish Clergy had been before they mixed with those Foreiners, and were corrupted by their Example. 2. Cambrensis himself, how unfavourable soever he be in other matters to that Nation, is (in his Topography, dist. 3. c. xxvii.) a witness beyond exception, as of other great Virtues, so in particular of the Chastity of their ecclesiastics. Est autem terrae istius Clerus satis Religione commendabilis: & inter varias quibus pollet virtutes, castitatis praerogativa praeeminet atque praecellit. The Clergy of that Land, says he, as to Religion are commendable enough: and among their many Virtues, Chastity has in an excellent degree the prerogative of all. And then he goes on telling their assiduity in reading and praying, and singing Psalms, and keeping within the precincts of their Churches and Abbeys, and never tasting any thing all day until they had ended Completorium, or Complin, as they call it, the very last of the canonical Hours, in the dusk of the Evening. 'Tis true, he censures their indulging themselves at night more freely both in meat and drink. But it is withal no less true, That therefore he wonders at their Chastity: holding it for a Miracle that Wine and Venus should not meet. And yet after all, I know not what to think of his charging them so grievously in these two particulars. 1. That (inter tot millia vix unum invenies, etc.) among so many Thousands, scarce one might be found that notwithstanding their continual instance in praying and fasting all day, did not at night enormously exceed in Wine and other drinks. 2d. That albeit their Bishops, as having been generally assumed out of Monasteries, performed most diligently all the duties of Religious Monks: for according to the ancient custom they even after their assumption to the Episcopal Order, continued still their abode within the precincts of their Abbeys, wholly given to Prayer and contemplation: yet withal they no less wholly neglected preaching to their people, or inveighing against their wickedness, or using the severity of Episcopal discipline to extirpate their Vices, and plant those Virtues in their stead which became Christian Professors. And indeed, if Cambrensis, as he is often in other matters of Ireland, be not extremely out, or extremely biased, in these particulars, especially the second of them: we may peradventure justly conceive, that here is an other special cause of that very heaviest of God's judgements impending at this time over the Irish Nation. But whatever may be thought to have either been or not been any of the special causes: and although, as I ought so I do acknowledge, that not even my own supposition all along hitherto, viz. of their mortal Feuds and bloodshed among themselves to have been their greatest, most special and most peculiar provocation of Heaven, must be obtruded on the Reader as a certainty; but only represented to him as the most probable and pious conjecture that may be grounded as well on the Prophetical predictions of the Irish Saints, as upon the nature and merit of things in themselves, taken as they are recorded so fully and particularly in Doctor Ketings History: yet I may confidently affirm, they were in general very great and very grievous and enormous sins, without question, either of the Clergy, or People, or their Bishops, or of their Kings, Princes, Nobles and other men of War, or of all together, that brought so heavy, so everlasting a judgement on that Nation as to their Being in this World. For although particular persons have been sometimes grievously afflicted only for the trial of their Virtue; as Job and Tobias: sometimes only for the manifestation of the Power and Works of God, without any demerit of theirs, or their Parents either; as the Blind Man in the Gospel: never has a whole Nation or Kingdom been destroyed but for the enormity of their sins. Whereof whoever pleases may see proofs at large in Fitz-herberts' Policy and Religion, Part 1. chap. 21. 22. 23, etc. yea Jesus, the son of Syrach, for he may be more easily consulted in every Bible at hand, may give to a sober man assurance enough, where he says, First (cap. 10. 8.) that the Kingdom is translated from Nation to Nation, because of unjust deal, injuries, calumnies, and various deceits. Secondly, (c. 40. 10.) that death and bloodshed, strife, and the sword, oppression, famine, contrition and scourges, were all of them created for the wicked, and for them the deluge was made. Nay, if we consult the Books of Kings, read the Prophets, run over the Books of Josuah, Judges, Deuteronomy, Chronicles, and the rest of the old Testament, examine all the Histories of Christendom: we shall not find any whole Kingdom or Nation destroyed but for grievous and horrible sins either of the Rulers, or People, or Priests, or all together. Yea, we shall commonly find the very quality and species of those transgressions mentioned that brought the vengeance on them. However, and notwithstanding that further yet we know, that bloodshed is one of those four sins that cry to Heaven Gen. X. 11. for vengeance: the Voice of thy brother's blood cries to me from the earth, said God himself to Cain: and that the very second of the Gen. IX. 6. Laws he gave to No was, that whosoever did shed the blood of man, his also should be shed: after all, I dare not affirm positively that either those very Feuds of the Irish, how unparallelled soever in blood, or those other transgressions in specie, be they what you please, were the sins that moved God to pronounce this final doom against them; but only in general, That their great sins compelled him to it. And how should I indeed? For, who was the Counsellor Esay XL. 13. Rom. XI. 39 of God? or who knows any thing of the secrets of his Providence, except only those to whom himself was pleased to reveal them. Nevertheless I dare acquaint the Reader, that although I give but little credit generally, and sometimes none at all, to the Relations of Cambrensis, where he seems rather to vent his passion and write a satire against that People, than regard either Modesty or Truth; yet I will not call in question what he relates (l. 2. the Expug. Hib. c. 33.) of the Prophetical predictions, made so many Ages before, by the four Prophetical Saints of that Nation, Moling, Brachan, Patrick and Columb-Cille, and written by themselves (says he) in their own Irish Books extant yet in Ireland, concerning the final Fate of their Countrymen the old Milesian Race. viz. That the people of Great Britain shall not only invade them, but for many Ages continue a sharp, cruel, and yet doubtful War upon them at home in Ireland: sometimes the one, and sometimes the other side prevailing. That although those Invaders shall be often disturbed, worsted, weakened, especially (and according to the prophecy of Brachan) by a certain King that shall come from the desert Mountains of Patrick, and on a Sunday-night seize a Castle in the Woody parts of Ibh Faohlain, and besides force them almost all away out of Ireland: yet they shall continually maintain the Eastern Sea-Coast in their possession. That, in fine, it will be no sooner than a little before the day of judgement, and then it will be, when they shall be throughly and universally victorious over all Ireland; erect Castles every where among the Irish; and reduce the whole Island from Sea to Sea under the English Yoke. And verily those Prophetical predictions, five hundred years since delivered us by Cambrensis as he received 'em from the Irish themselves, are the more observable, That by consulting the History of after-Ages from Henry II. of England to the last of Queen Elizabeth, and first of King James, we may see them to a tittle accomplished. Unless peradventure some will unreasonably boggle at the circumstance of time expressed in these words (Paulò ante diem Judicii) a little before the day of Judgement. Which yet no man has reason to do. Because we know not how near this great day, which shall end the World, may be to us at this very present. As for that King foretold as coming from the des●rt Mountains of Patric: there may be occasion and place enough to speak of him again, that is, hereafter, in the Second Part of this Treatise. But whether from this Irish Prophecy, either had, as for the substance, not the exact words of it from Cambrensis, for he pretends not to give to us the exact words: or had perhaps, at least for some part of it, from the Irish themselves resorting to Rome in those days: the famous Italian Prophet of Calabria, Joachimus Abbot of Flore, did foretell in his time the utter destruction, and eternal desolation that Joachimus Ab. post Tract. super cap. X. Isaiae. Part 1. de Oneribus sexti Temporis. was to come upon the Irish Nation, I cannot say. This I know 1. That in all his predictions, all along in his several Commentaries on Jeremy, Esay, the Apocalypse, etc. he pretends to divine Revelation. 2. That he lived several years after the Writings of Cambrensis on Ireland had been public. For Cambrensis dedicated one part of them to Henry II. himself, who died in the Year of Christ 1189. and the rest to his Son Richard when yet but Earl of Poicton. And Joachim was in Sicily with Richard now King of England, and Philip Polydore Virgil. in Ricardo primo. King of France, both wintring there with their Fleets, An. 1190. in their way to the Invasion of the holy Land. Nay, I have myself read his submission of his Works to the See Apostolic, dated by himself ten years after; which was the Year 1200. of our Saviour's Incarnation. 3. That being asked, what the success of this great expedition to the holy Land against Saladine should be? his Answer was, it should prove unsuccessful, and that the time of recovering Jerusalem was not yet come. 4. That this prediction of his was punctually true: as appeared ere long. 5. That his Prophecy of the old Irish Nation is in these words you read in the Margin. * Ex rigoribus horribilis hyemis, & glacialis flatibus Aquilonis, parit Hibernia Incolas furibundos. Sed si sequentium temporum terrores praenoscerent, & internos impetus cogitarene: à fancy spiritus Domini ferreum pectus averterent, & se à sempiternis opprobriis liberarent. Sed ex quo invicem vertitur furor aspideus, & involvit tam Clerum quam populum par insultus: non video quod superna Clementia ulterius differat, quin in ●os exactissimum judicium acuat, & in stuporem perpetuae desolationis impellat.— Omnes istos populos Cathedra Dubliniensis astringit. Sed Darensium enormis iniquit as totum defaedat ordinem charitatis. Et ideo à planta inquit pedis usque ad verticem capitis non est in eyes sanitas (Isaiae 1.) temporalibus molestiis repercussis. Joachimus Ab. supra. which I English thus, as well I can, or can guests at their sense. Of the colds of horrible Winter, and winds of the icy North, Ireland brings forth outrageous Inhabitants. But if they had foreknown the terrors of following times, and thought of their intest in rage; they would turn away their iron breast from the face of God's anger, and free themselves from everlasting reproaches. But since their fury of Asps is turned against one another, and the same violence involves as well the Clergy as the People: I do not see that the Clemency of Heaven may (or will) delay to sharpen the most rigorous judgement against them, and force them on to the astonishment of perpetual desolation. And this is all that Abbot Joachim prophesied of that People. Which indeed I had the curiosity to see in his own Works and words: because I heard it by chance some twenty years ago much spoken of by a Gentleman that read it. Nor has this Prophet a word more of Ireland, but only those other few that in the same place immediately follow; which yet, I must confess, I do not understand; though perhaps I might afar off guests at their meaning, did not the Latin word defaedat, or English of it, make no reasonable construction at all where it is placed. All these People (says he, speaking of Episcopal Dioceses) the See of Dublin joins fast together. But the iniquity of the Kildarians (defaedat) makes clean the whole order of Charity. And therefore (says Esay) from the sole of the foot to the top of the head, there is no health in them, being struck anew with their temporal evils. 6. That albeit his Book asserting a Quaternity (against Petrus Lombardus the Master of the Sentences and Bishop of Paris, who taught the undivided Unity of one Thing or Essence in the Trinity of Persons) was condemned in the Council of Lateran under Innocent III. yet so was neither himself (as who had submitted all his Doctrine to the Apostolic See) nor any part of his prophetical Books, wherein this Prophecy of Ireland is. 7. And lastly, That notwithstanding he be not so particular in many circumstances; as for Example in those either of the Nation of the Invaders, or of the Defence made by the Invaded, or of that King foreseen coming from the Desert Mountains of Patrick, or of the time when the English should be throughly victorious, [Paulo ante diem Judicii] A little before the day of Judgement: yet, as to the main he is no less positive than the Irish prophetical Saints themselves were, by foretelling the eternal desolation of that People: and that with as much assurance as any could who by special Revelation had been made privy to the immutable Decree of the Watcher and Holy one of Heaven pronounced against them. Which Decree of Heaven (for such it was undoubtedly) on what occasion, by what means, degrees, methods, and for how many Ages it was a putting in execution before the final accomplishment or final effect of it had been achieved, will be the subject of the Second Part of this little Treatise; but after I have given here one Section more that relates wholly to that ancient People alone, as they were yet a free Nation. SECT. VI Gathelus. Milesius. Briotan of the posterity of Nemedus. New History of Galfridus considered. Ithius employed, etc. Irish Language common, etc. Milesians in their Antiquity yield somewhat to the Israelites. Scotia, lately so called. Errors in page 18. and 19 Battle 'twixt Coilus and Fergus a mere story. Again Geoffrey of Monmouth. The late Histories of Scotland examined. A true account of Reuds, and the Dalreudini. Descent of Charles II. of Great Britain from 81. Irish Monarches. Joannes Scotus Erigena. The Southern Towers, and Wall, etc. First Invasion of the Danes on Ireland, as recorded by the French. Hanmers History of Ireland in very many points reproved. Battle of Degsestan. Both Cambrensis and Cambden out. Again Cambrensis refuted. Aonach Tailtionn. Unparalleled Hospitality of the Ancient Irish. Beginning and Appropriation of Meath by Tuathal Teachtmhor, and his four Palaces. Idolatrous Fires at Tleaghtghae and Visneach. Error in the 229 page. Costly Progress of the Kings of Cashel. Antiquity and Kings of Dublin. Of Clanna Ruaruidh. Golden Mines and abundance of Treasure in Ireland. The Irish Cloister at Reinsburg in Germany. Marianus Scotus. Saxon Abbey at Maio in Connaght. Last Parliament held by the Milesian Race. Prophecy of Malachias. History of the Staff of Jesus. Monastery of Beannchuir. Gallus and Columbanus. Whether an Interregnum? Of Ainmhire and Do●●hnall two Irish Monarches, and Gildas Badonicus? Reynerus the Lvi. King of Denmark dying prisoner in Ireland. Kings of the Heruli, and Princes of Biscay descended of the Irish. FOR although, according to my first design, and order of these Discourses, and sequel of things in them all along hitherto, I might now conveniently enough enter upon that Second Part: yet, upon after-thoughts, I judged it not amiss to interpose here this one Section more, though it be no other than a Miscellany, partly of Reflections on some things touched before, and partly of Additions to them. 42. Wherefore to begin; and because I have in my very first entry on these Historical Discourses of Ireland, (pag. 5.) alleged Cambden, acknowledging that the Irish fetch the beginning of their Histories from the most profound and remote Records of Antiquity; so that in comparison of them, the Ancientness of all other Nations is but Novelty, and as it were a matter of yesterday: and also because in mentioning (page 11) Clanna Gaodhel, or posterity of Gathelus, I have said that from him all the Clanna Mileadh, or children and posterity of Milesius descended long before either Milesius himself or his predecessors came into Spain: and further, because it may be of some use elsewhere in this very Section: take here in short out of D. Keting, an account as well of some memorable passages of those most profound remote Records of Antiquity concerning both Gathelus himself and his Father Niull, and the travels of their posterity for some Ages before any of them arrived in Spain: as of the descent of Milesius through twenty Generations from Gathelus, and 25 in all from Noe. Viz. That Niull, a younger son to Feanusa Farsa King of Scythia, and a most learned man, especially in all or most of the Languages that not very many Ages before confounded the Builders on the Plain of Sennaar, having travailed into Egypt, had for his admired Excellencies not only a large Country there, by name Capacyront bestowed on him for ever by the Pharaoh that governed Egypt then (viz. Pharaoh surnamed Cingeris, from whose name all the following Kings of Egypt were called Pharaoh's, as the Emperors of Rome from Julius Cesar were called Caesar's) but also one of this Pharaohs own Daughters to Wife, by name or rather surname Scota, because married to Niull a Scythian. That of this young Princess he begot a Son whom he named Gaodhel (the Latins call him Gathelus) and orhers surnamed Glas. That by that time Gaodhel Glass had come to be a man, the children▪ of Israel who had lived some Ages before in Egypt were grievously oppressed by the Egyptians, and therefore Moses the great Captain of the Isaelites led them to the Banks of the red Sea to shun the power of Pharaoh surnamed Intius that pursued them. That their Camp in this place being near Capacyront, the Scythian Prince Niull thought himself concerned to accost Moses, and learn of him the whole story of their Nation and cause of their Flight, and whither they tended, and what they expected, etc. That having received of Moses very ample satisfaction to all his demands, he offered this great Captain of God's Army whatever was in his power to serve him, but particularly great store of Provisions, Corn, , &c: and Moses took this offer so well, that although he made no use of it, yet he invited Niull to go along with him to the Wilderness, promising him a plentiful share in the favours of God to his people, when they came to their journey's end. That upon Niulls demur to this invitation, and going home to his own House, he found his Son Gathelus mortally stung in the Neck by a Serpent: and this made him return presently back with him to Moses; who laying his Wonder working Rod upon the wounded place cured him instantly, without any sign remaining but only a little greeness on the skin where the Serpent stung, etc. That as some of the Irish Chronicles tell, Geodhell had his surname of Glass from this green scar on his Neck, which perpetually remained of the same colour; Glass in Irish, according to one meaning of the word, importing green; though, as others hold, he had it from the Chain of Honour bestowed upon him, and clasped and locked upon his Arm by Moses at the same time; for by an other signification of that word Glass, it imports the very same with Flease, i. e. Chain, from which in that Language they call a Noble Chain-bearer Fleascgach Voas●l: or yet as some do say, he had it from his Har●oss and Armour that were all of greenish colour. That however or whatever the cause of this surname was, there is no debate, nor doubt nor question among the Irish Historians about the extraordinary blessing of Moses given at the same time by him to Gathelus, viz. That where ever any of his posterity should settle, the Country should be free from all venomous creatures. Which says Keting is the reason that not only Ireland, but Crect also where some of his posterity did settle, is free from such creatures, and that the Relations in St. Patric's Life, of his banishing away out of Ireland all Serpents and other poisonous Animals, must be understood not of those that were really but metaphorically such. He means evil Spirits, or Devils that till St. Patric's time had in a special extraordinary manner poisoned and possefs; d that whole Country with Magic, Sorcery, Witchcraft, and all kind of Diabolical illusions, But be this Opinion or metaphorical interpretation of Keting as he please, what I am to pursue here is matter of Fact and History out of him without any interpretation. And therefore I am to tell you now, that besides this extraordinary blessing to Gaodhel, Moses had so much regard of Niull, that he sent a thousand men with him to seize Pharaohs Fleet, put him in possession thereof, and bid him stay a shipboard till he had seen what God would do suddenly to Pharaoh who pursued them. That after Niul had the very next day seen both Pharaoh and all his Egyptian Host of Horse and Foot covered under those Waves that immediately before afforded the Israelites a dry passage, his fear was over, and therefore he returned home to his former dwelling in the same Country of Egypt: where he remained in peace till he died, and his posterity after him till the fourth Generation, i. e. till the days of Sruth his great Grandchild. For Sruth was the son of Easruth, and Easruth of Gaodhel, and Gaodhel of Niull; which in all make four Generations. That in this fourth Generation the Egyptians picking several quarrels with them, forced them away out of Egypt. Which banishment of them, Walsingham in his Ypodigma Neustriae ad an. 1185. pag. 452. in giving an account of John, Third Son to Henry II. being sent by him to Ireland, describes occasionally as you see in this passage. Joannes si●ius Regis, a Patre militaribus armis accinctus in Hiberniam est transmissus. Hibernia post Brittanniam omnium Insularum est optima. Quae quamvis Britanniae dviitiis cedat; latitudine, salubritate, serenitate praestat. Quae sicut versus Aquilonem brevior est, it a versus meridiem trans illius fines protenditur. Haec autem proprie patria Scotorum est. Nam sicut legitur, Aegyptiis in mori Rub●o submersis, illi qui superfuerunt, expul●runt à se que●dam Nobilem Sciticum, qui degebat apud eos, ne dominium super eos invaderet. Expulsus ille cum familia pervenit ad Hispaniam, ubi & habitavit per annos multos, & progenies ipsius fameliae suae multiplicata est nimis. Ind venerunt Hiberniam post annos mille, duobus additis, à transitu filiorum Israel per mar● Rubrum. Et de Hibernia pars eorum egressa, tertiam in Britannia Brittonibus & Pictis gentem addiderunt. Pars eorum quae remansit in Hibernia Hiberni vocabantur, & adhuc eadem utuntur lingua. That Sruth, the foresaid great Grandchild of Gaodhel, being their Leader, arrived with his banished Company in Crect, where he paid his last tribute to Nature, and some of his Company took up for themselves and Issue their Habitation. That Eibhir Scot, his eldest Son, leading the rest of them out of Crect, arrived ere long in Scythia, though not very welcome to the posterity of Neanuill son to Feanusa Farsa. That in the fifth Generation of Eibher Scot, one of his descendants, Taith mhic Daghnon killed his own kinsman the King of that Country, by name Refloir, the son of Rifill, of the progeny of Neanuill: and thereupon he and the whole Race of Gaodhel Glass, as many as had come thither, or been born there, were forced to fly under the leading of Adhnon and Eibher the two sons of Adhnamhuin mhic Bedhanmhuin, mhic Eibher Scuit, mhic Sruth, m●ic Easruth, mhic Gaoidhel. That being come to the Caspian Sea, they shipped, but soon after landed in an Island there, tarried in it a whole year to refresh themselves, and in the mean time buried Adhnon one of their Leaders: and his Funeral being over and a twelvemonth of their abode in this place expired, they put again to Sea in three ships, each freighted with sixty persons, and a Woman for every third man (or rather perhaps for every three men.) That after some time being weary of their Habitation a ship board, they landed again, and quitting their ships crossed many Countries by Land from this Caspian Sea to the Pontic. That here they shipped the third time, but ere long meeting with an Island by name Caronia, they put in and remained in it fifteen months; where Eibher mhac Taith, and Lamghlas mhac Adhnoin died. That from hence departing under the Conduct of four Chieftains, whereof Caichair the Magician or Druyd was one, they arrived at the North end of the Riphean Mountains: where the same Caichear prophetically told them * Hereby you are to correct what is otherwise said by a mistake page 13. l. 〈◊〉. and 8. as if this prediction had been made by Caicheir to Milesius himself and but some years before; whereas indeed it was made to his Predecessors many Age's before he was born. , that neither that place nor any other was designed for their lasting abode or Habitation till they came to the Western Island which we now call Ireland: and that not themselves, but their posterity after them should come to it. That hence again, but under the Command of Eibher Gluinfhiann they removed to Gothia, where they contitinued a hundred and fifty years, even to the eighth Generation from Eibher, to Bratha, For Bratha, who led them hence first of all to Spain, was the son of Deaghatha, son of Earchadha, son of Elloit, son of Nuadhath, son of Neinuill, son of Eibhric, son of Eibher Gluinfhionn, and consequently was the eighth Generation from this Eibher Gluinfhionn. That all the Travels of the Progeny of Gaodhel were first from Egypt to Crect: from thence to Scythia: from thence to Gothia: from thence to South-Spain, whether the foresaid Bratha led them: and back again, in the person of Galamh (alias Mileadh Espain, or Milesius the Spaniard) great Grandchild of this Bratha, to Scythia (as before we have seen page 12.) and thence also again to Egypt, and so to Thracia, and once more to Gothia, and thence to Spain, till at last the sons of this Galamh or Mileadh ventured for Ireland, where they set up their prophesied Rest and long abode ever since to this present day. Finally, that Galamh, alias ●ileadh, in Latin Milesius (who married the Daughter of Pharaoh Nectonibus king of Egypt, and her name also or at least surname Scota, for the same or like reason to that which gave so long before to their great Ancestor Niull's Wife Daughter to Pharaoh Cingeris the selfsame denomination:) That I say this Galamh, was the nineteenth Generation from Gaodhel Glass, and the four and Twentieth from Noah the Builder of the Ark: as appears by his Pedigree thus: Mileadh son of Bile, son to Breoghuin, son to Bratha, son to Deagatha, son to Earchadha, son to Alloid, son to Nuadhadh, son to Neanuill, son to Eibhric or Eibherglas, son to Eibher Gluinfhionn, son to Laimhfhionn, son to Adhnoin son to Taidh, son to Ogamhuin, son to Beaomhuinn, son to Eibher Scot, son to Sruth, son to Easruth, son to Gaodhel Glass, son to Niull, son to Feianusa Farsa, son to Bathe, son to Magog, son to Japhet, son to Noah, or (as the Irish call him) Naoih. 43. And this, in substance, is the account which Keting has of these matters. Though I confess there may be read in him a great deal more of that Scythian King Feinusa Farsa (Father of Niull and Grandfather of Gaodhel Glass,) particularly of his great Learning: and the most celebrated School kept in those days on the Plain of Sennaar: and of his having studied the Sciences and Languages full twenty years in that place: and of his having then employed another most skilful man by name Gaodhel, (but his surname was Ethoir) to compose, or at least to refine, adorn, and render copious that Language which ever since from his name is called Gaodhelc, or Gaodhlec, I mean the Irish Language. And so likewise it may be found in D. Keting, how it was in remembrance and honour of this Gathelus or Gaothel Ethoir, the Author, or at least Refiner of the Irish Tongue; that Feinusa Farsa's foresaid Brother Niull in Egypt gave his firstborn Child the selfsame denomination or name of Gaodhel (alias Gathelus) though sufficiently distinguished after by the addition of his surname Glas. But enough of these profound remote Antiquities, as Cambden calls 'em. And yet I am confident they may be far more easily believed by some and passed over by others, than opposed, at least disproven by any; yea notwithstanding the names of Capacyront in Egypt, and Caronia in the Pontic Sea, and the Fleet of Pharaoh, in the red Sea, seized by a thousand of the unarmed Israelits, * See Josephus 3. Book of Antiqu. c. 6. Where he tells us expressly, that all the Israelites were disarmed when Pharaoh pursued them; though after that his six hundred Chariots and fifty thousand Horse and two hundred thousand armed Faotmen were drowned in the Red Sea, and the Tide had thrown up their Arms on the other Bank where the Israelites were sa●ely arrived, they armed themselves sufficiently. and put under the Command of Niull. That I may say nothing at all, or scruple or boggle either at the two Scotas, Daughters to those two Kings of Egypt, as already you have seen, or at the two Scythian Kings of the same name Refloir, and both killed by the Progeny of Gaodhel Glass; the first of them by Taith mhac Daghnon; and the second, at least two hundred years after by Milesius himself, as may be remembered out of the 12th page before. But leaving the judgement hereof to the Reader: 44. I proceed to my next Reflection, which must be on page 8 and 9 There you are told, How the children or posterity of Nemedus, (the Irish call'em Clanna Neimheadh) to avoid a dreadful and continual pestilence of many years, departing in a thousand Vessels, great and small, under the Conduct of three Chieftains, Simeon Breac, Ibaath, and Briotan, the other two sailing to Greece, Briotan with his adherents landed in the North of that Country, which we now call Scotland, and with his and their posterity remaining there, gave the denomination of Britain to this whole Island (which is now called Great Britain) as holy Cormac, the King of Monster and Bishop of Cashel, in his Psalter of Cashael, together with all the Chronologers of Ireland affirm. You are also told that surely in this particular these Irish Chronologers have at least much more probability of their side, than any late Authors have, that derive that name (of Britain) from Brutus, or his Romantic History in Galfridus, or in any other. Lastly, you find this Question immediately follows, For if from Brutus, besides other reasons, why not Brutannia rather than Britannia. Though in this whole passage I followed my Author Keting; and particularly for this Question put in the last place, or at least for the reason involved therein, I might also have alleged Polydor. Histor. Ang. l. 1. Polydore Virgil, who makes use of the same reason against the derivation of Britannia from Brutus: yet having since consulted the learned Cambden's most accurate search into these matters; though he has not a word of the Irish History of Briotan, nor seems ever to have heard thereof: I find nevertheless there may be very probable answers given out of him to that question put by me after Polydore and Keting. And therefore I now decline it, though not the History itself of that Scythic Briotan's giving the denomination of Britain to this whole Island, otherwise (and whether before or after his time first of all, it matters not) called Albion. As for Abraham Wheloc's Saxon Annotations on Bedes Ecclesiastical History (l. 