Vindiciae Academiarum CONTAINING, Some brief Animadversions upon MR Webster's Book, styled, The Examination of Academies. Together with an Appendix concerning what M. Hobbs, and M. Dell have published on this Argument. OXFORD, Printed by Leonard Lichfield Printer to the University, for Thomas Robinson. 1654. SIR, THERE came lately to my hands since I came to this place a Discourse styled the Examination of Accademies, (which I herewith send you) It pretends to the reforming of public schools, and the promoting of all kind of science. I must confess myself at first sight, very much pleased with the undertaking, as being suitable to my own frequent wishes, and what I conceived might with some reason be hoped for in this inquisitive age. And therefore I came to the reading of it, with great expectations of finding somewhat answerable to the nobleness of the attempt. But I quickly discovered, that I was like to be much disappointed in that hope, & that besides a Torrent of affected insignificant tautologies with some peevish unworthy reflections, & the repetitions of some old & trite cavils, together with several bundles of gross mistaks there was little else to be expected from this Author. Two grand incapacities for such a work, he quickly discovers himself guilty of, that are not to be pardoned or excused in such an undertaker. 1. His ignorance of the present state of our universities which he pretends to reform. 2. His Ignorance in the common grounds of those Arts and Sciences which he undertakes to advance and promote. In both which respects he must needs fall under that censure of folly and shame, Prov. 18.13. which Solomon doth ascribe unto those that will venture to judge of a matter before they understand it. 1. For the present state of the universities. He supposes and takes it for granted, that they are so tied up to the Dictates of Aristotle, that whatsoever is taught either against or besides him by way of refutation or supply, they do by no means admit of, so much as to any consideration or debate, but are wholly ignorant of it. Which is so notoriously false, that I should very much wonder with what confidence he could suppose it, if I did not find Mr Hobbs likewise guilty of the same mistake. Whereas those that understand these places, do know that there is not to be wished a more general liberty in point of judgement or debate, than what is here allowed. So that there is scarce any Hypothesis, which hath been formerly or lately entertained by Judicious men, and seems to have in it any clearness or consistency, but hath here its strenuous assertors, as the atomical and magnetical in Philosophy, the Copernican in Astronomy &c. And though we do very much honour Aristotle for his profound judgement and universal learning, yet are we so far from being tied up to his opinions, that persons of all conditions amongst us take liberty to descent from him, and to declare against him, according as any contrary evidence doth engage them, being ready to follow the Banner of truth by whomsoever it shall be lifted up. Witness the public Lectures of our Professors, the Positions or Questions maintained in the public Exercise of the university for Degrees, & in the private Exercises of colleges, besides the Instructions and readings of many Tutors, wherein the principal things which this Author doth accuse us to be ignorant of, and enemies unto, are taught and owned, and I can assure him they are so well learned, that for all his contempt of the universities, we have here many young boys (who have not yet attained to that very proud & vainglorious title of bachelors of Art, (as he is pleased to phrase it) that are able to reform this Reformer, in those things, wherein he thinks us all so ignorant, and himself so great a Master. 2. And for his ignorance in the common grounds of those things which he undertakes to advance and promote, his whole Discourse doth not so clearly prove any thing else, (not that which he intends by it,) as it doth prove this. Let any serious man but consider the two first Chapters of it, wherein he endeavours to prove, universities are not in any kind useful to fit men for the Ministry, but opposite thereunto, pag. 3. And that those Systems of Theology, which are therein taught are not only useless but hurtful, pag. 10. One might reasonably expect that upon flinging out his Gauntlet for the defence of such positions as these, this Author should muster up his forces, and appear at least with some seeming strength and reason. And yet he doth nothing less. His Arguments to this purpose being generally so trivial, coincident, inconsequent, that we sh●uld look upon it as a sign of very great negligence or ignorance in many of our young boys, if they should debate matters in so impertinent and loose a manner. And I must observe by the way, how this Author doth herein give sufficient warning what we are to expect from him in the Reforming of logic, of the use of which he himself understands so little, that will teach a man how to define and distinguish, to understand Consequences and Method, and by this means to speak clearly, strongly and plainly: To which he is altogether a stranger. Nor is it to be much wondered at, if he appear an enemy to syllogisms, (as he afterward professes) considering how wildly his own arguments would look, if they were to be put into that dress. He supposes in both these Chapters, that the Universities do undertake to teach spiritual knowledge, and to furnish men with such gifts, as do only proceed from the Spirit of God. And this is the chief foundation that he doth erect his following heap of Arguments upon, than which nothing can be more groundless or false. There being no man, (that ever I heard of) who hath believed or asserted any such thing. And I cannot think it any great presumption to believe that I understand the tenets of the university in this point as well as he. I am sure it hath been the common opinion amongst them, that there are three kind of gifts materially requisite to complete a man unto the ministerial function. 1. Something to be infused by the Spirit of God, which must illuminate him to understand the mysteries of the gospel, and affect his heart with an experimental savour, and acquaintance with those sacred truths wherein he is to instruct others. 2. Some natural abilities in respect of solidity of judgement, strength of memory, warmenes of affection, readiness and volubility of speech, by which he may be rendered much more serviceable in that work, than those that want these abilities. 3. Something to be acquired by our own industry and the teaching others; Namely, a distinct and methodical comprehention of the several subjects to be treated of, together with the means or advantages that help to facilitate the work of instructing others. In which respect it may be of singular use for a man to be acquainted with the several Scriptures and Reasons, that are more immediately pertinent to any particular head in theology, as concerning God, his Attributes, works: The fallen estate of man, the means of his restitution &c. The duties of the Law and gospel together with many particular cases of Conscience which are incident to the various states and businesses of life. Concerning all which things, sure it can be no hindrance to a man (as this Author supposes) to have all the most material notions upon any subject, put together, cleared up and stated by the concurrent labours of many wise and good men, after much consideration and experience about them. And this is that theology, which the Universities do pretend to teach, and though it doth not exceed the sphere of those common gifts which mere natural men are capable of, yet is it of such singular use to enable a man to speak distinctly unto several points, to confirm truth, to clear up difficulties, answer doubts and consequently to help in the work of informing others. That I am not able to imagine any reason, why an eminent ability in this kind might not be sufficient to make a man capable of a civil degree, as well as skill in any other faculty. I am sure the preparatory studies required to the profession of physic or civil Law, are not more than for this Theology, nor is it less copious for its extent, or of less importance and usefulness for its end, then either of the other Faculties. Now unless this Author will say, that he who has grace, and is without these gifts, is better able to Teach, than he that hath both grace and these gifts too, he hath no reason to complain of the uselessness and danger of academical education, in reference to the work of the Ministry. Whereas he doth object that these common gifts are a Temptation to pride, confidence, boasting: That is merely accidental: So is health too, and liberty, and all other natural or acquired abilities, and he may upon as good grounds, hope to persuade men to love sickness and slavery, as to prefer Ignorance before that Knowledge of this kind that is to be learned in the Universities; the best things that are (even Grace itself) may be accidentally hurtful by the abuse of them, but that is no argument against their proper usefulness. Coloss. 2.8. As for his objecting that place of the Apostle, where he bids to beware of Philosophy: If that prohibition be to be understood absolutely, and without limitation, why doth he here pretend so much to the knowledge of it himself, and to the Advancement of it in others? The same answer that he will make for his own vindication, will serve for his Objection. But besides if he consider the place better, he will find the words to be, Beware lest any man spoil you through Philosophy and vain deceit. Where 'tis the abuse and not the use that is prohibited. I cannot pass over this subject without taking notice of the near affinity betwixt his third and fourth Argument against school theology, pag. 14, 15. In one he quarrels with it because 'tis drawn into a strict logical Method. And in the next, because 'tis a confused Chaos. Are they not judiciously put together? And is not the man very quarrellsome? That out of zeal to contradict his Adversaries, takes no care of contradicting himself. What a loose and wild kind of vapouring is that Cap. 3. about Cryptography, and the universal Character wherein he supposes the Universities to be wholly ignorant, none of them having so much as touched at these things. pag. 24. But above all, the man doth give me the freest prospect of his depth and brain, in that canting Discourse about the language of nature, wherein he doth assent unto the highly illuminated fraternity of the Rosycrucians' In his large encomiums upon Jacob Behem, in that reverence which he professes to judicial astrology, which may sufficiently convince what a kind of credulous fanatic Reformer he is like to prove. How wretchedly doth he abuse some ingenious opinions by his ignorant managing of them, particularly the copernican Hypothesis; In the defence of which he urges such pitiful arguments as are enough to fright a serious man from the belief of it, & to breed a prejudice against it in such as are that way inclined. It is enough to nauseate and make a man sick to peruse his crude and jejune Animadversions upon logic, mathematics, physics, metaphysics, &c. with the expedients or remedies which he proposes, wherein he has abused some good Authors, by his ill managing the notions that they have suggested to him. I must needs confess that at the first sight of this Book, I had a very great desire to know what the person was who had put himself forward to so noble an attempt, as reforming all schools, and advancing all Arts. But for that he doth in his Epistle at the beginning refer wholly to his book, whereby he saith he will discover himself as Hercules doth by his foot & the Lion by his paw. But if I were to judge of him by the impressions which he therein makes of his foot or paw, I should not by that guess him to be either a Hercules or a Lion, but some more weak and less generous Animal. I have heard from very good hands that he is suspected to be a Friar, his conversation being much with men of that way, And the true design of this book being very suitable to one of that profession, Besides that his superficial and confused knowledge of things is much about that elevation. I should have been apt to have conjectured him to be some obscure person, whose peevish malcontented humour had brought him into the gang of the vulgar Levellers: Amongst whom his ability to talk of some things out of the common road, hath raised him to the reputation of being {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, some extraordinary person; and by that means hath blown him up to such a self-confidence, as to think himself fit to reform the universities. And thus Sir have I given you my sudden thoughts upon the cursory reading of this Examen. And though the book will appear unto all Judicious men but slight and contemptible, yet because it may light into the hands of some weaker persons, who may be apt to take accusations for convictions: It would not be amiss if for their sakes some body would vouchfafe more particularly to examine this Examiner, and to disabuse such as may be seduced by him. It is part of that scholastic imprudence, which men of our profession are subject unto, to sit down and satisfy ourselves in our own knowledge of the weakness of such Adversaries, without taking any pains to satisfy others, who are not so well able to judge. I should think that Mr Alex: Rosse might in some respects be very fit to enter the lists with this Champion. But I know not how far he may at present be engaged in the Confutation of some better book. I am very sure Sir there are many of your acquaintance, who if their leisure and patience would permit, are able to play with this Hercules, and I should think it a good recreation for some of their spare hours. And the hopes that you may be instrumental for this is, the chief occasion that provoked me to trouble you with so large an account of my present thoughts upon this subject. It may seem somewhat odd and strange to consider what several kinds of Adversaries have of late appeared against the universities. Mr Hobbs, Mr Dell, Mr Webster. The first of them being a person of good ability and solid parts, but otherwise highly magisterial, and one that will be very angry with all that do not presently submit to his dictates, And for advancing the reputation of his own skill, cares not what unworthy reflections he casts on others. It were not amiss, if he were made acquainted, that for all his slighting of the universities, there are here many men, who have been very well versed in those notions and Principles which he would be counted the inventor of, and that before his works were published. And though he for his part may think it below him to acknowledge himself beholding to Mr Warner's Manuscripts, yet those amongst us who have seen and perused them must for many things give him the honour of precedency before Mr Hobbs. The other (as far as his character may be picked out of his writings) is an angry fanatic man, who wanting himself such academical Learning as would become his relation, would needs persuade others against it, like the Ape in the Fable. But there is reason to hope that he may be shortly called to an account, and laid openby a person of eminent worth, whom he hath weakly provoked. The last is this worthy Author, who by a smattering and superficial knowledge hath raised himself a repute amongst his ignorant followers. In the strength of which he comes forth to teach the Universities. I should have used him with much more tenderness and respect, if it had not been very evident to me that it was not so much an ingenuous affection to the advancement of learning, as a froward and malicious prejudice against the Universities, that put him on to this work. But by this time I have tired you as well as myself, let me crave your pardon for this tediousness, and that you would continue to esteem me for SIR Your most Affectionate Friend and Servant N. S. SIR, IF I should gain no other fruit beside the pleasure of my giving testimony to the service and respect I bear you, it were a reward exceedingly beyond the labour of the task which you (by recommending) have imposed upon me. The advancement of Learning and the consideration of designs tending that way, are things exceedingly suitable to mydesires, these things have been the argument of much discourse, which I have had the happiness to have with you. I must needs say that I should not more desire (next to the matters of the highest concernment) to meet with a book of any other argument, than such an one as should propose expedients for the perfecting and promoting of all kinds of Science. And that is the undertaking of the book you are pleased to send me, (in the Title-Page of it) so that the pleasure you are pleased to give me in offering me under the notion of satisfying your desires that which is so suitable to my own, takes off all consideration of labour in turning the times of my diversion to scribbling, and yet leaves me the hopes of your Acceptance, as if I had taken pains, or done something in your service. I can easily conceive, that upon the ground which I have laid (of my delight in writings tending to the advancement of Learning.) I may raise a suspicion that out of compleasance to you I would diminish the service which herein I offer you. Seeing the disappointment of our earnest expectations in things we seriously desire, doth use to be unpleasant to us, and such a disappointment you have sufficiently fore warned me of in your Epistle. But I must profess I am far from any such reach in compliment. designs that way, do always please me however managed, provided it be not in the way of a dull and nauseous mediocrity. You may perhaps Sir, impute this to some peculiary in my disposition. Yet I have observed in other men, that they have expressed as great a pleasure at the combat of Clinias and Dametas, as of Amphialus and Musidorus, and when Punteus was in town, I saw the soberest of the spectators as much affected at the imitations of the Zany, as at the Active, and (in their kind) admirable performances of the chief Actor. There is an excellency in that which is uncouth, as well as in what is handsome; and it is enough for me if any thing be excellent in its kind, and such I found (upon my slight perusal) to be the book you sent me, which to my Lord Bacon's Advancement, and those which some others have designed, bears such proportion as I have intimated. It remains therefore that I humbly thank you for so far considering my Genius, which always inclining me to idleness, you have found out a way to employ my vacancies with a just satisfaction, such as doth arise rather from being slightly busied then not at all, rather from Trifling then perfect idleness. In compliance therefore with your desire, I mean to run over this reverend author, not staying upon his expressions, or making a toil of a pleasure but briefly touching upon the things he mentions, taking no care either of my passions or expressions, any farther than to retain them within the compass of civility. Those things which you have taken the pains to confute, I shall not so much as once recite, the remainder I shall carelessly and slightly (that is, in my apprehension most becomingly) speak to. 