THE Happy Union OF ENGLAND AND HOLLAND: OR, THE Advantageous CONSEQUENCES OF THE ALLIANCE OF THE CROWN of GREAT BRITAIN WITH THE State's General of the United Provinces.  

Licenced,  
May the 20th. 1689.   
LONDON, Printed for Richard Baldwin in the Old-Baily, 1689.   

TO THE Right Reverend Father in God Gilbert Lord Bishop of Salisbury.  
My Lord,  
THE Happy Consequences of a settled Alliance and Union between their Majesties of Great Britain, and the States of the United Provinces, are that which these few Sheets have undertake to make out; as being necessary for the safety and repose of both in particular, and of the Protestant Interest in general. How zealously Your Lordship has always Laboured the Advancement of the Latter, and how Instrumental you have been to promote the Former, is not unknown to all the World. For this reason, the Author of this Treatise, really intended for the good of both Nations, is so Ambitious as he is, to appear in the English Dialect, under Your Lordship's Patronage and Protection from the Censures of those, who make it their business to disturb the Public Tranquillity both of Church and State. Not doubting through Your Lordship's Favour of the same Reception here, as the Original had in the place that gave it Birth; Yet humbly craving on the other side, Your Lordship's Pardon, for the Confidence of this Address; which speaks, however the High Esteem and Honour that all Men, who value the true Religion, the Laws and Liberties of their Country, have for Your Person; but more especially of,  
Your most Humble, and Most Obedient Servant, R. W.   

The Necessity of a Union between the ENGLISH and HOLLANDERS.  

USually we judge, by the Event, of the Uprightness or Injustice of human Actions, and of the Prudence or Indiscretion of those that Act. The Philosophers take upon them to make their Comments upon these inconsiderate Judgements, That vulgar Opinion carries it, That is to say, that they who prosper pass for Wise, and many times for Virtuous Men; they who are unfortunate are looked upon as imprudent; and sometimes which is worse, as wicked and impious. A Kingdom oppressed with exactions becomes enraged against the Contrivers of their Misery, and revolts against those that Officiate in the Tyrannies of the Court. Therefore Forces are sent to quell and dissipate the mutinous Multitude, their Ringleaders are seized, and put to Death by all the most infamous and cruel ways of Execution; nor do they grant any Act of Oblivion to the rest, but by charging them with new Taxes and Impositions. And as a Consummation of their Misfortunes, their Posterity attribute all their Miseries to them, and Historians range them in the Number of Factious and Rebels, justly deprived of their Liberties and their Ancient Privileges. For these thirty Years the Kings of England have laboured to render themselves Absolute, they have gradually despoiled the Cities and Corporations of their Charters, and made it their business to introduce Popery into their three Kingdoms: well knowing that the Alteration of the Established Religion trails after it the Change of the Government and the Laws; and no less assured, that of all the Christian Sects, the Roman is that which best agrees with Arbitrary Dominion, and is most proper to inspire blind Obedience.  
The English wearied with their Sufferings, privately call in the Prince of Orange; and that great Hero was received into the Island as their Tutelar-Angel, but with so much Order and Unanimity, that the sudden Commotion was taken rather for a public Rejoicing then a Rebellious Insurrection. Some make haste to meet him, others set up his Standard, while the King disturbed in Mind, perplexed and astonished, withdraws without striking a stroke, and punishes himself with a voluntary Exile, for having followed the Advice of his Evil Counsellors. All Europe admires so sudden a Revolution. The Protestants looked upon him as a Prodigy of Heaven, sent for the relief of Truth oppressed. The moderate Catholics acknowledge the Justice of the Prince of Orange's Designs, applaud the mildness which he exercises toward their Brethren, and impute the unkindness which he has for their Religion, at this Conjucture, to the violent Counsels of the Jesuits. The Politicians of both Parties look upon the Success, as the Effect of a Transcendent Genius, which Heaven has been pleased to Favour, whether to set Enslaved Europe at Liberty, or whether it were to show that Prudence and Mildness are more assured and efficacious means to attain their Ends, than the Sanguinary Maxims of Matchiavel. Lastly, Persons of the clearest Intellects, and most perspicacious insight into Affairs, belive that nothing can be above the reach of that Prince who has shown himself able to carry on for many Years a Design of so great Importance unknown to his Enemies, or any other, who had no occasion to be interested therein. A Prince who has United several Sovereign Potentates against France; who has so well managed the Inclination and Humours of three Kingdoms, of several distant Plantations, and a Powerful Commonwealth, for a long time harassed by various Factions, as to solder them into Unanimity. A Prince in a Word, who after he has taken time to reflect and consider, puts his Resolutions in Execution with a courage and swiftness beyond imagination.  
'Tis true, the Sloth, the lgnorance, and the Necessity which constrains some Men to submit to a present Conjuncture, and to side with the strongest Party, are without question the real sources of those applauses, which are given to those whom happy Success has exalted above others. Add to this that how desirous so ever Men may be to ingratiate themselves with such Persons, yet they are always willing to act conformably to their own Understandings. So that Self-Love, being willing to reconcile these two Passions, easily persuades us, that our Flatteries are just, and that the Grandees are beholding to their Merit for their advancement. Moreover it is most certain that these successful Persons are many times highly worthy of Honour, and that Prudence and Indiscretion are the most usual causes of the good or bad Success of Men; of which, they who only understand the most known Circumstances of the Revolution of England, may convince themselves with little trouble.  
But if Men are so quick in judging of things done, on the other side, they are so slow, to determine when they ought to Act, that their mistiming Execution, or their Wavering and Hesitation becomes the disappointment of the greatest and most noble Designs. They whose Interest it is to oppose them fill their Minds with pannic Fears, or desperate Mistrusts and Jealousies; and in regard that the number of Persons timorous and jealous, are very numerous; and for that idle, and imaginary Fear works a more signal Effect upon such, than a hope and assurance grounded upon Reason, therefore that a Man may act with Prudence upon such occasions, it behoves him to take a convenient time to examine the Circumstances of Time, of Places and Persons, and then to resolve, and pursue his design by the shortest ways and means, provided they be honest and lawful.  