〈◊〉. c. 1. pag. 25.) where it is observed that this Island was called Brutaine and Brutannia from the name of Brutus: I am not moved thereby, because the Saxons had that name from the Britons themselves, and the Britons though they writ it Brutaine, with u, yet pronounce it Britain with an i. as I am told, by men skilful in their Tongue, they commonly do in other words written with u. pronounce i. However I am content to acknowledge here, that in putting the foresaid question, I supposed more than I ought, and that I passed over in silence for a worse, the far better and more probable reasons, nay the convincing reasons indeed. What these are, you may see at large in Buchanan, and before him, sufficiently enough, for some part of them, in Polydore: who, both the one and the other, demonstrate the whole story of Brutus to be a mere Fiction; though Henry of Huntingdon, and the Author of Polychronicon (otherwise reputed good Historians) thought fit to recommend to all posterity the Fable, out of G●ffrey of Monmouth, as an undoubted Truth. However we are told (I am sure by Geffrey, for I have him by me) That rutus was son to Silvius, the son of Ascanius, whom undoubted Monuments of Antiquity assure us to have been son to Aeneas, and Founder of Alba on Tiber, and Third King of the Latius. That this very Brutus at the Age of sixteen having by chance in hunting the Deer, killed his said Father King Ascanius, and being therefore banished Italy went to Greece. That here assembling together seven thousand Trojans descended from those who had been brought prisoners thither when Troy was burned, and heading them, he made War on Pandrasus, the King of Greece, defeated his Armies, forced his Towns and took himself Prisoner, and kept him so till by mutual agreement Ignoge the Princess, Daughter to this King, was given him to Wife, and for a Portion with her besides a great mass of Gold and Silver, a strong Fleet of three hundred and four and twenty sail, well provided of all kind of necessaries. That now putting to Sea with his Trojans and so great a Fleet, to seek his Fortune elsewhere, and coming to a desert Island by name Largecia, the Oracle of Diana there admonished him to steer his course for Albion. That in his way thither besides destroying a Fleet of Pirates that set on him at Sea, and spoiling all Mauritania in Afric from end to end, landing in France, he first overthrew in Battle Groffarius the Pictish King of Aquitain, plundered his Towns, overrun his whole Country: and the● again in a second mighty Battle defeated both the same Groffarius and all the other eleven Kings of France with their Forces. That having performed these Wonders there, he set sail for Albion, which was inhabited then by Giants. [These were a prodigious Race of See Buchanan l. 2. page 43. (Impres. Amsterd, anno 1643.) where he gives an account of this, no less ill-contrived than Monstrous Fable, added by some later Author than Geoffrey of Monmouth, as if Geoffrey himself had not store enough of indeed very stupendious Lies. Monsters, some of them twelve Cubits high, and all of them, or at least their Predecessors before 'em, begot by Incubi, i. e. Fairy Devils, on the thirty Daughters of Dioclesian King of Syria and his Wife Labana, who the first night of their marriage killed their thirty Husbands: and for that cause being forced to Sea by their said Father, in a ship without Mariners or Pilot, after long wand'ring and hover, arrived at last in Albion, a mere Desert then. Where it seems notwithstanding they were provided for by those wicked Airy Daemons that lay with them and procreated of them this horrible Race of Giants.] That upon his landing here, at a place called Totnes, where all the Giants were in a body to hinder his descent, he fought them, overthrew them, pursued 'em all over the Island, destroyed them utterly every where. That having done so, he divided the whole Country among his Followers; gave them the name of Britons, and to it that of Britain, from his own name both: then begot Children, especially three, by name Locrine, Albanactus, and Camber: then built the famous City of new Troy (since called London by corruption of the word Luds Town, because one of his posterity, King Lud not only repaired it but strengthened it with a Wall and Towers and Bulwarks:) and then, last of all, before his death, making three Royal Divisions of Britain, and erecting each into a Kingdom, bestowed the first of them, together with the supreme sovereignty of the other two in some cases, on his eldest son Locrine, called then from his name Loegria (by us now England:) the second on his second son Albanactus, from whose name 'twas called Albania, though Scotland after: and on his third son Camber the third of those Divisions, termed likewise from his name Cambria, comprehending at that time not only the Country now called Wales, but whatever is on that side of the Severn. That by these brave Princes and their issue after 'em the Noble Cities of York, Edenburg, Carlisle, Canterbury, Winchester, Shaftsbury, Bath, Leicester, the Tower of London, Westchester, and Caer-Leon upon Vsk, were from the foundations built and finished, and the British Nation and Kingdom most gloriously maintained at home and enlarged abroad even in the very Continent, well-nigh all over Europe. That not only Ebrancus (the V King of Great Britain after Brutus, and Builder of York) with a numerous Fleet invaded France, ransacked it all over, and returned home triumphantly with the richest spoils thereof: nor only his twenty sons (which he had by twenty several Wives) conquered all Germany under the command of one of themselves called Assaracus, and possessed it a long time after: but Belinus and Brennus, sons to Dunvallo Mulmutius (the Nineteenth King, as Belinus himself was the XX.) made an absolute Conquest, first of all the Kingdom of Gaul, now called France, and soon after of all Italy; not Rome itself excepted, which they took and burnt to ashes. That Cassibellanus (the Lxu. of the British Monarches,) when Julius Caesar invaded them, at two several times, fought him, defeated him both times, and the second time made him fly to France in such despair that he never more returned. That in like manner Claudius the Roman Emperor, though come in person with a mighty power of Legions and Auxiliaries into Britain, found it his safest way to run away in two great Battles, from the victorious Army of Guiderius and Arviragus (the Lxvii. and Lxviii. British Monarches one after another): in so much that Claudius was content at last ' e'en fairly to capitulate for Peace with Arviragus, by sending to Rome for his own Daughter Gennissa, and giving her in marriage to him, nay and leaving him too the Government wholly of all these Provincial Islands; for so Geoffrey calls them in this place. That Severus, how great soever both a Soldier and Emperor he was, found it a desperate business to fight in Great Britain against the Britons, when he saw himself receiving his death's wound from Fulgenius in that Battle, whence he was carried dead and buried in York. That under Vortigern their Lxxxvi. Monarch, Hengistus the Saxon, invited in by him, landed the second time in Great Britain, with an Army of three hundred thousand Heathen Foreigners: and yet Aurelius Ambrose (the next British King after Vortigern) fought him in the head of all his formidable Forces, and in a plain Field overthrew both him and them all, nay pursued them in their Flight till he reduced them to nothing, and the whole Island of Britain to its native liberty from any Foreign Yoke. Nor had his Victories a period here, but overrun Ireland also; where he took Prisoner, in a great Battle, the Monarch of that Country, Gillomar; and then brought away Choream Gigantum, the Giant's Monument of stones, from the Plains of Kildare in that Kingdom, which he set up on Salisbury Plains in England. That Arthur, who was likewise, save one, the next King of Great Britain (for he was son to Uter Pendragon that Reigned immediately before him) subdued all England, Scotland, Ireland▪ the Isles of Orkney, Denmark, Norway, Gothland, along to Livonia, France, and as many Kingdoms in all as made up XXX. Yea moreover, i. e. after so many great and mighty. Conquests, and besides the kill too of Monsters and Giants, fought even Flollo and Lucius the two Lieutenant Generals of the Roman Emperor Leo, killed them both in France, and the later of them (I mean Lucius) in the head of a dreadful Army consisting of four hundred thousand men; all which he overthrew and ruined. That although by occasion of some unhappy quarrels among the Britons themselves under Catericus their Lxxxxvi. King, a bad man, the Saxons to be revenged on them▪ wrought King Gurmundus the late African Conqueror of Ireland, to come from thence into Great Britain with an Army of a hundred sixty six thousand Heathen Africans, and burn, spoil and destroy the better parts thereof, and after put and leave the Saxons in possession of all he could; which was that whole Country then called Loegria, now England, as distinguished both from Scotland and Wales: meaning by Wales the ancient Kingdom of Cambria which comprehended all beyond the Savern: and that notwithstanding the Saxons had by such means got possession of all Loegria, and held it for several years, they were beat out again so soon as the Britons agreed amongst themselves, meeting at Westchester and choosing there Caduallo for their King; who bravely recovered the whole Island every way round even to the four Seas, and kept both Picts and Scots, and such of the Saxons as were left alive or permitted to stay in perfect obedience to the British Crown during his own Reign, which lasted forty years in all: and that so did Cadwallador after him during his. In short, that as the progeny of Fruit continued free, independent, successful, glorious in the first period of their Monarchy under sixty six Kings of their own, during at least a thousand years and forty, from the landing of Brute till the Invasion of Julius Caesar: and as for the next period, which took up five hundred and nine years more, till the landing of Hengistus the Saxon, albeit the Roman power and glory did sometimes lessen, sometime eclipse theirs: yet they preserved still their freedom, and Laws, and Government under twenty other Kings of their British Nation, successively reigning over them, and paying only a slight acknowledgement of some little tribute to the Roman Emperors; nay and this same but now and then, very seldom: so in the third or last period of it; containing somewhat above two hundred and fifty years, from the said landing of Hengistus to the twelfth year of Cadwallador, they upon the Romans quitting them, not only restored themselves, under Aurelius and Arthur, by their own sole valour, to the ancient glory of their Dominion; but, maugre all the opposition of the Confederated Saxons, Picts and Scots, now and then rebelling against them, enjoyed it under the succession of seven British Kings more, from Arthur to Cadwallador; yea Malgo▪ the fourth of this very last number, when the six foreign Provincial Countries (as Geoffrey calls them) viz. Ireland, Island, the Orcadeses, Norway, Denmark, and Gothia, had rebelled anew, was so fortunately brave, as by dint of Sword to have reduced them all again to their old subjection under Great Britain's Empire. Add moreover, that Cadwallador himself, albeit the last of this Trojan Race wielding the S●●pter of Great Brutus, enjoyed the same Glorious Power that his Predecessors had before him over the whole extent of this Noble Island. That the total change and utter downfall of the British Government, happening after in his days, proceeded only from an absolute Decree of Heaven and mighty Anger of God incensed against the Britons for their sins; but neither in the whole nor in part, from any Power of the Saxons or other Enemies or men upon Earth. That the immediate visible means, which God made use of to destroy them irrecoverably were 1. A most bloody fatal Division (after some years of this Cadwallador's reign) happening among them, yea continuing so long and to such a degree, that between both sides all the fruitful Fields were laid waste; no man caring to till the ground. 2. The consequence of this waste, a cruel Famine over all the Land. 3. A Plague so prodigiously raging, that the number of the Living was not sufficient to bury the Dead. That the Almighty's hand lying so heavy on them by so dreadful a Pestilence, was it alone that forced Cadwallador in the twelfth year of his Reign to retire for some time into Little Britanny in France. That after ten years more when this Epidemical Plague had been wholly over, and Cadwallador prepared to ship his Army and return, a voice of Thunder by Angelical Ministry spoke to him from Heaven, commanding him aloud to desist from his Enterprise, and telling him in plain terms, it was decreed above unalterably, The Race of Brutus should bear no more sway in Great Britain till the time were come which Merlin had prophesied of to King Arthur. And, to conclude all, That in pure obedience to this Voice of God, it was that Cadwallador, giving over his designed return, and instead thereof going to Rome, and soon after dying there (upon the 12th of the Calends of May, in the Year of our Lord 689) left his Country a prey to the Saxons, who till then could never subdue it, nor prevail against the Britons; but were themselves always overthrown, and forced all along e'en by so many British Kings in succession from Aurelius and Arthur to Caduallo, either to fly the Land, or submit to their mercy. All which in substance, and much more at large we are told by Geoffrey * Galfridus Monumetensis in his Latin History de Origine & Gestis Britannorum, printed at Paris by Ascensius Badius, Anno 1517. But the fourth Book of this Romantic story i● wholly taken up with the deceitful Prophecies of Merlin, though Prophecles much augmented (says Neubrigensis) by additions of Geoffrey's own inventive Brain, which he foisted in as Merlin's. Nor has been ashamed to endeavour to make us believe that Merlin was a great and wonderful and true Prophet indeed; yea notwithstanding that Merlin's own Mother confessed him to be the Son of an Incubus Devil. See Galfridus himself, l. 3. c. 3. of Monmouth in his seven Books of History, and out of him by others. Only (besides my summing up the number of Kings, and fixing the period of times, and contracting the whole story, and digesting it into this order and Method) give me leave to except the particular of Dioclesian the Syrian King's thirty Daughters, and the Incubi Devils, with their Gigantic procreation. For this I had from Buchanan's relation of it (l. 2. Rer. Scot) as added by some others to supply a defect of so much in the new History of Galfridus. 45. But as William of Newberry (commonly called in Latin, Neubrigensis) this Geoffrey's own Contemporary in England, has (in Proemio Histor.) five hundred years since reflected with much freedom and tartness on the Vanity, incredibility, and falsity of his History in general, and more particularly on that part of it which represents King Arthur such a wonderful Hero: so has in later times Polydore Virgil first, and after him George Buchanan ruin'd the very foundation of the whole Fabric; I mean, the very Being or Existence of Brute himself at any time on Earth. And certainly, in my opinion, the reasons of Polydore seem convincing enough to any unbyass'd man. For, says he l. 2. Histor. Anglic.) neither Titus Livius, nor Dionysius Halicarnasseus, nor any of those other Authors that most diligently write of Roman Antiquities have one syllable of this Brutus. Nor could any thing concerning so much as either his Name or Existence be fetched from the ancient Annals of Great Britain: seeing that five hundred years, or thereabouts, before this new History of Galfridus had been contrived, Gildas (I mean the true, and not the supposititious one) complained, that if ever the ancient Britons his Countrymen, had any such or other Annals at all, they were undoubtedly either perished in the War at home, or carried away so far abroad as no news could be had of them. Besides, the particular of the taking of Rome by Belinus and Brennus quite over-throws all both Fabric and foundation of this New History, if we compute the times set down in it, and compare them with those in the Greek and Roman Chronicles. For in this New History not only Brute is said to have conquered Albion about the tenth year after his Father Silvius had been killed, which was the year of the World 4100; but the two Brothers Belinus and Brennus (sons to Molmutius the XX. King, and they the XXI. Generation from Brute) are said to have taken Rome about four hundred years after the same Brute had conquered this Island. And yet according to the Epitome or account of times both in Eusebius and all other as well Greek as Latin Histories, Rome was taken by Brennus and his Gauls even after full seven hundred years and ten had been over from the foresaid year wherein Brute is said by the new History to have entered Albion. So that by this new History Brennus must have taken Rome three hundred and ten years before it was really taken at all. Then which, I think, nothing can be desired more convincing to ruin both the Fabric and foundation of this Romance of Brute. And so in effect has Polydors' thought before me. But if you would have more, yea many more unanswerable arguments on this Subject: you may consult George Buchanan where he has them at large, L. 2. Histor. Scot For, as it ought to be no part of my purpose here to compare or confront so many, or indeed any of those vain particulars in the new History of Brute, either with the Commentaries of Caesar, or Annals and History of Tacitus, or his Life of Agricola, or Venerable Bedes Ecclesiastical History of the English, or the Saxon Chronology published by Wheloc, or the most ancient Monuments of the Irish, or any other sacred or profane of so many other Kingdoms of Europe, or with Reason itself: so it is neither any part of it, to dilate or give those manifold arguments of Buchanan, though they be directly home against the very foundation of the same new History, or the Being or Existence at any time of Brute. It sufficeth me in this place to have given the reasons of Polydore against it. My purpose here being no other, than (in relation to the above passage in my eighth and ninth page) to conclude out of all, That the Irish Cronologers and Historians have at least much more probability on their side in asserting unanimously that their true Briotan who descended of Nemedus, and planted a Colony in the North part of this great Island so early, was he that gave the whole Island the denomination of Britain from his own name, than they on the other side have, who, if the arguments hitherto be conclusive, tell us in effect, that a false and forged Brutus, one that never was in Being should have given it. And indeed, the Authority of the Irish Monuments in the Psalter of Cashel, an authentic Book of Irish Histories, written above eight hundred years since by so great and knowing and holy a man as Cormack; who was at the same time both King and Bishop of Monster: and the further derivation of the more remote Antiquities inserted in it from that other Book much more ancient yet, which above one thousand two hundred years since, in the composing or collecting of it out of all the former Chronicles of that Nation, from the very first Plantations of it, had been, in the Parliament or National Assembly of all the Estates at Tarach under Laogirius the Monarch, supervised and agreed upon by the choicest Committee they could appoint of three Antiquaries, three Kings and three Bishops, whereof S. Patrick himself was one; over-ballances by much the credit of Geoffrey of Menmouth in his new History of Brutus, written by him no earlier than Henry II. Reign, and opposed, nay quite run down by his own Contemporaries so soon as it came out. Which notwithstanding, and whatever else I have given any where in this Reflection, on my own foresaid eighth and ninth page, I desire may be understood by the Reader, as I intended it, i. e. without any prejudice or diminution of the great and known both Antiquity and bravery of the British Nation, whencesoever they have truly derived the name of Britons for themselves, or that of Britain for their Country. Of the former, I mean their Antiquity, Julius Caesar is a witness beyond exception, where he speaks in his Commentaries (L. v.) of the inland people of Britain, as if they had been Aborigenes, without any derivation from elsewhere abroad; quos natos in Insula, memoria proditum dicunt, says he. Of the later, both Tacitus and Beda, Writers no less unexceptionable, have recorded to Posterity very considerable Instances. The one, in his Annals and History, and Agricola's Life, telling their fierce Fights, and sometimes their successes too against the Roman Generals, in their own Country Great Britain. The other, in his Ecclesiastical History of England, acknowledging several great Victories had by them both in the same Island their own Country over his Countrymen the Saxons that invaded them; nay, particularly telling us (in the 16th chap. of his First Book) of two very special Victories, the first under the leading of Aurelius Ambrose, the second in Black more about that place, where Scarborough Castle is now, called by Polidore in his History Mons Badonicus: adding withal, that after the first overthrow given by them, although sometimes worsted, yet they continued the War with great resolution, worsting also not seldom their Foes, until at last they hemmed them in about the said Hill or Mountain Badonicus, and made a mighty slaughter of them there. Which happened, says Bede in the forty fourth year after the first landing of the Saxons. Above all, the Defence made by the Relics of them in Wales, after their Kingdom had been utterly destroyed upon Cadwallador's withdrawing to France, yea made and continued by them for seven hundred years, and their fight so long for their Liberty, against the Saxons first, and Normans after, till they obtained honourable Conditions at last from Edward I. are sufficient arguments of their Martial Spirit and brave Souls, however Fortune frowned upon them. And as I ought to be so ingenuous in acknowledging what I have now done concerning that Nation in general: so likewise, in reference to Jeffry himself, I will be so just as to acknowledge what he says of the hand of God that lay so heavy upon them at last, even to their utter destruction, by the mortal Feuds and cruel Famine, and most destructive of all the Pestilence that followed. For besides this one particular of those three heavy scourges from God, which I must confess are attested by V Bede himself (l. 1. cap. 12, & 14.) there is little else of truth to be acknowledged in the whole Summary given before, of that Romantic History of Galfridus. Tho Richard White of Basingstoke has in our days written and printed a Latin History of his own, pursuing in most particulars the good Example given by him: and to make it the more known, has prefixed unto it an Epistle Dedicatory to Albertus' Archduke of Austria, etc. 45. In my 13. page I spoke somewhat of the causes moving the eight sons of Milesius, after his death, to think seriously of invading Ireland. But I might have added, How their consultation about this matter was held in Breoghuin's Tower in Gallicia. How it was from thence they employed I'th' (or Ithius) their Uncle on the Father's side (as being son to Breoghuin their great Grandfather) in a ship well provided, and man'd with a hundred and fifty stout Soldiers, to discover the state of Ireland. How I'th' having landed in Monster, and there understood that Cearmadas three sons, who as three Kings ruled Ireland alternatively, were together at Oileach Neidh in the North, but at some difference among themselves about the Jewels of their Ancestors, went thither by Land, accompanied with a hundred of his men; the ship failing about with the rest to meet him there. How being come to Oileach, and honourably received by the sons of Cearmada, and, because he was a stranger and consequently indifferent in their dispute, being chosen Arbitrator of it, he decided their quarrel to all their satisfaction: first by dividing the Jewels equally betwixt them: and then exhorting them to mutual love and peace: adding withal very much in praise of their delightsom plentiful Country. How when he had taken leave of them to return to his ship for Spain, the eldest of the Three reflecting on the high praises he gave the Land, and fearing his design should be to bring others to invade them, breaks his jealousy to the other two, and with their consent and some armed Troops pursues I'th', overtakes him, fights him, routs his men, wounds himself deadly, and leaves him in that condition of a dead man grovelling on the Earth at a place called from that Fight and his Name Magh Ith. How the few survivers of his men headed by his own son carried away his body a shipboard, where he died of his wounds; but they nevertheless arrived in Spain, and coming to their Cousins the eighth Brothers, exposed it before them all, of purpose to excite and hasten their revenge. And in the last place, how that although as well these as those, i. e. all the Milesians in general, and their Cousins and adherents made this kill, or this murder, (which you please to call it) committed on the said Ithius and his men, the pretence of their Invasion and War, and consequently of the justice of their quarrel, and following Conquest of that Country by them: yet the whole History makes it plain, That 'twas not other indeed but a mere pretence: being Ithius went thither as a mere Spy to discover the Country: and that they were resolved to invade it upon their return, whet●er he had or had not met with any injury or pretence of injury there. All which I note of purpose here: because it may be usefully in the second Part of this Treatise, on another occasion, related to again. 46. In the mean while, and in this very place, the Reader will give me leave to observe a thing that may prevent some question or some admiration about the sons of Cearmada choosing Ithius their Arbitrator. For it may be peradventure asked, how they understood one another? or what Language did he or they speak their sentiments in? or was it by Interpreters they Discoursed? etc. But the Irish Historians prevent such demands by telling us, that all the several Invasions of Ireland (only the first plantation of it by Ciocal, which properly was no Invasion, excepted) whether by Partholan, or Neimhedh, or Fea●a-bolg, or Tuath-D●-Danan, were by Scythians, descended from Japhet, who for their Language had the Irish Tongue (Gaodhlec, as 'tis called originally by itself) common to them all, no less than the Milesians themselves and all other Gathelians whatsoever had the same very speech their Mother Tongue though with some difference in the Dialect. So that only those I called once the Aborigenes of Ireland, I mean the progeny of Ciocal and his followers descended from the accursed Cham, and come out of afric, had another peculiar Language of their own. 57 Though I have page 15. said, the Antiquity of the Milesian Irish to be nowhere paralleled, if not peradventure among the Chineses only, etc. I hope no man will understand me so, as to think I would not have still excepted the Children of Israel, had I feared that any would entertain such a thought of my meaning as would need the exception. I am sure none could justly do so, that pleased to consider what I said before, page 5. viz. That the Milesians had not before two hundred eighty three years after Moses' passing the Red Sea landed in Ireland. For until then, whatever they were called, it is plain they could not be called Irish, because this name they derived from that Island where they never lived before this time. And 'tis no less plain that before this time the Children of Israel had, as a free and brave and conquering Nation, inhabited Palestin, at least two hundred and forty years: had also lived forty years in the Wilderness: and before that too, had been a great numerous people in Egypt, where they lived in all, from the descent of Jacob out of Canaan thither, till their departure under Moses, through the Red Sea, two hundred and fifteen years, (as Josephus expressly tells in his Antiq. L. iii. c. vi.) though under great bondage for some part thereof. And therefore to them or their ancientness I could not intent to compare that of the Milesians, nor as now become Irish, no nor as Gathelians neither. For Gathelus himself the original stock of all the Gathelians, and consequently of the Milestans, being these were only a branch of those, was but a youth in Egypt with his Father Niull when Moses crossed the Red Sea, as we have lately seen at large. 48. Yet in the 18th Page, I must confess there is an Error committed, by saying that the six sons of Muredus (alias, in Irish, Muiriach) King of Ulster went to Scotland under the Monarchy of Laogirius (or Laoghaire) King of Ireland. But I have corrected it, page 93. where you read, it was in the Twentieth year of this Monarch's Successor and son Lugha, they invaded Scotland. 49. Whether Niall Naoihghiallach did, or did not order Albania to be called Scotia, as Keting says he did (whereof see the same 18th page:) you are nevertheless to know, that the most eminent Antiquary Primate. Usher hath sufficiently evinced (the Primord. page 784.) That as neither Dalrieda nor Argathelia (alias Argyle) though the proper Seat of the Scots inhabiting Britain until the year 840. so neither the whole Country of Albania, even after that year, had ever been called Scotia by any Writer, until about the year of Christ 1100. when both Nations, I mean the Picts and Scots, were come by degrees to make one people. And that Marianus Scotus, who flourished at that time was one of the very first Authors that called it by this name of Scotia. Where you are further to observe, that according to this most learned Primat's account of the confinement of the foresaid Scots to their ancient Dominions of Dalriada and Argyle, it was the year of Christ 840. before they had enlarged themselves by overthrowing and subduing the whole Kingdom of the Picts. Which is a hundred years later than my account of this matter out of Cambden, in my said 18. Page. 50. Page 19 where I supposed, that the Nine several Countries or Nations forced to deliver every one of them Hostages to Niall the Great (otherwise, and from the nine several sorts of Hostages, surnamed in Irish Naoighiallach, in Latin Novi-obses) were only the five Provinces of Ireland, and the distinct Dominions of the Dal-Rheudans, Picts, and other Inhabitants of that Country we now call Scotland: there I followed Keting. But after having lighted on the Author of Cambrensis Eversus, and found in him That the great Irish Antiquary Joannes Colganus in his Trias Taumaturga, Gratianus Lucius, page 299. * page 447. num 56. had otherwise counted those nine countries' and Nations: I thought fit, as occasion was offered page 221. to count or give them as he did, viz. Monster, Leinster, Connaght, Ulster, the Britons, Picts, Dal-Rheudans, Saxons, and Morini (a People of France towards Calais and Picardy.) For the word Saxons is in the said later page omitted through the Printers fault. And yet I cannot but acknowledge, that if Niall the Great had any Hostages from the Saxons, he must either have taken 'em at Sea, or from the Coasts of Germany, the Higher or Lower, but by no means from Great Britain. Because Niall was killed in France, anno Dom. 405. as the foresaid Author of Cambr. Euers. Gratianus Lucius himself does write in the short Account he gives of this Monarch's Reign: and the Saxons were not come into Great Britain before the year of Christ 440. (as Polydore Virgil, in his Reign of Vortigern says) that is forty four years after the said Niall the Great Naoighiallach had left behind him all his Hostages, and ended all his Greatness in this World. 