'Tis true, you have given us a perfect character of him in your Epistle; but because some may conjecture that he knows himself, better than you know him (though in truth you are much a better judge of him than he is of himself:) I suppose it may not be unuseful to gather together that Character which he hath given of himself, that doing him no wrong, and forming a just Idea of him in the beginning of my Discourse, the Reader may be prepared for a due reception of that which follows. We may understand him by his stile (oratio indicat virum) and by his passions, wherein its hard for a man to dissemble. HE enters in fear & proceeds in jealousies. Epistle. His first fear is (of affrighting the tender Scholars) lest he should be looked on as some Goeth or Vandal, Hun or Scythian coming like a torrent from the boreal mountains of cold stupidity &c. But for that his comfort is, that others cannot more Experimentally and Apodictically anatomize his Idiocracy then himself, wherein besides the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} of his eloquence, there is likewise a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} of sense not fathomable by common understandings; as how others should at all experimentally, or he himself should Apodictically anatomize his Idiocracy. His next is a doubtful pang, lest he should be charged with over much confidence, & the proposal of fame for his Guerdon but here again his bosom is his sanctuary, I find him valiant (your petifull men are always so) the sanctuary of his breast and a sentence of the accidence are his retreat; & this is his comfort a man is a man though he have but an hose on his head, and homo is a common name for all men. 'Tis to be hoped his Examen may be favourable to the Gramar, who is thus beholding to the accidence; Yet some men think he could not want an high degree of confidence that should expect fame from compiling such a work as this. His next encounter is against the suspicion of Avarice, as if he would ruin Universities to share in the spoil. But this he doth sufficiently confute by an Argument of such a weighty consequence, as I hope no man will be so uncivil as to deny. For he is no Dean nor Master precedent, nor Provost, Fellow, nor Pensioner, and lest any man should suspect him to be of another order which he hath omitted viz. a scholar; he gives assurance to the contrary by that new elegance which he hath added to an old verse, Qui cadit in terram non habet unde cadat. Which he hath reformed it into nonsense: Indeed although we hope that none could suspect him of any such interst; Yet all those Parties ought to thank him for his care in giving the world this satisfaction. By this time he supposes the drowsy world awakened by the sound of his thundering stile (and by the Proclamation of his heroical designs) to inquire into the Origine and Education of him that dares censure (and defy all the universities in the universe Though he might chose to answer; he won't be cynical but say, That Hercules is eastly known by his foot, and the lion by his paw, his Treatise shall show that he is a free borne Englishman (of the house of the Webster's) and that's enough for modest inquirers. And now one would think this Herculean lion should be no more afraid, but again behold he trembles, lest some should think his Treatise to be like Plato's republic: Sir Thomas Mores Utopia, or the Ld. Bacon's new Atlantis. But if they should do so, they were surely much to blame, and 'twere an unpardonable error, I should be very glad to rid him from this fear, but I consider it is the destiny of such Heroes, borne for reformers of the world, to be men of working fancies, subject to many fears & trances. His predecessor in the Military way (the famous Hero of the Mancha mistook a windmill for an enchanted Castle, and this man (man did I say, this Hero) lies under the same delusion, relieve him I cannot, lament him I must, O Webster Webster quae te dementia cepit. He hath a petty scruple yet remaining, lest he may possibly be charged with an infirmity of pilfering or nimming: But he can say, with Macrobius, Omne meum, Nihil meum, the Treatise is of his own invention (he found it in Helmont, Verulam, Gassendus, and some others) he hath indeed taken some hints to the maintenance of three quarters of the Treatise, but he took them from strong men, fighting with the steely instruments of Demonstration &c. and no man can accuse him of singularity, whilst Noble Heroes bear him Company. Thus have you Sir, a character of this Noble Reformer, given us liberally by himself, he would not calumniate the Academies, (but censure the corruptions of the present Generation) he professes he hath not done all he could, so that if he fail, we must blame his weakness not his Will; where by the way, observe the consequence of his reformed logic, he could have done more if he would, and yet we must blame his weakness not his will. Hitherto you have had his Apologies, he will now put us to ours, for Explicit Epistola, Incipit Examen Academiarum. CAP. I. Of the general ends of erecting public schools. HE acknowledges, that no Nation hath been so feral as not to honour Literature, for the Indians had their Brahmins &c. and these had their public schools. The man we see thinks it brutishness not to honour Learning, & the way for Learning to flourish, to be by instituting Academies. How infinitely are we beholden to him for this testimony. Yet they had not so far as he can gather (and that's as far as some milder Author will furnish him, for its hard to name from whence he had his Catalogue of Brahmins, Magi, and Druids, there are so many who taken with the bombast of their names love to recite them) any public salaryes: But their merit was their maintenance &c. Here first it will be worth the while to observe his course of reasoning, how it differs from ours in the Universities. 1. He cannot gather they had public Salaries. 2. Therefore they had no Salaries at all (for Their merit was their maintenance.) 3. Yet their excellence in arts procured them Advancement. I see the reason why he is offended at our logic; But (to answer seriously) if he have any meaning in this touch, it must be of bad signification to the Revenues of the Universities. But it would be sad, if things should be modelled by this man's reading, or Universities were to subsist upon his collections. 'tis true, we never read of AEsculapius, what fees he took, nor of the price of Homer's Ballads, yet we know that Homer had a mouth, else how could he sing? And by the Immortality of his works we know that his drink was not water. — nec vivere carmina possunt Quae scribuntur aquae potoribus. This man's predecessor in the way of Knight Errantry, had like to have run into a grievous mistake, because he had never read in any Author, that they used to carry money; and if M. Webster compose himself to the model of what he reads concerning those ancient Worthies, I confess I should fear to keep him company; for not reading of any shirts or shoes that they made use of, I know not how sweet & cleanly I might find him. Well Sir, that which follows is very sad, and you having answered the theological part, I intend to skip it over. The ends of erecting Academies, have been in his account, the same in general to all people, though they have differed in particulars. Viz. Politic, in reference to the commonwealth Military. Civil. Religious, serving to Idolatry amongst the Heathen. The Ministry amongst Christians. The politic use he approves of, to the great happiness of the Universities, rejoice therefore O ye Academies, for ye may remain notwithstanding the strenuous endeavour of the Scythians, the Goths, the Vandals, and the Huns. Dicite, Io Paean. But the Religious use of them he disapproves, and here it is that you have sufficiently contunded him, and saved us the labour of a Reply, I shall not therefore need to speak a word to his theological Arguments, the judicious Reader will excuse this chasm, being so happily prevented by your Learned Strictures, I shall touch upon that which you took no notice of. It fell within the compass of his wit, being so vast and comprehensive to discern, that languages may be judged useful to Theology, see therefore how he will elevate their reputation. It is not (he says) concluded which are the original Copies: and tongues teach but the grammatical sense. It is indeed disputed which Copies are authentical, betwixt men of his Religion, and those of ours, but the want of Grammar, hath made a Protestant of a Friar, for by translating the word authentical, into the word original, he hath (by mere chance) renounced the Tridentine council, tacitly acknowledging the vulgar Latin not to be authentical. But his logic is as fortunate as his Grammar, he argues Tongues to be unnecessary to Theology (for I am loath to offend his tender ears or head) because they teach but the grammatical sense, and a literal understanding: Sir, you may perhaps demand a reason of the consequence, thinking the knowledge of the grammatical sense, to be necessary to the attaining of the spiritual meaning, but I shall desire to be heard as to the Antecedent, and to be his remembrancer, that Tongues, nay Letters, have taught a way of mystical Theology, as mystical as need to be, and not unworthy to be compared to his which follows; 'tis pity he had not heard of the mysteries of the gnostics, nor the Ziruph Gematry and Notariacon of the Cabalists, that one might have gained his favour to the Greek, the other to the Hebrew Tongue, to the advancement of Marcus and Colarbasus, and the sparing of Behemen & De Fluctibus. But the knowledge of Tongues is built upon no surer a foundation then traditional Faith. alas! who knows there ever was such a language as Greek or Hebrew or Latin, or that the words do signify as we are told. Mr Webster is a deep thinking man, and will not be put off without a demonstration or revelation (you charge him wrongfully with Popery he hates traditions) and will not I warrant you upon tradition believe that caput signifies a head, or that this word head, can represent that noble part of his styled in the verses before his Book his bonny sconce, where so much wit & Learning is inskulled, in this point surely he may say, Preface▪ if he be not guilty of too much dubi●ation, with Pyrrho, he is not over confident with Aristotle. But there are errors in all translations, therefore tongues are unnecessary, how necessary to renounce their reason, is it for those who deal with them of the Mystery. Some would have thought because there were errors therefore the study of Languages are necessary; that were indeed the logical consequence, but the other is the mystical. His last Argument of making men proud of their skill you have answered, and this for the first Chapter as to what you thought worthy of your notice, the Second concerning school-theology, hath felt likewise the weight of your hand: I pass on therefore to the Third, being earnest to taste of his Humanity. CAP. III. Of the Division of that which the schools call human Learning, and first of Tongues or Languages. THAT which he Proposes in the Third Chapter is to speak 1. Of the division of human Learning, made by The schools. Himself. 2. Of Languages, where he proposes, 1. Their uselesseness. 2. A Dispute about the way of attainment, Whether that by Grammar be the best. 3. Errors of Grammar. 4. Advancements, by Hieroglyphics. Symbolism. Steganography. Universal Character. Language of Nature. The first part of his undertaking, I shall not stand much upon, because the good man has hinted at some others worthy of more consideration, the good man (for I fear I offend when I call him Master Webster, because of pag. 11.) is offended that knowledge should be divided into Speculative and practical: natural Philosophy hath for its object, Corpus Naturale mobile, and the end is not Speculation, and so its practical. Mathematics hath taught men to build houses, &c. therefore that is practical, and the schools would have them Speculative. A sad thing, and worthy the Animadversion of this great Reformer. Now if the schools should answer, that the end of these Sciences may be practised, and yet they may be speculative, I know not what he would reply. I am much given to observe the course of his ratiocination, which always ends in Mystery. See then how he proceeds for natural Philosophy: This cannot be Speculative, for the end of it is more sublime then to rest in Speculation. Well, what's the end? to behold the eternal power and Godhead, that's, speculation: but farther, to be drawn to worship him, that's indeed practise; But lastly, to worship him, that we may come to the vision of him, that's Speculation; the end therefore of it may be Speculation, and so the schools escape a whipping. For what he says concerning the mathematics, as you know Sir it cannot choose but move me, they have been sonetime accounted my Mistress, and Jealousy must work when I find another courting her, and that so passionately that he falls into an ecstasy: (O sublime, transcendent, Pag. 19 beautiful, and most Noble Mistress (quoth he) who would not be enamoured on thy seraphic pulchritude &c.) But making my approach to him, I find him at his distance, praying (like some moping Friar to the Lady of Lauretto, or like) the Nephew of the Queen of fairy, and uttering a speech to her, made by John Dee in his Preface, enough to satisfy me, that she is yet pure and untouched by him, and hath not entertained him into any familiarity. Seriously Sir, had he read the Book as well as the Preface, nay had he understood but the two first Propositions, he would have perceived, how Theorems do serve in order to problems, and practice may be the end of contemplation, and so again the schools might have escaped him. Well! but see him divide now the Arts and Sciences, behold him coming to it with his cleaver, or rather with his Herculean beetle endeavouring to split them in three pieces. 1. The first are those that though they seem to confer some knowledge, yet they do it in order to a farther end, and so are instrumental. And this part, according to this Author, aught to comprehend all Arts and Sciences, and so the block of Sciences, hath escaped the wedge, though it hath felt the Beetle-head. 2. Those which confer knowledge of themselves, and are not instrumental to others, as natural Philosophy, &c. Here the Beetle rebounds, and gives himself a blow, for can the science of natural things, whose subject is Corpus Naturale mobile, p. 18. choose but be subordinate and instrumental to the discovery of God, and the preservation of health? p. 18.19. 3. The third sort are those, which though they confer some knowledge, and have some peculiar uses, so they seem necessary as ornamental. We see the blow the Beetle gave him, hath wholly bereft him of his sense, a sad example upon a man, that not contented with the old, would set himself to make amongst us new divisions. Well may he lose his senses, but he will never lose his mettle, he no sooner awakes out of his trance, but biting his tongue by chance, upon that occasion he falls upon the thought of Tongues and Languages. Wherefore woe be to them. 1. The Knowledge of tongues beareth a great noise in the world (and is it not strange that tongues should keep such a noise?) and yet there is not much profit by them. The profit that is by tongues is only 1. To understand one another. 2. To make foreign negotiations and to traffic and therefore 'tis not worth the while to learn them. The Argument is somewhat mystical, I shall endeavour a little to unfold the mystery; All good things relate only to the body or mind, and the lives of men are divided into these four kinds {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Riches or pleasure carry the greatest sway, and those are carried on in the world by Negotiations and traffic, these administer to every Nation whatever is the peculiar advantage of any one, & furnishes them all with Gold & Silver, &c. which men have agreed to make the common measure of riches, and with all things conducing to health and pleasure. Now there is no traffic without the use of Languages, therefore there is not much profit in them. Well these are commonly counted good things, but our Zeletique or sceptic may be in that a Stoic, these are commoda not bona, things that are good and profitable are the goods of the mind, and those are attained by making use of the Discourse and writings of men of all Ages and Nations, and that is not to be done without skill in Languages, So that again there is but little profit by them. 'Tis true no sort of men can well be without them, as they cannot be without the Sun, (his heat to nourish, his light to guide them) therefore the use of them is little, this is his logic, but I am apt to forget myself as oft as I shall fall into his Mysteries. 