If a Man may be permitted to deliberate before he engages in an Enterprise, the same Liberty is not allowed him, after once he has begun the Execution of it; for that the Ignominy is no less, than the danger to abandon a glorious Undertaking. Every moment that a Man loses in consulting whether he shall go on or no, are as so many foot of ground which a Man surrenders to his Enemy, and as so many paces that he retreats from his Adversary.  
England and the United Provinces have Contracted a most straight Alliance one with another by Virtue of that Aid and Assistance with which the State's General furnished his Royal Highness Monsieur the Prince of Orange, toward the Resettlement of the Laws and Religion, under Oppression and Tyranny, in that Island. Now certain it is, that if these two Nations continue a good Correspondence, they will be the Terror of their Enemies, the Sanctuary of their Neighbours, the support of their Allies, and it may be the Restorers of Europe to her Liberties. There is nothing appears capable in all probability to prevent the Effects of this Union, but the f●nd Credit which some weak and inadvertent People may give to Spies, or other Persons corrupted by the French, who labour to buzz into their Ears imaginary future Inconveniences and Disturbances. But tho' there be very little likelihood that such ill-disposed People should ever get the Upperhand, or make any considerable Progress in their Designs; Nevertheless, whether it be out of my abundance of precaution, or that it is a pleasing thing to let the World know that a Man has Reason of his side, I thought it my duty to oblige the public, by showing how weak the Pretensions of those People are who argue against this Union and the real Interest of these two Nations to preserve it inviolable.  
All that their Enemies can invent of most plausible to insinuate into the two Nations a Mistrust of the Prince, or a Jealousy of one another, is to be reduced to these Six Heads. 1. That a King or Regent in England, being likewise Governor or Generalissimo of the United Provinces is too puissant. 2. That the English and Hollanders being both formidable by Sea, and gaining their Principal Riches by Commerce and Trade, can never flourish but by the subduing of the one to the other. 3. That the two Nations being thus Jealous of their mutual Prosperity, it will be easy for a Politic Prince to make use of the one to invade the Liberties and Privileges of the other. 4. That the Prince of Orange being a Presbyterian will favour the Nonconformists of England, and permit the Puritan Party in Scotland to keep their Station on purpose to weaken the Episcopal Party in England. 5. That this Prince has already given great Proofs of his Activity and Policy, by acquiring more Power in the United Provinces then any of his Predecessors, and by engaging the State's General in the Expedition into England without any Engagement that could urge them to it. 6. That tho' the Prince himself were never so sincere in his own intentions, as he cannot be in two places at one time, it will not be possible for him to satisfy two Nations always accustomed to see their Prince at home among them, and to enjoy him entirely to themselves; and that therefore let him divide his time after what manner soever he pleases, it will be a difficult Matter for him to please both the one and the other.  
1. I must acknowledge, in the first place, that the Protestants never yet had so potent a Prince, as the Prince of Orange is like at one time or other to be, if it pleases God to hear our Prayers, and bless his pious Designs: but I dare maintain at the same time, that we have no reason in the world to be in the least Suspicious of him. His Highness till this very day has never given any other then real Marks of his Moderation, Mildness and Love of the public good. During the War of the Year 1672. in the time when the Prince had many Enemies, when near three of the Provinces were already dismembered from the Union: When every one thought it the safest Course to shift for himself, the Mischief being without Remedy, the King of France then offered him the Sovereignty of the Country of Holland, and several other Places; But the generous Prince despising that Grandeur which he could not attain but by abandoning his Unfortunate Country, chose rather to expose himself to all the dangers that threaten the Chieftain of a ruin'd Party, then to accept of so tempting a Present from the Hand of an Enemy. His constancy proved successful; the Factions mouldered away to nothing; the Hollanders resumed fresh Courage, seeing themselves Headed by the Illustrious Offspring of so many Hero's. Presently the Vigilance and Prudence of his Highness set all things in Order: he wakened Spain and the Empire out of their Lethargic Drowsiness; So that the French found themselves constrained to abandon their Conquests in less time than they had spent in making them, notwithstanding the rapid Inundations of their Success.  
Since that, France has not been slow in taking a most cruel Revenge for that refusal and Heroic Resistance. She has dismantled and sacked the City of Orange, she has Confiscated all the Lands and Castles which the Prince possesses in Franche Conte, and in those places which she has taken from the Spaniards in Flanders and Brabant. She has caused the Prince to besummoned before the Parliament of Paris as her Vassai, and Condemned him for default of appearance, and given away his Hereditary Estate to others. The Kings of Great Britain, Charles the II. and James the II. the one his Uncle, the other his Uncle and Father-in-Law, saw all these Injuries done him, without being in the least concerned. On the other side the Prince suffered all this with a most Christian Patience, without making any other Opposition against so many Violences, and so much unworthy hard usage, then that of God and his Right. Well knowing that Acts of Injustice done to great Souls, generally fall most heavy upon the Wrong-doers.  

For Fraud and Violence each one Surrounds  
But mostly, back from whence it came rebounds.   
This Axiom has fallen out very truly. James the II. has been obliged to quit his Kingdom. We know not as yet what may befall Lewis the XIV. Felix ante Obitum Nemo.  