51. With the Battle, or loss, or name of Coilus, as King of Great Britain, mentioned by me page 19 though I took it from Keting, and quoted Buchanan, as he does, and find by reading Buchanan himself, that Keting has rightly quoted him; yet now I am not myself otherwise affected with it than to reject it utterly. And my reason is, not only buchanan's fixing the time of that Battle, fought, as he says, between Coilus King of the Britons and Fergus I. King of the Scots, eight or nine hundred years before this very Fergus came from Ireland: nor only Buchanan's borrowing this whole story out of Hector Boethius, whom Humphrey Lloyd calls hominem impurissimum, a most impure Author, and Lucius, Scriptorem corruptissimum, a most corrupt Writer, nay one who in the far greater part of his History scarce delivers any truth at all: but the very name of Coilus here, deriving its original from the fertile invention of Geoffrey of Monmouth's new History of Brutus. For it is only in this Romance we find the first mention of any Coilus among the Kings of Great Britain. And there indeed, I must confess, we have not only one, but three Monarches of this Island bearing that name. The first of them being the fortieth King, in order of time; the second, being the seventieth second King; and the last, whom he names Coel. being the seventy ninth, according to Geoffrey's disposition of them and my account out of him. But I must withal acknowledge, that he has not a word nor a syllable either of the first or last of these Three, save only the bare names of Coilus and Coel, huddled in among so many other mostly too bare names of other pretended British Kings. Neither has he any more of the very Second Coilus than that he was the son of King Marius, and the Father of King Lucius the First Christian King of Great Britain: and that having in his youth been bred at Rome, he continued after, even all along his Reign, both devoted to the Roman State, and in Peace with all his Neighbours. And therefore the rest of the story in Buchanan, either of this or any other Coilus, must be a later additional Invention: and, in reference to the real true Records of Antiquity, as ill contrived as might be; though answerably enough to the foundation laid for such a superstructure of the new History of Brute and his Descendants. But since we are occasionally returned again to this famed Work of Galfridus Monumetensis, whereof you have elsewhere so lately had from my own reading it over a pretty just Summary; give me leave here to let you see out of others as just a censure of it. Give me leave to tell you, that Alanus Copus has compared it with Ovid's Metamorphosis and Lucian's Tales. That William Neubrigensis has spent even three whole Leaves (in Prooem. Hist.) to demonstrate by instance of particulars, how it is wholly composed of the most improbable, incredible, and ungrounded Lies that ever were invented. That Cambden also in his Britannia relates to others, who stick not to say, it is all patched up of untunable discords and jarring absurdities; yea, composed of such Milesian Fables, such intolerable mere inventions of the Authors own brain, that the Roman Church at last thought fit to enrol it in the Index of Prohibited Books. Yea that Cambrensis himself, though a Britton by birth and blood, and as desirous of the glory of his Countrymen as any could be, gives it nevertheless the Character of a fabulous History; as you may see in his Description of Wales, cap. 7. Nay that in his Itinerary of Wales, l. 1. c. 5. he tells us that, and the occasion and manner how, the Devils were seen leaping and skipping and dancing on it. However, and though it be manifest, that as well these Censures, as the Summary aforesaid, are sufficient, even each of them apart, to ruin the story of Coilus and Fergus in Buchanan, which derives originally from Galfridus, and ultimately relies on his invention: I shall nevertheless give now another Argument, showing more peculiarly, how little Faith ought to be given him in his Catalogue of British Kings, and consequently none at all to his naming of Coilus among them. In his Seventh Book, Chap. V where he so confidently relates the mighty Battle fought and overthrow given by King Arthur in France to those four hundred thousand Romans, and their Auxiliaries, mentioned before, part Europeans, part Asians, and the rest Africans, under many Kings come to assist the Roman Emperor against Arthur: he has also the brazen brow to invent not only those three names of the Emperor himself and his two Lieutenant Generals, which we have seen before; but many more of the Auxiliary Kings: viz. Epistrephus King of Greece, Mustemphar King of Parthia, Aliafatina King of Spain, Hirtacus King of Africa, Boetus King of the Medes, Sextorius King of Libya, Teucer King of Phrygia, Xerxes' King of the Itureans, Pandrasus King of Egypt, Misipsa King of Babylon, Politetes Duke of Bythinia, Teucer Duke of Phrygia, Evander of Syria, Ethion of Boetia, (sure it should be Beotia) Hippolytus of Crect, etc. whereas indeed there were no such names or men, and most of these Countries named by him in the last place, were but Provinces then under the Roman or Constantinopolitan Empire, and no Kings nor Dukes, but only Precedents ruling them under the Emperor. Wherefore, if he could so boldly invent such a list of Kings abroad in the World, for the sixth Age of Christianity, wherein he could be so easily disproved by a thousand arguments: we have no reason to think that for home and those early Ages of the World, wherein he could not be disproved by any Records, he did otherwise than merely forge his Catalogue of British Kings. And these are the Reasons that moved me to this Reflection upon that story of Coilus and Fergus in Buchanan, as related out of him in my foresaid 19th page. And the same reasons, or at least a sufficient part of them, makes me likewise not insist now upon the name of Notium, which you have seen before (page 13.) given to Breoghuin's Tower in Gallicia. It was (I doubt not) borrowed by Keting from Hector Boethius, who says in express terms, that place was called first Brigantia, but after Notium, and last of all Compostella. I know there is a Promontory in D●smond the South of Monster, which is by Cambden in his Map of Ireland, called Notium; but whether from any of that name in North Spain, or elsewhere I know not. 54. But what is more material to be noted occasiovally in this place, is buchanan's account of Fergus: and the rather because he seems to give it from the Scottish Historians in general. He says, that this very Fergus (pretended by him to have been the over-thrower of Coilus, and by Hector Boethius to have also been the son of Ferchardus King of Ireland) was the Founder of the Scottish Kingdom in Albania, and first of all the Kings of the Scots inhabiting Great Britain. That he came to Albania (or Scotland) about the time of Alexander the Great's taking Babylon, almost 331. years before the Birth of Christ. And that within twenty four years more, having reigned in all so long, in his return from Ireland (whither he had gone back from Scotland to quiet some disturbances there) he perished at Sea in a Tempest, near that Rock in the North of Ireland, which, from his wrack hard by, is ever since called in Latin Rupes Fergusii, (in Irish Carrig-Fhearuis, by us Knock-Fergus.) So says Buchanan: and so said before him Hector Boethius and some others of his Countrymen Historians: both he and they either seeming to know nothing at all of those Annals and Books whence only the real true History of their Antiquities could be known: or else wittingly and willingly to have taken up a fabulous story, of purpose to establish a glorious succession of a hundred and seven Kings of the same Nation reigning one after another from that Fergus I. to James VI even for above 1900 years. Whatever the cause might be, the one or the other, or perhaps (which is likely enough) both together: it is plain out of the ancient Annals and other Histories of Ireland (which are indeed the only Fountain of all such truly real Scottish Antiquities, as concern at least the Irish Invaders and time of their Invasion of any part of Great Britain) that Buchanan, and those followed by him have created the said Fergus I. King of the Scots in Albania, even 819 years before he landed from Ireland in Britain. For those Irish Monuments fix on the year of Christ 498. the time of Fergus Mor (as they call him, son to Ercho, Nephew to Eochadh Muinreamhar) and of his five Brothers with him invading the North of Britain. And Tigernacus, who commonly delivers in Latin what was done abroad, as what was done at home in Irish, has of the present subject this following passage: Fergus Mor mhac Ercha, id est Fergusius Magnus Erci filius, cum Gente Dalrieta partem Britanniae tenuit, & ibi mortu●s est, etc. That is, Fergus Mor the son of Erch with his people of Dalriada, possessed himself of part of Britain, and died there about the first year of the Popedom of Symmachus. Which was the year of Christ 498. as Primate Usher has rightly observed. Besides, the old Irish Book containing the Synchronism, or (if I may so speak) the contemporariness, not only of the Monarches and Provincial Kings of Ireland, but of the Kings in Albania too, expressly relates how it was in the twentieth year after the Bat●●l of Ocha, that the six sons of Ercho, viz. the two Enguses, the two Loarns, (some Copies have Coarns) and the two Ferguses (whereof one was this Fergus the Great) passed over into Albania. I say nothing how Nennius translated into Irish among O Duncgans Miscellanies, says, it was in the sixth Age of the World 〈…〉 〈…〉 the Dal-Riadans had conquered part of the Country of the Picts, and the Saxons entered on other parts of Great Britain. Nor do I insist on O Duucgan himself, though he most minutely prosecutes this Adventure of Ercho's Children, telling the Families issued from them in Scotland (which he calls Albain) what Lordships or Lands each of them was possessed of there, and what Forces by Land or Sea they usually raised. But what I am particularly to observe is, that of all hands among the Irish Annalists and Historians it is without any contradiction admitted, That this Fergus the Great, son to Ercho, is the same with Fergusius I. King of the Scots, though in Boethius, Major, Buchanan, etc. called in Latin the son of Ferchardus. That the foresaid Battle of Ocha, wherein the Irish Monarch Oillioll Moult perished, was fought in the year of Christ 478 And that from this year to the year 498. there is no man but sees the just interval must be those twenty years on expiration whereof the foresaid Book of Sync●ronisin relates the passing of Fergus Mor to Britain. And the issue of all must be, that certainly as to this particular, either all the ancient Irish Annals and Monuments, besides the late Histories of Keting and Lucius are extraordinary false: or Buchanan and Hector Boethius, and all other Scottish Authors followed by them are extremely out. Even so far out as to have at least inverted the whole succ●ssion, descent, line and genealogy of their Kings, by giving us a Catalogue with the Lives and Reigns of two or three and forty Kings as descended Lineally from Fergusius I. before he had been existent on Earth. For Congallus is the Xliiii. King in Buchanan, etc. and yet the eighteenth year of this very Congallus, according to buchanan's computation, must have been the year of our Lord 498. in which all the Irish Records place the landing of Fergus Mor in Scotland, though the very first of the Catalogue in him and other Historians followed by him. Moreover, and which yet is no less considerable than any of the former Arguments, we may take notice that Buchanan and his Authors make Reuda the sixth King of those in his Catalogue, descended from Fergus. Then which nothing can be more plain against all the Irish Antiquities. To say nothing of V Bede in his Eccles. Hist. l. 1. cap. 1. whom you may consult at leisure. But for the Irish Chronicles, I am sure they tell us particularly, that the Monarch of Ireland Conaire mhac Mogha Lavae had three sons, called the Three Carbry's viz. Cairbre Muisck, from whom the Tract of Musckry, and Cairbre Baisckin, from whom the Land of Corca bhaiskin, both in Monster, has denomination, and Cairbre Riada, alias Riadhfada. That this last of the Three was the first Irish Conqueror of the Country in Albania, which bore his name, being called in Irish Dalriada (in English the Part of Riada) and by Latin Writers Dalrieta, Dalreuda; and the Inhabitants Dalreudini, as Bede calls 'em. And that his foresaid Father, the Irish Monarch Conaire mhac Mogha Lavae, having reigned in Ireland eight years, was killed in the year of the World 5364. being the year of Christ 165. Whence it must follow that his said son Cairbre, surnamed Riada in Irish, though by V Bede and others called Reuda, must have invaded the Picts, and possessed himself of that part of their Country named from him, at least three hundred years before the time of Pergus the Great, who, as we have seen before, invaded not Albania till the year of Christ 498. So wide, in this very particular of Reuda, is the Irish account and History from the Scottish in Buchanan. How to reconcile the difference in either particular, being it is so great, and concerns so great a succession of Kings, and Ages too for at least 819 years, I leave to such as shall please to concern themselves in it, more than my purpose in this place requires I should myself. But let them withal take these further Animadversions to thought. 1. That the Father of this Fergusius the Great, however you call him, Erck, Ercho, Ercha, or either (as Buchanan has it) Ferchardus, or any other name whatsoever, was never King of Ireland; as no more was Fergus M●● himself, notwithstanding Buchanan's intimation to the contrary, but only a Brother to Muirchiortach the Irish Monarch that reigned over all Ireland from the year of Christ 503, to the year 527. wherein he was murdered. 2. That Joannes Major himself, though a Scotchman, has, (in his little History of Great Britain, cap. X.) reflected on that Vulgar Error in the Annals of Scotland, where they place Fergusius I. before Reudas time, 3. That Hollingshed (in his English Translation of Hector Boethius) professes himself to be of Opinion, That very many of those Kings, related by the Scottish Histories to have reigned successively one after another in Scotland, were such as neither successively, nor in Scotland, but together at the same time reigned part of them in Ireland, and part in other adjacent lesser Islands. 4. That Gratianus Lucius (in his Camb. Evers. page 93.) adds moreover, Himself to think not improbably, that the Scottish Authors borrowed a great number of their Kings, from those indeed that were Pictish Kings. Where, to ground this Opinion of his, he produces an old Irish Translation of Ninnius; I mean as to the Catalogue of Pictish Kings in that ancient Author: and fixes in particular on eighteen of them by name, among which is one Gregory, albeit Gregory be the Lxxiii. King of Scots in Buchanan's Catalogue, and that King too in whom Buchanan glories so much as to record him to posterity by the Title of Gregory the Great, which he says was deservedly given him by his own People. 5. That although, in Buchanan's account, this very Gregory began his Regn an. Christi 870. and finished it by his death anno 892. and consequently was not only King of Scots, but of Scotland, being the Pictish Kingdom there (at least as 'tis commonly supposed) had been utterly destroyed, full thirty years before the very first of his Reign: yet if his being either King of Scotland or King of Scots be no truer than Buchanan's Relation of his invading Ireland, fight a great Battle victoriously there against the two Protectors or Tutors of the young King Duncanus a Minor, and then visiting this young King at Dublin where he resided, and then appointing new Tutors for him, and last of all taking with him to Scotland threescore Irish Hostages out of the several Provinces of Ireland: I dare say there was never any such thing, or Person or Prince as Gregory King of Scots. For besides what I have given before (page 23 & 24.) to disprove this great fiction of Gregory the Great, either conquering or at all invading Ireland: 'tis clear out of all the Irish Antiquities recording the Danish Wars, that not the Irish, nor any Irish King, Minor or not Minor, did possess Dublin at that time, but the Danes. And indeed, to confirm this truth, the Annals of Ulster tell us, that in the year of our Lord 871. two great Danish Captains, viz. Ainlaph and Juor came from Albania to Ath-Cliath (alias Dublin) with two hundred sail, and an exceeding great Prey of English, and Britons, and Picts. whom they brought Captives to Ireland. So that Dublin most certainly was, in the Reign of that Gregory of Scotland, not under any Monarch or other Irish King, as no more was it in a hundred and fifty years following, but in the power of the Danes, who were at least the first Rebuilders of it much about the same time that Buchanan supposes it to have been the Metropolitan City of Ireland; though it came not to be so till Henry the Second Reign. For he indeed was the first King or Lord of Ireland that ever kept his Court there, and by appointing it the Residence of his Vice-Roys gave it in a little time so great splendour, that the Forger seeing it so in his own time, thought fit in much earlier times to place his forged Irish Monarch (of Gregory of Scotland's story) Duncanus in it as in the Royal Mansion of the Kings of Ireland. Whereas to the contrary, nothing is more known in the Irish Histories, than that the City of Tarach full twenty miles from Dublin, was the Royal Seat of the Kings of Ireland, till its destruction by the first Danish War, and in the same days Dublin at best but a very mean place respectively. 6. That nevertheless, as I am apt enough to believe, that, allowing Cambden the liberty of an hyperbolical expression, he has upon sufficient grounds told us, that the Earls of Argile derive their Race from the ancient Princes and Potentates of Argile, by an infinite descent of Ancestors: so I am verily persuaded that by how much the Genealogy of Kings must be more narrowly sifted than that of any Subjects, by so much Gratianus Lucius has upon surer grounds exactly derived in a direct Line the descent of James the sixth of Scotland, and first of Great Britain, not only through so many Kings his Predecessors of Scotland from the ancient Kings of Argile, up along to Fergus I. nor only from those before that very Fergus, through fourteen Generations up to Reuda: but even before this Reuda, through fifty three Generations, whereof Twenty four were Monarches of Ireland, up along to Herimon, the first sole absolute Monarch of the Milesian blood in that Kingdom, even so long since as Three thousand years, wanting only seven. Nay, I am likewise persuaded, that he has also very exactly in two other Lines, carried up the descent of the same King James, through thirty one other Monarches of Ireland to the said Herimon: as also in a fourth and fifth Line through four and twenty more of the Irish Monarches (and here I mean twenty four more wholly different from all those fifty six already given of Herimons' Race.) up along to Heber; who being the stock in these two last Lines, makes the 25th King of Ireland in this number ascending upwards: for so he was (during his short life) in a joint Sovereignty, with his foresaid Brother Herimon. 7. That undoubtedly this derivation of King James through so many Lines for three thousand years, and from the Loins of eighty one Irish Monarches, besides all the truly real both Kings of Scotland, and Kings of Scots or Dalriada and Argathelia in Scotland, given us at large by Gratianus Lucius (in his Camb. Evers. page 242. 243, and 244.) as it is by many degrees a much more ancient, so it is a much more glorious derivation of the Royal Pedigree, than either Buchanan, or Boethius, or Major, or indeed any other Scottish Historian, nay or even any Scottish Herald whatsoever among those called English Scots, was capable to make even so much as in any manner, well or ill, as being wholly ignorant of the Irish Antiquities, which they could neither understand nor read, if they had had 'em. And these are the Animadversions I desire them take to thought who shall either persuade themselves they can reconcile the difference 'twixt the Scottish and Irish Histories concerning Fergus, or except against me for laying it open, how justly soever the story of Him and Coilus, given by me (page 20) out of Buchanan, has put a necessity on me to do so here. There is a passage in my 21 page, that says, The Romans built Towers and Bulwarks all along the Southern Coast of Britain, at convenient distances, against the landing of the Irish on that side out of their plundering Fleets. Herein also I followed my Author Keting, if I understand him rightly. But having since consulted Cambden, I found that either Keting had mistaken the matter, or I him. For the truth is, that albeit in relation to the Caledonians, or Picts, and Scots inhabiting, or those driven at that time to the countries' lying North of graham's Dyke, the foresaid Towers or Castles, must be acknowledged built in the South; yet in relation to the whole Island of Great Britain, or to us now in England, they were not so. Which, and whatever else concerning either that Dyke or Wall of the Romans, that you may the more fully understand, take this following Extract out of Cambden, according to Holland's translation of him. Camden in his Scotia. and Sterling Sheriffdom. Julius Agricola observing the narrow land or Straight by which Dunbritton Frith and Edinburgh Frith are held from commixing, fortined this space between with Garrisons. So as all the part this side was then in possession of the Romans; the Enemies removed, and as it were driven into another Island. In so much as Tacitus judged right truly, there was no other limit of Britain to be sought for. Neither verily in the time ensuing did either the valour of Armies, or Glory of the Roman name, which scarcely could be stayed, set out the Marches of the Empire, in this part of the World, further: although with inroads they otherwhiles molested and endamaged them. But after this glorious Expedition of Agricola, when himself was called back, Britain (as says Tacitus) became For▪ let: neither was the possession kept still this far. For the Caledonian Britons drove the Romans back as far as to the River Tine. In so much as Hadrian, who came into Britain in person, and reformed many things in it, went no farther forward; but gave Commandment, that the God Terminus, who was wont to give ground to none, should retire backwards out of this place like as in the East, on this side Euphrates he did. Hence it is that St. Augustin (de Civ. Dei. l. 4. c. 29.) wrote in this wise: God Terminus, who gave not place to Jupiter, yielded to the will of Hadrianus, yielded to the rashness of Julian, yielded to the necessity of Jovian. In so much as Hadrian had enough to do to make a Wall of Turf between the River of Tine and Esk, well near an hundred miles Southward on this side Edinburgh Frith. But his adopted son Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Pius, under the conduct of Lollius Vrbicus, whom he had sent hither his Lieutenant, repelled the Northern Enemies back again beyond Bodotria, or Edinburgh Forth; and that by raising another Wall of Turf, namely besides that of Hadrianus, as Capitolinus writeth. [Which other Wall that it was reared in this very place, whereof I now speak, and not by Severus, as 'tis commonly thought, Cambden produces no other argument than twoancient Inscriptions digged up therein.] But when the Northern Nations, (viz. Picts and Scots) in the Reign of Commodus, having passed over this other Wall, made much waste and great spoil in the Country, Severus the Emperor repaired the Wall of Hadrian. Howbeit, afterwards the Romans brought eftsoons the Country lying between under their subjection. For Nemus hath recorded, that Carausius under Dioclesian strengthened the Wall of Edinburgh Frith an other time, and fortified it with seven Castles. Lastly, the Romans, when Theodosius the younger was Emperor, fenced this Wall under the conduct of Gallio of Ravenna. Now (says Bede) they made a Turf Wall, rearing it not so much with stone as with Turfs (as having no cunning Artificer for so great a piece of Work) and the same to no use, between two Friths or arms of the Sea, for many miles in length: that where the fence of Water was wanting, there by the help of a Wall they might defend their borders from the invasion of Enemies. Of which work, that is to say, a very broad and high Wall, a man may see to this day most certain and and evident remains. This Wall began, as the Scots now say, at the River Aven, which goes into Edinburgh Frith, and ended at Dunbritton. But Bede says. it gins at a place called Pen-wael (in the British Tongue Pengual, in English Penwalton, in Scottish Ceval, but all deriving no doubt from the Latin word Vallum, and all importing the Head of the Wall) two miles from Abercurving; and endeth, as the common sort think, at Kirk-Patrick (the native soil, as some writ, of St. Patrick the Apostle of Ireland) near unto Cluyd; according to Bede, Alcluid, after Nennius, Pen-alcloyt, which do seem all one. Now this Wall is commonly called graham's Dyke, either of Graham a warlike Scot, whose Valour was especially seen when the breach was made through it, or else of the Hill Grampie, at the foot whereof it stood. The Author of Rota Temporum calls it the Wall of Abercorneth, that is of the mouth of the River Where in Bede's time there was a famous Monastery standing as he hath recorded. Corneth, on English ground, but near unto that Frith or Arm of the Sea, which in those days severed the Lands of the English and Picts. Hitherto Cambden. But I must confess Venerable Bede is in some things or some part more particular on this Subject. For he tells us (l. 1. c. 5. Eccl. Histor. Anglor.) That Severus having come to the Empire, anno Christi 189. the Xiiii Emperor after Augustus, and entered Great Britain himself in person; thought fit, in prosecution of the War, and for defence of the Roman Province there from the Caledonian Enemies, to make a great strong Wall of Soads and Stakes, or piles of Timber with frequent Towers upon it and a broad Ditch by it all along from Sea to Sea (where nevertheless observe Paulus Orosius says this Wall was carried cross the Land for one hundred and thirty miles. And the same has Ado Viennensis. But George Buchanan, l. 3. says, 'tis an error in the number, and that instead of a hundred thirty two, it should be only thirty two. that Bede determines nothing of the place.) And in the xii. Chapter of that same first Book, he tells us at large of two other Walls, even long after that time of Severus, built from Sea to Sea. The one, which is that here described by Cambden, built of Soads and Stakes by the Britons themselves, when the first supply of Romans, come to beat back those Northern Foes, having done so, were upon their return home. The other, some time after, of stone, eight foot broad and twelve foot high, built at both the public and private charge, by the joint concurrence of the Britons and last Roman Legion come to defend them. Besides in the same Chapter he tells us of the Towers built on the South of the Western Sea (or that of Dun-Britton) at convenient distances, to defend the Britons from the plundering Fleets of the Barbarians. But for any Wall or Fence either of stone or Earth made under Theodosius the Younger, Bede has not a word; but rather plainly shows the contrary Chap. 13, where he tells in plain terms, that Aelius to whom the Britons made their application for new supplies again, refused to send them any: and that as for that later Wall and those Castles of stone, how strongly soever built, they were soon scaled, and forced by the Irish and Picts, and the miserable Britons quite overrun by both a new, even from all quarters of these very Fortifications of Lime and Stone. 46. You find in the 25th Page, that I make the first Danish Invasion of Ireland to have been anno Christi 820. For so Keting has it in the Reign of Aodh Ordnighe; and him I followed there. But here I must fix it earlier by eight years. My warrant is from the Annals of France contracted by Eginhardus, wherein you may read, that, in the Year of our Lord 812. [Classis Danorum Hiberniam aggressa, à Scotis praelio superatur] the Danish Fleet invading Ireland, was by the Scots (for so they called the Irish then) defeated in a Battle. And Aymoinus, where he relates, in the Reign of Charles the Great, that then [Classis Normannorum Hiberniam, Scotorum Insulam aggressa, commisso praelio cum Scotis, innumerabilis multitudo Normannorum extincta est, & turpiter fugiendo domum reversa est.] the Norman Fleet having attacked Ireland, the Island of the Scots, and given them Battle, and an innumerable multitude of the Normans being killed in that Fight, was forced at last to run away shamefully, and return home. See Gratianus Lucius in his Cambrens. Evers. page 13. 47. I have insinuated page 57 that they were the Irish who gave a beginning abroad even to the Schools at Oxford. And now I add, that as Polidore Virgil says, King Alfred, having in the year of Christ 895. by his Royal Authority approved of Oxford for a place of general studies, sent Joannes Scotus Erigena thither, ut omnium primus ibi bonas literas doceret, the very first public Professor and Teacher of good Letters there, says Pitsius page 162, who further gives this Encomium to Erigena, that in Learning or knowledge of the Learned Arts, he had scarce his match throughout the World in that Age, [qui in omni meliori doctrina vix sui similem quenquam in illa Aetate per terrarum orbem habuerit.] Now it is clearly demonstrable both out of History, and the surname Erigena, that this very Joannes Scotus Erigena was an Irish man, and that not only by Education and breeding, as Harpsfield grants he was, but by extraction and birth. The proofs at large may be seen in Lucius, page 148. where he quotes Nicolaus I. the Pope, Anastasius, Malmsbury, Hoveden, Westmonasteriensis, Usher, and last of all Edward Matthews (de Scriptor. Angl. Bened. page 166.) who particularly notes, That this Joannes Scotus, was in Latin surnamed Erigena, because of his birth in Eri●; For so Ireland has been always called by the Natives to this very day, and was then by others too. Erigena therefore being the same with Hibernigena, you may conclude that if Angligena, and Francigena, import the one an English man, the other a French man born: so must Erigena an Irish man by birth. Nor is any thing said here of Erigena in any wise inconsistent with Cambden's relation out of the old Annals of the Abbey of Winchester. Wherein, after telling how King Alfred had recalled the Muses to Oxford, and built three Colleges there, one for Grammarians, another for Philosophers, and a third for Divines; 'tis further said, that in the year of Christ's Incarnation 806, being the second year of St. Grimbald' s coming into England, the first Regent's and Professors in the Divinity College were St. Naoth an Abbot, and holy Cambden translated by Hol. page 378. Grimald a right excellent Professor of the most sweet written Word of holy Scripture. All this might be true, and yet Erigena be and continue still the first Professor of the Learned Arts and good Letters at Oxford. Where I relate (page 34.) the famous Battle fought at Clantarff by the brave Brian Boraimh, I Hanmer, pag. 91. pass by Hanmers' relation of it. Even as I have all along passed by many there of his stories concerning Ireland. As for Example, 1. That of Gurguntius, the son of Belinus, King of Great Britain, to have met at Sea about the Isle of Orkney, as he returned from the Conquest of Denmark, a Fleet of sixty Sail of Spaniards, with Men and Women, commanded by the Governor of Baiona, seeking some Country to inhabit, or live in, and to have assigned them Ireland, etc. 2. That other yet more ridiculous one out of Harding (and Mewinus a British Chronieler quoted by Harding) * Harding lived in the Reigns of Henry V. Henry VI and Edward IU. How Gathelus and Scota came to these Northern parts, anno Christi 75. 3. That of Fredelenus' King of Denmark, in the Reign of Augustus Caesar, to have invaded Ireland, and taken Dublin, though not by force, but by the help of Swallows firing the City with fire tied to their wings: though himself was presently forced by the King of Leinster to departed and run away to his Fleet. 4. That of Frotho III. King of Denmark when our Saviour was born, to have made all Ireland tributary, and been Monarch thereof. As also that other in him (out of Saxon Grammaticus and Albertus Krantzius) concerning Frotho iv (thirty years after the former) his having sent the Giants, and the huge Monster Startucerus to invade the same Kingdom. 