2. But if Languages were worth the while to learn, yet the way of teaching them (by Grammar &c.) is not the best. Either the way must be by Grammar, or by Exercise in Colloquy, if the latter it must be gained by conversation either at home or abroad. First for the Learned languages, Latin, Greek, Hebrew and the rest of that rank, whether shall a man travel to converse with such as will speak to him in those tongues: as for other tongues, as French, Italian, Spanish &c. his advice will be to travel into those Nations. But if any man make it his business to comprehend them all, he must either hire men of all sorts to be with him as Conversers, or must apply himself to all, (travelling till he meet with them) so that the result will be that instead of some days in his study, a man spends many years in travel or conversation, and all for saving the expense of time and charges. The way of Conversation, makes men ready and confident, but that alone will never make them accurate, an instance whereof we have, in that none that have no skill in Grammar, can ever amongst us (though they speak excellently) attain the true writing of our English Tongue, and though many have come to be knowing men, as to the substance, and vastly read, yet I never knew an accurate man, fit to write or speak in any learned Language, who neglected the Grammar of it. This I thought proper enough for an academical man to take notice of: as for his exceptions to the Grammar, as being void of evidential perspicuity, and not coapted to the tender capacities of young years &c. I leave them to the schools of the lower form to answer. The man supposes that Universities, like to the Scholae Illustres of the Jesuits, teach the Latin Grammar, and to go through even the lowest elements of learning: but you know Sir, that it is neither usual nor lawful to teach the Latin Grammar in the Universities. Stat. Cant. If this man have ever seen any Universities, they have been the Romish schools and Academies, to whose elevation, the Learning which he discovers, and the reformation he proposes, are (to use his excellent phrase) coapted. But in truth I am extremely ravished at the defects he finds in Grammar, and his proposals for its advancement, how sweetly and congruously hath he drawn in to the relief and advancement of Grammar and Language, those things which mortal men intended to set in opposition to them. It is reported of Friar Bacon, that time was when by the strength of alchemy he made a Brazen head to speak Time is &c. but how far hath our Friar exceeded him, who taking of hieroglyphics, emblems, Symbols, and Cryptography, and according to his capacity, hath extracted out of silence, an advance of Eloquence, and from dumb signs a Grammar. Sir, I do not deny that the consideration of these things may very well accompany the consideration of Grammar, and the defects in these kinds may be spoken of very methodically, together with the defects of Grammar, they being all conversant (though in ways as absolutely different as the ear is from the eye) about signification, and generally referring to it: but to make them all one, or parts of each other, amounts to no less than a great want of consideration. It is a thing to be acknowledged by all considering men, that knowledge is conveyed by signification of our notions to one another, that signs may be made (by institution of men) in any way which doth admit of a sufficient variety, and that knowledge may be communicated, as well by the eye as by the ear, but to say that by introducing that way, either Grammar or Languages should be advanced, it were as mystical as to affirm, that the day light is advanced by the coming of the night, or that he would kill a man for his preservation. To discourse concerning hieroglyphical (or emblematical) and cryptographical Learning, is as needless, to men that know any thing, as useless to M Webster, who out of the abundance of his ingenuity, confesses the cryptographical books of Porta, Agrippa, Trit●hemius, &c. to be written to his wonder and amazement; what was the design of them, and to whether Pallas they refer, he troubles not himself to know, it is enough for him, that Orthography and Cryptography have the same end, and he hath heard that the first is a part of Grammar: and why may not Emblems be a part of Grammar, as well as Etymology, they begin both with a letter, the word sounds as well, and emblematical is a neater word, and suits perhaps better with his mouth then etymological. Besides. hieroglyphics and Cryptography, were invented for concealment of things, and used either in mysteries of Religion which were infanda, or in the exigences of war, or in occa●ions of the deepest secrecy, (such as those of Love, which is not to be owned, or of the great Elix●r, and the like) and Grammar is one of those Arts and Language one of those helps, which serve for explication of our minds and notions: How incongruous then is it, that the Art of concealment, should not be made a part of the Art of Illustration; surely it would make much to the advancement of Children while they are learning the Elements of Grammar, to be put upon the speculation of the Mensa Isiacae, the Canopi, and obelisks, the Thesaurus Hieroglyphicus, or Grosschedel's magical Calendar; This would certainly effect, even in Children, what Porta & Agrippa have done to M. Webster, bring them to Wonder and Amazement. But he hath extremely disobliged whosoever have been Authors of the symbolical way, either in mathematics, Philosophy, or Oratory, to bring them under the ferula, and make those who have exempted themselves from the encumbrances of words to be brought post liminio, into the Grammar school, it was little thought by Vieta, M. Oughtred, or Herrigon, that their designation of quantities by Species, or of the several ways of managing them by Symbols (whereby we are enabled to behold, as it were, with our eyes, that long continued series of mixed and intricate Ratiocination, which would confound the strongest fancy to sustain it, and are with ease let in to the Abstruseft, and most perplexed depths, wherein the contemplation of quantity is concerned) should ever have met so slight a considerer of them, as should bring them under Grammar. It is very well known to the youth of the University, that the avoiding of confusion or perturbation of the fancy made by words, or preventing the los of sight of the general reason of things, by the disguise of particular numbers, having passed through several forms of operation, was the end and motive of inventing mathematical Symbols, so that it was a design perfectly intended against Language and its servant Grammar, and that carried on so far, as to oppose the use of numbers themselves, which by the Learned, are styled Lingua Mathematicorum, with whom {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} and numero inexplicabile are equipollent: But Mr W. makes me wild to follow him in his mysteries. The use of Symbols is not confined to the mathematics only; but hath been applied to the nature of things, by the Pythagorean Philosophers, and diverse of the Cabalists, and to the Art of Speaking, by diverse both Jews and others: and this symbolical art is that Ars Combinatoria, from which Picus Mirandula & others, make such large undertakings. The Pythagoreans did make Symbols of numbers, designing (ex Arbitrio) the parts of nature (as the supreme mind, the first matter &c.) by them, an instance whereof is Plato's, Timeus; the Combinatorian Jews (viz. the Author of Jezirah and others) and from them I. Picus: Schalichius Lully, and others, have made Symbols of the Letters of the Alphabet, so that {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} signifies with them God: {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the angelical Nature &c. The use of this way with all symbolical writers old or new, (numerals, Literalls, Algebraicalls (for there want not such as have designed things by the notes of Cossic powers) is to discourse (that is to compare subjects and subjects, subjects and Predicates, and to deduce conclusions) freely without the trouble of words, upon which while the mind of man is intended, it neither sees the consequence so clearly, nor can so swiftly make comparison as when it is acquitted of those obstacles, an instance whereof every man hath in casting an account by Sarracenicall Ziphers, which is much more certain and speedy, then if the numbers were designed either in words at length, or in the letters of any Alphabet; if ever there be a speedy way made to the attainment of Knowledge, it must be by making a shorter, and clearer cut to the understanding (by the way of signification) then that which is travailed now by words; which advancement of Learning and Knowledge, will bring (not an advance, as this man innocently supposes, but) an elevation and uselesseness upon Language and Grammar. For this effect is that which is pretended to by the universal Character, about which he smatters so deliciously viz. To take away from every Nation the necessity of Learning any other beside their mother tongue (which no Nation is taught by the rules of Grammar) by designing all things & notions by certain common signs which may be intelligible by all alike though diversely expressible (as our numeral notes, the notes of the 12 signs &c.) You see Sir how methodical the man is by bringing this under Grammar, however I shall take this hint to speak a little freely concerning this Argument. Sir when I first fell from that verbose way of tradition of the mathematics, used by the Ancients, and of late by almost all (such as Clavius and the like) who have written huge Volumes of particular subjects; into the symbolical way, invented by Vieta, advanced by Harriot, perfected by Mr Oughtred, and Des: I was presently extremely taken with it, finding by this means, that not only the substance of those vast Volumes might be brought into the compass of a sheet or two, but that the things thus reduced were more comprehensible and mannageable; the labour of the brain much taken off, and a way laid open (by the various comparisons and applications of quantities) for invention and demonstration of infinite propositions with more ease than before we could understand those which others had invented for us. And I was put upon an eranest desire, that the same course might be taken in other things (the affections of quantity, the object of universal mathematics, seeming to be an Argument too slender to engross this benefit.) My first proposal was to find whether other things might not as well be designed by Symbols, and herein I was presently resolved that symbols might be found for every thing and notion, (I having found the variety of many millons of signs in a square of a quarter of an Inch) So that an universal Character might easily be made wherein all Nations might communicate together, just as they do in numbers and in species. And to effect this, is indeed the design of such as hitherto have done any thing concerning an universal Character. And the thing thus proposed is feasible, but the number of several Characters will be almost infinite (at left as great as the number of primitive words in the most copious tongues and the learning of them either impossible or very difficult. Of this kind I have seen several essays, one in Print, another in Manuscript showed to K. Charles (containing the first Book of Homer's Iliads done into Characters,) but in truth such as would never be received, or if they should, would give us no other benefit, besides a communication without language (which is that which is spoken of the China Characters.) So that the tradition of Learning, or faciliation of it would be but little advanced by this means. But it did pesently occur to me, that by the help of logic and Mathematiticks this might soon receive a mighty advantage, for all Discourses being resolved in sentences, those into words, words signifying either simple notions or being resolvible into simple notions, it is manifest, that if all the sorts of simple notions be found out, and have symbols assigned to them, those will be extremely few in respect of the other, (which are indeed Characters of words, such as Tullius Tiro's) the reason of their composition easily known, and the most compounded ones at once will be comprehended, and yet will represent to the very eye all the elements of their composition, & so deliver the natures of things: and exact discources may be made demonstratively without any other pains than is used in the operations of specious Analytics. And to such a character as this, there is but one thing more desirable, which is to make it effable, because it is a dull thing to discourse by pointing & indication: and as to this there is thus much obvious, that if the first & most simple things & notions are so few as is the number of consonants, & the modal variations so few as may be expressed by Vowels and Diphthongs, this also may be done with great ease and clearness, otherwise not without admitting Homonymies and Synonimies into that language. And here also, a success hath been found much beyond expectation, viz. that the characters before described may be utterable, and the names be made up of the definitions of things, or a complexion of all those notions, whereof a complex is compounded, every simple notion being expressed by one syllable, and the most complexe notion, consisting of as many syllables, as it doth of simple elemental notions. This design if perfected, would be of very great concernment to the advancement of Learning, and I know one in this University, who hath attempted some thing this way, & undertaks as far as the tradition of real Learning, by which I understand the mathematics, and natural Philosophy, and the grounds of physic. However M. Webster will be brought by this, to acknowledge that these things are considered in the Universities, and that they only are not dry, whilst he and his friends are madid. Such a Language as this (where every word were a definition and contained the nature of the thing) might not unjustly be termed a natural Language, and would afford that which the Cabalists and Rosycrucians' have vainly sought for in the Hebrew, And in the names of things assigned by Adam, which M. Webster, passing the bounds of sense and reason, would bring under the Laws and regulation of Donatus, although as he concludes most Grammatically, C. ult. it be not Acquisitive but Dative. Sir, familiarity with M. Webster makes me bold with him, and that hath encouraged me, to deny that ever there was any such Language of Nature, and to offer him this Demonstration. The paradisical Protoplast, being Characteristically bound to the Ideal Matrix of magical contrition, by the Symphoniacall inspeaking of Aleph tenebrosum, and limited by Shem hamphorash to the central ideas, in-blowne by the ten numerations of Belimah, which are ten and not nine, ten and not eleven; and consequently being altogether absorbed in deciphering the signatures of Ensoph, beyond the sagacity of either a Peritrochiall, or an Isoperimetrall expansion. The lynges of the faetiferous elocution, being disposed only to introversion, was destitute at that time of all Peristalticall effluxion, which silenced the Otacousticall tone of of the outflying word, and suppressed it in singultient irructations. But where the forms are thus enveloped in a reluctancy to Pamphoniacall Symbols, and the Phantasmaticall effluviums checked by the tergiversation of the Epiglottis, from its due subserviency to that concord and harmony which ought to have been betwixt lapsed man and his fellow strings, each diatesseron being failed of its diapente necessary to make up a Diapason no perfect tone could follow. And consequently this Language of nature must needs be impossible. I am apt to suspect that this demonstration may to some seem somewhat obscure, but I am very sure that if Mr Webster doth understand what he hath transcribed upon this subject it must have to him (to use his own phrase) an evidential perspicuity. Thus having demonstrated what I undertook, I make an end of this Chapter, and proceed to comment upon your text, concerning that which follows. CAP. IV. Of logic. HOw great a favourer of Sciences Mr Webster is, will appear in this, that in every chapter his Discourse (If I may be bold to call it so without a Catachresis) equally runs against the schools, and the arts themselves. I am persuaded he used to be sorely beaten in the schools with stripes, and that hath raised up in him, this fatal indignation, woe worth the hand that gathered the twigs, that made the rod, that whipped the— for what if he were uncapable of Arts? Ex quovis ligno non fit &c. & what though from a child he were given to Pilfering, & to plagiarism, we know that every thing would live, & if he now can make a Book from whence he hopes that he shall volitare— vivus per ora virum, & yet take of that book, whole sheets together from other Authors, mentioning them only now and then in the margin, as if he quoted a line or two of them, if I say by this trade he can live, yes and rant amongst the Levellers, and be suffered to spend much paper, let them say what they please, the man is to be regarded both as a wit, and a great painestaker. That which follows & is considerable in this whole book, except his raptures when he falls in contemplation of magic, Astrology, or behmen's works is entirely taken from others, but they are strong men, there's his valour, and they are none of his acquaintance, there's his ingenuity this Chapter begins pag. 32. and reaches to the 40. pag. of these, his 33. pag. is taken from Gassendas his Exercitations pag. 162. his 34th from L. Bacon pag. 33 (in 160) his 36th from Gassend. Exerc. pag. 100, 101, 102. his 37. and 38. out of Helmont. pag. 42, 43, 44. the rest of the Chapter out of Verulam and Agrippa, and thus I could give an account of all the rest were it not to be Jejune and troublesome. But to come to our Examen his scope being to speak against the logic taught in our Universities, his Discourse runs upon these heads. 1. logic is a mere verbal contest. 