However it may come to pass, we cannot sufficiently admire the Mildness and Moderation of the Prince of Orange. King James fled without being pursued, he escapes in disguise, is stopped without being known. So soon as he is discovered he has great Honour and Respect paid him. Commissioners from the Lords Spiritual and Temporal are sent to wait upon him, who desire him to continue in his Kingdom. He refuses, and desires leave to be gone: He is attended to the Sea side, he crosses the Sea, and retires into France, without▪ Opposition from any Person whatever. Generally before such Revolutions can be brought about, Slaughter, Executions and Banishment depopulate the Land, here was no such thing to be heard of. 'Tis true the French News Books tell us of several English Fugitive Lords. But what is it drives them out of the Land; either their own pannic Fears, or the remorse of their own Consciences. The Roman Catholics live as much at ease and undisturbed under the Regency of William Henry, as under the Reign of James the II. And I dare say, 'twill be their own fault, if they do not enjoy a greater Tranquillity than yet they do. The English are as good natured and compassionate, as they are constant and courageous; so that there needs no more than to be an Object of Pity to disarm their Fury.  
Tho' we had no more than this general knowledge of the Life of the Prince of Orange, we ought not to wonder that Heaven has so signally prospered his Arms, or that the English have Proclaimed both him and his Illustrious Consort King and Queen. But there would be sufficient Cause to be surprised, that England or Holland either, should enclose within their own Bosoms, Persons so distrustful, or such aligning and ill minded Malcontents, that should refuse to rejoice sincerely at this Happiness. It will hardly be believed there are any such, at least among the Protestants of the two Nations; and what is here said is only to confirm and fortify those whom the Fallacious Arguments of our Enemies, may cause to waver, and sit lose for a time. But when it shall be considered that their most Serene and Sacred Majesties, have undergon so many severe and tedions Trials, that they have all their life time observed an equal Conduct, and that they are arrived to Years of mature deliberation, without derogating from themselves, 'tis a sign that their Souls and Minds are sufficiently endued with constancy, and that it is impossible they should be depraved by Prosperity.  
It signifies nothing to say, that a Powerful King is always formidable to a free People; for he is only so, to the Enemies of his Dominions. He must be a very Feeble Prince as well in Mind as in Body, whom the Grandees govern as they please themselves, and according to their different Interests, while they buzz him in the Ears, sometimes with the noise of one Faction, sometimes of another, and make use of his Sacred Name as the Shuttlecock of their own Passions, and of the Royal Authority to the Ruin of the Subject. He must needs be a very Superstitious Prince that suffers his Head to be filled with the Dotages of an Idle Monk, and believes he offers a pleasing Oblation to God, in Sacrificing to the Avarice of an insatiable Society, or by abandoning to the fury of the Soldiery the most sound and solid Party of his Kingdom. He is but a faint and impotent Prince who is scared and frighted at the sight of the slightest danger, and has neither Credit nor Authority to suppress the threatening disorder. He is a Vicious, Fantastical, and for the least Offence implacable Prince, who in the Transports of his Anger, or the furious Heat of his Wine, permits his hands to be cleared of his most Faithful and Prudent Servants. He is a Prince addicted strangely to his Pleasures who suffers himself to be guided by his Confidents and his Mistresses, and oppresses his People with exactions to gratify their Vanity. These are the Princes of whom the People are to be afraid: But I would fain know what cause they have to fear a Wise, a Prudent, a Laborious, Indefatigable Prince, Religious without Superstition, who has almost an equal esteem for all the Societies of Protestantism, nor any bigoted hatred against the Roman Catholics. A daring, courageous Prince, who understands how to shun Danger, and yet ready to expose himself when necessity requires: a Prince, so regular in his Manners, and in all the Conduct of his Life, that the Word Intrigue is hardly known at his Court. Such a one, according to the public Voice of General Fame, is William Henry Prince of Orange, now King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland.  
But this Prince is too Powerful, they cry, as if a Prince could be too potent, when he only makes use of his Authority to do good. Since the ruin of the Roman Empire in the West, never was Monarch more Powerful than Charlemagne, yet never did Europe Flourish more, never was it more happy then under his Reign, he it was that converted and polished the Government of Pagan and Barbarian Germany; who tamed the Pride of the Lombard's, and set bounds to the Ambition of the Saracens, and by his Victories gave an Opportunity to the Christians, who were retired to the Mountains of Biscay and Asturia, to enlarge their Dominions in the Plains, and by degrees to chase the Infidels out of Spain. He it was that restored Learning and the knowledge of the Liberal Sciences, and made the greatest part of those Laws, which to this day uphold Justice and good Order in the Western Parts. Nevertheless this Prince whose Empire extended from the British Ocean, and the Frontiers of Navarre to the Danaw and the Tuscan Sea, never undertook any considerable Enterprise without the Advice of his Parliaments, and Counsel of his Barons, and the consent of the Assembly of his Estates. Being fully persuaded that the greatest Power of a King, and the strongest Bulwark which he can oppose against his Enemies is the Affection of his Subjects; and that then they are to be governed with least trouble, when he suffers Equity and Justice to Reign. Had the Successors to Charlemagne, but had wit and courage equal to Him, his Empire had not been dismembered into so many peicemeals; of which not any one having force sufficient, to repel the Eruptions of the Northern People, Europe was soon after covered with Blood, and overrun with Ignorance and Barbarism.  
Therefore it is Apparent by what has been said, that a Prince is not to be feared by his Subjects for that reason only, because he is Powerful: and that there is very little Probability that ever King William the II. should ever make a wrong use of his Authority, how great so ever it be, that the Parliaments of Great Britain, and their High and Mightinesses intrust him withal. However, though there be nothing to be feared on his side, yet perhaps the Constitution of the two Estates which now he governs with Supreme Control, is of such a Nature, that they can never remain United. Which is that which we are next to examine.  