5. That, of King Arthur of Great Britain, and Gillomar King Hanmer, page 50, 51, and 52. of Ireland, Mark King of Cornwall, Sir Tristram, and La Bel Isod, etc. though, besides the Books of Houth, he quotes also Florilegus, and Fabian, Caxton, Holinghed, Fleming, and Harding for'em. 6. That of his genealogy of Fionn mhac Cwail, and his making this Fionn, and his Associates both, to have been Giants and of Danish birth: whereof I have spoken before, page and therefore need not say any more in this place. 7. That of his three vast Armies of Foreigners invading Ireland by combination in several Provinces at one time: and this to have been the time of Constantine the Great's Empire at Rome. The first, of thirty thousand, landed at Derry in Ulster, and their Navy fired, and themselves too in one Battle slain by Conn Ceadchathach, one of the Princes of that Province, as he calls him. The second, of a greater number, landed at Skerries not far from Dublin; but destroyed in one other Battle by Diarmuid Lambdhearg King of Leinster, who (says he) killed six and thirty thousand of them on the spot. The third, and it much more numerous yet, landed in Monster, and utterly destroyed at Fentra: when the Forces of all Ireland encountering them, slew seven score thousand of them in that one Field. 8. That (where ever he had it; for he tells not where) of the Battle of Garistown and Arcath (or, as the Irish call it, Ardchath) fought, as he says, in the reign of Cairbre Liffor, Monarch of Ireland, by the seven Kings of that Nation and their Army 65000 Horse and Foot, against the Danish Bownies (who had been formerly entertained by those Princes to defend their Coasts, but now rebelled) being 28700, hardy resolute Warriors: and fought well-nigh a whole day with equal Fortune so mortally, that Horses were up to their bellies in blood: until at last Fortune favouring the righteous Cause of the Princes, they put these rebellious foreign Bownies to a total rout, and edge of the Sword all of them, although it cost their side also very dear, even the lives of four of their Kings, and nineteen thousand seven hundred and sixty others. All these Relations, though given as true ones by Hanmer at large, I have passed by. First, because of their manifest repugnancy to all the Irish Chronicles. Nay, because there is not one word or syllable of any of them in Doctor Ketings Irish Chronicle, which yet is an ample Summary of all the Authentic or esteemed Chronicles and Histories of that Nation, at least of such as relate to their Monarches. And because all reason tells us, that the Irish Antiquaries, who give in a manner the most minute particulars of all the Invasions and Fights in that Country, either amongst their own Princes, or against Foreiners and Battles lost, and Victories obtained at any time under any of the several Monarches of Ireland for much above two thousand years until the English Conquest, an. 1152. would never have omitted at least these mighty Victories told us by Hanmer, which, if true, would much more have made for the glory of their Nation, than many or most (or perhaps any) of those other so exactly, and minutely too not a few of them, related in their Chronicles. Secondly, because of all these following particulars, than which nothing is more clear and uncontested in all the Irish Chronicles or Histories, that are not known Romances. 49. For they particularly and unanimously tell us in the first place, what in effect I have said before, viz. that Gathelus himself (otherwise by them, and in their Languages named Gacidheal, and surnamed Glass, from whom originally the whole both Milesian and other Gathelian Irish descended, and are therefore jointly call●d in Irish Clanna Gaoidheal, i. e. the children of Gathelus) not only never came to Ireland, nay nor into Spain neither, but was no where on Earth living some hundreds of years before Mileadh (or Milesius) was born. That under Pharaoh Cingeris he was born in Egypt, though begotten by Niall Brother to the King of Scythia. That his Father Niull was both contemporary and acquainted with Moses, and offered to do him service & kindness too when the Children of Israel were upon the banks of the Red Sea to cross it over: Niull being then by Pharaoh's gift possessor and Lord of a large Country near that place where the Israelites encamped at that time. That as the Father Niull, so the Son Gaodheal (or Gathelus) and children after him, continued in Egypt until Pharaoh Intius banished the whole Race of them away, and forced them to seek their Adventures elsewhere under the conduct of Sruth the son of Easruth, son to the said Gathelus, or Gaodheal Glas. That Mileadh (or Milesius) whose posterity long after invaded, conquered and possessed Ireland, was the nineteenh Generation from the said Gathelus: and Pharaoh Nectanibus, being the XVth Pharaoh after Cingeris who had been drowned in the Red Sea, was the King of Egypt, who gave his Daughter to Milesius in marriage. That although it be from the said Gaodheal Glass, the Milesian Race in Ireland, and Race also of their Cousins that came with them out of Spain, and those and these only of all the Irish, be properly called Gaoidhil or Clanna Gaoidheal, i. e. the children or descendants of Gathelus; yet tste Irish Language is not from him called Gaodhealc; but from an other Gathelus or Gaodheal former to him: another I mean, who either composed, or at least refined and distinguished it into those five several different idioms, or dialects for Poetry, Law, Genealogy, etc. so hard to be understood all of them by any one man, that they would require the whole Age of a man to attain unto them. Lastly, that the posterity of the later Gaodheal, I mean Gaodheal Glass, and of his Wife Scota, (at least so called) viz. the Milesian Race & their Cousins, had been possessors of Ireland near 1320 years before the birth Christ. In which account, or period of time, even Cambrensis himself and Polichronicon agree, as we have seen before page 6. And therefore that story of Hanmer, derived from Harding and Mevin, telling us of Gathelus and Scotas coming to these Northern parts, or landing in Ireland anno Christi 75. must be one of the most ridiculous stories in the world. They were dead well nigh two thousand years before: and in their life-time never left Egypt, for aught that may be known of them. In the next place they tell us, that Bartolanus, whom they call Partholan, entered, planted, and possessed Ireland, anno Mundi 1956. that is, about 300 years after the Flood. Argument enough, that Hanmer knew nothing of the Irish History, when he joined together Bartolanus and the Milesian off spring, as being of a company, and entering Ireland at the same time: for this also he does. And yet we have seen before, that the Milesians came not to Ireland before the year of the World 2736. that is 731 years after Bartolanus had settled there. 50. Besides, they tell us particularly and unanimously that as we have often seen already in that year of the World 2736. and before Christ 1308 years, those Iherians the sons of Milesius landed and conquered Ireland. How then could they be conducted thither, and assigned that Country for their Habitation by Gurguntius King of Great Britain. He was not in being then, nor in many Ages after. I am sure he was not King of Great Britain, by Hanmers own relation, until the year of the World 3580. Nor was he Conductor of those Iberians to Ireland, nor did they swear allegiance to him until the year of the World 3592, and before the birth of Christ 376, according to Campions account. That is full 858 years after they had conquered that Kingdom. And therefore I need not quarrel either Campion or Hanmer, about their relating those Iberians or Spaniards, before their passing to Ireland to have dwelled in Gascoign or towards Baiona, or within the jurisdiction of that so great and Capital a City then, though it be not true. Nor need I expostulate with them about their affirming that Gurguntius had the Sovereign Rule of that Country and City, and consequently of these very Milesians when they dwelled thereabouts, before their adventuring to Ireland. Enough is said already to ruin this whole story: And by consequence, enough to overthrow all the supports of that pretended subjection of Ireland to Gurguntius. But if I mind you once more that Polichronicon, nay Cambrensis himself (who is the Ringleader as in many other, so particularly in this matter to Campion, Hanmer, and other late Authors) confesses the landing of those Iberians in Ireland, full 1800 years before the mission of St. Patrick to Ireland by Celestinus in the year of Christ 431. then I doubt whether I have not said more than enough on the Subject. I am sure that by this very computation or confession of Cambrensis, and their own account of the year before Christ, wherein Hanmer and Campion say, Gurguntius met those Iberians at Sea: this year before Christ, and this meeting of Gurguntius at Sea must be later by a whole thousand years of the World, than that assigned by Cambrensis for the conquest made on Ireland by the same Iberians, Moreover, the Irish Antiquaries no less particularly tell us, that Criossan Niad Nar was Monarch of Ireland Keting. when our Saviour was born, That this divine Generation happened in the 12th year of his Reign, and his Reign lasted in all but four years more. That Conchabhar Abhraruadh was King before him for one year only: but before him, Lughadh Sriabhndearg had continued Monarch six and twenty years complete. That this same Lughadh married the King of Denmark's Daughter: and before his Reign immediately an Interregnum of five years had been, which followed upon the murder of Conair Mor mhic Eidirsceoil: and before this Interregnum, the same Conair Mor had reigned full seventy years in great prosperity. That, after the foresaid▪ Crioffan Niadnair, those who immediately succeeded in the Sovereign power of Ireland were Fearrhadlach for twenty years; then Fiacha Fionn for three; and after him Fiocha Fionnolladh for twenty seven years more. That these & those, in all seven Monarches, were every one of them killed in such and such manner, and by such and such men of their own very Nation. That after the seventh of them had been slaughtered by the Athaghtuachi, or Country Boors and Plebeians, in their General conspiracy against all the Royal and noble Blood; the same Athatchtuachi set up for King of Ireland one Cairbre, surnamed Ceannchait, or Caitcheann from his Cat's face, an Irish man indeed by birth, but by descent originally, that is in the Ninth generation before, come out of Denmark, as one of the King of Denmark's sons, who had accompanied Lauradh Loinnsioch returning with Anxiliaries from France to recover his inheritance the Monarchy of Ireland; which Lauradh did, Anno 3727. according to the computation followed by Gratianus Lucius. Lastly, that this Usurper Cairbre Caitcheann was at the end of five years killed, and all his rebellious rout of Peasants, and their partakers, overthrown by the Nobles, headed then by the rightful Heir of the Monarchy Tuathal Teachtmhor, who thereupon was received as such, being now the C. Monarch of the Milesian Race. And all these matters, together with so many other particular appendants on them, within the Reigns of those eight or nine Monarches: which Reigns comprised the whole Reign and Life too, nay much more time before and after than the whole Reign, or Life either, of Augustus in the Roman Empire: the Irish Antiquaries give us most exactly at large. And yet not a syllable of Fredelenus, nor of either of the Frotho's; no nor indeed of any other foreign King, or Prince, or Adventurer, so much as invading Ireland, within or near that time, though they wanted not occasion in Lughad's Reign, and in Caibre Ceannchaits (as we have seen) to reflect on such matters, if any such had really been. The same, or like argument, though but a Negative one, yet founded on the general silence of all the Irish Annals, Chronicles, Histories, in the greatest concern of their Nation, must be to every indifferent person a clear proof and conviction enough against the vain relations of Hanmer and Campion, etc. borrowed by them out of Cambrensis, as by him from Geffrey of Monmouth. I mean at present only those Fables of their great British Hero King Arthur's forcing the Irish Kings to pay him Tribute: and their appearing at his great Court and City of Caer Leon upon Vsk: and the Irish Monarch that (as they idly fain) was contemporary and tributary to him, to have been called Gillemer. In any of the Irish Annals, Chronicles, Histories, there is not a syllable of any part of these matters; no not so much as of Arthur's attempting once at any time on Ireland, or picking or having any quarrel with any of the Kings or Lords there. Nay Keting does quote Speed himself, though a late English Auhor, asserting in effect the whole to be a mere fiction, and that Ireland was neither subject nor tributary to Arthur. And the Keting in his Preface. same Keting is positive herein, that there was never any King of Ireland by name Gillemer. Besides, that Muirchiortach Mor mhac Ercha was not only Monarch of Ireland when Arthur was King of Great Britain, but in peace and amity all his life with him. Where it may be added, that if Arthur was created King of Great britain in the 18th year of his age, and was killed Anno 542. as Buchanan says he was: then Buchanan, l. 5. Rer. Scot in Goran. Rege XLV. certainly the said Muirchiortarch Mor, and his two next Successors, immediately following one another, Tuathal Maolgharbh and Diarmuid mhac Cearbheoil, were those three Kings or Monarches of Ireland that by succession were contemporary to the whole Reign of Arthur, which if Buchanan be judge, consisted of 24 years. And yet there was no quarrel at all by any of them with Arthur, much less subjection to him. Also it may be added, That as Keting says, Fergusius the First of Scotland was Brother to the foresaid Muirchiortach King of Ireland. And consequently, that the Subjects of Muirchiortach were great Conquerors in the Northern parts of Great Britain at that very time. Yea that, as Buchanan himself, in the Reign of Goranus (the XLV. King of Scotland in his Computation and History) relates it, The great Battle of Humber, wherein Arthur was not only defeated but mortally wounded; nay in effect lost both Kingdom and life, was fought against him by an Army of Irish Scots, however in confederacy and conjunction with the Picts and some Britons led in the same Field by Modrocdus against him. Out of all which may be seen how unlikely the stories of King Arthur in Polychronicon, Hanmer, Campion, etc. which relate to Ireland, are. How improbable that must be of Westmonasteriensis, in his years of Christ 497. and 592. which attributing the Monarchical power of Ireland to one Gillamurius (alias Gillimer) one that was never heard of in Ireland, represents him notwithstanding as taken there by King Arthur: and thereupon the rest of the Irish Princes even plainly forced to yield themselves all and do homage to Arthur. How vain also is that of Cambrensis, to the same purpose written before, telling us, It is read, that the famous King of the Britons 〈◊〉 had the Kings of Ireland his Tributaries, and that some of them waited on him in his great Court of Caer Leon. But above all the candour and ingenuity of honest Galfridus, the first forger of these among so many other Fables, appears in grain; however Cambrensis had not the confidence either to quote him for it, or to mention at all Gillamurius, though a part of it. And yet notwithstanding any thing hitherto either in this place, or elsewhere said, I doubt not the posterity of the ancient Britons have just reason if not to glory of King Arthur's Trophies, at least to be sorry for his untimely Death, and hearty wish, their Ancestors had not deserved to see their blooming hopes in him, so suddenly vanish. Though at the same time, I must ingenuously confess, there are but too too many reasons able to suspend any judicious knowing man's belief of what even Buchanan himself has in our own days transmitted to Posterity, for authentic Truths of this famous Kings renowned, glorious performances, viz. That he had continually been for many years, but most particularly and gloriously in twelve great Battles, victorious over the Saxons. That he took at last even York and London from them: and, after this again overthrew them in very Essex and Kent, where they were strongest and placed their last reserve. That he forced the remainders of them either to fly the Kingdom, or submit to his pleasure. In a word, That he restored his whole Country, and perfect peace unto it. And that this happy effect of his pious and victorious Arms continued until the ambition, anger, and, which you please to call it, either treacherous rebellion, or just indignation and resentment of his Nephew Modroedus for being put by the right of Succession, gave too great a turn to his fortunate successes; chief by the Scottish, i. e. Irish Army's falling from him, and their conjunction with Modroedus against him. For this also I must here particularly note, that during their confederacy and sideing with him, which had early begun and always continued from the very beginning of his Wars until this unlucky difference about the succession, and second unlucky Battle of Humber that followed thereupon, he also continued perpetually successful. But so soon as they joined against him, fortune deserted him, and, together with him, his Country. But whether so, or no? or whether indeed any of those other particulars related of K. Arthur by Buchanan himself as true History, be or be not such as he would have us believe: I think enough returned in answer to Hanmer and Campion's making the Kings of Ireland Tributary to King Arthur of Great Britain However, because I believe it not very foreign nor much beside the matter, I do on this occasion add, That Polidore Virgil found so little satisfaction to his mind, nay so great certainty of untruth in the relations written of this so much celebrated King Arthur, that although in his History (l. 3) he sums up in brief (that is in seven or eight lines) all the Wonders of them: yet as he calls them, so he reputes them, no other than Vulgar stories Which to have been his inward sentiment of those relations, may be further seen by his telling us, That although King Arthur died in the very flower of his youth; yet because of his exceeding great strength of body, and no less vigorous heroic bravery of Soul, Posterity has reported almost the very same Wonders of him, which in our own time are among the Italians Romantickly sung of Rowland Nephew to Charles the Great. And this, without so much as mentioning any years at all of his Reign, is all that Polidore has of this great British Hero. Save only that he was the son of King Uter-pendragon. That if he had lived a while (i. e. his just age) longer, he had at last restored his perishing Country. And, that but a few years before the Reign of Henry VIII. there was in Glastenbury Cloister a very magnificent Tomb, erected to his memory: of purpose that after Ages might be thereby persuaded, he had been a Prince adorned with all whatever ought be reputed most excellently great and stupendious: and that this Tomb, as if it had been erected soon after his death, had certainly been designed a memorial of his glory; whereas indeed the Cloister itself, wherein it stood, was not in being then. So this Author Polydore Virgil. And yet after all, I cannot but acknowledge. that so great a concurrence of other Authors, together with the general vogue of King Arthur, even all along to our time in these Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland, especially considering that all sides are agreed about his having existed or been, and been also about the year of Christ five hundred King of Great Britain, must argue of necessity some great extraordinary exploits of his against the Saxons. Nor truly do I see, how otherwise Polydore himself could say, That if he had lived longer a while, he had enfranchised his Country. Neither is it a valuable argument to the contrary, at least if we believe the judicious impartial Cambden, That the Saxon Chronologie or other Saxon Authors have nothing of him and his brave achievements against them. I am sure I have myself read in Cambden this very day to this purpose, That he has observed, the Saxon Writers defective in this particular, viz. That they pass over in silence what was bravely done against their own Nation, and only care the recording what redounded to their glory, or concerned their own People. The conclusion of all is, That the Romantic stories made of King Arthur, by idle Wits in part, and part by others, who as they were equally ambitious to magnify their Nation, and ignorant or heedless, how easily they might be disproven out of the known undoubted Histories of the times, brought his true deeds into question so far, that no man knows which, or what to believe of them. 51. To ruin the Romantic Fable indeed of Hanmers three incredible Armies * In my 26 page my memory failed me, when relying upon it, as having not had the Hi●●ory of Hanmer by me then, or at hand, I supposed those truly incredible and false numbers of men, related by him, to have been really poured into Ireland by the Danes in the first true War made by them on that Country. Whereas indeed, upon review of Hanmer himself, I found he related those very incredible Numbers, as landed there long before, that is, when truly there was neither Invasion, nor any kind of Number, either of Danes or any other foreign Enemies troubling that Kingdom. invading Ireland by combination at the same time, and this the very time when Constantine the Great was Emperor of Rome, Cairbre Laoffachair Monarch of Ireland, and Conn Ceadchathach, one of the Princes of Ulster, &c, the Irish Analists are unanimous in furnishing us abundantly with particulars. Out of them it is clear and manifest, that Conn Ceadehathach was not one of the Princes of Ulster, as Hanmer says he was, but Monarch of Ireland. That he came to the Monarchy in the year of the World 5324. of Christ 122, and continued Monarch thirty five years, till he was murdered by Assassins, employed on that Errand by Tibraid Tiriogh King of Ulster; which happened at least a hundred and twenty years before Constantine the Great was Emperor of Rome. That as he was called or surnamed in Irish Ceadchatach, in Latin Centimachus, from the hundred Battles which he had fought: so he fought not any of them, or other soever against any Foreiner, but all against his own Countrymen the native Irish: nor in all his Reign, as neither indeed for some Ages before and after it, did any Foreigners invade the Irish. That although Cairbre Lissechaire was Monarch of that Kingdom; begun his Reign Anno Mundi 5456, Christi 267. and continued it twenty seven years; and so perhaps might have been contemporary, for some part of his Reign, with Constantine the Great of Rome: yet during his Reign there was no other Battle fought in Ireland but the Battle of Gowra. I am sure none at all mentioned by Keting; who yet makes it the chief business of his History to mention the Battles fought in the Reign of every Monarch. That the Battle of Gowra was occasioned by a difference happening and continuing some years betwixt the family or Sept of Baoiskin, whereof Fionn mhac Cwail was one, and the Sept of Morna, mere Irish of the Milesian Conquest both; and both contending for the command of the standing Militia of the Country: and Caibre Lioffechair the Monarch favouring one side, and others of great power the other; the contention at last came to a Battle, called from the place where it was fought the Battle of Gowra, where this Monarch was killed by one Kirbe. Which is all the account Keting has of it; but without mention of any other Fight, in this Monarch's Reign. Though by his telling us the quarrel, and the Parties that fought, you see they were no Danes, nor Danish Bowny's, but mere Irish Bownies: and these neither of one side; but some of one and some of the other, the quarrel requiring it should be so. These are the particulars (and many more I might add) which together with the general reason before them given moved me to pass by so many ill-contrived stories as I have mentioned here, besides many other out of Hanmer. But for his relation of the Battle of Clantarff: being it is not only almost in every particular so contrary to all the Irish Chronicles, but indeed as to the White Danish Knight, and his injured Bed, and Sword and Scabbard, and thirty thousand Danes landed with him, etc. a mere Romantic story: there needs no more be said of it. Nor am I moved at all by Hanmers quoting the Book of Houth for himself both in this Relation and several other. 1. Because (for many reasons needless to be given here) I take not the Book of Houth, as neither indeed any English or other Foreign Author, to be of any credit in such matters of Irish Antiquity as preceded the English Conquest in Ireland, if otherwise in themselves either improbable, or contradicting the whole current of the genuine Monuments of that Nation, extant still, and written in their own Language. That is to say, in a Language, which neither the Authors of the Book of Houth, nor other English Writers, nor any Foreiner whatsoever could understand without the help of a very skilful perfect Scholar in it, even such a one, as among ten thousand Irish Natives cannot be found at present, nor could for many Ages past. 2. Because, having never seen that Book of Houth, I cannot rely on Hanmers' quotation of it; as whom I have manifestly found in several places to make too bold with several other Authors. For having these Authors at hand, perused and compared them with his quotations of them, I have reason to persuade myself, that either he never read 'em, or (which must be worse) wilfully imposed upon them against his own knowledge. 53. Where I distinguish (page 95.) the present Scottish Nation into Irish and English Scots: you are to suppose that very many among these must of necessity be Descendants partly of the more ancient Britons, who sometimes inhabited the Northern Parts of Great Britain, and partly too of the Pictish Nation. For the Irish that conquered both ' were not so numerous then as to plant the one half, nay nor a third part of all those countries' now comprehended under the name of Scotland; though they became Lords of all by that Battle wherein they destroyed utterly the Pictish Kingdom. So that you may conclude, the present English Scots (as they are commonly called, but not those other who go by the name of Scoti Albini * George Bull. 2. Rer. Scotic. page 54. tells us, That in the beginning, as well the colonies sent by the Irish to the North of Great Britain, as those that sent them, went by the common name of all their Nation, to wit that of Scoti, or Scots. But soon after, to distinguish the one from the other, those in Ireland were called Scoti Jerni, that is Irish Scots, and these in Britain, Scoti Albini, i. e. Albanian Scots. So says he. And the distinction is proper and significant enough. But that other, which the Irish make, even to this day in their own Language, 'twixt an Irish and an English Scot, is no less observable. For the former they call Albanach Gaodhleach, denoting both the Country of his Birth Albania, and the Stock of his Extrnction Gathelus; but the latter they call Albanach Gallda, i. e. a Saxon or English Albanian. ) are a mixed People, descended part from Britons & Picts, and part from Saxons and Normans, whether any be remaining still of Danish posterity there, I cannot tell, nor is it necessary in this place I should. What may be of more advantage for understanding somewhat better those affairs of Scotland is, I doubt not, this following passage out of Cambden, After that the Scots were come into Britain, and had joined themselves unto the Picts, albeit they never ceased to vex the Britons with skirmishes and inroads, yet grew they not presently into any great State, but kept a long time in that corner where they first arrived, not daring, as Beda writes, for the space of 127 years to come forth into the Field against the Princes of Northumberland. Until at one and the same time they had made such a slaughter of the Picts, that few or none of them were left alive: and withal the Kingdom of Northumberland, what with civil Dissensions, what with Invasions of the Danes, sore shaken and weakened, fell at once to the ground. For then all the Northern Tract of Britain became subject to them, and took their name, together with that hithermore Country on this side Cluyd and Edinburgh Frith. For that it also was a parcel of the Kingdom of Northumberland, and possessed by the English Saxons, no man gainsayeth. And hereof it is that all they which inhabit the East part of Scotland, and be called Lowland-men, as one would say of the Lower-Country, are the very off-sping of the English Saxons, and do speak English. But they that dwell in the West Coast, named Highland-men, as it were of the upper Country, be mere Scots, and speak Irish, as I have said before; and none are so deadly Enemies, as they be unto the Lowland men, which use the English Tongue as we do. Hitherto Cambden, (in his Britannia, Tit. Scots. pag. 126. Holl. Translat.) But as well to give the true reason why, as to particularise more exactly that period of time during which the genuine Scots had ceased from acts of hostility against the Saxons, I add out of V Bede (in his Eccles. Histor. of England. l. 2. c. ult.) That Anno Dom. 603. Edan, King of those Scots that inhabited Britain at that time, moved by the success of the Northumbrian King Ethelfrid against the Britons, drew to the Field [cum immenso exercitu] with an exceeding great Army against him, but was overcome, and fled with a few. That in the most famous place, called Degsestan, i. e. the stone of Degsa, almost his whole Army was slain. That nevertheless, in the same Fight, Theobaldus, Brother to this Ethelfride, with all the Force headed by him, was in like manner killed. And that from that time forward to this very day (says Bede, meaning the day when he writ this) none of all the Scottish Kings had been so daring, as to give Battle to the English Nation. Which being the words of Bede truly rendered in English: and the years of his Age being 59 when he ended all his Works (and consequently this History) as himself says: and seeing also that he was born Anno Dom. 677. it follows, That so long at least as 136 years after Degsestan Fight, the Scots engaged not against the English. But whether after this term expired, they attacked them again before they had ruined the Pictish Kingdom, and at the same time seized so great a part of the Northumbrian, I know not. 54. What you might have perused already page 129▪ as derived either from Cambrensis, or Cambden, or both, viz. of the original eruption of the great Ulster Lake, called in Irish Loch Erne, and cause thereof, is abundantly refuted by Gratianus Lucius, in his Book entitled Cambrensis Eversus, page 132, and 133. Which having not seen before my own foresaid 127▪ page had been wrought off the Press, makes me give now this other, which as it is much fuller, so I doubt not a much better and truer account, in every respect of that matter. The Relation of Cambrensis (Topograp. Hib. d. 2▪ c. 9) may be rendered thus in English. There is in Ulster a Lake of vast extension, thirty miles long, and fifteen broad; unto which, as they say, a wonderful chance gave beginning. In that Country, which is now the Lake, there was in very ancient times a most vicious Nation, but chief and incorrigibly above all other People of Ireland, given over to that sin we call Bestiality. And there was amongst them a Prophetical saying, That so soon as a certain Well of that Country were at any time left uncovered (for out of reverence to it, proceeding from barbarous superstition, it had both a covering and signature, or lock) it should presently overflow so prodigiously as to drown the whole Country thereabouts. Which accordingly happened on this occasion. One of the Country Women having opened it to bring Water home, it chanced that before she had throughly done, she heard her Child a little distance off crying: and going in haste to still him, she forgot to cover the Well. Whereupon it overflowed on a sudden so strangely, that not only the Woman herself and her Child with her, but all the People universally and all the very too of the whole Country for very many miles, were, as by a particular and Provincial Deluge, covered, overwhelmed, perished utterly in the Waters. As if the Author of Nature had judged that Land unworthy of Inhabitants, which had been conscious of such enormous turpitude against Nature. And indeed that such had been the original of this Lake, it is no improbable argument, that the Fishermen upon it do manifestly in fair serene weather see, under them in the Water, Church Turrets, which according to the fashion of those in that Land are not only narrow and high, but round withal; and that they often show them to passengers wasted over this Lake, who are strangely astonished at the sight and cause. You are also to note, That the River which abundantly flows out of the same Lake, being one of the nine Principal Rivers of Ireland, namely the Ban, did even from the beginning (that is, ever since the time of Bartholanus) though in a much smaller stream, flow from the foresaid Well all along that Country, other Waters falling into it still as it went farther off. Hitherto Gerald of Wales. But to this Relation of his, it will not be amiss to add what Cambden says applying it, and interpreting and making this nameless Pool to be the famous Loch Erne of so many miles in length and breadth, and the People destroyed to have been some Hebridians' got thither. Beyond Cavan (says he) Cambden's Ireland in Holland's Translation of it, page 106. West & North, Fermanach presenteth itself, where sometimes the Erdini dwelled▪ a Country full of Woods, and very boggish. In the midst whereof is that famous and greatest Mere of all Ireland, Loch Erne, stretching out forty miles, bordered about with shady Woods, and passing full of inhabited Islands, whereof some contain a hundred, two hundred, three hundred acres of ground: having besides such store of Pikes, Truots, and Salmon, that the Fishermen complain oftener of too great plenty of Fishes, and of the breaking of their Nets, than they do for want of draught. This Lake spreadeth not from East to West (as it is described in the common Maps) but, as I have heard those say who have taken a long and good survey thereof, first at Bel Tarbet, which is a little Town farthest North of any in this County of Cavan, it stretcheth from South to North fourteen miles in length, and four in breadth. Anon it draweth in narrow, to the bigness of a good River, for six miles,, in the Channel whereof standeth Iniskellin, the principal Call'st in this Tract, which in the year 1593. was defended by the Rebels, and by Dowdal a most valiant Captain won. Then, coming Westward, it enlargeth itself most of all, twenty miles long, and ten broad, as far as to Belek: near unto which is a great downfall of Water, and as they term it, that most renowned Salmon's Leapue. Á common speech among the Inhabitants thereby, is That this Lake was once firm ground, passing well husbanded with Tillage, and replenished with Inhabitants; but suddenly for their abominable buggery committed with Beasts, overflown with Waters, and turned to a Lake. Though Almighty God (says Giraldus) Creator of Nature, judged this Land, privy to so filthy Acts against Nature, unworthy to hold not only the first Inhabitants, but any other for the time to come. Howbeit this wickedness the Irish Annals lay upon certain Islanders out of the Hebrides, who being fled out of their own Country, lurked there. So he. Against these Relations, the one of Giraldus Cambrensis, and the other of Cambden; though the later, as to the original of this Lake, is wholly grounded on the former, Gratianus Lucius opposes many Reasons. 