2. It is ill applied for the finding forth of verity, Induction being laid aside and syllogism taken up. 3. It teaches no certain rules of Abstracting notions. Fitting words to notion. 4. It is made a part of physics, intricated with thorny questions &c. 5. Aristotle's logic is defective &c. as follows in Gassend. locis ut supra. 6. There are errors in the parts, viz. 1. In Definition. 2. In Division. 3. In Argumentation by syllogism. 1. Their conclusion not necessarily compels assent. 2. Syllogizing doth not teach that which we are ignorant of before. 3. syllogistical conclusions beget but bare opination. 7. Lullyes' Art (an alphabetical way for Syllogizing) better then the other, deserving wondrous great praise, yet leaves the mind vast and unsatisfied. So great is the difference betwixt putation and true knowledge. If the man had intended to speak to our capacities, he should have first examined what logic is usually taught in Universities & disputed against it; now he hath roved at all and some interchangeably, accordingly as the fortune of his Collectors hath enabled him, speaking first against the boys, for hissing, then against syllogism, then against Definition, then against Aristotle, then against Definition &c. And after that against Aristotle and Syllogizing: you see Sir the generosity of this man he will not make use of logic against itself, and you will think me ridiculous in answering to his Allegation (the University being wholly inconcerned,) but i'll be exceeding brief. 1. A system of rules directing us to the knowledge of the truth begets no intestine war no humming, hissing, nor obfuscation. 2. The use of Induction is taught in the University as well as the use of syllogism; logic is universally subservient to the enquiry of all truths; Induction is ridiculously applied to mathematical truths, and syllogism is to be applied to physics; it was a misfortune to the world, that my Lord Bacon was not skilled in mathematics, which made him jealous of their Assistance in natural inquiries; when the operations of nature shall be followed up to their statical (and mechanical) causes, the use of Induction will cease, and syllogism succeed in the place of it, in the interim we are to desire that men have patience not to lay aside Induction before they have reason. 3. Logic doth teach certain rules of Abstracting notions viz by examining the Agreements and disagreements (which they call the Genus and Difference) of things, and if our notions of things have been rashly abstracted, the fault hath been either in the obscurity of nature, or in the dullness or impatience of philosophers & not in the logic of the Academies. The notions of things being rightly abstracted they are rightly assigned to words by Definition. 4. The questions concerning the entity of logical notions, and other physical and metaphysical things, are not (to my Knowledge) mingled with the tradition of logic, (otherwise then to afford examples to the Rules of it) so that this complaint may concern others, but not our Universities. 5. Aristotle's Organon is not read to the youth of this University, (how justly I contend not) neither was it ever understood, or ever will be by M. Webster, then why should we fall out about it? 6. 1. It is a prodigious Ignorance in Helmont (from whom M. Webster without regard to common honesty, hath taken what ensues) to think there are no other, or scarce any differences known, beside rational and irrational: This is frequently met withal in the vulgar Systems of logic as an example, and he thought no more was known: without regard to all demonstrative mathematical knowledge: but he could not speak of things he understood not; why then should the blind lead the blind? 2. Something he would have spoken against Division, but he had it not about him; so we can only thank him for his good intentions in that particular. 3. His Exceptions against Syllogizing (I mean his new supply out of Helmont are these.) 1. Their Conclusions do not necessarily compel Assent. viz. M. Webster is one who can grant the premises in a true syllogism, and yet deny the conclusion. I answer this is by a special gift. 2 His Second exception, I say, that the eduction of a third Proposition, or truth from two that were known before, is a teaching of what we knew not, otherwise no man living need to study for any Demonstrative Knowledge: 'tis possible M. Webster may know that totum est majus sua parte, and the other Axioms in Euclid, yet I dare say, he understands not, that in a Rectangled Triangle, the square of the Hypothenuse, is equal to the conjoined squares of the other sides, much less any of the Propositions concerning the Regular Bodies, or Conic Sections. 3. And whereas he says, that syllogistical conclusions beget but bare opination; we ought to pardon him, Helmont told him so, and he knew not that there was such a thing as Syllogismus Demonstrativus, and what would you have of a Cat? &c. 7. But though he have despised these ways, he will give an excellent account of the Art of Lully, and indeed his description argues him a man of profound search into the things he deals with: it is he saith, An alphabetical way for Syllogizing: a description sunk many fathoms beyond the profundity of truth or sense, and if there be any sense assigneable to this description, it will amount to such a Definition of Geometry as this, It is an Art of Knowing something by the help of Letters, Syllables, Words, and Figures: a matter of grievous skill and judgement to discover Sir I need not own my conversation in that Art of Lully: yet I meet with few that have considered much more of it then myself, and this I undertake to be accountable for to M. Webster, that neither that, nor logic are unuseful▪ yet that logic conduces more to the invention, and search, and strict examination of Truth, and that other more to the invention of Arguments for discourse: the one more appropriate to logical, (as 'tis called) the other to rhetorical, or poetical invention; the one is a very good way for beginners, the other extremely useful to men that have already attained to the knowledge of things, to fetch the notions of things with ease and celerity in their view; and fit men for secure and ready speaking. I have now done with his Chapter of logic and come to that concerning mathematics. CAP. V. Of the mathematical Sciences. THE mathematics are extremely beholding to him for his Favours (but sure without any special desert from him) He hath heard of their perspicuity, veritude, and certitude, and complains they are so slightly handled, without any solid practice, or true Demonstrations. You know Sir, how much this makes towards a bribing of me; My clamour is against the neglect of Mathematics in our method of study, & you would think I cannot choose but receive a complacency from his concurrence; yet such is the perverseness of my nature, that I have not upon any occasion, felt my spleen so high, streining upon a down-right indignation, as when I find him and Mr Dell praising the mathematics: for why? what have the mathematics deserved? that these men should render them contemptible by their commendations: You know Sir, it was heretofore accounted an instance of mathematical skill, to give the dimensions of Hercules from the measure of his foot, what if I should adventure to give you the measure of this mathematical Hercules, or Herculean Mathematian. Sir i'll begin to rant the society with these men having brought me to it, and I will give you the (Mathematical) measure of two of them together Mr Webster and Mr Dell. The measure of their pous (for they tread both in the same steps and are mathematicians both of a size) I take merely from their buzzing Discourse about mathematics, and lay this for my Assertion as the result & sum that may be collected from what they have said in that argument (where I put with the jejuner discourse all the rhetoric Poetry. All all the raptures, extasyes and exclamations, & bring them into this aequation) & that if A be a symbol of a known measure of skill to be expressed in the number 666. the skill of them both put together will be equal to Aq— AqCCC, (the mischief is they do not understand me) and thence it follows as a corollary, that neither of them ever understood one demonstration or aequation, and for assurance of what I say, I undertake, that if either or both of them jointly or severally be able to resolve a common adfected aequation, or give the geometrical effection of it (that which many boys in the University are able to do) I will procure them one of our mathematic Professors places. But he says The schools have done little or nothing to advance learning, or promote Science, 'tis true that my L. Nepair, Mr Briggs, and Mr Oughtred, (private Spirits) have done something &c. Will he be always so mysterious? Was not Mr Oughtred Fellow of K. college in Cambridge, and Mr Briggs first Fellow of St John's, afterwards professor of Geometry at Gresham college, and did he not lastly live and die Professor of Geometry at Oxford, did not most or all of those he mentions afterwards, profess and read the mathematics in several schools and Academies, and is not Gassendus (from whom he takes whole sheets together of this rhapsody) professor of Astronomy at Paris. What then doth this man mean, to say the schools (as he terms them) have not advanced these sciences; does he expect that the college buildings, or Sir Thomas Bodlyes' frame should do it? Indeed they will do it as soon as he. But I forget myself, the sum of his complaints is this. 1. That arithmetic and Geometry are neglected, the schools contenting themselves with verbal disputes of magnitude, &c. 2. That optics have received no advance. 3. That the Theory of music is neglected. 4. That the Astronomy schools teach according to the Ptolemaic System, which they maintain with Rigour. And against this his spirit runs out in very many Arguments. 5. They are ignorant of the other parts, as Geography, Hydrography, Chorography, &c. 6. They do not profess the divine Art or Science of Astrology. 7. Somewhat he would say of Staticks, Architecture, Pneumatithmy, &c. Commemorated by Dr John Dee. Concerning these, I shall speak as briefly as is possible. 1 arithmetic and Geometry are sincerely & profoundly taught, analytical Algebra, the Solution and Application of Aequations, containing the whole mystery of both those sciences, being faithfully expounded in the schools by the professor of Geometry, and in many several colleges by particular Tutors, and were he an Idoneous Auditor, I undertake he should receive full satisfaction here in that particular, however I will be bound he shall be wrought upon (as he expresses it elsewhere) even to wonder and amazement. 2. His next complaint is, that the optics are neglected, (I cannot say what they are generally, but this I know, that there have been lately given by some persons here instances of more solid knowledge of all sorts of radiation or vision, than ever were here, or indeed elsewhere before, and that such things are ordinary now amongst us (done by some amongst ourselves) as heretofore were counted magical. 3. The Theory of music is not neglected, indeed the music meeting, by the Statutes of this University, appointed to be once a week, hath not of late been observed, our Instruments having been lately out of tune, and our harps hanged up, but if such men as he should please to come among us, and put us to an examen, without doubt we should then have a fit of Mirth &c. 4. But of all things the Astronomy schools he is most offended at, as maintaining with Rigour the Ptolemaic System: And against this he disputes with Arguments able to turn a Copernican into a Ptolemaic: the thing, as to our University, you know to be most false; I believe there is not one man here, who is so far astronomical, as to be able to calculate an Eclipse, who hath not received the Copernican System, (as it was left by him, or as improved by Kepler, Bullialdus, our own Professor, and others of the elliptical way) either as an opinion, or at leastwise, as the most intelligible, and most convenient Hypothesis. For myself, you know well my principles of philosophy and Astronomy, and how little this whole Pamphlet concerns me, yet in defence of Ptolemy this may be said with justice, that there is no astronomical Book in the World, which may not be better spared then his {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: Sir H. Savile (Than whom in his time, Europe had not a better judge of things of that nature,) says of it, nihil illi par aut aequale: and I heard this lately discoursed and demonstrated, by one (having relation to him) who himself is yet a Copernican of the elliptical family; had this man ever seen the Almagest, or Ptolemy's Hypo●yposis, he would have known, that Ptolemy never meddled with solid orbs, he only salved the Phenomena, which were left him by excentrics and Epicycles, and meddled notwith the physical part at all: and indeed there is no mathematic Book in the world more learned or useful in its kind, then Ptolemy's Almagist, but it is above the capacity of M. Webster's size to understand either his solution of Triangles, his investigation of Apogees and eccentricities, his Demonstration of the Inequalities of the Planets, his concluding of them from the Phenomena of nature, and his exhibition of them by his hypothesis. The Method here observed in our schools is, first to exhibit the Phenomena, and show the way of their observation, then to give an account of the various Hypotheses, how those Phenomena have been salved, or may be (where the Aequipollency or defects of the several Hyppotheses are shown.) And lastly to show how the geometrical Hypotheses are resolvible into tables, serving for calculation of Ephemerides, which are of quotidian use, and if Mr Webster have any thing to amend in this method, and will afford it our Professor, I will undertake he will be thankful for it. The puerility of his Arguments yourself have noted, they are sacred I will not name them. 5. It is not fair to say we are ignorant of Cosmography, unless he had tried us, indeed, if we be so, I know some must answer for it, Sir Henry Savile hath laid it upon one of his Professors to Read publicly after the body of Astronomy, these Arts he mentions, and if he be ignorant of them, let M. Webster inform against him, and take his Profession, win it and wear it. You will give me leave Sir, to publish in our vindication, what yourself and I know to be true. These Arts he mentions, are not only understood, and taught here, but have lately received real and considerable advances (I mean since the Universities came into those hands wherein now it is) particularly arithmetic, and Geometry, in the promotion of the Doctrine of Indivisibilia, and the discovery of the natural rise and management of Conic Sections and other solid places. Optics and Perspective, by various inventions and applications on gnomonics and picture Astronomy in polishing, and indeed perfecting the elliptical hypothesis, and rendering it geometrical; and surely if we may still enjoy the encouragement of the Higher Powers, we may hope in a little time, to give a good account of ourselves, as to these particulars. 6. But the mischief is, we are not given to Astrology, a sad thing, that men will not forsake the study of Arts and Languages, and give themselves up to this high and Noble Art or Science, he knows not what to call it: Nay call it that ridiculous cheat, made up of nonsense and contradictions, founded only upon the dishonesty of Impostors, and the frivolous curiosity of silly people, so as none but one initiated in the Academy of Bethlem, would require of us, that we should be Philosophers and Mathematicians, and yet not to have outgrown this gullery. I speak not to him (for he understands as much of Astrology as of other things) but to those he so highly adores (for one of whom viz. Mr Ashmole, I have a very good respect) I make this proffer, that if they can assert either upon the grounds of reason, or constant experiment, any one rule of judicial Astrology, nay if they can maintain, that the very foundations of them, are not frivolously and ridiculously laid and retained, I shall join with Mr. W. in desiring that the Thundering Pulpit men, may submit to the Blundering Hell-pitmen, and that Divinity (he will let me use that word rather than lose a Conunrim) may give way to Divination. The pretence of Astrology is to divine by the Syzyges of the Planets. The Planets are considered, as they respect either (1) the 12 houses, or (2) the signs of the Zodiac, or (3) one another, or (4) according to their site and native powers. Against them I assert, that their Houses have no foundation, for whereas there are three ways of assigning them, either by dividing the ecliptic, the first vertical or the equinoctial into 12 equal parts, they have forsaken the two former, and called the last the rational way (as condemning the two former of irrationality) yet this rational way serves but for some parts of the sphere, and those that live under a right or parallel sphere (if any do) must be deprived of the benefit of Astrology, because in a right sphere they are confounded, and in a parallel there are no houses. 2. In relation to the signs of the Zodiac, the Planets are conceived to have their Exaltations or Diminutions, and here they discover a most profound stupidity: about the time when this folly took place, the Apogees and Perigees of the several Planets being by Astronomers determined to be in certain places of the Zodiac: this exaltation or depression, in respect of distance, they Coxcomically have understood in respect to their virtue, and though their Apogees be changed, they still retain in those very places their Exaltations. 