It is objected that People of the same profession rarely agree; that the English and Hollanders are addicted to Navigation, that the Sea is the common Fountain and Source of their Wealth; that the two Nations have been at Wars for above these twenty or thirty Years, as well in the Old as New World, and▪ all upon the score of Trade: that it is very improbable they should forget their Animosities all of a sudden; and that each should be willing to make concessions on their own part, to Unite more firmly against their mutual Enemies, that the differences about the Flagg, about Fraight, the Herring-Fishery, and the Affairs of the East-Indies are too great and recent, to be soon made up. This is the Language of our Enemies, who make us sensible of the mischief they have done us, but conceal the Cause from us, on purpose to put us out of hope. But let us endeavour to find it out ourselves, and then it will be easy to apply the Remedy.  
It is a real and undeniable Truth, that time out of mind the English and Flemings have lived together in perfect Amity, and their Antipathy against the French has still been the same, and indeed a very slender knowledge of the History of the three Nations will serve to convince any Man of the truth of what is here asserted. During the greatest part of the Wars between England and France, from the Reigns of Philip the August and Richard Ceur de Lion, till the time of Charles the VII. and Henry the VI the Flemings, though Vassals to the French, always took part with the Islanders. They were the first who acknowledged Edward the III. King of France to the prejudice of Philip de Valois. They have several times made War with their Counts, because they were too much inclined to the Interest of France. And though the House of Burgundy was always so very sparing of their Subjects, that they never kept any disciplined Forces in constant Pay, nor Garrisons in their strong Holds, believing that Subjects gently used, would be a suffieient Guard of their Country themselves. Nevertheless, at the time when the English, through the Divisions between the Houses of York and Lancaster, had almost lost what they possessed in France, they attempted to rise in Favour of the English against Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, one of the best Princes in the World. And the reason which Mezerai alleges for it is very remarkable. It was, says he, not only because the Flmeing were at that time in a close Friendship with England, upon the score of Trade, but out of the particular hatred which they bore the French. The Citizens of Bourdeaux revolted against Charles the VII. for the same Reason, having let the English in among them. And the same Historian assures us, that to keep in Subjection that City, which the interests of Commerce and reciprocal Marriages had linked with England, the King was constrained to banish Forty Gentlemen and Citizens whom he most suipected, and to build two Citadels besides, the better to keep the Town in awe. Moreover in the Year 1528. Henry the VIII. having made an Agreement with Francis I. that the King of England should attack the Emperor Charles the V in the Low-Countries, Mezerai observes, that the King perceiving, that his Subjects had an Aversion to any War against the Flemings, because it would ruin their Trade, chose rather to lend his Confederate Thirty Thousand Crowns a Month; and for the renewing of Trade, negotiated a Truce between the Low-Countries, France and England.  
It would be an easy thing to find more examples of this Union in all Ages; but to spare ourselves the trouble of searching so far off, it shall suffice to observe that the United Provinces did not arrive to that high degree of Puissance which renders them now a Terror to their Enemies, but by the means of their Trade: nor did they begin to Flourish in Trade, till they had shaken off the Yoke of Spain, and that they came to be strictly in League with England. And it was chief by means of the succour which Queen Elizabeth sent them, that they supported their growing Union against the Formidable Forces of the House of Austria: and though James the I. did not second them so Vigorously, whether it were that he had too much business at home, or that the Valour and Alliances of Prince Maurice supplied that defect; nevertheless, it may be said, that if England had been their Enemy, instead of being their Ally, that Valiant Prince would have found it a far more difficult task to have supported himself and defended his Country against Strangers abroad, and Factions at home.  
Although Great Britain no way depends upon the United Provinces as being an Island that is able to subsist of its self, without borrowing from her Neighbours, yet I think she has no wrong done her, in averring that the succour which she afforded Holland turned to her own profit. For as the Hollanders utterly expelled the Portugueses and Spaniards out of the Indies, so the impairing the Power of the latter did not a little contribute to aggrandise the English in America, and to cause their Trade to Flourish in Europe. It is also very probable, that if Philip the II. had not been so embroiled, as he was with the United Provinces, he would have ventured a Second Invasion of England. Nor would Queen Elizabeth been able to have reformed and governed her Kingdom so peaceably as she did, after the Destruction of the Invincible Armada: and indeed never was the Trade of the Island in a more flourishing condition then under the Reign of that Queen. James the I. confirmed the Alliance and found the benefit of it as long as he lived: And Charles the I. was so far from being ignorant of how great consequence it was for the two Nations to continue inseparably United, that he gave one of his Daughters to William the II. Father to his present Majesty. After all, the English have experienced the importance of having good Neighbours: and indeed, according to all outward Appearances, had there been no Hollanders, nor any Prince of Orange in the World, the Religion, Laws and Liberties would have run a great hazard of being utterly abolished; or at least the struggling for them would have cost a vast Effusion of Blood.  
The first that broke the happy Union of these two Nations was the Usurper Cromwell, out of his hatred to the House of the Stewarts. The two Brothers, Sons of Charles the I. during their Exile, suffered their heads to be intoxicated with a necessity of Absolute Power, looking upon it as the only Remedy to prevent the frequent Revolutions in England. Now when this Fancy had taken deep root, it was easy to persuade them that the Protestant Religion, or New upstart Opinions, as the Roman Catholics call them, nourish in the People this same Spirit of change and inconstancy: For that they who will be troubling their heads to examine whether their Bishops and Pastors do not delude and misled them, will as soon take the same Liberty to inquire into the Actions of their Kings; and will not suffer them to invade their Privileges, nor to violate the Conditions of their Coronation-Oath. That the only means to bring about their ends upon the English, and to free the Crown from depending upon Parliaments, was to introduce Popery by degrees into the Island; for that under pretence of those insensible changes which Religion would suffer, it would be easy to alter the Laws and Form of the Government.  