1. That all the Irish Annals and Histories, who treat of Loch Ern, attribute the original of it, not to the overflowing of any Well or River, but to a mere eruption of Waters out of the very entrails of the Earth, without any kind of mention of Bestiality or other sin of the Inhabitants which might at all any way deserve it. 2. That this Eruption happened in the Reign of Fiacha Lauranne * But Keting says it happened under the Reign of Tighermhais (alias Tightermhuir) forty six years before Fiacha Labhraina came to be King. King of Ireland, immediately after the great Victory got by Him over the remainders of the Nation called Fir-bholg, who till then had kept and inhabited that Tract of ground where this Lake did so burst forth on a sudden: and consequently, That it happened before the year of the World 3751. because, according to to the Irish Chronology, Fiacha Laurainne came to the Crown of Ireland by killing his Predecessor Eochuidh Fuibherghlas, in the year of the World 3727. and held it twenty years more, or rather to the year of the World 3751. when himself was likewise killed by Eochuidh Mumho that succeeded him in the Sovereignty. 3. That such, and so early to have been the original of this Lake, without either bestiality, or Well, or other enormous or miraculous cause mentioned by any Irish Records or Books, Amhirgin the son of Amhalgadh mhic Mholruana had delivered in the Etymological Book which he not only composed of all the chief places, Countries, Tracts of Ireland, but rehearsed before Diarmuid O Cearbheoil the Monarch, and other Princes and Peers of the Nation assembled together at Tarach, about the year of Christ 500: adding withal in the same Book, that some former Historians were of opinion, This Lake had a long time, yea many Ages after the beginning, taken its denomination of Erne a Maid servant to the famous Meabh Chruachain, Queen of Connaght, drowned therein. Which Meabh Chruachain was Daughter to Eochuidh Feilioch the Monarch, Author of the Pentarchy, who ended both his Reign and life in the year of the World 5069. that is, according to the account followed by Lucius, a hundred and thirty one years before the Incarnation of our Lord. 4. That hence appears not only the falsity of the Relation itself, but the Ignorance of the Relatour Cambrensis (in the History of Ireland) where he says, That Church-Towers were seen in that Lake he describes to have had so prodigious an original: insinuating hereby, as if Loch Ern had its beginning after the plantation of Christianity in that Kingdom. Whereas we have now seen it was broke out even 1427. before the very birth of Christ, which was in the year of the World 5199. Besides, it is most certain, that those high, round, narrow Towers of stone, built cylinder-wise, whereof Cambrensis speaks, were never known or built in Ireland (as indeed no more were any Castles, Houses, or even Churches of stone, at least in the North of Ireland) before the year of Christ 838. when the Heathen Danes possessing a great part of that Country, built them in several places, to serve themselves as Watch-Towers against the Natives. Though ere long, the Danes being expulsed, the Christian Irish turned. them to another and much better (because a holy) use, that is to Steeple-Houses or Bell-Fries, to hang Bells in for calling the People to Church. From which later use made of them, it is, that ever since to this present, they are called in Irish Cloctheaches, that is Bell-Fries, or Bell-Houses; Cloc or Clog, signifying a Bell, and Teach a House in that Language. And further yet, my Author Gratianus Lucius adds out of the undoubted Monuments or Lives both of Columb Cille and S. Patrick, that even as early as either of those holy men's time, Loch Erne was the same it is now. For O Donel writes in his Life of Columb Cill l. 1. c. 88 That S. Columb by his special blessing and Prayer to God, obtained not only that fecundity of Fish to the Lake, which ever since it has been blessed with, but that the cataract or Fall of it should be lower than it was before, whereby the leap of the Salmon became easier. And S. Ewin writes, part 2. c. 110. of S. Patric's Life, that this great Apostle of Ireland, to punish the frowardness of the Lord of the Country next adjoining to the Northern side of this Lake, cursed the same side of it, and so bereaved it of its former fruitfulness, Out of which Narrations or Lives (whatsoever may be said or thought of the Miracles) it is plain enough, that so long before these narrow, high, round Turrets built by the Danes, Loch Erne was the same it is at present. 5. That Ptolomee, who flourished about the year of Christ 153. describes Loch Erne in the same manner, and place the modern Geographers do, calling also the Inhabitants of that Tract Erdini. 6. That nothing can be more clear and manifest than Girald and Cambden's contradicting one another, or certainly both truth and experience each of them. For Cambrensis plainly says, that the River of Ban flows out of the Lake, he reports to have had the foresaid prodigious original; and Cambden no less plainly and positively averrs that Lake which had so strange a beginning to be the Lake Erne: and yet all Ireland knows, and Cambden himself in several places, though more perceptibly to the eye in his Map of Ireland, shows that the said River Ban flows, not out of Loch Ern, but out of another, by name Loch Neauch, which is at least threescore miles from the Lake Ern. 7. And lastly, that there are no such Irish Annals known or heard of in Ireland, which impute either that cause or effect of it, whereof Cambden speaks, to those Hebridians' mentioned by him, or to any other People or Nation whatsoever. So that, out of all we may safely conclude, the whole Relation of the foresaid infamous Original of Loch Erne to be no better than an old Wives Tale. Which after I had lighted by chance on Gratianus, I thought myself the rather obliged to observe here, because I had formerly in writing and printing what you have in my 59 page, either seemed to be somewhat persuaded by the Authority of Cambden (though only taking up the relation from Cambrensis, and withal telling us, I know not from whom, of Irish Annals in the case) or because at least I had not sufficiently cleared so injurious a Report. 55. And now let me tell you on this occasion, that e'en such another if not yet more injurious, ill grounded, false Report is that which the same Cambrensis is the only first Original Author of, in his Topography of Ireland (dist. 3. cap. 25.) where he tells us, That the People of Tirconel, a Country in the North of Ulster, created their King in this barbarous abominable manner. That all being assembled together in one place, a white Beast was brought before them. Unto which he that was chosen to be made King approaching, declared himself publicly before them all to be such another, that is, a mere Beast. Whereupon the white Beast was cut in pieces, boiled in Water; and, that done, a bath prepared for him of the Broth. Into which entering, and bathing, and then feeding, and all the People too about him feeding in the same manner on the flesh boiled in it; at last he drinks of that very broth wherein he had already bathed; and this also not by reaching or taking it out of any Cup or other Vessel, nay not so much as out of the palm of his hand, but by stooping and putting down his mouth like a Beast on all sides of the very bathing Cistern or Cauldron at large, wherein he had washed. Which being over, the whole Rite and Solemnity of his inauguration was ended, and he completely installed in his Kingship of Tirconel. So says Cambrensis, intimating hereby, as if this filthy custom held in that Country even in his own time. But Keting has abundantly refuted this no less filthy abominable Fiction; where he shows at large, in the Reign of Brian Boraimh, the known, solemn, decent and significant Rites, yea and places too of Inaugurating every King and Prince in all the Provinces of Ireland: and who were the Lords, or which were the Families that bore the chief Offices at the respective Inaugurations. Particularly as to the Prince of Tirconel, namely O Donel, of whose creation this Fable of Cambrensis must be understood, the same Keting shows that the place both of his Election or Inauguration or Investiture was Cill-mhic-Creunain; and the chief Officers at it were O Fiorghaill, who carried before him and solemnly put into his hand the White Rod, which was his Sceptre, and O Gallechuir, who was his Marshal. But Gratianus Lucius (page 316 of his Cambrensis Eversus) takes a little more pains in this particular. He tells in the first place, how, when any was to be created O Donel, all the Estates of the Country met together upon a certain Hill. And how, the Assembly being full, one of the greatest Peers amongst them, rising up and standing in the middle of the multitude with a pure white, straight, unknotty Rod in his hand, addressed himself to the new Elect in this manner and words, Receive Sir the auspicious Ensign of your Dignity, and remember to imitate in your Life and Government the whiteness, and straightness, and unknottiness of this Rod: to the end no evil Tongue may find cause to asperse the candour of your Actions with blackness, nor any kind of corruption or tye of friendship be able to pervert your Justice. Take therefore upon you in a lucky hour the Government of this People, and exercise the Power given you hereby with all freedom and security. And how, these words spoken, he delivered the Rod into the Prince's Hand: and so the whole Solemnity was perclosed. In the next place Lucius desires it may be considered, that the whole controversy in this matter with Cambrensis may be in short reduced to these Queries, Whether we ought to believe one Hear-say-mans' denial before the affirmation of very many both ear and eye-witnesses? Whether Domestic Writers, especially those whose peculiar employment, calling, charge it is are not more likely to deliver the truth of matters to Posterity, than a mere Foreigner that not only never was in the Country he speaks of (as Cambrensis was never in Tirconel) but shows himself in too too many Instances a perfect Enemy even to all that wish it well? And whether we own belief rather to public National Records and Monuments, than to the Narration of a private man, which was not more purposely invented by some Bard or Ballad-monger, than desirously taken up by an invidious Writer? Thirdly to these and after these Questions Lucius in effect answers and reasons thus: That without question the Irish Chroniclers wrote of these matters to discharge the duty of their place; but Girald both in his Topographical and Historical Books of Ireland (such as they be) yielded so far to passion, even that of extreme hatred, as made him not only obscure the Truth, but suppress it even with manifest Lies and Fictions. That no indifferent considering Person can believe, that St. Patrick, who accurately surveying this Country of Tirconel, converted all the People of it, and together with them instructed so their Prince Conall Gubhan in the austerest principles of Christianity, that in a secular habit he lived an Hermit's Life, would have permitted such filthy dregs of Pagan superstition to remain, Jocelin, c. 138. had there been any such: and this not only among the base obscure sort of Plebeians, but among the very most illustrious, the very Princes themselves of the People. That if such obvious and conspicuous turpitude had (which is not credible) escaped the knowledge of St. Patrick, who lived among 'em threescore years: assuredly it could by no means have escaped either the notice or reprehension of those many other Saints, who in the succession of so many after-Ages of Christian Religion lived in that very Country of Tirconel. That above fifty eminent Saints are upon Record of those descended from the Loins of that Conall Gubhan alone, whereof the greatest part fixed their dwelling there, and built also there above twenty Monasteries. That the two Episcopal Sees of Doire and Rapoth were constituted in those early days in the same most Northern Tract of Ulster: wherein as many Bishops and Abbots succeeded one another, so many religious Watchmen must be acknowledged to have been viewing far and near about them in such manner, as it was morally impossible so hideous, and withal so public notorious a blemish, could all along, even for six hundred years complete, till the time of Cambrensis, escape their animadversion. That betwixt many of the Bishops and Abbots of those two Dioceses, and the Lords (or Princes or Kings, which you please to call 'em) of Tirconel, there was often both very great familiar friendship and near kindred too. That if the reverence of the Princes did awe other Prelates from reprehending this nasty bestial ceremony of their creation: undoubtedly, at least among their kinsmen Prelates, some would have been found that out of Nature and for the sake of consanguinity would have admonished them, and procured the reformation of it. That no man can believe, that the Saints Columb-Cille, Bathenus, Lasrenus, Fergnaus, Suibhneus, Adamnanus, and other most holy men, who had both their extraction and birth, and their Education too in all Piety in Tirconel, and been such fearless undaunted tramplers under foot of all Vice and superstition, would not have cut off by the root so hideous, loathsome, brutish a custom, if any such in their days had been. That in case these great servants of God had wanted power enough to do so: yet surely the more powerful Saints Moelbridius and Malachias, Primats of all Ireland, who derived their extraction from that Country of Tirconel; would not have suffered the example to continue. That hesides, it is beyond belief, That the very Princes themselves of Tirconel, whereof so many were famous for Humanity, Liberality, Piety, Religion, would have entered on their Princedom by so inauspicious and execrable a Rite. Lastly, that without any peradventure, if they, or their People, had proved herein pertinacious, yet so many pious excellent Monarches of Ireland, as we have before seen, who had supreme Authority over them, would not have connived at it. So, in effect, Lucius, against this equally injurious, vain, ridiculous, filthy Fiction, vented first of any Mortal, as the former of Loch Ern, by Girald of Wales. 56. Of Aonach Tailltinn the most celebrated Irish Fair, both for Antiquity and resemblance of the Olympic Games of Greece, exhibited therein (which I only mentioned in my foresaid 95 page) the Author was Lugha Lambfhada the Twelfth King of Ireland after Slanius, but Third of the Nation called Fir-bholg, even so long since as betwixt two and three hundred years before the Milesians conquered that Kingdom. The occasion this: When the Ninth and last Fir-bholgian King of the Posterity of Dela, by name Eoghan, was killed in Battle, and the Kingdom seized by new Invaders, the Nation of Tuadedainin, it happened that Tailtinn Daughter to Madhmor King of South-Spain, but Widow and Queen to the said Eoghan, having married Eochadh Garbb a Nobleman of the new Conquerors, bred the foresaid Lugha with great care and kindness in his youth. Wherefore he, when he came to the Crown, retaining thereof a most grateful remembrance, and holding himself bound to requite her love in the best manner he could, thought fit to ordain, as accordingly he did, for a perpetual memory of her, one and thirty days in all, viz. the fifteen immediately preceding our first day of August, and the other fifteen next following it, to be solemnly kept in all Ages both by a general concourse of the bravest men out of all parts of the Kingdom, at a place in Meath called Tailtinn from her name, and by all sorts of manly Games and Exercises there, as those of Running, Hunting, Wrestling, Leaping, Vaulting, Tilting, etc. and by prizes also given to the Victors. That so lately before the English Conquest, as the year 1168. Ruaruidh O Conchavair the last Irish Monarch held this great Fair of Tailtinn and exhibited those Olympic Games with much solemnity. For so Gratianus Lucius has told us in his Roman phrase, Ludos Taltinos dedit, as we have seen elsewhere. And the same Author adds, That the Calends or first day of August, though in aftertimes among Christians, at least those of the Roman Church, dedicated to the Chains of St. Peter, and therefore, in the Roman Calendar, called Petri ad Vincula, has nevertheless in all Ages been, as it is at present, in memory of the foresaid King, by all the Irish Nation called in their Language Lugh-Nasa, which imports in English the Remembrance of Lewis; for Nasa is remembrance, and Lugh, the same with Lewis or Luis. But Keting says that Queen Tailtinn, whom he honoured so much, had been his own Wife; though whether in a third Venture, or no, he does not say. 57 There is mention made (page 122 and 213) of the Monarch Ollamh Fodhlas' having ordained in every Town a Receiver and Entertainer of Strangers. But the particulars of that Ordinance and practice of it as I find them in Keting and Lucius being very singular, I thought fit to give here, the rather because the Character of Gens inhospita, (that is, an inhospitable Nation) is given the Irish by Gerald of Wales (Top. dist. 3. cap. 10.) so much against Truth. And certainly, for what concerns the more ancient times, it will appear out of what here follows of their extraordinary care to provide entertainment for all Comers, that their Hospitality in those days of yore was unmatchable in Europe. I am sure it was so in any place or Country that ever I have read of. The dignity of an Entertainer, says Lucius, no where else used, was among the Irish bestowed only on those descended of Noble Families. Nor was any capable of it, that was not Lord Proprietary of seven Towns, I mean Feeding Towns, (as Keting says, the Irish call in their Language all towns whatsoever properly such; Bailte Biatha;) each Town consisting of twelve Plowlands of Irish Measure, which is three or four times twelve of English. He must besides have had seven Ploughs continually going, and withal been Master of seven Herds of Cows, each Herd consisting of a hundred and twenty full. His Mansion House so seated, as to have been accessible by four several ways. A Hog, a Sheep, a Beef, always ready in the Pot, or on the Spit, to the end that every hour without delay, whoever came might be instantly fed. The like number of Beasts ready killed and fleyed, to be put to the fire as the former was taken up. Every order and degree of men, according to their quality, had their Entertainment, both meat and drink, assigned by Rule, so as the Entertainer, if he defrauded any was certain to be fined for it, by the proportionable lessening of his immunities and other Privileges. Sundry sorts of drinks, were served in sundry sorts of Cups. In Glass, Wine: in Brass, Water: in Silver, Whey: in white Cups of Ash, Beer: and in brown ones made of Figtree, Milk. Hitherto Lucius (in his Camb. Evers. page 130.) Who yet farther adds in the same place, out of Keting, what you will peradventure no less, if not much more wonder at, the exceeding great number of those Free-cost entertaining Towns, or Houses deputed in such Towns by the public, throughout Ireland. In Connaght 900. in Ulster the like number: in Leinster, 930. in Monster a 1030. 58. In my 217 page, there is likewise upon a far other occasion some little mention made of the victorious Monarch Tuathal Teatchtmhor, though much more elsewhere before in one or two places. However this place is that which as I was reviewing it, has brought to my remembrance what follows here out of Keting. As 1. That before his time, Ireland was equally divided into Monster, Leinster, Connaght, and Ulster; each of these Divisions meeting at a place, and of the sides of a great stone fixed in that place, called Visneach, which is in the Country that goes now by the name of West Meath. 2. That when he had after twenty five years' war totally subdued the Plebeian Rebels, and restored both the Gentry to their Estates, and the true Royal Blood and Heirs to their respective Provincial Kingdoms, he thought fit to take, as he accordingly did, with their consent, from each of those Divisions a considerable Tract of ground, which was the next adjoining to Visneach: one East, an other West, a third South and the fourth on the North of it: and appointed all four, under the name of Meath (but as comprehending our Counties now of East and West- Meath) to belong for evermore to the Monarches own peculiar Demain, for the maintenance of his Table. 3. That on those four several portions, he built four several Kingly Palaces, for himself and his Heirs, viz. Tleaghtghae on that of Monster side; Tailltin House, on Vlster's; an other at Tarach, on Leinster's portion; and the fourth on the West of Visneach, taken from Connaght: ordaining withal great Solemnities at each of them to be kept on certain days yearly for ever. At Tlaghtghae the sacred but Idolatrous Fire to be kindled on our All Hallows Eve. All Magicians of the Kingdom to come thither that night, and sacrifice to their Deities in that Fire. All the other Fires throughout the Kingdom to be put out then, and under great penalties not kindled again, but from or out of this holy Fire of Tlaghtghae. And every house in the Kingdom, as receiving from this new consecrated Fire, and because the ground of Tleaghthae had been formerly the Monster King's Dominion, to pay him yearly three pence for ever. At Visneach House, or that which he had built hard by and West of it on the ground taken from the Connaght King; he ordained, That each May day for ever, a general Meeting of all the Nobility should be held, (which Meeting they called in their Language Morhail Visneach; and it may be Englished, the Magnificence of Visneach.) That two great Fires should be made at this Meeting, and betwixt them both all beasts sacrificed to their great God Beile (which Keting conceives to have been the same with Belus) for expiating their sins, appeasing his wrath, and obtaining from him favour for the following year. That the same day and hour, in every District or Territory of the whole Kingdom, two such other Fires should be made for the like purpose, that is for all the respective Inhabitants to resort unto them with their Heathen Priests and sacrifices. In fine, that every Chieftain and person of Quality come to the said great Meeting at Visneach, should present the Connaght King with a Horse and complete harness for a Horseman, as a Chiefry reserved to him for that ground. Where Keting adds, that from these yearly Paganical Fires at Visneach, and elsewhere, made in those days of Idolatry, to honour Beall, it is that ever since, even along to this very day, the Irish call the first of May Lae Beall-tine, which imports in English Beali's Fire day: for in their Tongue Lae is day, and Tine is Fire. At, or near the Palace of Tailltionn, he by a new Ordinance of his own commanded the ancient Fair, called Aonach Tailltinn (whereof we have spoke before) to be kept yearly on Lammas day with much more solemnity and a far greater conflux of people than ever. And there it was that Wedding-matches were usually treated, agreed upon, concluded betwixt the Parents of young Folks. And by this Monarches new Law, every couple, marrying there, paid six shillings eight pence (which the Irish then did call Vinghe Airgiod, an ounce of Silver) to the King of Ulster, as an acknowledgement of his having formerly been Lord of that portion. But for Tarach (alias Teambhuir) where he had built his fourth Royal Palace, I find nothing ordained by him concerning any solemnity or Assembly there. And the reason (I suppose) might be, that even the very greatest and most solemn Assembly of all the Estates in Parliament, either to make new Laws, and repeal the old, or to exercise any other Acts of Supreme Jurisdiction, had been already both by Law and Custom fixed in that place, ever since Ollamh Fodhlas' Reign, that is full 1200. years, wanting only seventeen, before Tuathal Teachtmhor came to be King. No more do I find any duty or Chiefry payable to the K. of Leinster. Whereof I conceive also the reason might have been, That indeed (as Keting elsewhere, and upon an other occasion than this here, observes) Cairbre Niafearr the very first King of Leinster, had full two hundred and six years before Tuathal Teachtmor's time, passed away both his own right, and that of his Successors after him, in the foresaid portion of Land wherein Tarach was built, and for ever made it over by way of sale and bargain, to Connor the first King of Ulster and his Successors after him, in lieu of his beloved Daughter by name Feilim Nua Chrothach, or Felicia the Beautiful, whom Cairbre had bought so dear to be his Wife. So dear I say, because that fourth portion from Visneach to the Eastern Sea, being in his time, and until this bargain made, part of Leinster, contained three canters of Land of the very best in Ireland, even all the Land which now goes under the name of the County of Meath (I mean East-Meath) along to Droghedagh, besides Fingale, and all the other Lands too on that side of the River Liffy to Dublin. But if you desire to know what, or how much Land a Cantred means, being I have told but now of three canters in this Fourth portion: Cambrensis, in his Hiber expug. l. 2. c. 18. answers, that as well in the Irish as British Tongue, by a Cantred is meant that proportion or quantity of Land which usually contains a hundred Villages. And whether Keting disagree in this signification of that word, I know not certainly, because I know not how much Land Cambrensis would assign to a Village, or Villa his Latin term. Of this I am certain, that Keting assigns (according to the Irish account) but thirty Feeding Towns, or Bailite ciath as he calls '●m, to a Cantred, every one of them containing twelve Plowlands, and every Plowland a hundred and twenty acres of Irish measure, which is commonly three or four times greater than the English. And this is both reflection and digression enough occasioned by the mention made of Tuathal Teachtmhor the Irish Monarch in my foresaid 217. page. 59 My next Reflection is to correct an Error, which I observe in my 229. page. For there, (and whether through my own mistake or the Printers, I know not) it is said, That Connor, the first Provincial King of Ulster, was made so by Eochuidh Feileach the Monarch and Author of the Pentarchy, about 400 years before the Birth of Christ: whereas indeed it could not be so much, by at least two hundred and eighteen years. Because this Monarch Eochadh Feileach, who made that Connor King of Ulster, could not make him King before himself was Monarch; and this he was not before the year of the World 5057. in which he killed his Predecessor and possessed his Throne. Now, according to the Chronology of Lucius, that year of the World was just one hundred forty two years before the Birth of our Lord; because (says he) this Birth happened in the year of the World 5199. after the deluge 2957. and in the 8th year, as some say, or (as others) in the 12th year of the Monarch of Ireland Criomthain Niadnairs Reign. Now 'tis plain, that from the year 5057, to the year 5099. not more effluxed but 142 years. 