3. Their number of Aspects is Arbitrary, and there may as well be made 600 as 6. and granting there were any reason or ground for their good or bad signification, they must signify to one another, not to us. 4. Lastly, the virtues of the Planets themselves, that they are hot and cold, male and female &c. is ridiculously founded; who ever felt the heat of Mars, or cold of Saturn? The whole Theory is formed with respect to the peripatetical System, the conceit of the four Elements, and if they should be granted, conduce nothing to the fortune-telling which they profess. I have but touched these things, yet so as I have struck at the root of their whole imposture, and if they can satisfy in these things, I will be their proselyte. 7 Seeing Mr Webster had nothing to say of Staticks, Architecture, Pnemaththmy, &c. I only shall say that all or most, have received some improvement in this place, as we shall make appear when he makes his visitation. CAP. VI. Of scholastic philosophy. THis Chapter of his consists of two parts, an affirmative and a Negative; the first concerns the way of philosophy, which he saith is professed in the schools viz. The aristotelical way: in the other he would exhibit the Desiderata, those things whereof the Universities are ignorant. He disputes against the aristotelical Philolophy in more than twenty whole pages of this Chapter, but his dispute is interrupted by the Desiderata: for from pag. 53. to 67. inclusiuè, he is ant-aristotical; thence to the 78. p. come in his other exceptions, and from the 78. page to 83. (viz. to the end of the Chapter) he hath another bang at Aristotle. You know Sir, how little either I myself, or our Universities, are concerned to interest ourselves in this quarrel, considering the liberty that is here allowed and taken, this Discourse may perhaps concern Collegium Conimbricense or some foreign Universities, and let them Answer it. Yet I must confess I wondered at this chap. both at the learning, the Inequality, and the method of it; I presently found some things in it to exceed the Genius of our Reformer, and some things well becoming him both in respect of his Learning, Method, and Ingenuity. Concerning his Desiderata I shall speak briefly by themselves, after I have given an account first of his Antaristotelicall matter, then of his Method. I have formerly intimated how good he is at taking hints, I forgot to give notice in the last Chapter of that faculty of his; Now I will not see him wronged, my Proposition is, That there is not one Argument against Aristotle, which he hath not taken entirely out of Gassendis Exercitations adversus Aristoteleos, beside a little out of Helmont, to spare words I have annexed this Table. Webster. Page Gassend. Page Here come in the Desiderata, Afterwards 53 53, 54, 55 54 56 55 58, 59, 60 56 60 Webster. Gassend. 57 62, 63 Page Page 58 64 78 141 59 78 79 146, 167 60 79 80 167 61 81, 83 81 170, 171, 172 62 84 82 186 63 90, 92 83 189, 195 64 93 Webster. Helm. 65 46 66 & deinceps. 67 You may think Sir I love the man, otherwise I should not take this pains with him; this concerns his Learning, that which discovers his ingenuity is, that in the transcription of all these 18 whole Pages out of Gassendus, he never quotes him▪ only for a line or two by the by, pag. 66▪ he names him. Q. But you will wonder why this chasm should be betwixt pag. 67. and p. 78. and why he could not have given Aristotle his lurry altogether? Ans. I answer because his Translator failed him, who should have brought it to him altogether. Mr Webster being above, or without all skill in Languages, and destitute of revelation, was forced to get another to translate (he only attempting at one small parcel pag. 64. Accedebat ad haec ingenium viri (Aristotelis) tectum & callidum &c. which he construes, there happened to these things the close wit of the man &c. though his translator stays, yet (sensible in how great need the world stood of his labour) he goes on, and when his Translator brings in his remnant, he claps it into the rest crying first come first served, and that's the just account and reason of this Method. The sum of his complaints is this. 1. natural magic is abominated, and prosecuted with fire and sword, and not only so, but the name of it execrable &c. 2. The sublime science of Pyrotechny, or chemistry neglected. 3. Medicine 1. Turned to flattery &c. 2. Ill bottomed upon false philosophy. 3. The galenical way not advanced. 4. Discoveries in anatomy 1. useless (as Circulation) 2. Defective, as to the discovery of the Signatures of the invisible Archaeus. 5. Chirurgery defective in curing the Lupus, Cancer, &c. Again, that the schools are ignorant of 1. celestial Signatures, and subcelestial Physiognomy, viz. meteorological, Mineralogicall, botanical, Anthropologicall. 2. The three great hypostatical soul-ravishing Principles, Salt, Sulphur, and Mercury. 3. magnetical philosophy. 4. atomical Learning. To all these I shall make a very brief reply. Ans. 1. It is surely a wonderful thing, that natural magic should not only be prosecuted with fire and sword, but that it should be execrable also. Yet notwithstanding this lamentable persecution, I dare adventure my life, That M. W. may pass safely with this Examen, carrying it either in his pocket, or in his hand, or in his mouth through both the Universities of this Nation, the several Colleges of Eton, Winchester &c. the College of physicians at London, and all the rest, (provided he have a care how he passes by the College at Bethlem) without any danger of Bell, book, or Candle, Fire, Sword or Execration. As for those Authors who have treated of that Argument such as Agrippa, Porta, Wecker, & the rest, you know Sir how oft they have deluded us how very slender a proportion of truth is contained in their volumes, that they are not respected here because of the name magic, much less for any conjuring they teach, but for the cheat and imposture which they put upon us, eluding credulous men with the pretence of specifical virtues, and occult celestial Signatures and taking them off from observation & experiment (the only way to the knowledge of nature) The discoveries of the Symphonies of nature, and the rules of applying agent and material causes to produce effects, is the true natural magic, and the general human ends of all Pylosophycall inquiries; but M. Webster knew not this, 'tis plain therefore he is no Witch, and is therefore free from persecution. 2. Chemistry you know is not neglected here (there being a conjunction of both the Purses and endeavours of several persons towards discoveries of that kind, such as may serve either to the discovery of light or profit, either to natural Philosophy or physic. But Mr Webster expects we should tell him, that we have found the elixir, (surely we are wiser than to say so) yet we can recommend him to one of his faith, who hath been threescore years in the pursuance of it, and two years since believed he was very near it. 3. By what chemical operation physic should be turned into flattery, in truth I cannot fancy. The practice of physic hath been bottomed upon experience and observation. 4. And that is the reason, that the discoveries of the Circulation of the blood, of the venae lacteae, both mesenterical and Thoracicall, of the vas breve, and several new ductus, vasa lymphatica &c. have not made an alteration in the practice of physic, answerable to the advantage they have given to the Theory; and the security and confirmation they have brought to the former ways of practice. As for his Postulatum of discovering the signatures of the Invisible Archaeus by Anatomy, it is one of his Rosycrucian rodomantadoes; would he have us by diffection surprise the Anima mundi, & show him the impressions of a thing invisible? Yet the schematism of nature in matters of sensible bulk, have been observed amongst us, and collections made of them in our inquiries, and when the microscope shall be brought to the highest (whether it is apace arriving) we shall be able either to give the seminal figures of things, which regulates them in their production and growth, or evince them to lie in quantities insensible, and so to be in truth invisible. 5. If neither physic nor Surgery should be defective, he ought to believe, that man should be immortal, or at least, be as long lived as the Rosycrucians' tell him. Yet Surgery as well as physic, hath even in our time been extremely advanced, this place hath given late instances of both; (particularly in recovering the Wench after she had been hanged at least half an hour, and others which I could mention) And the college of physicians at London is the glory of this Nation, and indeed of Europe, for their Learning and felicity, in the cures of desperate Ulcers and diseases, even of the Cancer, and those he (ignorantly) mentions, which have been diverse times performed, by D. Harvey and others. As to the Ignorance he charges upon us, I Answer. 1. It is the destiny of proud and ignorant men, such as having nothing of science, have yet the unjust desire to be reputed rabbis, and the Impudence to attempt to be Reformers, that being diverted from the real and solid ways of knowledge, they dwindle after the windy impostures of magic and Astrology▪ of signatures and physiognomy, and the like, and if we follow them not madding in these pursuits, we pray that we may be excused. 2. I have formerly given some intimation of our chemical society, so that I hope it will be charitably concluded, that we are not ignorant of those hypostatical principles: yet how they should come to ravish the soul of M. Webster, I cannot tell, unless it should be in contemplation of the benefits he hath received from them, viz. of Salt at Dinner, of Sulphur in the Mange, and of Mercury in Salivation. 3. Magnetical Philosophy is not neglected here, yourself Sir, are conscious of some Instruments that are prepared for those experiments (as lodestones rough and polished, armed and naked, a Terrella and diverse others) and how it is a real design amongst us, wanting only some assistance for execution, to erect a magnetical, mechanical, and optic school, furnished with the best Instruments, and Adapted for the most useful experiments in all those faculties. 4. How happy are you and I Sir, and our ingenious acquaintance, (whose studies are toward physic or Philosophy) in this place, who are all employed to salve Mechanically, and statically the Phenomena of nature, and have in some parts advanced the Philosophy of those he mentions? How will it comfort us that we do, and have done in many things, what he would have us? Qui monet ut facias, quod jam facis ipse &c. But lest we should be lifted up, behold him in the next Chapter thundering against the remainder of Arts and Sciences. CAP. VII. Of metaphysics, ethics, politics, economics, Poesy and Oratory. YOu see Sir, how thick they come together, and yet the Chap. consists but of three leaves, and part of them is taken up with the repetition of that learned proverb, Hercules is known by his foot, and the lion by his paw. Do not you think Sir, that this man looks like Hercules? He thinks so, and he knows how he looks; even like Hercules Furens, and thence is the inequality of his Ravings. You had him in the former Chap. in his combat with strong men to take from them their steely arms of demonstration; But no mortal wight, no Hero is able to persist to perpetuity: we see here the great Alcides or Goliath fainting, not able to wield his weaver's beam, or Fustilogge, letting it fall at all adventures, himself forlorn of friends, his strength and reason fled away. But though the storm be past therere may be danger from these after drops, Alcides may stumble, & oppress the Sciences with his fall and a man may be wounded with the convulsive grasp of a dying lion. Let us observe, therefore and either decline or repel these last attempts against the Learning of the Academies. Against metaphysics his exceptions are these. 1. It brings no better instrument for the discovery of truth, than the operation of the Intellect. Why! hath Mr W. any better instrument than this? Is it sense, or is it revelation? What is his instrument or tool, that he prefers before the Intellect of man? The man is mad why do I trouble him? 2. It contains no certain principles, the principle of mens Cogitans, is more certain, and undeniable then that of the schools, Impossibile est idem simul esse & non esse. It seems he is in a case to swallow Contradictions, and can assert that a thing can simul esse & non esse (I warrant this man doth believe transubstantiation) how is his throat widened since he was so straight as not to admit the inference of a conclusion in a true syllogism? but than was then, and now is now, omnium rerum est vicissitudo. Yet Des will give him little thanks for acknowledging his Principle, Cogito ergo sum, if a thing may simul esse & non esse. 3. The sum of the remainder is this, (though by a special gift he hath multiplied it into three arguments) That metaphysics is of no Profit but to obscure the truth, hath produced none but weak frivolous opinions concerning God &c. and the poisonous cockatrice eggs of Altercation. I answer Sir that I have no inclination to grapple with the wind, or deal with wild universalityes, I am of opinion, that there is much to be considered of, & amended in the metaphysics; but that upon this occasion, he hath only discovered an art he hath which might have saved him the labour of all particulars, by saying at once both to the schools and Sciences that they are evil and not good, yea even wicked frivolous and abominable. His next touch is at ethics, and his Exceptions are 1. Against Aristotle, who was a Heathen, and did not acknowledge God. And you say Sir, Mr Webster is a Friar, yet Aristotle acknowledged a First Mover & if that be not God what is it. 2. He placed the summum bonum in the exercise of virtue, but the summum bonum is not attaineable in this life. But he was disputing what was the summum bonum in this Life, and if virtue be the way to Life eternal, it is certainly that summum bonum. 3. They have taught nothing practicable. We are sorry that Mr Webster finds Justice, Prudence, Temperance, Modesty &c. unpracticable, but so it seems it is with him, and yet he will be our Reformer. 4. Aristotle takes the pre-eminence of that which is deduced from the Principles of Christianity, and is unjustly preferred before Socrates, Plato, Zeno, Seneca, Epictetus, who contain more precious Treasure. But where is it O thou roaring lion, (seeking whom thou Mayst devour) or rather thou Essex-Lyon, that Aristotle is preferred before Christ? Is it at Oxford or at Cambridge? Are not the Christian ethics of Daneus, Scultetus, Amesius, Aquinas, others, beside all those Authors you have mentioned, read & studied and preferred before him in the Universities? What shall be done unto thee O thou leasing tongue? Politics. His exception against the politics read in the Universities is very faint and thin being only this, That Plato, Bodin, Machavell, are as good as Aristotle (though he have many things of singular use, which is the first good word he hath given him) and that our Country man, M. Hobbs, is more profound, and yet we read Aristotle in the universities. Rhetoric. And the same is his Exception against rhetoric. We read Aristotle, and spend too much time upon ornamental Oratory and Poetry, which are gifts of nature. Ans. Had this man found any one that had written whole books against these Arts of Aristotle, so as Gassendus, Helmont, &c. against his logic and natural philosophy, and a Translator ready to assist him, these Arts and Sciences had not thus escaped him, now he can only clatter at Aristotle, and clamour against the schools for reading him. Plato, Bodin, Macchiavel, are as good as Aristotle: well, and Aristotle as good as them; what then? But Mr Hobbs is more profound &c. 'Tis true our Theologues say he is bottomed in the great abyss. Again, Aristotle in his rhetoric must give way to Plato; I will not repeat what I have said, and you Sir before me, concerning the Liberty and variety amongst us, But I affirm, that supposing those moral authors which even now he mentioned, Zeno, Seneca, Epictetus, or these politic writers or Rhetoritians, did contain things better in their kind than Aristotle, yet they are not so fit to be read in Universities by way of Institution, as he. They have written diffusedly stilo oratorio, or use by way of Dialogues, but have not given a brief methodical body of the things they handle. The business of such as have the institution of youth, is to give them, first a brief and general comprehension of the kinds and natures of those things, about which their studies, and endeavours are to be employed, and so to excite & stir them up to a deeper & more thorough consideration of them, to set them into a way of study and knowledge, but no man is made perfect in any kind by the mere endeavours of a Tutor, but for that they must have recourse to their industry, their ingenuity, and their inclination. Now the chief reason as I conceive, why Aristotle hath been universally received as Magister Legitimus in schools hath been; The universality of his inquiries; the brevity and Method of them; fitting them for Institutions, and not the truth or infallibillity of his works: Ignorance or want of consideration of that end, mixed with pride and Arrogance and an Ambition to be a reformer, hath produced this glorious work of Mr Webster. He hath now done with the Learning of the universities, indeed he had done with it long ago, and will have a fling at their customs and Method. CAP. VIII. Of their customs and Method. WHat Erasmus said concerning the Pope's crown, and monks bellies, is more fit for a friar to speak, then for us who live upon College Commons. To come therefore briefly to his Exceptions. 1. His first is, That all our several Colleges are tied to one Method, carried on in one way, bound to the same Authors. The charge is utterly untrue, yet were it so, it were no inconvenience (Unless he could demonstrate an error in our Institutions) that those who are to engage in the same scholastic exercises, should be trained up in the same Authors and Method. 