For the Execution of this Design it was thought expedient, or rather necessary. 1. To cut off all the most shrewd and Politic Headpeices in the Nation, under various Colours and Pretences. 2. To deprive the great Cities one after another of their Charters; and ever and anon to break in upon the Privileges of the Clergy, Nobility and People. 3. To be always engaged in some Foreign War; thereby to have a specious occasion to keep up a standing Force, and set up a Shambles to consume and waste away the most stout and daring of the Nobility and Gentry; and to accustom the Subject to new and frequent Taxes, and drain their Purses. 4. To sow Jealousies between the English and Scots, on purpose to make use of one of the Nations to invade the Liberties of the other. 5. To foment the Divisions of the Protestants, to multiply their Sects, and keep them in a kind of Equality, by favouring sometimes one, and sometimes the other, to the end that after several Persecutions, the Parliament might be constrained to come to a Universal Toleration, which would soon open a door to let in Popery into the Government. 6. That while the design was carrying on to amuse the English with a Foreign War, and at the same time their Destruction was contriving at home, the main thing to be considered was, whether to cuarrel with France or the United Provinces. France was altogether Roman Catholic, and the place where Arbitrary Power Reigned in Triumph. If you lead the English thither, 'tis true you gratified their natural Inclination, but augmented their detestation of Popery and Slavery. And then it was to enfeeble a Power, by means of which they were to Establish blind Obedience in the Island. Therefore it was concluded that all the Force of the three Kingdoms should be turned upon Holland; for indeed there lay all the provocations of their Malice. Reformation was the prevailing Religion of those Fortunate Provinces; Liberty was the Pillar that supported them. They had been a long time the Sanctuary of Unfortunate Fugitives and Exiles. Moreover it was foreseen that while they enclosed within their own Bosom the two next Heirs of the Crown, the English being abused and oppressed would not fail to repair to them. Therefore there was no more to be done but absolutely to determine; that Carthage was to be utterly destroyed. We must acknowledge that never was any Project better laid; but unfortunately for the Contrivers; the Impatience of the Jesuits, the Courage, Union and Piety of the Prince and Princess of Orange spoiled all. Their Royal Highnesses refuse their Consent to repeal the Tests; King James is Angry, bushes on things to extremity, and counterfeits a Prince of Wales. The English redouble their Murmurs; the Prince Arms without making any Noise, Lands in England, where all give way, the Generality join with him, while the King abandons all at once both his Kingdom and his Vain Enterprises. But that I may no longer tarry upon a Subject that has been now the occasion of so much Writing, and which is now, God be thanked, quite out of Season, I shall apply myself at present to observe by what Artifices the Court of England Laboured to render the War against the Hollanders acceptable to the People. This is that which most peculiarly was my Aim, and upon which I am apt to believe the Public has not seen any Reflections especially in our Language.  
The Designs of Princes are managed at a distance, and perhaps it may not be thought an ill Conjecture, should I presume to say that the secret Motive which induced the setting up of the East Indie and African Companies was to lessen the Power of the Hollanders, and to serve for a Pretence to find an occasion of a Quarrel, when it should be thought convenient. At least, there are several Persons who openly maintain that those Societies are mere Monopolies, more fit to ruin the Trade of a great Kingdom, then to advance it. However it be, 'tis probable that the Court flattered the English with the hopes of rendering them absolute Masters of the Sea and Navigation, and giving them the possession of those Wealthy Countries which the United Provinces are Masters of in the East Indies. Nevertheless, they that looked upon things with a clear sight, perceived that it was only a Bait; but yet as evident as it was, the common People swallowed it down. Charles the II. and the D. of York were then * Members of the 
1664.  Church of England, and no body so much as dreamt at that time, that they were then forming a resolution to betray the Party. The Protestants are so easy of belief, that if James the II. had not bethought himself, after the Death of his Brother, to Publish a Writing under his Brother's Hand, which he assured the World contained the Real Profession of his Faith, no body would ever have imagined that a Person of his sublime Wit, and so great a Monarch could have persevered in his Hypocrisy till Death: and it is thought even to this day, that he was either of the Reformed Religion, or that he had none at all▪  
The Advantages which the Tyrant Cromwell, one of the greatest Captains of the Age, had obtained over the Hollanders from the Year 1651. to 1654. made the common People of England look upon the Conquest of Holland as an easy undertaking. They imagined, seeing that just after the Conclusion of a Civil War, under a Usurper not well settled, and at a time when the Land was all embroiled with Factions, they had constrained their Enemies to a dishonourable Peace, that they should reduce them much lower, should they Attack them, being well United, with all their Forces, under their lawful Prince. France promised to Assist them privately, to amuse the Hollanders▪ with hopes of feigned Succour, and to pour in upon them, so soon as she should find it proper. All the World knows the Success of that War, which lasted above three Years; during which time the two Nations Experienced what judicious Historians have already observed; that they could not vanquish one another, being very near of equal strength at Sea; and therefore that their Engagements would only contribute to their Mutual Ruin.  
In the Year 1672. Lewis XIV. undertook the Conquest of Holland with more Success than Charles II. had done eight Years before. At what time the Court of England believing the Hollanders lost beyond recovery, at the beginning of the first Campagne openly joined with France. And indeed there had been an end of the United Provinces, had the English continued the War with that Vigour as they did in▪ 1665. But that quicksighted Nation perceiving that the Religion and Liberties of their Neighbours were more aimed at, than their Trade and Riches, represented to their King that there was nothing to be gained by that War but blows, and that the French only sought to amuse them till he made himself Master of the Low Countries and Germany. These Reasons were laid before the King with so much strength of Argument; and the Parliaments refused with so much constancy those Aids which the King stood in need of to continue the War, that King Charles found himself constrained to accept of those Proposals which were made him by the States, and the Treaty was concluded at Westminster the 19 of Feb. 1674. And whatever endeavours the Kings of England have since used they could never engage their Subjects in an open and formal War with the United Provinces.  