60. The review of my 229. page, and what is given there, of that happy King of Monster Feilim mhac Criomthain, brings to my thoughts here, a passage in Keting that is very lingular, both for the Author and matter of it. The Author is holy Bennin as the Irish call him in their Language, whom the Latins call St. Benignus, even that very beloved Disciple of St. Patrick their great Apostle, who was consecrated and installed by him in his own days and in his own stead, Archbishop of Ardmagh. And the matter is the magnificent and costly progress of the Kings of Cashel in former times about Leath Cuinn and Leath Mogh throughout all Ireland. And, says Keting, it is in the Irish Book called Leabhar na Geart (i. e. the Book of Rights or Deuce, a Book beginning with these words, Dligh gach Riogh O Riogh Cassil, and a Book written wholly by S. Benignus himself 1200 years since) that the particulars of that stately Progress are set down, as here they follow. Bestowed by him (that is, by the King of Cashel, when he went that Progress) on the King of Cruachain a hundred Swords, a hundred Cups of Plate, a hundred Horses, and a hundred Mantles. Received from this Cruachain or Connaght King half a years entertainment, and the Rising out (as they call it) of all the Country, waiting on him to Tirconail. Bestowed by him on the King of Cineal Gonuill, twenty Rings, twenty pair of Tables (which they called Fithchioll) and twenty Horses. Received a month's entertainment, and the rising out of that Country, along with him to Tir-oghain. Bestowed by him on the King of Oileach, fifty Silver Cups, and fifty Swords. Received a month's entertainment, and the waiting of the Country on him to Tullenoge. Bestowed by him on the Lord or Chieftain of Tullenoge thirty Silver Bowls, and thirty Swords or Lances. Received twelve days entertainment, and waiting on (as elsewhere) to Oirgialluibh. Bestowed by him on this King (I mean of Oirghialluibh) eight shirts of Mail, sixty Coats, and sixty Horses. Received a month's entertainment at Eambaine, with the rising out into Ulster against Clanna Ruidhruidh. Bestowed by him on the King of Tarach 30 shirts of Mail, thirty Rings, a hundred Horse, and thirty Harpers. Received there a month's entertainment, and the four chief. Families accompanying him thence to Dublin. Bestowed by him on the King of Dublin ten Women, ten Ships, and ten Horses. Received a month's entertainment, and this King's Company into Leinster. Bestowed by him on the Leinster King thirty Cows, thirty Ships, thirty Horses, and thirty young Maids which they termed Cumbhall. Received two months' entertainment, i. e. one months from Upper Leinster, and another from the Lower, which they call Jachter Laighion. Finally, to the Tanist of the same Low-Leinster, thirty Horses, thirty shirts of Mail, and 30 Swords. And this was the costly splendour of that general Progress of the Monster Kings over Ireland in former Ages, when they thought fit to make or undertake it. Which Feidlimidius (alias Felim mhac Criomthain) King of that Province did in his Reign; and this no longer since then the 845 year of Christ, for he entered upon that Kingdom An. Dom. 818. and retired from it to lead an Eremitical Life in the 27th yearafter. What the Original or Rise of it was, or what right a Provincial King of Monster could pretend to such a Progress, I do not find. Nor do I know what moved Keting to desire the Reader not to account him the Author of the Relation. Or why so contrary to his custom elsewhere generally throughout his whole Chronicle, he quotes here the Author. It had been indeed very well, and much to be wished, that he had done so all along for his other Relations. But here perhaps he▪ thought fit to do it of purpose to decline the invidious Censure of those of other Provinces, for magnifying so much his own Province of Monster without so good a warrant as Benuin's Book. Whatever his motive was, the Relation itself puts me upon some occasional observations here; which shall be in all three. First Observation; That Dublin must have been a considerable place in the days of Benuinn, seeing it had then, or at least before his time a King, and was a Kingdom of itself, different from that of Leinster. And therefore that however, or whenever it was first after that time destroyed; yet surely none of those three Norvegian Brethren, Amelacus, Sitaracus, & Juor, was the first Founder, but only the Repairer and Fortifyer of it a little before the second Danish War. In which persuasion I'm fixed by considering that in the Chorographical Tables of Ptolemy, who flourished under the Emperor T. Aurelius Hadrianus Antoninus Pius, in the year of Christ 153. the People Eblani, and the City Eblana is placed where Dublin has always been. And therefore Eblana in Ptolemy is the very selfsame Town we now call Dublin; the Latin Writers, Dublinium, and Dublinia; the Welsh Britons, Dinas Dulin; the English Saxons in times past, Duplin: and all from one of the two original Irish names of it. The first of them was Dubh-linn, which imports a black Depth of Water that was there. And the second not only was, but is still among all sorts of Irish, not as Cambden has it, Bala-Cleigh but Bala-Ath-Cliath, importing not the Town upon Hurdles, but the Town of the Ford of Hurdles. Which nevertheless is consistent enough with the Tradition that when Dublin was first built, the foundation was laid upon Hurdles, by reason the place had been deeply moorish. I could here add out of Cambden, not only that Saxon Grammaticus writes, how it was pitifully rend and dismembered in the Danish Wars, but also that in the Life of Griffith ap Synan Prince of Wales, 'tis read that Harald of Norway, when he had subdued the greatest part of Ireland, built Develin. I could likewise add my own animadversions on both the one & other passage. viz. That the Irish Chronicles make no mention of any Harald, either conquering any part of Ireland, or building, or so much as repairing Dublin. That neither does the Author of Polichronicon agree in the one or other point derived from that Life. Nay, that according to him Sitaracus or Sitric was the Noruegian Builder of Dublin. And yet I could further add that what Cambden has next out of the foresaid Life may be very true. For after telling us, his own opinion of the above Harald to be, That he was Harald surnamed Harfager, i. e. of the Fair Locks or Tresses, who was the first King of Norway, he adds, that his Lineal descent goes thus in that Life. Harald begat a Son named Auloed (alias Abloicus, Aulafus, and Olaws) Auloed begat another Auloed: this had a Son by name Sitric King of Dublin. Sitric begat Auloed, whose Daughter Racuella was Mother to Griffith ap Synan born at Dublin, whilst Tirlough reigned in Ireland▪ And all these matters, and much more relating to them, I could dilate upon, were they to my purpose here. But they are not: because my purpose here is only to trace up the antiquity of Dublin as far as I can. And this I have done before out of Ptolemy, by showing that City to have been famous in his time, which was above 1510 years since▪ But how long before, is a thing wholly buried in oblivion for want of Records. And therefore I pass to my Second Observation: Which is, to give the original of those Clanna Ruidhruidgh against whom the King of Oirghillaedh (alias Vriel) with his People was bound to wait on the Monster Kings in their Progress. And this I do because their name is very frequent both in the Irish Histories, and in all the Provinces of Ireland, among the ancient Irish Septs, even at this very time. In short, as their name, turned English, must be the Children or descendants of Roderick (for thus we render the Irish name Ruadruidh:) so they had that name, as they lineally derive their descent, not from either of the two Irish Monarches called by that name (though, to pass by the later, who was the very last of all the Milesian Kings of Ireland, yet the former of them was so long before as the LXX. Monarch in order of the same Milesian Race, who came to the Sovereignty of Ireland in the year of the World 4907, that is before the birth of Christ 392 years) but much earlier, from Ruadhruidh mhac Sithghe that descended from Ir one of the eight Sons of Milesius. Which It being dead before, or at least upon the first partition of Ireland betwixt the two surviving Brothers, Heber and Herimon, and their Cousins: and the foresaid Ruidhruidh mhac Sitghe succeeding in the Lot. of Ir, which was in the North, he established both himself and his posterity there: and in process of time became the great stock of a most numerous warlike stubborn People (and among 'em, Lords, and Princes and Kings too) whereof such as continued still within that portion of It & Northern Division, are by the rest of the Irish called Na Faoir Vlltaigh, which words import in our Language the right Ulster men. And not only they that so remained within that Ulster Lot, but those that issued from them into the other Provinces of Ireland, where many of 'em acquired large Territories, have always gone under the name of Clanna Ruidhruidh, and by it are distinguished still from all other Families descended either from Herimon, or Heber, or I'th', or any else whatsoever of those very first Milesian conquerors. Of those of them who had so issued forth into other Provinces, are the progeny of Connall Cearnach in Lease, a Territory of Leinster, and those Septs in Connaght, which go by the peculiar name of Comhaicne Chonnacht, besides other Families in Corcaigh Moruadh and Kiarruigh; parts of Monster. Third Observation is, That so many rich Presents made in one Progress by a Provincial King, must argue Ireland to have been at least in those days of Paganism whereof Benuinn writes (for he himself flourished about 1200 years since) a Country fraught with exceeding great Riches. And verily there are several other strong arguments to persuade us, it was so. 1. The golden Mines discovered there, under the X. Monarch of the Milesian Conquest, by name Tighernmhais, and a long time after made use of. In so much, that the Country abounding with gold, the next Monarch after him, viz. Munemhon, who died in the year of the World 3872. ordained, that all the Gentry should wear golden chains about their Necks. And his next Successor Allerghoid's reign is noted in the Irish Chronicles, for golden Rings therein first used in that Nation. 2. The great number of Silver shields made by the command of Euno Airgtheach, the Xvii. Monarch of the Milesian Conquest, and together with Caroches and Horses bestowed by him on persons of Worth. He reigned seven years, and in the year of the world 3882. was killed in Battle by his successor, having first derived from those Silver Targets the surname of Airgtheach, which imports Silvered. 3. The numerous company of Goldsmiths every where in that Kingdom. I am sure that as Keting, (in Tighernmhais' reign) takes special notice of his name who was the very first Master Goldsmith in those days: so does Gratianus Lucius enough of latter days, I mean as to that matter of the great number of Goldsmiths in 'em among the Irish. For in his 118. p. he observes out of O Dwegan that even S. Patric had in his own private Family of them at work three, namely Essuus, Bidus and Tassachus. He further adds, that scarce in the Irish Histories may be found an instance of any Chalices, Vials, or Utensils whatsoever dedicated to holy uses at the Altar or in the Church, other than of pure Gold or Silver. Besides, that the very cover not only of Relics but of Books, all of Silver and Gold, were so many throughout that Kingdom since it became Christian, as might easily persuade any indifferent man, that of necessity their number of Goldsmiths must have been very great. 5. The spoils of foreign Countries, which for so many long Ages the Irish gathered home to Ireland, as elsewhere in this Treatise has been said. 5. Their being so excellently seated for Trading, that in those days of old they were mightily frequented by Merchants out of Spain, France, Great Britain, etc. but without question much more than Great Britain was. For proof we have the testimony of so knowing and sure a Writer as Cornelius Tacitus in his Life of Agricola: where speaking of Ireland in reference to Britain, he has these words, Melius aditus portusque per commercia & negotiatores cogniti, signifying, That the Havens and Ports of Ireland were better known by Commerce and Merchants than those of Britain. 6. The ounce of Gold yearly paid for every Nose in Ireland to the Danish Victors whilst their Dominion lasted there: which also we have seen before out of Keting. 7. The acknowledgement of Gerald of Wales himself, even for his own time, that is, for the time following the horrible desolation of that Country by the long and cruel Danish Wars, and the frequent continual plundering of it by the Norvegians and other Easterlings for about a hundred and fifty years at least. Yet Gerald, who in the second or third Age after so much Riches had been carried away thence by those plundering Heathens, was an Eye-witness himself of what remained still even in King Hen. II. reign, professes that Ireland at this very time abounded with Gold. For Aurum quoque quo abundat Insula are his own words, Expug. Hib. l. 2. c. 15. where, if you join with it his seventeenth Chapter, you may observe him not only in three several places referring to and exaggerating this very subject of the Irish Gold, but withal supposing in the last of them, that without Irish Commodities & Commerce our Island of Great Britain could not subsist. Besides, I might peradventure to the same purpose of showing the plenty of Treasure among the Irish, and that even but a very little time before the days of Cambrensis (I am sure I might pertinently enough for showing their liberality and Piety both, extended even to Foreign Parts) allege out of the Chronicle of St. James' Benedictin Cloister seated at the West-gate of Reinsburg (alias Ratisbona) in Germany, those vast sums of Gold and Silver, besides the great proportion of other rich Donaries bestowed by the Monster King Conchabhar O Brien surnamed Slapparsalach and other Irish Princes upon Dionysius, Christianus and Gregorius, three successive Irish Abbots of that Cloister, and sent unto them by their own Irish Messengers come of purpose out of Germany, at three several times, and with the Emperor Conrad's Letters commending them that came last. Unto those and these Messengers was delivered so great and Royal a sum by the foresaid King of Monster, that thereby this Cloister was from the very foundations not only rebuilt in a little time so magnificently, that for the stateliness of the Work, it surpassed all other to be seen in those days any where; but moreover, to maintain it and the Monks therein for ever, purchased both within that very City of Reinsburg, and abroad in the Country, in Houses, Lands, Villages, Towns, a mighty great Revenue and perpetual Estate. And yet after all [supererat ingens copia pecuniae Regis Hiberniae] there was remaining still an exceeding great quantity of the King of Ireland's money, says the said Chronicle. For so that Author calls the above Conchabhar O Brien, though only King of Monster: the time of whose Reign was from the year of Christ 1127. when it began, to the year 1142. when he ended both it and together with it his Life in a Pilgrimage at Kildare. I say nothing of the mighty rich Presents, which he sent, and were carried from him, and presented in his name to the Emperor Lotharius the II. by some of the noblest Peers of Ireland who had received the Cross for going to the holy War at that time in Palestine. But there are two particulars, which on this occasion coming to remembrance, I cannot pass over in silence. The one is concerning Marianus Scotus, a famous man among the Learned, specially Chronologers. For in that Reinsburg Chronicle, which speaks of Gregory, the third of those Irish Abbots now mentioned, we have this account of him. 1. That after the same Gregory, upon the death of his predecessor Christianus, was chosen Abbot to succeed him in the foresaid Cloister of Reinsburg, and therefore gone to Rome to be consecrated by the Pope, who then was Adrian iv an English man, at that very time turned Monk in this Cloister egregius Clericus Hiberniensis nomine Marianus, etc. an excellent Irish Clerk by name Marianus a most learned man, who a long time at Paris had publicly taught the seven Liberal Arts and other Sciences; and was there Master to this very Adrian who now presided in the Apostolical Chair at Rome when the foresaid Gregory was admitted by him to Audience. 2. That among other questions Adrian enquiring of Gregory concerning Marianus, his old Praeceptor at Paris, Gregory answered him thus, Master Marianus is well, and having forsaken the World lives with us a Monk at Reinsburg. 3. That hereupon the Pope delivered himself in these words: God be thanked, says he, For throughout the Catholic Church, we do not know, under an Abbot, such an other man, so excelling in Wisdom, Prudence, Wit, Eloquence, good manners, humanity, dexterity, and other divine gifts, as my Master Marianus, etc. Hitherto the very words of that Reinsburg Chronicle, done only into English. Which I have therefore given here (out of Camb. Evers. page 164.) because I would restore that famous man to his own native Country Ireland, notwithstanding his surname of Scotus. What time he flourished we may gather hence: being we know that Pope Adrian IU. whose Instructor in the Sciences he was, died in the year of Christ 1159. the fourth year and tenth month of his Pontificate. The other particular shows how the Irish had been five hundred years before piously munificent to Foreiners come to lead religious lives with them at home in Ireland: as we have but lately seen they were five hundred years after to those of their own Natives that devoted themselves wholly to the same Life among Foreiners abroad. I must confess there are many more Instances in History to show the same thing; but this one extracted by Cambden Cambden in his country of Maio. out of V Bede, (l. 1. Eccles. Histor. cap. 4.) may be sufficient in this place. Colman, an Irish Bishop, found a place in Ireland meet for building a Monastery, named in the Scottish (that is Irish) Tongue Mageo. And he bought a part of it, which was not much, of the Earl whose possession it was, to found a Monastery therein: but with this condition annexed to the sale, that the Monks residing there, should pray for the Soul of him that permitted them to have the place. Now when he had in a very little time, with the help of the said Earl and all the Neighbour Inhabitants built this Cloister, he placed the English men there (who were thirty in number) leaving the Scots behind him in the Monastery which he had before built in a small Isle on the West of Ireland by name Inis-Bofindhe, that is, the Island of the white Cow. And that Cloister which he had built within the Land, is inhabited even at this day by English men. For it is the same which of a small one is grown great, and usually called Mageo. And now, having this good while turned all to better orders, it contains a notable Covent of Monks, who being assembled there out of the Province of England, according to the Example of the reverend Fathers, under regular discipline, and a Canonical Abbot, live in great continency and sincerity by the labour of their own hands. Hitherto Bede. And Cambden, where he treats of the County of Maio in Connaght, adds, that if he deceive not himself, that place named Mageo in Bede, is the very same that now we call the Town of Maio, the Head of that Shire. Which to be true, not only the nearness of Inis-Bofindhe, where Colman left the Irish Monks, whom, together with those English, he took along with him from Lindisfearn in Great Britain * Ann 664. according to the Saxon Chronology, printed with Bede by Wheloc. , but the right Irish name of Maio confirms. For in that Language 'tis called Magheo even at this day. But 'tis high time now to end a digression, which though at first occasioned by my reflecting on Felim mhac Criomthain 's costly Progress about Ireland, has after by degrees, of itself insensibly spun out to this length. 61. Although you may see for above four leaves together (that is from page 190, to page 199.) very much as well of the great Actions and fortunate successes of the last Irish Monarch, Ruaruidh O Conchabhair, in his youth, as of the total Eclipse of his glory, yea and pitiable change of his Royal State in his old days, to the miserable condition of a poor, private, flitting, forlorn Exile, and all proceeding from the unnatural cruelty of his own very Son: nevertheless, amongst those former smiles of Fortune favouring him, had it occurred, I had surely mentioned the General Assembly or Parliament of all the Estates of Ireland, which he held with great solemnity in the first year of his Reign, being the year of Christ 1166. at a place which Gratianus Lucius (in his Camb, Evers. page 161.) calls in Latin Athboylochia; perhaps that Town which now we call Athboy in Meath, and the Irish in their Language Bale-Ath-Buoy. But which foever, or where soever that Athboylochia was, the Meeting there was so numerous, that, besides the several peculiar Trains of the Provincial Kings and other Princes and great Nobles of Lay-degree, and of three Archbishops too of the four, thirteen thousand Horse at one time were counted at it. Nor was this great, and for aught I have read, very last Parliament of the Milesians in Ireland, more numerous than it was careful to provide for the Commonwealth, by ordaining, That the former ancient good Laws, which length of time and corruption of men had brought to disuse, should receive new vigour by a severe observance and execution of them: but especially, that none should dare infringe the sacred Immunities of the Church. So in effect says my foresaid Author Gratianus. But all would not do. No ordinances of men could prevent the Fate impending from Heaven over their Heads at that very time. For what is decreed by God to fall, must fall some time. And the time of their Fall had its visible beginning the very next year, which was 1167. as I have hinted before, page 194. and you thall see at large in the following Second Part of his little Work. 62. Reflecting upon my account of Malachias (given from page 262 to page 287 inclusively) and considering that I have therein said nothing at all of the famous Prophecy, which goes in his name, of all the Popes of Rome who were to succeed one another from his time forward either to the day of general Judgement, or at least to the final desolation of that seven-hilled City: therefore to satisfy in some degree such as have the curiosity and leisure to read predictions of this kind, I thought it no great enlargement or extravagance, to let them know of that Prophecy what follows here. 1. That all the best account I have found of it hitherto, is from Thomas Messingham's Book entitled Florilegium Insulae SS. printed at Paris an. 1624. who extracted it, as he says, out of Arnoldus Wion l. 2. Ligni Vitae c. 40. pag. 307. 2. That (under this Title, Prophetia S. Malachiae Archiepiscopi Ardmachani, totiusque Hiberniae Primatis, ac Sedis Apostolicae Legati, de Summis Pontificibus) it gins with a short line of three words only, and so proceeds on in a hundred and eleven short lines more, one after another, which like the first, contain but three words or four at most, commonly but two, and all in Latin. 3. That by so many lines are signified so many Popes, and consequently a hundred and twelve Popes in all that were to succeed in S. Peter's Chair, from the time (as 'tis pretended) of that Propheties date, until the consummation. 4. That it names none of them, save only the Last: and for the rest, it leaves us wholly to divine of 'em, and of each a part by the character given of him in the short line answerable only to him by the order of times and succession in the Holy See. 5. That one Alphonsus Giacconius of the Dominican Order, has paraphrased on the first threescore and sixteen of those prophetical Lines, in a Writing distinguished into two Columns. Wherein the short Lines of the Prophecy itself, placed in order, take up the first Column: the names of the Popes prophesied of, the Second; each Pope directly placed against the Prophecy that foretells him: and the Paraphrases or Expositions, that interpret the predictions and apply them, take up the last, in the same order and opposition. 6. That as this Interpreter gins with Celestin the II. of that name, expounding the first Line of him: so he ends with Vrban the VII. of whom all the Prophecy is only this, De roar caeli, which rendered in English is, Of the Dew of Heaven, and interpreted almost in as few words by Ciacconius, viz. [Qui fuit Archiepiscopus Rossanensis in Calabria, ubi manna colligitur.] Who was Archbishop in Rosanna in Calabria where Manna is gathered. 7. That by this one Example we may both partly guests at the nature of the Prophecies, and plainly see what kind of interpretations of them those of Ciacconius are. Whereof every one runs in the same or like manner, endeavouring to verify the prediction either in the Country, or Institution, or Family, or Gentilitial Ensigns, or some accident happened to the Pope foretold by it. 8. That as no man has yet ventured on the interpretation of the next eleven prophetical Lines; which must be answerable to the next eleven Popes, that before the now reigning Pope Innocent XI. have since urban VII. succeeded in the Pontifical Chair: so we can hardly in our days expect any public interpretation or application of Bellua insatiabilis to the same present Pope Innocent; though it be what is answerable to him in those foresaid Lines and Columns, if we take exact notice of the Succession. 9 That, (which is more my design to give here) all the remaining number of those prophetical short Lines, and consequently of Popes to succeed the present, is only twenty six in the whole: a number of Popes not so very great, but that much less than the ordinary age of a man may see it over, if they should prove no longer lived than many of their Predecessors have; whereof no fewer than eight in a succession took up in all but twelve years' time. 10. That for the better satisfaction of those who may be affected with this kind of reading; and because it will not take up much room, nor require any further dilatation, I give here those very six and twenty Lines, which however briefly (and obscurely too all of 'em, except the last) yet in some prophetical manner tell us of those six and twenty Popes to come in succession after his Holiness that now steers in a great Tempest the old Fisherboat of Peter. 1. Poenitentia gloriosa. 2. Rastrum in Porta. 3. Flores circumdati. 4. De bona religione. 5. Miles in bello. 6. Columna excelsa. 7. Animal rurale. 8. Rosa Umbriae. 9 Ursus Velox. 10. Peregrinus Apostolicus. 11. Aquila rapax. 12. Canis & Coluber. 13. Vir religiosus. 14. De balneis Etruriae. 15. Crux de Cruse. 16. Lumen in caelo. 17. Ignis arden's. 18. Religio depopulata. 19 Fides intrepida. 20. Pastor Angelicus. 21. Pastor & Nauta. 22. Flos Florum. 23. De medietate Lunae. 24. De labour solis. 25. Gloria Olivae. 26. In persecutione extrema S. R. E. sedebit Petrus Romanus, qui pascet oves in multis tribulationibas: quibus transactis Civitas sepcollis diruetur, & Judex tremendus judicabit populum suum. Finis. 11. That albeit these Predictions cannot be interpreted before the Popes whom they signify are chosen: yet the last of them is very singular, being it names the Pope, and is withal both long, and plain and terrible. For thus it runs in English: In the last persecution of the Holy Roman Church, Peter a Roman shall sit, who shall feed the sheep in many tribulations: which being over, the seven-hilled City shall be destroyed, and the dreadful Judge shall judge his People. Though whether we must understand here the final persecution of Antichrist, and the end of the World, and general Judgement of all Nations in the Valley of Josaphat: or whether only the last particular desolation, judgement and ruin of Rome, and of the Papacy itself, never to recover more in this World, or at least in that place: I can say nothing to it of either side. But no more of this Prophetical Subject. What remains, either of Reflection or Addition, are the few points that follow. I forgot to give them in their due places, according to the order of pages hitherto observed: and therefore I give them here. 63. The first relates to that famous Beannchuir Abbey in the North of Ireland; whereof I have treated before page 62, etc. For concerning the greatness of it, you have here an illustrious testimony out of a foreign Writer, Antony Yepez, in his general Chronicle of the Benedictin Order, ad ann. Christi 565. cap. 2. where speaking of that Irish Monastery, he says in express words, It was one of the greatest our sacred Religion (he means the Benedictin Order) had in all Europe, nay the very greatest of all that were built in the whole Occident, and that no other was comparable to it. But for the austerity of their lives, the sanctity of their conversation, the power of their doctrine and example, their supernatural gifts; and in a word the extraordinary stupendious hand of God with them in all their undertake who were professed Votaries in that illustrious Cloister, we have no less foreign, and much more ancient Writers than Yepez to inform us. And certainly, if we may judge of this matter, by what such credible Authors have written, some eight hundred, and some a thousand years since of the Missionaries of that Abbey, the disciples of St. Congellus (Founder and first Abbot thereof) sent abroad into other parts of Europe by him, for the conversion of Infidels, and reformation of evil Christians: there needs no more to convince us, that Beannchuir was a most perfect Seminary of the most truly virtuous and wonderful Monks on Earth. For Example; of St. Gallus (the Irish call him in their Language Gall) who was one of the twelve, that in one Mission, at one and the same time went thence with Columbanus, who was the thirteenth of them and Perfect of this Mission, thus writeth St. Notkerus Balbulus (in his martyrologue 17 Cal. Nou.) that he converted the people of Switzerland and Suevia from Idolatry: confirmed his preaching to them with the power of Miracles: and that him the divine goodness made Apostle of the Allemaigns: as by whom that Nation which he had found enveloped in Paganism was enlightened with true Religion, and brought from the darkness of ignorance to the Sun of Justice who is Christ. So, and much more in short, writeth the said holy Notherus of this great Apostle of the Allemaigus St. Gallus, from whom or whose Monastery, the Town of St. Gall, so famous even at this day, hath been called. As for the particulars as well of his stupendious austerity, as Miracles above Nature, they may be seen at large in his Life extant in Messingham and Surius, written originally by Walafridus Strabo. But for Columbanus himself (a Leinster man born, and but twenty years old when he went to Sea from Beannchuir, Head of that Mission) whoever please to read over seriously his Acts, written about a thousand years since by one of his own well-nigh Contemporaries, Abbot Ionas, must needs, I think, be suspended in admiration of a man so prodigious in all respects. I cannot be otherwise myself, when I observe the whole course of his Life in Ireland, France, Burgundy, Allmaign, and last of all in Italy where he died. Nor verily does even Caesar Baroniug himself, after so many other both ancient and modern Authors, seem less affected with admiration, where he speaks thus of him (ad an. Christi 612.) It appears (says he) to have proceeded from an extraordinary favour of God, that so great a man, come from Ireland to France, should in the most profligate times illustrate the Church. A man of such transcendent merits, that if any would in some things equal him to Elias, I should not think he erred. Whereas in this most holy man, living with his disciples in the Wilderness, besides wonderful abstinence, and the most exact observance of all Monastic Rules, and other his eminent Virtues, may be observed so great a zeal of the honour of God, and fortitude of Soul to reprove evil Princes. Who also herein was the more like to Elias, that he wanted not Persecutors: not even a new Achab, and another Jezabel, as you yourself may find by reading his Life. But truly his banishment out of Burgundy by King Theodorick, at the instigation of the wicked Queen Brumchildis (that bane, that Murderess of ten Kings, for she destroyed so many, some by poison and some by other damnable ways) and his Journey thereupon to Italy, appeared to be no other than a long continued Triumph for his victory over Kings and their detestable cruelty; yea and a wonderful Triumph indeed, because accompanied with so many prodigious signs and Wonders wrought by him every where as he went along. So says Baronius, in the foresaid place, wholly without doubt suspended in admiration of what himself does so relate of this stupendious man of God. Whose prophetical Spirit also in foretelling King Lotharius so positively and precisely, that within three years the