2. But our Exercises are slothfully performed, our public Acts being kept but four times in the year, that is in the terms, which, if one should tell them in plain terms, are but usually idle terms. Would not some man as knowing as himself imagine our Terms to last some four days or thereabouts? But you know Sir, they take up the greatest part of all the year, and that in the vacations our scholars are not exempt from exercise, either in the College-Halls, or in their tutor's Chambers. As for his quibbling about terms, (it being the only wit that he hath offered at) I will upon no terms spoil his Conundrum, yet I must confess some grudging I have, that he should set up in two trades at once, quibbling and Reforming. 3. The custom is Injurious which ties men to a set time of years and Acts, before they can receive their laureation. Of all men living I know no reason why such as he should complain of this: alas! why should such men be left behind their over nimble fellows? Me thinks he should be comforted, in being suffered to Leird it in a crowd of better company. But seriously Sir, I use to admire in this the prudence of our Ancestors; to stay a while for a degree (which yet this man would not have us so proud and arrogant as to confer) it is no prejudice to men's worth or Learning; those colleges have not been least renowned where the local statutes oblige them to stay the longest; we are not destitute of other equivalent encouragements, in case of an egregious proficiency: and if upon such pretences, time and exercises should be dispensed with, the overweening of men, and the partialities of friends, would prove very prejudicial to the true and sincere interest of worth and Learning. 4. His next scandal is, At the Humming and Hissing of boys, rather like Geese than Bees &c. Indeed Sir, the boys are to be chidden, yet I must needs tell M. Webster, that all are not Bees that buzz, and it appears their hissing hath been his great vexation; but that he was never troubled with their humming. 5. He complains, That their Disputations are about Notions and paper-Idols. Was there ever, or can there be a Disputation about any thing else but Notions? Would he have them bring forth Bread and Cheese & Dispute de gustibus? Or would he have the Consecrated Host brought in, and paper-Idols converted into Wafer-Idols of more savour? 6. And in earnest, it is a heavy thing, that they make use still of the Latin Tongue in all their exercises. Indeed Sir, this is a sad and grievous complaint, and hath not fallen from him without reason. His reason I discovered in his Chapter about Philosophy: let others admire his wit, I am for his judgement: you say Sir, he is a Friar (whether black or grey, of the Family of the Creepers, or the Skippers it matters not) now Sir, if he could reform out of the Universities, our studied Arts and Languages, so far as to banish from us the use of even the Latin Tongue, and put us into a course of studying magical signatures, Astrology, and Jacob Behmen; his modesty might admit of demanding a Canonization, and this great Mathematician, might justly conclude his account to his holiness, with an {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}. P. 8, 9, His next three complaints I shall make bold to put together, as containing our adhering to Antiquity, our being sweyed by plurality of voice, and our adhering to Aristotle. O Aristotle, are you there! I wondered where he was all this while, when M. Webster was in distress for want of him: but he is a Peripatetic, and will never leave these courses, till M. Webster turn him out from among the Academies; however for us, let M. W. answer for our affectation of novelty and singularity, and we shall well enough evade the charges of these Paragraphs. 10. His last complaint is, that we do not read the mathematics. Indeed we do not so much and early as is fitting, yet this I must needs say, that we read Ptolemy, Apollonius, and Euclid, &c. and he hath read nothing but John Dees's English Preface: make room now for his Expedients. CAP. ix.. Of some Expedients or Remedies in Theology, Grammar, logic, and mathematics. DID not I heretofore intimate, that I found M. Webster to be a pitiful man, and now Sir you see it plainly proved by this Chapter, and those which follow, una eademque manus vulnus opemque feret. he that hath hurt the Universities will heal them. You know it is the custom of those generous souls, who for the health and safety of the generality of men, do use to ascend the bank or public stage, to give poison to some that are about them, to wound or scald them, not that they delight in torturing the creature, (that were cruelty) but by the smart of some few, to convince the unbelieving multitude of the celestial energy of their balsams; they only wound, that they may cure the wounded. And now for Application in short, that's the design of this noble Gentleman: yet lest any man should think the remedies worse than the diseases, I am resolved here to join with him, and with steely arguments, to confound his gainsayers. For Theology. 1. His first remedy is, that men should lay aside the suffering of themselves, to be styled by the Blasphemous title of Divines, and that the people should call them Theologues, as they do in Scotland. I am for Theologue, Divine is a thin stingy word to it, this fills the mouth better, and is fitter to astonish, comes nearer too to a magical noise, (and magic is almost Divine p. 68) I would have the people call them Theologues, and this is my reason; his reasons are mystical, because the other is blasphemous: yet nothing more frequent amongst the ancients then {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}: and those who have sought epithets for Plato, Aristotle, and Ptolemy, called the first of them {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, the second {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, and the last {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}, I am persuaded without any intention to Blaspheme. In the last place, I must pray you not to mistake him, as a favourer of the Scottish interest, for it is well known he is a Leveller, and by consequence an adversary to the highlands. 2. His next remedy is, that the Scriptures be wholly laid aside in scholastic exercises. The truth is Sir, he hath spoken so excellently in his remedies, that all the service I can do him, is only to unfold his meaning. I say then that his meaning is not, that the Scripture should be laid aside in moral exercises, (for he would have them deduced from the principles of Christianity p. 87.) nor yet in physical exercises, (for he would have some physical Learning introduced into the schools, which is grounded upon Scripture Principles p. 105.) but his meaning is only, that the Scriptures should be laid aside in theological exercises, and who does not see what a remedy to Theology that would prove? 3. That the discoveries of God by reason, may be a part of natural Philosophy. For why? the subject of natural Philosophy is Corpus Naturale Mobile. Concerning Languages. 1.2. His first and second Remedies for Languages are, that we should advance our own, and have a compendious way for teaching foreign Languages. Who ever thou art that deniest these to be special (or rather indeed general) remedies in this malady, I say unto thee, thou Liest, and art stiffnecked: moreover I say, that they are excellent remedies, as being part of the universal medicine. 3, 4. That in teaching Languages, Comenius way in his Ianua Linguarum. Grammar, M. Brinsleys way in his Grammar school. may be followed. Comenius I know, and that his way is useful, Mr Brinsley I have not the happiness to know, any otherwise then by M. Webster's commendation, being one of his favourites I should be glad to serve him: I conceive by M. W. his design is, that Children should be well instructed in the accidence before they learn their Grammar. 5. In his fift remedy he discovers a main secret, that Irregulars should be learned without rule, and that the Irregulars being learned, the rule also of the Regular nouns and verbs would be facile and brief, as being but one rule for all. Indeed the Children ought to cry gratias, for if for one playday, and that a broken one, they use to do it, how many play-days hath he procured them? besides the present sport he makes them. After all this he fears it may be imagined, that he should proffer at advancing symbolical and cryptographical Learning, the universal Character, and Language of Nature. I testify they do him wrong that thus imagine, and never understood well what formerly he delivered in that Argument: I had him presently in the wind, (such was my felicity) and durst then have sworn (if need had been) that it was even just as now I find it: that concerning Cryptography, Symbols, the universal Character, he knew nothing; and that his discourse of the Language of Nature, did signify only this, that wanting the use of other languages, even of the Latin, he had obtained a gift as useful, viz. a Canting Language. Next in order followeth logic. 1. His first remedy is, that we find out what reason is in its intrinsic nature and operation. And examine wherein man's reason exceeds the reason of other Animants; and here he saith it will be found, there is no specifical but a gradual difference. M. Webster having discovered that betwixt his reason, and his horses, there is only a gradual difference, hath given much light in the present enquiry; only he hath concealed from us, which of them hath the advantage of degrees, and whether those Degrees are divided by minutes, seconds, and thirds, and whether in the sexagesimall or decimal way. When he shall have holpen us in these scruples, I pray Sir, let us make the best we can of this remedy. 2. That the principles of syllogism be cleared and demonstrated. Because 'tis very hard for him to understand, that Quae eidem sunt aequalia, vel inaequalia; sunt inter se aequalia vel inaequalia. Or Quae conveniunt in uno tertio vel non conveniunt; inter se conveniunt etiam vel non conveniunt, his reason differing but gradually from the reason of other Animants. 3. That some prevalent way be found out, for discovering and rectifying the fallacies of the senses, for Abstracting adequate notions, and giving apposite denominations to them. Now Sir, what say you to M. Webster? Had he had the luck to have added the Quadrature of the Circle, with its Appendices in Geometry, and the philosophers Stone in Chymystry, what could more judiciously and comprehensively have been required? 4. That induction may be improved, and to that end Experiments frugiferous and luciferous may be made. The thing that is here proposed I do exceedingly like, and seeing it is an Amphibious argument, belonging to physic and logic both, I will not be so unreasonable as to quarrel with him about his Method or disposition. The mathematics. The mathematics should come to be spoken of, but they being what they are, (able to shift for themselves) and he being able to make a (scambling) shift without them, and it being terrible hard for one utterly unacquainted with them to speak any tolerable sense in this Argument, he being wisely-wary, wishing well to the mathematics and Mathematicians, (l mean the Copernican Astronomers) having spoken against Ptolemy, having had a twitch at Aristotle, and having no more to say, concludes the Chapter. CAP. X. Of some helps in natural philosophy. HOw can it chose but be well helped up, when he shall set his hands to it who is so great a natural-philosopher? In this Chapter he first discusses that great Question, what shall become of Aristotle? And then proceeds to his Remedies. The first in truth is decided (in my opinion) not without some judgement, how ever it comes to pass. There are many things in him good (in truth very many excellent things, all his historical parts of nature are excellent, and so is his rhetoric, and all his other works) only his physics is to be eliminated, it being founded upon either false, or not intelligible Principles, referring all things to that System, and model of the World, which time and observation have manifested to be untrue: the Astronomy depending thereon (upon that System of four elements, and a quintessential solid Heaven) falls necessarily upon the removal of his physics, or rather the physical part of that Astronomy. You see Sir, how loath I am to vary from M. W. my opinion concerning Aristotle being even coincident with his: yet I think Aristotle's books, the best of any philosophic writings, & that when these things are laid aside, that which remains deserves for him the honour that ought to be given to one of the greatest wits, and most useful that ever the World enjoyed. Farther, I must inform M. Webster, that the thing he doth desire, is already performed in our Academies, there being no man, any thing deeply seen in natural Philosophy, who goes about to salve things upon the principles, of matter, form, and privation, or the first and second qualities. So that I fear his molimina against Aristotle, will by some wits, be accounted disingenuous, and his reflections upon our Universities, unworthy and impertinent. But to come to his Remedies. 1. His first is, that my L. Bacon's way may be embraced. That Axioms be evidently proved by observations, and no other be admitted. &c. I am wholly of his judgement, yet I have an itching desire to know what lily, and Booker, Behmen, and all the families of Magicians, Soothsayers, Canters, and Rosycrucians', have done to vex him, since he was writing of mathematics, and scholastic Philosophy, that having cherished them then, and put them in hopes of his blessing, he should now of a sudden cast them off, betaking himself to their deadly enemy. 2. The second Remedy is, That some physical Learning may be brought into the schools, that is grounded upon sensible, rational, experimental, and Scripture Principles, and such an Author is Dr Fludd; than which for all the particulars, the World never had a more perfect piece How little trust there is in villainous man! he that even now was for the way of strict and accurate induction, is fallen into the mystical way of the Cabala, and numbers formal: there are not two ways in the whole World more opposite, than those of the L. Verulam and D. Fludd, the one founded upon experiment, the other upon mystical Ideal reasons; even now he was for him, now he is for this, and all this in the twinkling of an eye, O the celerity of the change and motion of the Wind. 3. His third remedy is, That the Philosophy of Plato and Democritus, of Epicurus and Philolaus, of Hermes and Dr Gilbert, be brought into Examination and practice. He means that these be examined by those that can understand them (Himself being unprovided in that kind,) that we choose the good, and refuse the evil. You will say, if De Fluctibus be so perfect, what need we go any farther? I warrant you Sir, he knows both why and wherefore, though I can see no reason for it. 4. That youth may put their hands to labour, and their fingers to the Furnaces: that the Mysteries discovered by Pyrotechny; and the wonders brought to light by chemistry may be familiar to them. All that I can do here is to explain his meaning, lest the remedy should lose its operation [It is not his meaning, that the youth should put their fingers into the Furnaces, for that would make them dread the fire, nor yet unto the Furnaces, for that would smut them, but to, that is, towards the Furnace.] He hath likewise taken care that we should not confound in this Paragraph chemistry and Pyrotechny, the wonders of that, and the Mysteries of this. Chemistry is well known, Pyrotechny is the Method of fireworks, the Mystery of making Squibs and Crackers. 5. The last remedy is, That galenical physic may not be the prison that all men must be enchained in. See Sir how one may live and learn! I ever thought that galenical physic had served to make men loose, and not to be a prison to them. I can but thank Mr Webster for this discovery, Ingratum si dixeris, omnia dixeris. Metaphysics. His remedy for metaphysics is to read Descartes. Yet had he read him till he had understood him, the world had been deprived of this Herculean labour. Ethics. Ethics is better taught by precedent. Which made him show his manners in dealing with the Universities. rhetoric and Poetry. Rhetoric and Poetry are gifts, and he hath nought to do with them, for why? Kings and Emperors cannot make an Orator or Poet, Much less can he make either of them. A sows ear will never make a silken sail. CAP. XI. Some Expedients concerning their custom and Method. WHosoever shall consider the errors charged upon the Universities in his eight Chapter, and the Expedients here proposed, if he do not acknowledge the Remedies here applied to be the very genuine & natural ones hinted by the Indication of the Diseases: I say he labours in his judgement, and is a disidoneous Auditor of Mr Webster. For If the Disease be, that the body of the University is bound, (bound to one Method) can there be a surer remedy, then to use a solutive Medicine, to give them a purge and set them lose? If it labour of idleness or a consumption of time, can any remedy be more natural, than that time should not hence forth be trifled away? These are his Recipes, carried on thus to the last, against which the tongue of envy, cannot say but they are proper to their maladies. Yet I must speak to them in several. 1. That there be a liberty in the way and Method of Study. I have formerly hinted to him, that our Universities are pretty well furnished with this medicine, so that he shall do well to vent it upon those foreign ones from whence he is come. 2. That time be not misspent in the Universities. Some captious ones have asked, why then he would not take care, to keep his works from coming hither to be read? to whom I answer, that he never did intend they should come hither, he meant them to a party in the City, and takes no pleasure I dare say, that I should spend this time about him; well this is not the only thing wherein it is my happiness to agree with M. Webster. 3. That there be not a set time for degrees, but that merit, not years should take place, and be rewarded. How fitting this is, I have endeavoured to show p. 40. 