It is easy to deduce several Consequences from this piece of story, which utterly dissipate those vain Jealousies that the Enemies of the two Nations would fain create between them, under pretence of Trade. 1. The First is that the English and Hollanders have no natural Antipathy one against the other; and that their Three last Wars were only the Effect of an Usurper's Revenge, who laboured the Destruction of the Royal Family; and of two Kings their Concealed Enemies, who had sworn the utter Extirpation of the Protestant Religion, their Privileges and Liberties. The Second is that Commerce is so far from being a lawful Cause of the difference between the two Nations, that on the contrary it ought to incline them to a stricter Union, if they understand their own Interests, since their Trade then always flourished most when there was the strictest Amity between them. 3. The Third is that, they ought to take a more than ordinary care how they Engage in a War one against the other, well knowing that in all their Sea Engagements, the Advantages on both sides have been very little different, or rather that they have come off with equal losses, and that Strangers taking the real Advantages of their Quarrels are become their Rivals in Navigation. Hambrough with the rest of the Hanse-Towns, the Danes and Swedes, for the most part now take in those Freights, by which the Hollanders before gained so much profit, and engrossed to themselves a great part of the Trade of the Baltic Sea. The French who since the time of Hen. IU. had not so much as one Ship that belonged to the King, have acquired several Territories in America, and are now Labouring to get Footing in the Indies, by that Alliance which they have contracted with the King of Siam; set forth great Fleets, and pester the Sea with Pirates. All which came to pass, while the English and Dutch were busily employed in ruining one another. So that if three of their Wars have so sensibly abated their Trade to such a degree; the Fourth, which after the present Union of the Two Nations, would be the Effect of an Irreconcilable Hatred, would prove their utter ruin, by Translating to their Neighbours all the Advantages which the two Nations receive by their Shipping.  
As for what concerns their Quarrels about loaring the Flag, Freights, and the Herring-Fishery, they are not worth the trouble of any farther discourse; and to bury them in Oblivion, there needs no more than to keep close to the Peace of Breda in the Year 1667. The differences between the two East India Companies seem more considerable, nevertheless if Men would but rightly understand one another, it might be easy to remove this Stumbling-block, either by Incorporating altogether, or by some other way which provident deliberation might soon find out.  
The Third Objection falls of itself, after what has been said to refute the Second. The Interest of the English and Hollanders inclining them to the continuance of their Union, and to contribute their utmost to their mutual Prosperity, there would never be any Jealousy between the two Nations, unless they lent their Ears to the seducing Fallacies of their Enemies; and by consequence their King and their Governor would have no occasion to Invade their Privileges. Besides that we are confidently assured that he will never endeavour it, but on the other side will use all his endeavours to prevent any difference between the two Nations, which are equally dear to him. But supposing that we were not so certain as we are of the mildness and gentleness of his present Majesty; at least we dare not question but that he is a Person of Honour and a Valiant Prince, and that he has a High Esteem for true Glory. If he has won Battles, if he has taken strong Towns, if he has made considerable Conquests, he is only beholding for all this to the Blessing of God, to his Valour, and the exact Discipline which he observes in his Armies, and the Love which his Soldiers have for him. He was never known to purchase strong Holds, to corrupt Governors, nor to aggrandise himself by fowl and treacherous means; If several French Officers have Listed themselves in his Service, it was the Catholic Zeal which expelled them their Country, and the Reputation of so great a Captain, which made them eager to serve under his Command. How can it be imagined, that a Prince, who next to God is beholding for his high advancement, only to the largeness of his Soul, and the greatness of his Courage, to the Wisdom of his Counsellors, and the Love of his People: A Prince, that has suffered so long, and with a Patience unimitable, the wrongs that have been done him; who never took up Arms in Revenge of his own Interests, but to deliver an Oppressed Nation that implored his Aid: How, I say, can it be conceived, that it should ever come into such a Prince's thoughts by indirect ways to destroy that Liberty, which he adventured to restore with the hazard of his Blood and Life: or that he would go about, for an Airy Authority, to lose that immortal Glory which he has acquired; Or that while he Reigns as he does, in the Hearts of his Subjects and Allies, he should rather choose to draw upon himself the Hatred of the One and the Indignation of the Other, rather than peaceably to enjoy the Fruit of his Labours.  
If on the one fide Honour engages his Majesty of Great Britain to preserve the Privileges of his Subjects, as his own Handiwork, and to maintain the Liberty of the Hollanders, his Fellow-Citizens, it inclines him on the other side to exterminate Tyranny. We know it Triumphs in France with an unlimited Power, and that it is there, as it were in the Centre. Nor are we ignorant of the heinous Injuries which Lewis XIV. has offered to William the III. when he was only Prince of Orange, Governor and Generalissimo of the United Provinces. The English are forward enough of themselves to engage in a War with the French; and several Historians have observed that they never give Money with a more willing Heart, then when they are asked to contribute toward the Expenses of that Expedition. Besides they well understand, that Cromwel's Civil War. The Evil Designs of their two last Kings, their Intestine Discords, their Engagements against the Hollanders, in a word all that themselves and their Brethren have suffered for this last near half an Age together, has been only the Effect of the Intrigues of the Court of France, of the two Cardinals and the Jesuits. Nor have the United Provinces less Cause to complain. Not to mention the unjust Invasion in 1672. for which all the Subtlety of Lewis the Fourteenth's Counsel, could never allege any other well grounded Reason, than the favourable Opportunity to Conquer those Rich Provinces, through the Cowardice, sloth and want of Intelligence in those that managed Affairs at that time; were there nothing else but the Violences and Cruelties which the French King and his Ministers have Committed within these Nine or Ten Years upon the Subjects of the State's General, their Ships Embargo'd, their Goods Confiscated, their Seamen Imprisoned, constrained to change their Religion, to serve against their own Country, or to undergo the Punishment of the Galleys; the prodigious Number of Merchant's Ships which their Privateers have taken; their Villages and Towns laid in Ashes, and all this in time of Peace, and without the least appearance of Justice; I dare be bold to say, that their High and Mightinesses must have Hearts of Steel to be insensible of these Recent Outrages; and that all the Offers and Reparations that France can make, are not sufficient to equal them.  