two other Kings Theodorick and Theodobertus should be destroyed, and he (Lotharius) succeed them by that time, and be Monarch of all France: the same Baronius (ad eund. an.) particularly relates. As also he doth, the quarrel of Bruinchildis to Columbanus, and only cause of his banishment, to have been, His exhorting the said King of Austrasia Theodorick to marry a Wife, and turn away his Concubines. For she apprehended, that a regnant Queen or (which is the same thing) a lawful Wife would surely at long running turn her out from the management of State-affairs, which Whores could no●. And then again our great Annalist the same Baronius (ad an. 615.) returning once more to that heavenly Man, and telling us of his death in Italy (after he had founded there the most renowned Cloister of Bobium, as he had formerly done before his banishment, that of Luxovium in Burgundy) he delivers it with this Elogium of him. This year (says he) that Wonderworking Adorer of God, Columbanus, the terror and scourge of evil Kings, departed this Life. Which Elogium given by so eminent a Cardinal, Historian, because there Ordericus Vitalis Angligena, in his Book of Ecclesiastical History. needs no more be said of Columbanus, I will only add the testimony of an ancient English Author, whom I suppose to have lived and died in foreign parts a Monk of Utica many hundred years since, though lately printed in the History of the Normans, published by Andreas du Chesne Anno 1619. They cannot be ignorant (says he) how the blessed Father Columbanus, born in Ireland, contemporary to St. Benedict, having left both his Father's House and Country, and together with other most excellent Monks arrived in France and received by Childebert King of the French, built in Burgundy the Cloister of Luxovium. Nor how being banished thence by the most impious Queen Brunichild and gone to Italy, and received there by Agilulphus King of Longobards, he founded the Cloister of Bobie. Nor how this wonderful man, labouring amongst the Chief in the Vineyard of Christ, shone most gloriously on Earth with Signs and Prodigies. Nor how, as he was taught by the Holy Ghost, he indicted and prescribed a Rule of Life for the Monachical Order, and was the first Author of it in France. Nor how from his School issued those renowned Monks, that, like stars in the Firmament, appeared in the Church, all resplendent with holiness and Miracles. Nor finally can they be ignorant how in particular, Eustasius Luxoviensis; Agitus Resbacensis, Faro Meldensis, Audomarus Bononiensis, Philipertus Gemeticensis, with many other most excellently religious both Abbots and Bishops, whose sanctity on Earth not only has been confirmed by most evident signs from Heaven, but has even mightily propagated the Church of God amongst the Children of men, were all of them Scholars of that very same wonderful Columbanus. And this is the testimony in short given of him by Ordericus Vitalis Angligena. Which together with what you have seen before, though very briefly and almost in general of that singular Mission from the Abbey of Beannchuir, may be sufficient to show the extraordinary holiness of that place, if we judge of the Tree by the fruit it bears. And the conclusion of all must be, that we have reason to think, that how great soever this Irish Cloister was either for the dimension of its buildings and ground whereon it stood, or for the number of Monks residing therein, which elsewhere we have seen amounted to three thousand: yet undoubtedly it was far more illustrious for their sanctity and perfection of Life. 64. But before I pass to a new Subject, the Reader will give me leave to observe here, that Antony Yepez, notwithstanding his testimony for the greatness of Beannchuir, has been very much out in accounting it one of his own Benedictin Order. It was the year of our Lord 494. that St. Benedict himself, in the fourteenth year of his age, retired from being at School in Rome to dedicate himself to God in a contemplative Life, as Baronius writes in the same year. But above a hundred years before that time, Ireland was replenished with perfect Monks, and Monasteries of St. Patrick's own Institution: being, as we have seen elsewhere out of Henricus Altisiodorensis, it was so before St. Patrick's death, and his death happened in the year 493, as Jocelin says. And, if neither by one of those Irish Monks at home who had their immediate institution from St. Patric himself, nor by one of their immediate disciples, yet certainly and at farthest very early after St. Patrick's death, it was that that so much celebrated Irish Abbey of Beannchuir was founded by St. Congellus; and consequently no later than the Monastery of Columb-Cille at Dear-magh, being the same Congellus and he were contemporaries. Whence a further consecution is, that Beannchuir must have been founded at least some years before Columb-Cille's departing from his Monastery at Dearmach in Ireland, on this Mission to convert the Picts in the North of Great Britain; which departure of his, according to Venerable Bede, was precisely in the year of Christ 565. Now it is plain, that before the year of Christ 561. there is not in Baronius no not so much as any mention made of benedict's sending any of his disciples to the West, no not into France to propagate his Order. Nay before the year 595. his Order had received no public approbation from the Church, not even within Italy itself. As for Great Britain, 'tis no less clear, that the Benedictin Order was not heard of there till after Austin the Monk's coming thither from Gregory the Great to convert the Saxons. And yet we know that long before his time the famous Abbey of Monks at Bangor, near Westchester, had been founded even by the foresaid self same Irish Abbot St. Congellus, come thither of purpose from his own former Abbey, the so much admired Beannchuir in the North of Ireland, to build an other in Britain by the pattern of it. But as for Ireland, certainly not before all their own rigid austere Monks of St. Patrick's Rule, and Congheall's and Collumb Cille's institution had been utterly destroyed by the long Danish Wars, nor after neither till about the time of Malachias, that is even five hundred years at least after the foundation of Beannchuir, was any Benedictin Abbey there. So far is Yepez from any just pretence to Beannchuir, or just challenge to it in behalf of his Benedictin Order. Besides, I think nothing can be plainer, than that St. Columbanus, and Gallus with those other eleven holy Fellow missioners, sent out of the same Beannchuir-Abbey into foreign parts to preach the Gospel (as has been said before) were of the same Order that was professed in that Cloister, being they were themselves professed sons and members of it under the same blessed Abbot Congellus, with whose leave and benediction they departed from it on their miraculous fruitful Mission beyond Seas. And sure I am that Ordericus Vitalis Angligena, in his eighth Book of Ecclesiastical History, near the end, as Messingham quotes him, denies they were of the Benedictin or any other Institution than that was peculiar to themselves and those of their own Followers in France, Burgundy, etc. Moreover, I think it no less manifest that if the said illustrious Abbey of Beannchuir in Ireland had been of the Benedictin Order, so must also Bangor in Wales have been: seeing they had both the same Founder, to wit the Blessed Congheall, or (as they call him in Latin) Congellus. And yet to assert this of Bangor in Wales, must be against all reason. Because we know Bangor has been so far from any Roman or Italian Order, that Dinooth the Abbot and other Learned men thereof, were the grand sticklers against submitting to the Roman Pontiff himself, though so good a man and Pontiff both, as Gregory the Great was known to be. For they were the men pitched and relied upon by the Britons to be, and accordingly were, as to matter of Learning, the chiefest opposers of Austin the First Archbishop of Canterbury in the Conferences he had with the British Bishops, to bring them to some acknowledgement of and submission to the Pope. And it is no way probable, that Dinooth or his Monks, if they had been of the Benedictin Order, would have so fiercely opposed his Legate, especially in point of Canonical submission to the Delegant himself, whose only authority was it which gave being and credit to the same Order, by confirming it so lately before in a Roman Council. Much less would their fierceness and resolution in that matter have been so unalterable as to occasion the slaughter of eleven hundred and fifty of their Brethren Monks of the very same Bangor Abbey at one time and place. Whereof you may see the particulars in Venerable Bede, l. 2. Eccl. Histor. c. 2. and in Whelock's Notes upon this Chapter. So that Yepez in making Beannchuir a Benedictin Abbey, knew not what he said, or at lest what could be objected against him. 65. Why the Staff of Jesus, mentioned in my 273. page, was so called, you may read in Jocelinus, an English Monk that five hundred years since, at the instance of two Irish Bishops, and Sir John Curcy (whom he calls Prince of Ulster, because (as I suppose) he was the first Conqueror of it under the English Crown) digested the Life of St. Patrick out of many former Lives written of Him by several Authors, but written by them in such manner and stile as did not invite Readers. It is therefore this Jocelinus, that in his Life of St. Patrick, cap. 24. gives a pretty large account of that Staff of Jesus. Which is, in substance. That when St. Patrick, after a long abode of many years with St. German Bishop of Altissiodorum in France, had with his leave at last departed towards Rome, in his journey thither he, either by divine instinct or Angelical instruction, diverted to a certain Island in the Tirrhene Sea, of purpose to visit a certain holy Anchoret of great same living there, whose name was Justus. 2. That upon his arrival, after holy salutes and spiritual conference, Justus gave him a Staff, saying, he had received it from the very hand of our Lord Jesus Christ himself; but to be given him. 3. That after this, St. Patrick discoursing with other men, who lived in the same Island at some little distance from the Cell of Justus, whereof some appeared brisk and young, others old even to decrepit age: and understanding that those extreme old men he saw were the very sons of those other that appeared young: and enquiring how that could be? One of the same young men, both to remove his admiration which was great, and to satisfy his demand, gave him this answer. We (says he) from our childhood, through the mercy of God, have been always given to works of mercy: and our door was open to every Traveller, that for Christ's sake desired either Victuals or Lodging. On a certain Night we received a stranger with a Staff in his hand, and according to our best ability treated him with all necessaries and kindness. Next Morning, upon his departure he blessed us; nor only blessed us, but moreover spoke these words unto us, viz. I am Jesus Christ, whom in person you have this Night received into your House, who so often before have received me in my servants. And then he delivered the Staff he had in his hand, to the man of God our spiritual Father: commanding him to keep it for a certain Pilgrim, by name Patrick, who after many days should arrive here, and upon him to bestow it. Which command given, he presently ascended into Heaven: and we have ever since remained in the same state of youthful countenance, briskness and vigour of body we were in at that time. But our sons that were but little children then, are now according to their age come to be decrepit, as you see them. 4. That when St. Patrick had heard all, he gave God thanks: and after a few days longer conversation with Justus, proceeded on his Journey, carrying in his hand that holy Staff appointed by God himself to be an instrument for his servant Patrick to work therewith prodigious things in Ireland, as the Rod of Moses had formerly been for effecting the famed Wonders in Egypt: the greatest difference betwixt them being, that this of Jesus brought health and life to the Irish Nation, but that of Moses, death upon the Egyptian. So in effect Jocelinus, mostly concerning the original of that Staff. Unto which he addeth (cap. 170.) concerning also the powerful Virtue of it, That by lifting it up on high, and threatening with it, St. Patrick, after a long Fast of forty days and forty nights, joined with continual fervent Prayer, forced together out of all parts of Ireland, all venomous Animals whatsoever, to the Mountain called in Irish Cruachain Ailge, in the West of Conaght, and from thence precipitated them into the Western Ocean, lying under this Mountain: and this with such a blessed riddance to the whole Island, as to have left or have rendered it ever since incapable of harbouring any creature alive that were Poisonous, though brought into it from other countries'. How Keting understands this later point. we have seen before.▪ And for Gerald of Wales, though he acknowledge both the Virtue and name of that Staff, calling it Virtuosissimum baculum Jesus, the most powerful Staff of Jesus; yet he says withal, that the Origin of it is as uncertain as the Virtue is most certain. Adding immediately in the same place, That in his own time, and by his own Country men the British Conquerors, that noble Treasure (for so he calls it) was translated from Ardmagh to Dublin. What became of it since, I cannot tell. But this I find in St. Bernard's Life of Malachias, that this Staff of Jesus, and the Text of the Gospel that was St. Patrick's own Book, or that used by himself, were the two most precious Jewels not only of the Church of Ardmagh, but of any in the whole Kingdom of Ireland. That they were held by all the Irish in the greatest veneration above all other holy Relics whatsoever; but more especially the Staff, as being that which our Saviour Christ himself had both carried in his own divine hand, framed by his own peculiar workmanship, and recommended in such a special manner to be given to his Apostolical servant Patrick. I find moreover in David Rooth, the late Roman Catholic Bishop of Ossory's Elucidations upon Jocelin, whatever may be objected by Critics against this History of the Staff of Jesus answered. For if their Exception be against our Saviour's appearing on Earth after his Ascension to Heaven from Mount Olivet: he remits then to St. Ambrose, where he tells, in his Oration against Auxentius, how, very long after that time our Lord appeared to S. Peter at a Gate in Rome, entering that City. And if it be against any such Wonderworking power in the Staff itself, though by divine Ordinance or consecration of it for such uses: he desires them to consider not only the Rod of Moses in Egypt, and brazen Serpent in the Desert, nor only the brazen Statue of our Saviour erected at Caesarea Eusebius l. 7. Hist. c. 18. and Sozomen, l. 5. c. 21. Philippi (otherwise called Paneas) by the Woman in the Gospel, cured by our Saviour of an Issue of blood; but also the torn Cloak and poor Staff of the Egyptian Anchoret Senuphius, wherewith Theodosius the Great arming himself, and marching confidently in the head of his Troops against an infinite number of Enemies, who in one terrible Host came to fight him, obtained that miraculous Victory over them, which is recorded by Metaphrastes, and Glycas (Annal. Part. 4.) and Baronius too (ad an. 388.) Even that very same wonderful Victory, which, the Winds and Tempests, fight for him, and 〈◊〉 their own Darts upon his Enemies, he obtained against Maximus the Tyrant: and which Claudian the Christian Poet has so divinely celebrated in heroic Verse; part whereof speaks thus to Theodosius himself: O nimium dilecte Deo! cui fundit ab antris Aeolus atratas hyemes, cui militat Aether, Et conjurati veniunt ad Classica venti. Besides, that pious learned Bishop of Ossory desires it be considered, that the former History of the Staff of Jesus has no less illustrious, famous, approved Authors, than those of the later History of the Staff of Senuphius are. But whether it be, or be not so, my design here is not concerned. For I have already let the Reader know what is written of, and has been delivered all along, and what is believed at present among the Roman Catholic Irish of that religious Relic the Staff of Jesus. What remains either of Reflection or Addition, are these few Notes that follow. I have indeed forgot to give them in their due place, according to the order of pages observed hitherto in this Section. But that will not hinder the understanding them, where they are given here. 66. The first is a● very material Animadversion upon my 146 page. Where, because following the authority of D. Geoffrey Keting, I supposed, and accordingly told of an Interregnum in Ireland, that by reason of the overruling power of the Danes, and their great Commander Turgesius, had succeeded immediately upon the drowning of the Monarch Niall Caille: I must here let the Reader know, that Gratianus Lucius (page 297 and 298.) brings several arguments to evince not only, That there had never been any Interregnum at all of the Irish Monarchy at any time during either of the two Danish Wars; nor consequently Turgesius the Dane had ever succeeded, not even by usurpation, any of the Irish Monarches; but that Keting was led into Error in this particular by Gerald of Wales. Among which arguments are these two: 1. That Sir James Ware in his Catalogue of the Kings of Ireland lately published, makes no mention at all of Turgesius. 2. That the Annals of Ireland place both the end of Niall Caille's Reign, and the beginning of Maolseachluinn I. in the year of our Lord 844. But, as to the Interregnum, neither of these arguments, nor any other which I have yet seen, evince more than that the Interregnum was very short, and concluded with one year. 67. The second Note must refer to p. 222, etc. where the Subject treated is the true Christian religious great Virtues indeed of as many Irish Monarches, or Kings of all Ireland, as I have remembered there. but the addition to them here is only of two more, viz. Ainmirus the son of Sedna, and Donnaldus the son of Aidus. For so they are called in Latin by Gratianus Lucius: though in Irish their names and surnames are Ainmhire mhac Seadhna, who was the XI. and Domhnall mhac Aodh Slain, who was the Xviii. Christian King of all Ireland. The former, come to the Sovereignty in the year of Christ 563. but parted from it, and his life too, by a horrible murder committed on him in the fourth year of his Reign, was so Christianly zealous for the purity of Religion, Rites, Discipline, Church, that he could not abide the least blemish, spot or wrinkle in any of them. In so much, that in the Irish Histories it is specially recorded of him to his great honour, how, when he had observed some things amiss in the Rituals, i. e. some Errors crept in, or some deviation from the Rules prescribed them, though but so lately before, by their great Apostle St. Patrick: and when about the same time he had heard by fame of the excellent knowledge, integrity, sanctity, wisdom of Gildas in Great Britain; he sent his own Letters to invite him to Ireland, towards the reforming there whatever had been so amiss. But why Gratianus Lucius here, gives the surname of Badonicus to Gildas (for he calls him Gildas Badonicus) I confess I do not know, nor can conjecture, unless perhaps that Northern Mountainous Country (in Yorkshire) now called Blackemere in English, but formerly in Latin Mons Badonicus has been the native Country of this ancient Father. This I know, that in Bibliotheca Patrum he is surnamed Sapiens, or Gildas the Wise. And moreover, that Polydore Virgil (l. 3. Hist. Angl.) writes how Gildas himself has told us his little Book (de excidio Brittannico) that himself was born that very year wherein the Britons had obtained against the Saxons the famous Victory at Mons Badonicus, which was the forty fourth year after the first landing of Hengistus and Horsus, being the year of Christ 492. Unto which if we join what the same Polydore had said before (l. 1. Hist. Angl.) of Gildas, viz. That he flourished about the year of Christ 580. we may conclude, that certainly the time set down in the Irish Books for his going to Ireland, as invited thither by the foresaid Monarch Ainmhire mhac Sedhna, agrees full well with this time and age of Gildas then. The later of these two Monarches, namely Domhnal, son to Aodh Slain, who not only came with pure hands without blood to the Crown, but after fourteen year's glorious Reign first, and then eighteen months' sickness, parted with Crown and life together peaceably on his Bed (which was in that Nation a very singular blessing of God.) This Domhnal I say, besides his other great Virtues, is most deservedly celebrated for a very great Exemplar of Christian humility and contempt of himself. He had through human frailty committed some fault; which, though I do not find expressed or specified what it was; I find notwithstanding the rarest instance of Repentance, submission and humiliation of a King in him, that could be, to procure the forgiveness of it from his own Subject, though a holy man of that Nation, called St. Fechinus. For, after earnest humble entreaties to this man of God for pardon, when he had found him backward still, and hard to relent, he prostrated himself on the ground at his feet, and suffered him to tread on his bare neck. 67. My next additional Note although of another Subject, tends nevertheless very much to the magnifying of the Ancient Irish, as to that natural heroic Virtue which next to the favour of Heaven preserved them for so many Ages a Free Nation; Martial courage and Valour I mean. And therefore this Addition must relate to those pages, where (from 25 to 40.) I treated before, of the Danish Wars in Ireland. However, it is such an addition to the brave performances of the Irish in those Wars, that I know not whether it be not the greatest of them all. I am sure that as it was very great indeed: so the Irish Nation is beholden to a Foreiner, namely Adolphus Cypreus, for transmitting the remembrance of it to Posterity, in his Annals of the Bishops of Sleswick, a City in Denmark. For these are his own Latin words in the sixth page of that Work: Reynerus Rex Danorum LVI. potentissimus, qui tamen ab excitata fortuna, quae ipsi in subjugandis Regnis Sueciae, Russiae, Angliae, Scotiae, Norvegiae, & Hiberniae plurimum favit, ad inclinatam & pene jacentem descivit. Namque ab Hella Hiberniae Rege captus, in carcere expiravit, sub an. 841. In English these: Reyner the LVI. most powerful King of the Danes, who nevertheless from the height of Fortune that favoured him so mightily in subduing the Kingdoms of Swedland, Russia, England, Scotland, Norway, Ireland, was thrown down as low. For being taken by Hella King of Ireland, he died there in prison about the year 841. And yet I must observe here with Gratianus Lucius, 1. That Cypreus mistook both the name and quality of him that took Prisoner this great Danish King. 2. That no King of Ireland nor Provincial, nor even other lesser King in Ireland was ever called by the name of Hella: nor was that name of any body at all known among the Irish. 3. That the right Irish name in all likelihood was Oillioll, which because hard of pronunciation, Foreiners mistake or changed it to Hella. 4. That since Christianity planted in that Country, not even any Oillioll was King among 'em, save only the Monarch Oillioll (surnamed) Moult, who was next successor to Laoghaire mhac neil in the year 458. and was killed in Battle An. 478 And lastly therefore, that he must have been some great General of an Army, and his name Oillioll, that took this great Reynerus, and kept him in Prison till he died. 68 Another is of the Fatal Stone, as they call it, and refers to page 378. where I ended my Animadversions on the Scottish Histories concerning Fergus I. Of that famed Stone, Keting, in his Relations of the People called Tuath De Dainainn, gives this account. 1. That this Nation, who were the last possessors of Ireland immediately before the Milesian Race, had on their arrival there from Norway brought with them four special Jewels of extraordinary use: namely, a Sword, Lance, Pot, and the Enchanted Stone, which in Irish they call by one name Liath Fail; by an other, Cloch na Cineamhna, this later importing in English, the Stone of Destiny, or Fortune. 2. That after the Milesiaus had conquered those Tuath-Da-Danan, and consequently got possession of this Stone, and after they had not only placed it at Teambhuir (our Tarach) where all their Nobles and people did usually meet to choose the King of Ireland, but ordained that the new Elect should sit thereon: as son as he did so, the Stone under him, by virtue of some Magical or Diabolical Charm, gave such a mighty loud echoing, astonishing sound, that presently the Election was known thereby far and near. 3. That this Oraculous Virtue of it ceased, as some say, when the Pentarchy was set up in that Kingdom by the Monarch Eochadh Feilioch; or, as others say, about the time of our Saviour's birth, when throughout the World all the salacious Oracles of the Gentiles became mute. 4. That for its name of Cloch na Cineamhne, or Stone of Destiny, or Fatal Stone, the reason was an old Prophecy, delilivered of it by Tradition, which Hector Boethius rendered thus in Latin Verse: Ni fallat Fatum, Scoti hunc quocumque locatum invenient Lapidem, regnare tenentur ibidem. But in Irish Meeter, it is in Keting thus: Ciniodh Sco●t saor an Fine, man ba●breag an Faisdine, mar a bhfulghid an Liath Fail, dlighid flaitheas do ghabhail Importing in both, that wherever the Seottish Nation did find that Stone, they should have Dominion, Power, and Regal Majesty. 5. That because of this prophetical Prediction, and reputation of it, when Fergus that famous Invader of the Picts (I mean Fergus Mor mhac Ercho, mhic Eochadh muin reamhair, as the Irish call and genealogize him, from his Father and Grandfather, whom the Scottish Historians call Fergus I.) would be created K. over hisown conquering Nation, the Scots of Pictavia or Albania in Great Britain, he sent to his Brother Mairchiortach Mor mhac Ercha, (than Monarch of Ireland) for this fatal Stone, and had it over into Scotland, of purpose that by sitting on it when he was created King, he might assure the establishment of his Crown, and power of his own People, in his new conquered Kingdom. 6. That for many ensuing Ages it remained there for a monument (either of Religion or Superstition) being in the same manner, and to the same purpose sat upon by the succeeding Kings of Scotland till Edward I. of England in the current of his Victories had it brought away out of the Abbey of Scone to the Abbey of Westminster. Where, ever since, it has been kept, placed under the Royal Chair which the Kings of England usually sit in at their Coronation. 7. That in the memory of our Fathers, that prophetical Prediction of it and the ancient Scots, which you have but now seen, was fulfilled in England too, when James VI of Scotland was crowned King of England at Westminster, and has ever since continued to be more and more verified in the succession of Charles I. of glorious memory, and Charles II. our present most gracious King. For by the line of Main mhic Cuirek, mhic Luighc, they are descended through a World of Generations of ancient Scots the Milesian Irish, from Heber, who (as has been already noted elsewhere) being the son of Milesius, and in a joint Sovereignty ruling with his Brother Herimon, was three thousand years since King of all Ireland. And this is the account which Keting (where he treats of Tuath-De-Danainn) gives of that fatal Stone. Save only that he makes no express mention of Charles II. nor could indeed, as who died himself in the Reign of Charles I. But nevertheless he expressed his mind sufficiently, as to the purpose of that Fatal Prediction, by naming his Father and Grandfather both. I am sure his expression of joy in the same place, for their having successively come to be Kings of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, must have involved the concomitant wishes of his heart for their posterity after them to attain and continue the same glory while time shall be. And therein he has me to join, with all my very Soul. 69. The Fifth may be referred to page 155. where I treated briefly somewhat of Cormock O Cuillenain that excellent, pious, holy man, who was at the same time both Archbishop and King of Monster, and continued so for seven years together, that is, even all along till he lost his life in the Battle of Mughna. For to this rare Example of the same man's being both King and Priest, may be added one more of the same Nature; and in the very same Kingdom of Monster too. Where, as Keting acquaints us, upon the Death of Duibh Lachne next Successor in that Provincial Kingdom to Cormock O Cuilleinan for seven years more, the Princes and Gentry meeting chose another Priest, nay a Monk to be their King, even the Abbot of Inis Catha, by name Flaithhiortach mhac Jonm●uinein: who reigned thirteen years over them. And they chose him, notwithstanding he had been the chief Adviser of Cormock O Cuillenain so lately, that is but seven years before, to venture that Battle against Flann mhac Sionnadh the Monarch, and the Leinster King Cearbhall mhac Muaregein, which proved so fatal to that good King, and his whole Kingdom of Monster, and to this very Abbot himself troublesome. For he was taken Prisoner in it, and as such detained some time at Kildare by that Leinster King, until at the intercession of the Abbess of Saint Bridgets Monastery in that Town, he was released and returned to his own Abbey of Inis-Catha in Monster. Whence after some few years, wholly employed there in rigid ascetical exercises, he was called upon and even compelled to take the Royal State of a King. So says Keting in his Reign of the said Monarch Flann. Where also he notes occasionally an other great Error of Hanmer in his Chronicle. For Hanmer (page 88) says, that both the foresaid Cormock O Cuillenain King of Monster, (but he makes him King of Ireland) and Cearbhall O Muirreigein King of Leinster were killed by the Danes in the year of our Lord 905. Whereas on the contrary, neither was Cearbhall killed in that year, nor that Battle fought of either side by the Danes, but of one side by the Monarch, and of the other by Cormock who perished therein. All which is abundantly testified by the Authentic Irish Book of that very Battle, which Book has for Title, Catha Bheala Mughna. Besides, as Keting observes in the same place, the Danes attempted nothing at all, no not once against the Irish, during the seven years' Reign of Cormock O Cuillenain over Monster. Nay, there was so general a peace over all Ireland for this time, so great plenty of all earthly blessings, so universal a Reformation of manners, and so much devotion and zeal in all sorts of people for restoring what had been destroyed by the first Danish Wars and other attempts following it, that nothing was to be seen more frequent now than every where repairing the old, and building new Churches, Colleges, Hospitals, Monasteries. Yea, the numbers of men dedicated only to a religious life was such at this time, that Cormock O Cuillenainn tells in his Psalter of Cashel, that in Muingharid (formerly called the City of Deochaine-assain) there was a Monastery with six Churches belonging to it in the same Town, wherein the number of Conventual Monks was 1500. whereof five hundred were learnned Preachers, five hundred Psalmists to serve constantly in the Choir, and four hundred old Fathers applied wholly to Contemplation. Such was the happy state of Ireland in the short Reign of the same Cormock over Monster; which must have been at or a little before the year of Christ 914. because this year ended the thirty eight years long Reign of the Monarch Flann mhac Sionna, who killed in Battle that good King Cormock, as we have seen before. 