4. That in their Exercises, it be tried what they can do, that (nature having given them two hands) they may learn to work &c. The reasons of this may be many, I shall name only two. First, because he hath been used to weed the Garden, and to other labour in his Covent: then why should not we? Secondly, because if his reformation shall take place, we must be put shortly to work for our livings, therefore 'tis good before hand, for each man to be provided of a Trade. 5. That Exercises may be in English. His reason is, lest we forget the English Tongue, which would be very sad if it should fall out: Mine is, that M. Webster and others of his measure, be not deprived of the benefit of them. 6. That neither Antiquity nor Novelty take place of Verity, nor the Authority of Aristotle, or any other, should enchain us. What? again at Aristotle! nay verily now he is to blame: This remedy had been a pure one, if he could have let Aristotle alone: the fetching him in here, I fear, may give occasion to some, to think he does it out of spite. 7. Lastly, the order he prescribes is this, that they be taught, 1. mathematics. 2. Tongues. 3. physics. 4. logic. 5. metaphysics. &c. Not that all men should be bound to the same Method, (as is above expressed) beside M. Webster studied all these together, which hath made him so equally skilled in all, that there is not any thing to choose betwixt his skill in every one of them, no man being able to speak, whether he be a greater Mathematician, a Linguist, or a Philosopher. And now Sir, you judge that I have faithfully performed what I undertook, at the opening of his Remedies: I having stuck to him as close as needed to be, and to speak truth, as close as his scent would suffer me. Sir, I have run through this Pamphlet, and I think I have in some measure, made good the character you gave me of him in your Epistle; you know Sir, I am not of those who hate to be reformed; it hath been my earnest desire, that men of Parts and Experience would meet together, and consult about the Advancement of study, by the most convenient method, That would produce something worthy of our age of light; the raw and crude attempts of such men as these, are slight and very Ridiculous, no ways considerable, unless it shall be in their excitations of us, to reform such errors as we find, to assert and vindicate the honour of these places. A thing which would speedily and plentifully be performed, if our design of Printing books, and setting up a foreign correspondency were once accomplished. There is one thing which this sort of Pamphleteers insist on, which as it is pursued by my L. Verulam, so it carries weight with it, but is very impertinently applied, either as an exception against us, or as a general rule to be imposed upon us in our academical institution. It is, that instead of verbal Exercises, we should set upon experiments and observations, that we should lay aside our Disputations, Declamations, and public Lectures, and betake ourselves, to Agriculture, mechanics, chemistry, and the like. It cannot be denied but this is the way, and the only way to perfect natural Philosophy and Medicine: so that whosoever intend to profess the one or the other, are to take that course, and I have not neglected occasionally to tell the World, that this way is pursued amongst us. But our Academies are of a more general and comprehensive institution, and as there is a provision here made, that whosoever will be excellent in any kind, in any Art, Science, or Language, may here receive assistance, and be led by the hand, till he come to be excellent; so is there a provision likewise, that men be not forced into particular ways, but may receive an institution, variously answerable to their genius and design. Of those very great numbers of youth, which come to our Universities, how few are there, whose design is to be absolute in natural Philosophy? Which of the Nobility or Gentry, desire when they send their sons hither, that they should be set to chemistry, or Agriculture, or mechanics? Their removal is from hence commonly in two or three years, to the inns of Court, and the desire of their friends is not, that they be engaged in those experimental things, but that their reason, and fancy, and carriage, be improved by lighter Institutions and Exercises, that they may become rational and graceful speakers, and be of an acceptable behaviour in their Countries. I am persuaded, that of all those, who come hither for Institution, there is not one of many hundreds, who if they may have their option, will give themselves to be accomplished natural Philosophers, (such as will, ought certainly to follow this course) the pains is great, the reward but slender, unless we reckon in the pleasure of contemplation; that indeed is great and high, but therefore to draw all men that way, by reason of the pleasure, were to present a Feast all of Custard or Tart, and not to consult the variety of tastes, and tempers of our Guests: But I have been too much and long extravagant and idle: if out of all this you shall be pleased to raise a Contemplation of your power over me, and shall from thence receive a complacence, it is the only aim and interest of, SIR, Your Most &c. H. D. An Appendix Concerning what Mr Hobbs and Mr Dell have written touching the Universities. SIR, when I consider how I have spent that little time, which I have hitherto bestowed upon Mr Webster's Examen, and into what a temper of mind I have fallen upon that occasion, the satisfaction I receive from what I have done, is so small, that were I not held on by the power you have over me, in truth I would excuse myself from any farther trouble. Now it seems I must go on, and being tired with idle play, I must address myself for a much more considerable encounter. You know Sir, and have observed in your Letter to me, how vast a difference there is, betwixt the Learning and Reputation of Mr Hobbs, and these two Gentlemen, and how scornfully he will take it to be ranked with a Friar and an Enthusiast: The Answer to this, if he complain, will be, we found him inter Grues, and could not without prejudice let him escape: However I shall deal with him as respectfully as I can, giving him leave to hear himself speak at large, (a thing he is infinitely taken with) and making such replies, as Truth and Reason shall suggest in our concernments. I intend only to consider what he hath spoken of the Universities in his Leviathan, or rather what I have therein observed to that purpose, laying together such passages as may make him to be understood. That men may be able fully to comprehend the meaning of this Author, we must carefully by way of preparation, search for his 1. End and design. 2. Judgement, concerning the means of attaining it. 3. Expectation as to success in his design, and the consequences of it. 1. It appears that the end he proposes to himself (in his Leviathan) is, that the World should be regulated exactly, by that model which he there exhibits, and that his reason should be the governing Reason of Mankind. This is (I conceive) so evident, that he will not deny it, and so frequently insinuated, that it's needless to be particular. The close of his second part, and 31 Chapter, is with an intimation of a desire, that by the exercise of entire sovereignty, his truth of speculation may be converted into the utility of practice. 2. The means he proposes to accomplish this end, is the public Teaching of his Leviathan: which he would have protected by the exercise of entire sovereignty. ibid. Now this public teaching may be either in the Pulpits. Universities. The Divines and others who make show of Learning, derive their knowledge from the universities, and from the schools of Law, or from the Books which by men eminent in those schools and universities have been published. It is therefore manifest, that the instruction of the People, dependeth wholly upon the right teaching of Youth in the universities. p. 179, 180. So that the way he proposes to accomplish his great design, is, the public reading of his Leviathan in the Universities, (especially of England) and in order to this, he hath declared himself concerning his book, the Universities, and himself. 1. Concerning his book in the review. p. 395." That it may be profitably Printed, and more profitably taught in the universities. 2, and 3 Concerning the other two. p. 180. In answer to these two Questions. 1. Are not the universities of England learned enough already (to teach the People their duty? 2. Is it you (Mr Hobbs) will undertake to teach the universities? Where the answer to the first, is, That the universities have not been able to plant the true Doctrine (which is his.) And to the other, that any man which sees what he is doing, may easily perceive what he thinks. His immediate desire and judgement is therefore, that his Leviathan be by entire soveragnity imposed upon the universities, there to be read, and publicly taught. 3. It will now concern us to consider his expectation and hope, concerning the accomplishment of this (sober and modest) design. Upon the prevailing or failing of which hope in his mind, the destiny of the Universities (as to his endeavours) shall depend. If he have hope that he shall be publicly taught in the Universities, it will be convenient for him only to endeavour this piece of Reformation, and to assert their usefulness being so ordered. If there be little hopes of obtaining this public Authority for this great Leviathan; To what end then serve the Universities? Shall other things be taught there publicly, and this be looked upon as the writing of a private Author? It will then concern him to fall down right upon them, on every occasion to endeavour to blast them, and to proclaim them useless to the world. And here indeed we find him fluctuating betwixt despair and hope, p. 193. sometimes, At the point of believing this his labour as useless as the Commonwealth of Plato. At other times recovering hopes, that one time or other this writing of his may fall into the hands of a sovereign, who by the Exercise of entire sovereignty, in protecting the public teaching of it, will convert this truth of Speculation into the utility of practice. How happy Sir had it been, if his hopes might have reigned perpetually in his mind, that so the Universities might have obtained a Patron of this great man, but he is well in years, and jealousy and Spleen have prevailed over him, and in conclusion, he deals with us accordingly; indeed Sir, somewhat Puerilely, in insulting over us without cause, Tetrically striking at us without any occasion, unreasonably, in charging us with some things we are not guilty of, and condemning us for other, without convincing us of any fault. This is that we shall demonstrate in our just defence, There are two passages by the by, and one entire Chapter which will concern us to consider. His first passage is in the 1. Chapter p. 4. Where having determined sense to be nothing else but a perception of a motion made upon the Organ, He adds, But the philosophy schools through all the universities of Christendom grounded upon certain texts of Aristotle, teach another Doctrine (viz. that sense is made by a Species &c.) 1. As for the thing here charged upon all the schools of Christendom, you know it Sir to be untrue. The other Theory of explaining sense upon the grounds of motion, was almost generally received here before his book came forth. Being sufficiently taught by Des, Gassendus, S. K. Digby, and others, before he had Published any thing in that kind. 2. That which he so much glories in, is not his own invention, but is contained for substance (as I am certainly informed by one who hath seen it) in Mr Warner's Papers, which Mr Hobbs had long since in his hands, and is delivered in the very beginning of that tract of vision, which treats de penicillo optico. 3. If Mr Hobbs had invented this, who hath not (so far as I can learn) added any thing considerable to the inventions of other men: It might have been needless, upon so slight an occasion, to insult over all the schools of Christendom; but his mind was intent upon his design, and at this time his hope had possession there; He says not (therefore) that, as disapproving (yet) the use of universities, but to let men see what would be amended in them. page 4. But that which follows after is indeed of worse consequence, and is (to speak the best and mildest of it) an evidence of a fuming spleen, and an instance of despondency in his design. A touch he is thought to give us in his kingdom of darkness, where he makes a comparison of the Papacy with the kingdom of fairies. The words are (p. 386.) In what shop or operatory the fairies make their Enchantments, the old Wives have not determined; but the Operatories of the Clergy, are well enough known to be the universities, that received their Discipline, from Authority pontificial. In truth Sir, I hardly know how to behave myself upon this occasion. First, I know not whether he intended this to concern our Universities or not; if not, he might have done us the Justice, to have separated our case from that of Popish universities; if he did intend to cast a contumely upon us, I am yet at a loss how to answer him. This whole discourse is freakish and unbecoming the Archipoliticall gravity of a Master of the world, our Universities have been Modelled by commission from the civil Power. Seeing the old Women have found no operatory for the fairies; it was a needless solicitude in this Reverend old man, to seek one for the Clergy. Well Sir, seeing he will have his frolic, I am resolved to answer this passage with a Crotchet of a Friend of mine, whose observation, is that however the fairies are said to be harmless in their dancings, he is sure the Hobbe-goblins are spiteful and mischievous in their Friskings. But hitherto we have been but girded at; his main forces he hath gathered into the Chapter preceding this, viz. the .46. whose title is of darkness from vain Philosophy, &c. but its design is against Universities. And this Chapter contains, 1. A discourse concerning, the beginning and progress of Philosophy. 2. Concerning the original, & progress of schools. 3. The unprofitableness of schools. 4. Of Universities, and a general charge against them. 5. Their particular errors. The two first parts of this Chapter, seem not to be of any special concernment to us, and I shall have that regard to him, and to myself, not to oppose him without necessity: were it requisite so to do, it were easy to manifest, that his sentence concerning the beginnings and progress of knowledge, is neither suitable to Reason nor History: the supposition laid as a lemma to that sentence is, that hearding of men like beasts together, their feeding upon acorns, and drinking water, their wanting for some time the use of speech, &c. things neither suitable to those authentic Histories which ought to have authority amongst us, nor yet to the conclusions of Reason, running back from the present state of the world, to the temper and state of earlier times. But to drive this home were to unravel the whole body of his politics, and to dissolve this goodly work, which is not to be done occasionally in such an Appendix; the time may be, when after Mr Hobbs shall have published his other philosophical works, from whence the rise of this Great one is fetched, some friend or other of ours may set apart some time, to weigh and examine all his Labours, and then to render him what shall be due to the Truth and Demonstration of his Assertions. You know how much may be said for that Origine & derivation of knowledge, which the books of Moses deliver to us; And for the Origine of schools, which is the second part of this discourse: as we cannot deny them to have been the productions of Peace and leisure, so I conceive it is an excessive instance of Spleen and Melancholy, prejudicial even to the whole course of Life and Profession of M.H. to call the Discourses and Contemplations of the ancient Philosophers, by the name of talk and idleness, and to compare the Exercises of Plato, Aristotle, Zeno, and the ancient Worthies, (without some of whose endeavours, there had scarce at this time been either opportunity of knowing much, nor had the World perhaps set so high a price on knowledge,) to the prating and loitering usually exercised in Paul's Church, and morefield's▪ The world had then another esteem of those Exercises, who publicly upon this occasion erected schools for Lectures, and Disputations, almost in every commonwealth. And it is in the strength of the reputation of Philosophy gained that way, that M. Hobbs finds a regard amongst men, desirous of knowledge, and not for the eminence of what he hath published, in any kind exceeding the productions of those men whom he despises. Thus much in general concerning the two first parts of this Chapter. The Third is, the Inutility of the ancient schools. The distaste he hath conceived against our Universities, hath not suffered him to contain his Rage within any bounds. What hath been the utility of those (ancient) schools? What Science is there at this day acquired by their Readings and Disputings. p. 369. The meaning is, there never was any profit by public schools. This concerns us, and we will examine it particularly. The substance of his reasoning is this, (ib.) natural Philosophy cannot be had, without having first attained great knowledge in Geometry That we have of Geometry (which is the Mother of all natural Science) we are not indebted for it to the schools. Plato forbade entrance to all that were not in some measure Geometricians, &c. Sir, here it is that I cannot but complain of misguided Rage in M. Hobbs; against this passage I assert, that not only Geometry was taught in the ancient schools, but that to those schools, we owe the Geometry which we have. Much we owe to the school of Athens, and even to Plato's school (the Academy) much more to that famous school of Alexandria. Plato was He, who when the Oracle required the duplication of the cubical Altar, expounded it of the recommendation of the study of Geometry to them, showed