But some will say, it is the Interest of the United Provinces to continue in Peace, and the States never had a fairer opportunity to obtain from France whatever they shall judge requisite for the security of their Subjects and their Trade. I acknowledge it: But who shall be Guarantee for the Observation of the Treaty which is to be made with France? Certainly neither England, nor the Empire. Is it prudence to confide in those Persons who have a thousand times deceived us, who never keep their word any longer, than sincerity agrees with their Ambitious Desires, and their Interests: who make a sport of their Promises, Oaths, Contracts, and most solemn Edicts, who are equally Treacherous to Friends and Enemies, Subjects and Allies? True it is that Peace is very ; but not a Peace of six Months or a Year, but a firm, stable and perpetual Peace; or at least such a Peace as shall last as long as we live. 'Tis also as true that it is the Interest of Commonwealths rather to preserve themselves in the Condition they are in, then to make new Conquests. But when we have Neighbours Potent, Ambitious, and such as seek to aggrandise themselves by all manner of means, right or wrong, they have no other way to secure themselves from their unlooked for Invasions, then to take advantage of the first opportunity that presents itself to pull down their Power, and to reduce them to such a Condition that they be no longer able to do any more Mischief.  
This Happy Opportunity is now come: England and Holland have now William the III. for their Sovereign and Governor. The whole Body of Germany moves toward Revenge. The French themselves pant after their deliverance; the Persecuted Protestants and Jansenists are not the only Male Contents of that Kingdom. The Clergy, the Nobility and People, all Orders of the Kingdom groan under the Tyranny of the Jesuits, and only wait for a Chieftain to deliver them from Slavery. This is a truth not to be questioned, and to convince the Public, there needs no more for any Man to do, then to cast his Eyes upon the general Causes of the Discontents of the French.  
No Country is more Fruitful, no Climate more temperate and serene than theirs, no Inhabitants more Civil or more Humane, than those of this Kingdom. You would say, it was a Country made on purpose to be the Habitation of Good and Virtuous People, and a Paradise upon Earth. But as it is a Country Rich and Fertile, and as the People are extremely humble and submissive, they are overwhelmed with all sorts of exactions, insomuch that their Plenty becomes their Misery, and their Obedience makes their Oppressions more grievous.  
To reduce a free and Warlike People into so rigorous a Servitude required a long time, and a world of Contrivances. It was requisite to ravish from the Clergy their Rights, to deprive the Nobility of their Privileges, and to invade the Liberties of the People. 'Tis well known that the Gallicane Church has bred up and fostered in her Bosom the greatest Luminaries in Europe; that she has had in all Ages Holy Bishops, who have opposed the Usurpations of the Popes, who have publicly rebuked the Vices of the Grandees, and have openly withstood the Tyranny of Princes. The Inferior Clergy were solely under the Jurisdiction of their Prelates, their provincial and national Synods. At this day they are exposed to the Mercy of the Court and the Fury of the Jesuits, not only in civil Causes, but also in what concerns their Ecclesiastical Discipline and Religion. A world of Formalities, a world of Assemblies, but no appeal against a Letter under the Privy Signet.  
We also know what has formerly been the Power of the Nobility: without their Consent, neither Peace could be concluded, nor War undertaken, nor any Leagues offensive or defensive could be made. Offices of public Trust, which are now put to Sale, the Prey of Usurpers in Confederacy, or Hunger-starved Commissaries: Military Employments which are bestowed for the most part upon Soldiers of Fortune, or the Lackeys of Favourites. Benefices, which are now at the absolute disposal of the King's Confessor, the Council of Conscience or the Jesuits; All Pensions, all Civil or▪ Ecclesiastical Dignities, all considerable Employments were as it were Portions for the Younger Sons of Noble Families, and afforded them Means to support the lustre of their House. Whereas now we see the Nobility without Estates, and ill Educated, through Poverty or want of Education stooping to the meanest of Drudgeries. Formerly, when a Lord was disgusted with the Court, he retired to his Castle, where he lived like a petty Sovereign, no Man daring to come to trouble his Repose. But those happy days are past; Now they must eat their Bread in the train of the Favourites, make their applications to such as have only their Vices or their Intrigues to favour them; and instead of that noble Fireceness so well becoming those whom Birth, Knowledge and Virtue have raised above the Common Sort, they must now put on the Countenances of Slaves and Suppliants upon the approach of a Beggar in Rich Apparel, a Commissary of the Treasury, or a Jesuit of the Court.  
As for the People, their misery is so great, as would require a shower of Bloody Tears to deplore it, and a Graving Tool of Iron to describe it, so that I have often questioned whether Posterity would give credit to what a thousand Testimonies have both seen and tried themselves; and which they can never express but in a Language far short of the Truth. Who would believe that a People Laborious▪ Active, Sober, Industrious, that inhabits▪ a Country Fertile in Corn, abounding in Wine, in , in Pasturage, in Oil, in Salt, in all sorts of Fruits; a Country watered with large Rivers; to the North and West washed by the Ocean, and to the South by the Mediterranean Sea, as if Nature, not content with the peculiar Wealth she has bestowed upon it, designed to furnish it with all that Foreign Climates have in particular. I say who would believe that a People thus endowed in the midst of a soil abounding with Milk and Honey, should be forced to dwell in Straw Huts, and to be reduced to Beggary. Who would believe that there should be nothing to be seen but Palaces demolished and ruin'd Houses in a Kingdom where no Enemy has been ravaging for these two or three Ages together. That a Country Husband man, after he has tilled his own Lands, and reaped the Harvest should have nothing but a little Rye, Barley or Chest-nuts to eat, or the squeezings of the Lees of the Grape mixed with Water, or Water itself to drink. For the Collector of the King's duties, has despoiled him of his Wheat, his Wine and his Oil, leaving him hardly wherewithal to sow his Land next Year, and pay his Tenths. Besides that the Land is over and above charged with duties for goods brought in and going forth, Customs and other excessive Taxes, and to complete the total consuming of what the Collectors could not carry away, the Soldiers run from Province to Province trampling the poor People under foot.  