70. The Sixth being an addition to what has been said before against Hanmer, page 403. gives you to understand, How Dionbhuillach, son to the King of Denmark, invading Ireland with a mighty Force, landed in the North and marched his Army so far as Ardmach. How Conchabhar the first Provincial King of Ulster, with his own people the Sept of Clanna Ruadhruidh (i e. the Children or Descendants from one Ruadhruidh, whom they call Ruadhruidh Mor) and with them alone, nay with tumultuary small Forces raised out of them, found himself necessitated to attack these Danes. How, by the advice of one Geanann Gruadhollas, lest the Irish Youth should be contemned by the Danish old experienced Soldiers, Conchabhar used the stratagem of tying Locks of grey wool in form of beards to their cheeks and chins, whereby having made 'em seem the more considerable to the Enemy, as if they also had been Veterans; and then giving a furious charge on Dionbhuillach, he defeated utterly all his Danes. How these ascititious woollen beards were called in their Language Vlladh, and from them it was that ever since the Northern Province of Ireland has been called (in the same Irish Language) Vlladh, which we in ours call Ulster. How that, which we have here observed, having been the issue of Dionbhuillach's Invasion, and the time when it happened, as Keting writes, having also been the Reign of Eochadh Feilioch the Irish Monarch, and Author of the Pentarchy, who died in the year of the World 5069. that is just a hundred and forty years before the birth of Christ, according to the computation followed by Lucius: nothing can be desired clearer to evict Hanmers little skill in the Irish History, and his manifold Errors in delivering (as you have seen before page 386.) so many other Invasions of the Danes on Ireland and Conquests therein, long before the year of Christ 800. 71. My seventh Note, being likewise an addition, is to supply what I purposely omitted in my 17th Page. There I mentioned occasionally the Picts arriving in Ireland out of Scythia, so long since as the Reign of Herimon, the first Milesian Monarch of that Kingdom; but little more of 'em, save only their being made Tributary some Ages after in Scotland by the Irish. Indeed when I writ and printed that Page, I did not think of enlarging as I have done since. And therefore partly for haste, and partly for compendiousness, I passed then over several particulars, which I had before me that very time in Keting, and he has at large in the foresaid Reign, concerning those Picts. But seeing I have since, though contrary to my first design, dilated on other matters: I think it not amiss to add somewhat more of that Pictish Nation. And this for two reasons. The first is, because 'tis not only of all hands confessed, the Picts had been a warlike ancient People; but Venerable Bede represents them as most powerful too in the year of Christ 569. In which year, speaking of Columb Cille's landing in their Country from Ireland to convert 'em, he has these very words, Regnante Pictis Bridio, filio Meilochon, Rege potentissimo, etc. The second: Because both the time of their first appearing in these parts, and their very Original, i. e. what Countrymen they were, or whence they came, have continued for many Ages hitherto, at least of late they are vexatious Questions. As may be seen in Cambden's Britannia; where he has given a Title of the Picts and four pages (in Holland's Translation of him) to resolvethese Questions. Though, after all, he seems to me no nearer the Truth in his conjectural decision of either the one or the other, than Buchanan has before him; nay wider from it as to the later Question, than either Campion or Hanmer, or any other followed by them. These, for so much, had the good luck to yield to the Authority of V Bede. in his Eccles. Histor. l. 1. c. 1. where he expressly tells us to this purpose, 1. That when the ancient Britons had possessed themselves of the Southern Parts of this Noble Island, which derives its name from them, it happened that the Nation of Picts departing from Scythia, entering the Ocean, wind-driven to Ireland, landing there, desiring the Inhabitants the Scots to afford 'em Elbow-room for Cohabitation; and being denied this, but nevertheless directed by 'em to the Northern Tract of Great Britain, and withal promised their assistance (if need should be) to conquer it by force: they by this direction and promise encouraged, put to Sea presently for that same Northern Tract; and landing therein, made it their habitation. 2. That wanting Women, and desiring Wives of the Scots, they had 'em on this condition, That whenever the succession to the Crown amongst their People should chance to be controverted, the Female's line Royal should prevail, and the King be chosen thence. Which is even to this day observed among the Picts, says Bede, speaking of his own time. 3. That they had a peculiar Language of their own. For (in the same Chapter) he notes particularly, how according to the number of the Five Books (of Moses) wherein the Divine Law had been written, Britain in his time praised God in five divers Languages; viz. those of the English, Britons, Scots, Picts, and Latins; this last made common to them all by their studying the Holy Scriptures. Yet notwithstanding this plain account of the Picts, given by V Bede, as to their great Antiquity or Time of their first appearance in these Western Islands, and the Country, whence they came to them, being that of Scythia: not only Buchanan, but Cambden by little Criticisms and other weak conjectures would fain persuade us they had only been a part of the ancient Britons retired from the South and power of the Roman Legions in the same Island of Great Britain, etc. into the more uncouth inaccessible Northern parts thereof. That they were no earlier known by the name of Picts, than the Reign of the Roman Emperors Diocletian and Maximian Herculeus. And that their Language differed not in substance but only in a certain kind of Dialect from the British Tongue spoken by the rest of their Countrymen the other Britons. But the words of Bede are clearer, and his authority greater than the arguments they bring are able to elude or impeach. Nor indeed can any thing more be desired to end these two vexatious Questions concerning that Pictish Nation, save only the particulars given by Keting out of the most ancient authentic Records of Ireland. These are of such irrefragable authority, that I am persuaded, were they known to Cambden, he had never disputed the matter. At least I believe he should not, if he had well considered of it. The Irish were the Nation, that, by the confession of all sides, from the beginning pressed longest and hardest of any upon that Northern Country inhabited by the Picts in Great Britain. They were the Nation that by degrees conquered so many of their Provinces, planted so many Colonies in 'em, established a King of their own over the same Provinces long before the Romans attacked either. Yea, they were the Nation that utterly subdued at last the whole Pictish Kingdom and extinguished in it the very name of Picts. Wherefore it is plain, that as the Irish were most concerned, so they had the best means of any to know both the time of their first appearance, and Country too from whence they came: as the Picts themselves were pleased to tell 'em. And seeing it is no less plain, out of what has been said elsewhere in these Discourses, that the Irish Nation in all times had their public Registers, wherein with the greatest care and certainty could be, all the Concerns of their People both at home and abroad, together with all other matters they thought fit, were recorded: it must follow, that their account of the Pictish Nation, as to those two controverted points, aught in reason to silence any other fancied by men of later days. Now in that Irish account, besides what you have seen already out of Venerable Bede, there are many more particulars, given at large by Keting out of the Psalter of Cashel, whereof the chief heads are these: 1. That in Thracia this People we call Picts serving Policornus, the King of that Country, in his Wars, for pay, but under a General and other Commanders of their own: it happened that their General, whose name was Gud, understanding for certain how the King had designed to ravish his beautiful Daughter, if he could not otherwise make her his Whore, prevented him by taking away his Life. 2. That thereupon this Gud, flying immediately with those of his Soldiery who were resolved to run his fortune, put to Sea where he found convenience, and roamed up and down till he arrived in Gaul: where being well entertained by the King of that Kingdom, his Daughter's beauty proved the second time his bane, after he had built, or at least began the building of Pictavis, from his People so called; (we call it now Poitiers.) For then observing that this Gaulish King also had the same design upon her that the Thracian had, he saw there was no abiding there without sacrificing her honour to his Lust. And therefore in all haste, but as privately as he could, he put to Sea again with his own People, where he was tossed so long till the occasion of all his woe his beautiful Daughter died; and soon after he and his People arrived safe in Ireland, at a place called in the Irish Tongue Inbher Slain, or the Mouth of the River Slain in Leinster, which now we call the Haven of Weixford. 3. That one by name Criomthann Sciatbheal, being then Commander of Leinster under Herimon the First Milesian Monarch of Ireland, hearing of their landing, came to them: and seeing them brave men, entertained 'em willingly of purpose to assist him in fight some British Troops, whom the Irish Books call Tuath Fiodhgha, whose Lances and Arrows were poisoned to such degree that whoever was wounded by 'em could have no cure but Death. 4. That after this League of Friendship made, one of the Picts, called Trosdan, a great Magician, understanding of the common danger from those poisoned Weapons, advised the said Leinster Commander to provide against the day of Battle a 150 white, milch, crumple-horned Cows, to be milked all together when the Fight began; the Milk put into a Hole prepared of purpose hard by, and the wounded men to run presently and bathe therein: which being observed, the effect proved answerable to expectation, and the Britain's were quite overthrown, with the loss of most of their Lives upon the spot. 5. That upon this success, at least not long after it, the Picts looking big, growing unruly, and even aspiring to the Command of that whole Province of Leinster; but the Monarch Herimon, made acquainted with it, drawing together a greater Power than they dared fight, they were compelled to accept of his Terms, and hie them away out of hand with his directions and assistance for the Northern parts of Great Britain. 6. That nevertheless before their departure they obtained of Herimon three Irish Ladies, by name Beanbhreasi, Beanbhuais, and Beanbhuaisdhne, who had been the Widows of three of Herimons' Commanders, and taken these names from 'em, killed in the late War with Tuath-De-Danann: and these were all the Women they could obtain (at least then) though upon that very condition told us by Bede. The first of 'em married to Cathluan the chief Commander now of the Picts: for it seems his Father Gud was before this time departed the World: the other two married to two more of their Nobles. Nor could any of them obtain leave to stay in Ireland, but only six, viz. Trosdan the foresaid Magician, Soilean, Vlpre, Neachtan Nar, Aongus, and Leatan: who had possessions given them for ever by Herimon in the Country of Breagh Mhoigh, now called by us East and West Meath. 6. That the foresaid Cathluan was the first King of the Picts in Cruithin-Tuath, or Tuath Chruinigh (for by both these compound names indifferently the Irish Books call that Country in the North of Britain which the Picts erected to a Kingdom, and call it so properly enough, as importing in English the Lordship Lordship or Dominion of the Picts; the simple word Tuath signifying in Irish a Lordship, and Cruinigh the Picts themselves. 7. That after him in a succession reigned in the same Country (at least in some part of it) and of the same Pictish Nation, Threescore and Ten Kings more, to Constantine the last of 'em. And these being the Heads of those particulars that concern them in the Psalter of Cashel, written by the Holy Cormock O Cuilenain Arch Bishop and King of Monster eight hundred years since, and by consequence written either immediately before or immediately after, (I am sure much about) the time of their last fatal overthrow by his Country men the Irish and their Issue in Scotland; we need no longer question either the time of that Pictish Nation's first appearance, or the Country they came from to the Western parts of Europe. As neither indeed whence they derived the custom of painting themselves. They might have learned this from the Agathyrsi in Thracia, if themselves had it not before: yea, they might be the first that used it in Great Britain; and the Britons might have only had it from them, for any thing said to the contrary. And they came as early to Ireland and Scotland both as the Reign of Herinton the first Milesian Monarch of Ireland, after he had killed his elder Brother Heber, to whom he was but joined in Sovereignty while Heber lived. Nay, we need not question how long this Pictish Kingdom lasted. For seeing it began at least as early as Herimon's death, I mean by this account in the Psalter of Cashel; and that, by Primate Ushers account, it continued to the year of Christ 840. then we must conclude, that according to Gratianus Lucius' computation of the years of the World, and years also of all the several Irish Monarches Reigns, the Pictish Kingdom lasted 2623 years in all. For this Author fixes the death of Herimon in the year of the World 3516. and the Birth of Christ in the year 5199. as Eusebius Caesariensis, one of the Fathers of the first General Council of Nice, did long before him. What more I have to say in reference to the Picts, their Kingdom, or Kings, is, That as I was writing this Reflection, Mr. Langhorn's Introduction to the History of England being brought me by chance, and looking it over, I observed, That although the ingenious Author gives no more light therein concerning the Country whence those Picts came first to Ireland, and thence to Scotland, nor of their Leaders name, nor of the time of their arrival amongst us, than other late Writers, especially Campion and Hanmer did before him, who call that Leader King Roderick, and say this Roderick came to Ireland from Scandia (alias Scandinavia) which goes under the name of Scythia Germanica, or the Germane Scythia: yet he gives therein (page 197) a Catalogue of the British Kings, and years of their several Reigns, partly out of John fordoes M. S. Scoto-Chronicon; and partly out of Hector Boethius, who adds to the 76 Kings in Fordon, five more. So that both numbers, put together, make just the very same number of Pictish Kings, which the Psalter of Cashel has. Though I must confess there is no other agreement in any point between that Psalter & these Authors, either as to the names of those Kings, or years of their Reigns, or total sum of these years. Neither is there in that whole Catalogue any Roderick either as first or last, or any at all of them, nor any thing near his name. The very same you may assure yourself of Cathluan: whom nevertheless you have seen before, out of the Psalter of Cashel, to have been the first Pictish King. As for the total sum of the years of their Reign, which by casting it up out of the several Reigns every body may see is 1165. it plainly comes short, by 1452 years, of the former account derivable from the Psalter of Cashel, and Usher & Lucius. Besides it necessarily must suppose the Pictish Kingdom began in Scotland even four hundred years full before any Picts landed in Scotland or came from Scandinavia to Scotland, or Ireland; which does not stand with the time of their coming set down by our new Historians, and last of all by Langhorn himself. As for the names expressed in that Catalogue, all I can say is, that if we give credit to Nennius, a British Author that lived (as himself writes) an. Christi 830. under Anaraugh King of Anglesey and Guinech: if besides we suppose his Book rightly translated into Irish in O Duvegans Miscellanies: and if withal we believe, that Gratianus Lucius, quoting both, would not impose upon us, nor I on you or myself: what follows must be, That we give no kind of credit to the foresaid Catalogue drawn out of Fordon and Boethius, not even (I mean) as to those names of the Pictish Kings contained therein. For the same Gratianus Lucius, after letting us know (in his Cambr. Evers. page 93.) That himself had a Copy of those Miscellanies, and among 'em the Catalogue of all the Pictish Kings, written by the said Nennius, then presently, though upon another occasion, names five and forty of 'em: and I am sure that of this very number (though only a part of Nennius' Catalogue) there are at least six and twenty names that have no affinity with, no resemblance at all nor imitation of any in the whole Bed●oll of Boethius and Fordon, as I find this given by Langhorn. So much of the Picts. And therefore now to my Eighth Note. Which, as it refers to several places of this Book, particularly to page 5. and all other pages indeed where I suppose the Milesians either to have possessed themselves of Ireland as early as the year of the World 2736. or not to have continued longer a free People under their own Laws and Kings then about 2500 years: so it is merely occasioned by what I said but now in my Seventh Note concerning the extent of time, which the Pictish Kings must have lasted according to the Chronology of Lucius and Usher. In short, I must on this occasion tell you here, That as to the Milesian Kingdom's answerable extent of Time, Keting and Lucius agree. Save only, That Keting (as himself professes in his Preface) following that computation of the years of the World, which allows only 4052 years from the Creation to the Incarnation, and consequently in this, coming short 1138 years, of the computation of Eusebius, would needs reform the Irish Regnal (for so they call the Book of their Reigns) by shortening the Reigns of several of their Monarches, by so many years in all as amount to above four hundred, that is, 491 years, and this of purpose to make the whole extent of Time and the several Periods from the first Plantation of Ireland by Partholan to the Reign of Ruaruidh O Conchabhar the Last Irish Monarch of the Milesian Race, agree the better with his own foresaid Computation of the years of the World. And Lucius, on the other side, as he followed Eusebius' Computation of the same years of the World, (which is that commonly followed by both Greeks and Latins, says Sixtus Senensis * Biblioth. S. l. 2. page 46. verb. Adae Genealogia. :) so he held stiffly and throughly to the Irish Regnal as to the years of each Milesian Monarch's Reign. And therefore the difference 'twixt these two Writers, in relation to Ireland, or to any period or extent of the periods of Time since its first Plantation, is only that of near five hundred years during the Milesian Monarchy. In all other points, concerning this matter, they both agree. As for Example, That Ireland was first planted by Partholan, about three hundred years after the Deluge: that his Posterity continued there three hundred years: and the next Invaders Clanna Neimheadh 217 more: and after them, the Nation called Fir-bholg, thirty six: and after these, another Nation, by name Tuath-De-Danann, for 197 years: and then immediately the Milesians coming in, continued since to the year of Christ 1172. So that Keting and Lucius being throughly agreed in all these points: their difference about the whole extent (of their several periods) mentioned before, can be no other than that of Keting's voluntary cutting off from the Milesian Reigns about five hundred years. Or rather indeed, especially if we consider how Keting himself confesses he did so, and for what end he did it, even contrary to the Irish regnal, we may conclude there is no difference at all as to the undoubted extent of all those several Periods of Time; though Keting place the Milesian Epocha in his year of the World 2736. and Lucius the very same Epocha in his year of the World, 3500. For albeit this diversity of placing it argues 1172. years' difference between 'em in stating the years of the World: and that Keting chose rather to follow the far more likely computation of Augustinus Torniellius (in his Annals Sacri & Profani * Torniel. Sext. M. aetat. ad an. 4052. , ab Orbe condito ad eundem Christi passione redemptum, come out a little before Keting's time, (though he makes no mention of them or him) than be led by that of Eusebius who was himself most probably misled by the grand Error of the Septuagint Version * See Sixtus Senen. Biblioth. S. ●. 2. page 45. but more at large l. 5. page 440. where he shows that the computation of Eusebius, as to the years only from the Creation to the birth of Abraham, exceeds the Hebrew true computation in One thousand two hundred thirty six years. Nay, in the former Place, he shows that whereas from the Creaation to the Flood Moses counts only 1656 years, the Septuagint Interpr. exceed him in 786 years. So that by their supputation to the Flood only, the number of years is 2242. From which diversity, the great contention arose betwixt the Hebrews and the Greeks in computing the years of the World. So says he, l. 2. pag. 45. verb. Adae Genealogia. : yet no difference at all, as to stating strictly the extent of Time or number of years which the Milesian or other former Conquests or Plantations of Ireland had continued, can be deduced thence. Only it argues, that either the one or other was mistaken in the number of the years of the World, or in fixing 'em. Which is enough to be said on this Subject occasionally. And therefore I will only add here what as occasionally comes now to mind. That whether (in my Title-page) by the year of the World, 2736, you understand the year accounted such according to the computation of Torniellius and Keting, or the other accounted such by Eusebius and Lucius: I am neither way myself, nor any thing in this Book concerned. Though otherwise I would, as to this point, much rather hold with those, than these: retaining nevertheless all due veneration to the name of Eusebius, as who had been not only one of the Three hundred and eighteen Nicene Fathers, and Bishop of Caesarea in Palestin, but worthy (as Constantine the Great said of him) to be Bishop of the whole Earth. The Ninth and last Additional Note has no reference (that I can remember) to any thing said before in any of my pages. However I give it, because I see Gratianus Lucius thought it not unconducing to the honour of the Ancient Irish. For it is in short: That the Warlike Nation of the Heruli who inhabited some Northern Islands and other Tracts near Germany, a Nation too well sometimes known to the Roman Provinces harassed by them, did glory in their two Kings Dathen and Aordon, as descended from the Irish: and that Suria, born of an Irish Lady descended from the Kings of Ireland, had the supreain Power of Biscay an. 870, as absolute Princess thereof, which she transmitted to a long succession of Descendants from her. Whereof you may see Gratianus Lucius (page 299.) where he quotes Wolfgangus Lassin. de Migrat. Gent. l. 13. And so (Reader) you have at last an end of all my additional Notes, and consequently of all whatever I thought necessary to say (according to the design and method of this little Tract) of the Ancient Irish, as they were a free Nation about 2500 years under their own Laws and Government. For indeed my design hitherto, as you may easily perceive, was either only, or at least chief to represent them as they appeared in the World before the loss of their freedom, or their subjection to a foreign Power. Nor had I any farther (if it be a farther) end in the matter, then That of your understanding throughly, at least sufficiently, who, or what kind of People were the former of those two Nations, whose Posterities I have before (i. e. in the very beginning of the first Section, page 5.) observed like the Twins of Rebecca, contending these last five hundred years in the bowels of Ireland. But who the later Nation were: and how, and by what degrees, and means, they not only for many Ages got the better of the former, but subdued them utterly at last in the memory of our Fathers: and what besides happened in our own days to the Issue as well of these conquerors, as of those conquered by 'em in that Country, will be the subject of the Second Part. FINIS. Additions. 1. AFTER the Fourth Observation on the Catalogue of Kings, add what follows here, viz. That although it be no part of my business in this Place, to speak in particular of any of those Kings, other than what I have already of a few of 'em, and that only for thy better understanding the said Catalogue: yet because I considered that peradventure the Relation of Siorna Saoghallach's (See the Catalogue, Numb. 27.) long extent of Life and Beign, is the only extraordinary of all whatsoever delivered anywhere in the whole Irish History, concerning any of so great a number of Monarches, or Kings, and Sovereign Princes of Ireland, some Readers will boggle at or scruple the truth thereof, by objecting, How it seems at least improbable that he should be a hundred years old when he came to be Monarch; or should reign a hundred and fifty years after; or should be in all two hundred and fifty years of Age when he was killed by Roitheachtsigh (alias Roithsigh) mhac Roain: therefore to show that this Relation of him is not improbable, I give here those arguments that convince myself. And to say nothing of his Surname Saoghalach, which attributed to him alone among all other Irish Kings (whereof notwithstanding some had reigned 60. others 70 years) must import him to have been of extraordinary Long Life, and even a man of Ages: what convinces me, is, 1. That not only the Irish Book of Reigns, besides many other ancient Monuments and Historians of that Nation who speak of this Subject (and after them Gratianus Lucius in our own time) have delivered it so; but Keting himself (though he be the chiefest of all the Historians of later days, that to reduce the Irish Chronology to an agreement with his own Computation of the years of the World, would consequently needs reduce those hundred and fifty years of Siorna's Reign to 21.) confesses they did so. 2. That very good Historians both ancient and modern of other Countries tell us, how in later Times than Siorna Saoghallach's Reign, there have been many that lived as long, and some longer than he. And yet I'll lay no stress on Xenophon's writing, That a certain Maritime King lived 800. and his son 600 years. Nor on Ravisius giving the very same, or at least the like Relation of one Impetris King of the Plutinian Islanders, and his Son. Nor on Pliny recording the five hundred years' life of Dondonius, a Sclavonian. Nor on Homer or his Followers, speaking Nestor's age to have been 300 years. Neither on Hellanicus, a most ancient Writer, saying, That in the Province of Aetholia, some lived 200. others 300 years. Nor on Onesicritus neither, though attesting the same age of two and three hundred years even as very ordinary in the Island of Pandora. All these I pass over, because I am not certain of the Age of the World they lived in: that is, whether it was not of earlier Date than Siorna Saoghalach's reign, who was killed An. M. 4● 69. according to Lucius. My instances are in Servatius Bishop of Tongres, and Joannes de Temporibus, and Xequipir an Ethiopian, and the Nameless Indian, living in the same Time and Kingdom of Bengala with Xequipir. The first of these four died in the year of Christ 403. after he had lived 300 years, as Sigebert in his Chronicle, and others writ. The second took his denomination or surname de Temporibus from those 336 years he had lived under many Emperors, whereof one was Charles the Great of whose Lifeguard he had sometimes been; and another was Conrade III. in whose Reign he died in France, An. D. 1139. as not only Petrus Messiah in the said Conrad's Life; but the Author of Fasciculus Temporum and many more Writers affirm. The third, I mean Xequipir, was yet alive so near our own time as the year of Christ 1536. after having lived till then 300 years. For so Hernandus Lopez à Castagneda (●. 8. Chronici) has written of him. The Last, or the Nameless Indian, had in the foresaid year of Christ (1536) come to the year of his own age 335. says Joannes Petrus Maffeius ●. XI. Histor. Indic. and before him the above Lopez: both the one and the other telling us many more particulars of Xequipir; and Lopez some of this Anonymous Indian; but neither being able to recount, or give us any light to see how many years more either of 'em lived, nor when they died. Of all which you may read more at large in Augustinus Torniellius' annal Sacri, etc. add an. M. 1556. n. 4. &. 5. And so I have given the two arguments which convince myself, that from the Relation of Siorna Saoghalach's Life of 250 years, etc. nothing can be derived to make any Reader at all scruple the truth of the Irish History of that Kingdoms Monarches or Kings. Nor by consequence any thing against the Catalogue of them (which you have in the beginning of this Book) or the long extent of Time which (in all) they reigned, according to the Title of that Catalogue. 2. After the Last Inference from the same Catalogue; add this here as an other, viz. That notwithstanding any thing said hitherto, as it is confessed, that the former sixteen of those 23 of the English, or Fourth and Last Conquest of Ireland, never assumed the Style or Title of Kings of Ireland (for Henry VIII. was the First of this Conquest that assumed it; although nevertheless all the same former sixteen Kings of England were Sovereign Lords of Ireland too, at least by Title, every one in his turn, since the 17th year of Henry the II's reign over England) so it must be confessed, That properly speaking, none of those Irish Kings who ruled in Association, with any other, could be called Monarches, while their Association lasted. And we see by this Catalogue, that such were in all (at least for some time) 29 among those of the former Three Conquests; whereof One and Twenty were Milesians. Which is the reason that Cambrensis, where he tells us of 181 Monarches of the Milesians, must be corrected as to that appellation or Title of Monarch, attributed so indistinctly by him to them all: and so must I, wheresoever, in this Former Part of my Prospect, I have in this particular followed him. The Irish Historians, in their own Language, speak more properly, giving 'em all the Title of Kings of Ireland. Errors in the Matter, where, and where they are corrected. THE First, in Page 4. and 16. concerning Eoghun Mor and Aonghus Ollbhuodhach, but corrected p. 89. and 435. The second p. 67. about Dearmach; corrected p. 181. Third, in p. 18. concerning Mu●rieadhach's Six sons, etc. and corrected p. 93. Fourth, p. 19 about the nine Hostages; corrected p. 359. Errors in Words and Letters, to be corrected by this following Table, wherein the first Number signifies the Page, the second the Line; a, add; d, deal; and r, read.;;; First in the Dedicatory, 2. 7. d. as. Secondly, in the Preface, 7. 18. d. his. 35. 16. r. 1662. p. 39 31. r. 1604. Thirdly, in the Former Part, 35. 5. d. the Monarch. 71. r. Tighernmhais. 99 16. d. to. 107. 29. d. of. 137. 6. r. the● and again 8. r. the. 180. 14. for Diarmuid r. Dombnall. 221. 7. Taumaturga. 272. 5. for him r. b●, and 24. r. or any. 317. 13. d. to. 319. ●. a. as. 351. 14. r. Monmouth. 354. 13. r. understood. 382. 21. r. Aetius. 385. 26. r. other. 387. 8. r. 51. 389. 19 r. Language, and 29. r. Niull. 395. 7. d. was, and for killed, r. died. 413. 9 r. Trout. 414. 1. r. Leap, and 8. for though r. the. 434. ●. 26. r. 219. 459. 2. r. Notkerus. 461. 26. r. To, and in the Note ●. penv●t r. Books. Lastly, observe that the Orthography of all the proper Irish Names and Surnames of the Kings throughout this whole Book, must be corrected by that in the Catalogue, where any variation appears.