them that the particular solution of the Problem, must be by the invention of two mean proportionals betwixt two lines given, propounded the Problem to his scholars, who wrote several things concerning it. Proclus doth often refer the invention of Propositions in Euclides Collection, to the school of Pythagoras. Theudius Magnes, Cyzicinus the Athenian, and others, are delivered to us by Proclus, in the Second Book of Commentaries upon the first Element of Euclid, in Academia simul vacasse quaestionibus Geometricis enucleandis. But the school of Alexandria, hath been so renowned for delivering of the mathematics, that in truth I cannot but wonder at the assertion of M Hobbs. It was begun by Euclid there, not long after the building of that City, in the time of Ptolemaeus Lagi. It was continued by the Disciples of Euclid, who left many behind him as Pappus acknowledges in his Collections. To it we owe all the great Mathematicians, which ever were amongst the ancients, such as Eratosthenes (who set up the Instruments at Alexandria, by which men made the observations of Hipparchus, and Ptolemy the foundation of all Astronomy) Archimedes, Apollonius (the great Geometrician) Ptolemy, Theon, Diophantus, and very many others. Nay, Sir H. Savile hath asserted, that from the time of Euclid to the saracenical times, there never was a great Mathematician, who was not borne at Alexandria, or had not studied some years there. I would gladly know, what is there in Geometry, or all mathematics, which we are not indebted for to some of these, I speak not of Propositions, but of the way and method of mastering all kinds of problems. The analytics was their Art, the exegetical part hath indeed been found out by Vieta, and the geometrical effection of solid and lineary problems, by the immortal wit of Des, but had it not been for those, we never had enjoyed the benefit of these. I have heard that M. Hobbs hath given out, that he hath found the solution of some problems, amounting to no less than the Quadrature of the Circle, when we shall be made happy with the sight of those his labours, I shall fall in with those that speak loudest in his praise, in the mean time I cannot dissemble my fear, that his geometrical design (as to those high pieces) may prove answerable to a late optical design of his, of casting conical glasses in a mould, than which there could not be any thing attempted, less becoming such a man, as he doth apprehend himself to be. Briefly as to the case in hand, either M. Hobbs did know of these schools, or not; if he knew not of them, I dare undertake him not to be so great a Geometrician as he pretends to be, and that he is defective at his chief weapon. If he did know of them, where is his ingenuity in asserting the inutility of schools? and that we are not beholden to them for our Geometry? It is not in vain Sir, that I have charged these things upon his spleen, which yet will more appear by that which follows. pag. 370. 4. That which he there asserts concerning Universities is, that whereas an University is an Incorporation of many public schools in one town. 1. The principal schools were ordained for The Roman Religion. The Roman Law. The Art of Medicine. To this it is easily answered, that however the Ordination of them hath formerly been, the two Universities have since the casting off the papal Yoke, been regulated by the civil power, and been conformed to it, so that the Discourse of the Romish Religion or Law, with reflection upon us, is disingenuous, and nothing to this purpose. 2. For the study of Philosophy, it hath no otherwise place, then as a Handmaid to the Romish Religion. This is in truth so Barbarous an Assertion, as nothing beside the Reverence to his Grey hairs, restrains me from speaking bluntly of him: what friends to the Romish Religion our Universities have brought forth, that party have felt. And it is said that Mr Hobbs is no otherwise an enemy to it, save only, as it hath the name of a Religion. 3. And since the Authority of Aristotle is only current there, that study is not properly philosophy but Aristotelity. How far the Authority of Aristotle is current amongst us, Sir both you and I have spoken. What his design is concerning the public reading of his Leviathan himself hath told us. From whence it is manifest, that the only thing which pains him is the desire that Aristotelity may be changed into Hobbeity, & instead of the Stagirite, the world may adore the great Malmesburian philosopher. 4. For Geometry till of very late times it had no place at all. And if any man by the ingenuity of his nature had attained to any degree of perfection in it, he was commonly thought a Magician, and his Art diabolical. Geometry hath now so much place in the Universities, that when Mr Hobbs shall have published his philosophical and geometrical pieces, I assure myself, I am able to find a great number in the University, who will understand as much or more of them than he desires they should, indeed too much to keep up in them that Admiration of him which only will content him. And if in our times these studies have been advanced, we might have expected from a temperate man, rather the commendation for our Advance, than an exprobration with the ignorance of our Ancestors. The truth is Sir, about that time when Mr Hobbs was conversant in Magdalen-Hall, the constitution and way of the University might (likely) be inclining to his Character of it, but now his Discourse seems like that of the seven sleepers, who after many years awaking, in vain addressed themselves to act according to the state of things when they lay down. I shall speak no more to this fourth head. And to the fift, containing an enumeration of particular errors: They all or most are resolved into that Aristotelity he Charges us with, and require no Answer, save that we enjoy a liberty of philosophising, and that if he should do us the honour to come amongst us, I am persuaded he would hardly find any other fault with us, except that great unpardonable one, that the public reading of his Leviathan, is not by a Sanction of the Magistrate imposed upon us. 5. The particular errors which he would charge us with, are near twenty in number, amongst which there is not one, either in Philosophy, politics, or Divinity, which he hath proved, or can prove, both to be an Error, and to be maintained by our Universities. I shall give a brief account of them all. 1. His first Error charged upon us, is the Doctrine of Abstracted Essences, and immaterial Substances. Concerning which, as I cannot but acknowledge his Ratiocination to be good, as to the former part, viz. of Vniversalls, and formal Entities: so I am willing to make good upon a just occasion, that Being is a superior notion to Body, that immaterial substance, or separated Substances, is no contradiction, and that the Truths of Philosophy, are better salved upon that ground, then upon his imagination. 2. His next quarrel is at Nunc stans, the common definition of Eternity: This I affirm to be more intelligible than a successive Eternity, or a progress in infinitum, which is the contrary position. Of all that which follows, I do not know one thing which is held by any of us. 3. As That one Body may be in many places, many in one. 4. That Gravity is the cause of heaviness. 5. That Quantity is put into Body already made. 6. That the soul of man is Poured into the body, meaning it literally and grossly. 7. That the power of willing is the (total) cause of actual willing. 8. That Fortune or Ignorance, is an occult cause of things, although we may not profess to know the causes of all things. These are the Errors in natural Philosophy charged on us, and yet not one of those positions generally maintained by us. Moral errors are these. 1. That one makes things Incongruent, another the Incongruity. 2. That private appetite is the rule of public good. 3. lawful Marriage is unchastity. 4. That all Government but Popular is Tyranny. 5. That not Men but Law governs. 6. That human laws ought to extend to the inquisition of men's Thoughts and Consciences, notwithstanding the conformity of their Speeches and Actions. 7. That private men may interpret the Law, and restrain where the sovereign hath left a liberty Concerning all which Positions, I am persuaded he cannot instance in one University man, who hath published such an opinion, as he would put upon the whole Universities: it is true, that in the first of these, when the question is, Whether there be Free will in man, or God be the Author of sin, men fall frequently into very great difficulties: but either Mr Hobbes ought to have cleared one part of these two; or not to have charged upon us, either the obscurity of Truth, or the imbecility of human Nature. As for the rest of them, he may better assert, that there are Universities in the moon, and that they maintain all those Positions, then impose them upon us. There it will be hard to prove the contrary, We now challenge him to make proof of what he hath delivered, and Promise to give him satisfaction. There remains three other Charges, viz. 1. The Insignificant Language of the schoolmen (the Commenters upon Peter Lombard.) 2. Errors from Tradition (as the Histories of Apparitions and Ghosts, &c.) 3. The suppression of Reason and true Philosophy. But these with the other charges, are so extravagant, and so much forced to appear against us, that had he not been in great necessity, and much constrained to it by his passion, I am persuaded, he never would have produced them, as Arguments of our disgrace. What is the language of Peter Lombard, or the Writers upon the Sentences, to the Universities of Oxford or Cambridge? When were we troubled or frighted with Ghosts or Apparitions? Whose Reason or Philosophy have we suppressed? Or is it such a Crime to Assert the Attributes of God, and the natural Immortality of the souls of Men, that it shall exempt our Adversaries from the Common laws, Honesty, and Ingenuity, and excuse the most gross and palpable Calumniations of us? Nay, the delation of us to the civil Magistrate, and the Endeavours for our Extirpation? But he hath done what becomes a man of his judgement and Principles, let us be answerable to ours, not returning railing for railing, or scorn for scorn, but making an end of this contention, let us release the Reader from farther trouble. Concerning Mr DELL. IT remains now, that I should take into consideration what Mr Dell hath written in our concernments, but that which he hath done, is so little either in Magnitude or virtue, that I can hardly persuade myself to make a business of it. The cause of Learning, its necessity and usefulness to the Ministers of the gospel, though it be of general importance to all men, whose interest it is, that the Blind be not leaders of the Blind, yet seeing the defence of it is taken up, by one so able and ready to maintain the Truth, (Mr Sydrach Sympson) I look upon it as foreign to our present engagement, and shall therefore wholly decline it. Our view is only of a postscript to his Book, called the trial of Spirits, where he delivers his judgement concerning the Reformation of Universities. The piece is short, it contains many things wherein we agree with him, and some few wherein we differ. 1. He would not have Children have nothing to do, but to do nothing. Very witty, No more would we. 2. He thinks it meet, the Magistrate take great care for the education of youth. We also think it meet. 3. That schools be erected in greater towns and Villages, that none but Godly men, and sober and Grave Women have charge of of them. Very good. 4. That they first teach them to read their Native Tongue, [very necessary] and presently to read the Scriptures. Very convenient. 5. That in Great towns they teach them Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and the Latin and Greek especially from Christian Authors. (not from Heathen Poets &c.) This also is very Honest. 6. It may be convenient, that there may be some universities or colleges, for the teaching liberal Arts, as logic of good use in human things, though in Divinity gladius Diaboli, and mathematics, which as they carry no wickedness in them, so are they 〈…〉 useful. This sentence, though as it concerns the use of logic in Divinity, it be of an occult and not investigable sense, yet as it concerns the mathematics, it carries in it neither nonsense nor dishonesty, and is besides very allowable. Thus far than we are agreed, in that which follows, Reason will that we should differ from him. 1. He complains that our Universities should only be at Cambridge and Oxford, and here he 1. Charges them of Encroachment against the Law of Love, for monopolising human Learning. 2. He charges them to have been places of great licentiousness and profaneness. 3. He asserts it to be more suitable to a commonwealth, (if we become so indeed, and not in word only) and more advantageous to the People to have universities in every Great town. To answer first to his criminal charges. 1. If Mr Dell be a graduate in the the University, he hath sworn to defend the privileges of it, to do it all the Honour and right he can, If so how doth he encroach upon the Law of nature, Sacred amongst all not given over to barbarism▪ unless he can prove the matter of that Oath to be unlawful which is yet retained in every corporation) I do not know any thing which can here excuse him from unrighteousness. If he himself be no Graduate, he doth indeed discover no more, but a disingenuous envy and (considering his relations) an unworthy ingratitude. 2. But particularly, first, that which he calls the monopolising of Learning by those two places, it is not to be charged upon them (neither is it f●rther chargeable then upon any corporation of men whatsoever) but it reflects upon the sovereign Magistracy of our Nation by whose ordination, the privileges & statutes of both the universities have been always regulated. 2. His second charge is general, unproved, and no ways concerns us▪ I am sure that this University cannot now be Justly taxed with any such licentiousness or profaneness: indeed the care and prudence and success of our Immediate Governors, as to the Advancement of Religion and Learning is such as Mr Dell may envy but he will never equal it, I should be very loath to injure him, yet common fame hath brought his name hither with a Character upon it of one whose studied design is (by letting fall all Discipline) to let in Licence with all its usual train, both into Cays college, and that other University: an I that the consequence of what he hath done hitherto hath been such as tends manifestly rather to the ruin then Reformation of that place. 3. His third assertion contains in the Parenthesis an unworthy reflection upon those who have the manage of the supreme power, and is in itself such as he cannot prove; were his design put in execution, it would tend undoubtedly to the disadvantage of Learning; there is nothing in the world more conducing to the enlarging of the minds of men and the completing of their Knowledge, than the conversation with men eminent in all the several parts of Learning, and the honest emulation of those that do excel. This is to be had only where there are great numbers of Students and Professors, and the cause of the advance in Learning increases always with the variety and eminency of men's wits and learning who converse together. To spare more words in a theoretical discourse of this nature, we may compare together the Learning of the Universities, and Religious Houses of foreign parts, where it is evident, the difference in Learning is vast; those are dispursed according to great towns, and remain pitifully ignorant, these are one or two in a Nation, flourishing with the profession of all ingenious Learning. Now that which he alleges as a convenience in his way, That People may maintain their Children at home while they learn in the schools, hath not been observed to tend to an advance in learning but to the contrary. We have not Generally observed that townsmen's Children prove the greatest scholars and those who would have their Children excellently learned rather choose to send them abroad to school, or to travel, then keep them at home. Having briefly examined this proposal, I shall need only to mention his second; which is, 2. That youth may be so trained up that they may spend some part of the day in Learning, and another part in some lawful Calling (suppose of Weaving or making shoes) or one day in study, and another in business. How much he hath in him either of Learning or Judgement, he hath manifested by this proposal; I am much assured, there is not a Learned man in all the world who hath not found by experience, that skill in any Faculty (so as to exceed the smatterings of such trifies as Mr Dell) is not to be attained, without a timely beginning, a constancy and assiduity in study, especially while they are young; Had not Mr Dell abstained from reading of the Poets (rather because they are too hard for him, then for any wickedness which is in them) he had long since been persuaded of this truth, Multa tulit fecitque puer, sudavit & alsit. Vdum & molle lutum es, nunc, nunc properandus, & acri Fingendus sine fine rotâ— It is very probable that Mr Dell may have given as much of his time to some other trade, as he hath done to Learning or study: Indeed his Learning and Judgement shows it, (notwithstanding which he may be (for aught I know) an excellent Artificer, his wit perhaps lying that way) but if this course shall be set up, as the only Authorized way of Institution, we may by this means have ignorance enough to think highly of ourselves, but we shall become the scorn of all the Gallant Men in the Nations about us, and Mr Dell shall not need to torment himself about Tithes, and maintenance of Ministers, the Romans will come and take away their Place and Nation. Sir, I have now done what I intended, (as slightly as I could run over what you recommended,) and am ambitious only to continue in the acceptance wherein I stand with you, As being your most Humble and Affectionate Servant H. D. FINIS.