Strangers wonder at the vast Number of Soldiers, that France keeps up in pay. But this does not come to pass because the Kingdom is better Peopled then other Countries. You shall travel several Leagues together, through most fertile Champaign Countries, and hardly meet with one poor miserable Cottage; whereas the very Marshes, and Sands of Holland seem to be but one Great and Magnificent City. But the reason is, for that being Born where only the King, the Favourites of the Wealthy, and the Soldiers can live, the rest must either carry a Musket or starve.  
In all other Countries the Great Cities enjoy considerable Privileges, hold General Assemblies composed of the Nobility, the Clergy and the third Estate, where they cons●●● of what concerns the public good, to prevent the indiscretion of bad Counsellors from putting the Kingdom in combustion, and the hungry Courtiers from enriching themselves with the sweat of the People. 'Tis not so in France; Bourdeaux, Marseilles, Toulouse, La Rochel, Nismes, Montauban, etc. have all lost their Franchises, and are curbed and kept in awe by Citadels and strong Garrisons. The King keeps his Court but seldom in Paris, to lessen the Power of that Proud City. All the rest of the Cities are so poor, that Grenoble, one of the most Flourishing and Capital of the Dauphinate, the Seat of the Parliament of that Province, is not able to raise Money to restrain within its Channel a small River, that overflows the Country and many times threatens the City with a destructive deluge. The Parliaments, more especially that of Paris, had reserved to themselves a right to examine the Edicts and Decrees of their Prince. And if they found any thing fit to be excepted against, they humbly represented their exceptions to his Majesty, as they did to Hen. IU. when he was designing to recall the Jesuits; and their remonstrances were frequently of that force as to cancel an Edict, otherwise they allowed and confirmed it. But they have Punished with so much rigour and cruelty several Counsellors, who in the late troubles, during the Minority of the King, gave proof of their constancy and zeal for the public good, that at this day no Body dares so much as open their mouths. Nor do they now make use of the Word d'Enteriner, which properly signifies to give the force of a Law to a Declaration of the Prince; so that the Parliaments, for fear of jostling the Absolute Power of their Invincible Monarch, barely write down, that they have read such or such an Edict of the King, and that they have Verified it; that is, they have acknowledged it to be his Majesty's Act and Deed. After which, his most humble Slaves have not a Word more to say.  
I will not here speak of that same tedious and barbarous Persecution of the Reformed, in France, though that Party was very considerable in the Kingdom; as well for that other Authors have made very large Descriptions of it, as for that it is not convenient to meddle with Particular differences in a discourse that relates only to the public Interest. I shall only observe that Religion, which is the General Pretence laid hold of to cause the Roman Catholics to approve these violent Proceed, is not the real cause thereof; and that it is not out of any zeal for the Glory of God, that those poor People are deprived of their Relations and Friends, and of their fellow Citizens, and that they destroy and ruin their Trade. It may be that the King is over persuaded that his conscience obliges him to exterminate Heresy. But he is a good natured Prince, naturally not inclined to cruelty: yet when he is made believe that he offers an oblation to God, in Sacrificing to his vengeance those that worship him after a manner different from ours, it is enough to overcome a good disposition, and push on zeal even to fury. But as for his Counsellors they are too sufficiently known to the World, to make any doubt whether Conscience or Religion are the Motives that spur them on to Act. 'Tis certain they are not; and therefore we must seek out for others; and I think I have called to mind some of them. The first is, the hatred of the Jesuits, against all those that are not of their Opinion. For Opinion is the Queen of the World. And therefore they who would command others, use all their endeavours to make those whom they labour to bring under Subjection to admit of their Maxims, chief those that relate to Philosophy, Divinity and Morality. The Grandees can easily rid themselves of a few Private Persons by the way of Calumny, or by bringing them into trouble; but to destroy a numerous Body, that continually raises up fresh Enemies, there is no way but to proceed by open force. The Jesuits, being the most Rigid of all the Doctors of the Roman Church, always found the Reformed to be Opposers of their designs. Nor were the Jansenists, who accused these Fathers for being the Corrupters of Christian Morality, less odious to them. But the Society being more Powerful than both these, brought about their ends by a Persecution of above Forty Years. In the first Place they put in practice Processes and brangling Suits, Knavery and Imposture, of which they made use against those that escaped their fury, by flying for Sanctuary into Foreign Countries.  
The second Motive to Persecution is the Avarice of the Society, which appeared, by the Benefices and Estates of the Jansenists and Protestant confiscated, which the Jesuits procured to be given to themselves.  
The Politicians also give us some Reasons for these Cruelties; they say, that the King is a great Lover of Glory, and makes it a point of Honour to destroy a Religion, which his Predecessors would have eradicated, but could not. They add, that the Victories he has gained, and the Progress he has made, through the Divisions of the Neighbouring Princes, and by other Stratagems have puffed him up to believe that he is able to execute whatever he undertakes: and that it is as easy for him to force his Subjects to change their belief, as to win the strong holds of his Enemies. Others there are who will have it, that the Court has Sacrificed the Reformed to the Ghosts of the Jansenists, and that to procure the condescension of the Pope that the Disciples of St. Austin might be persecuted, and the Canonical Elections abolished in these Churches where they were preserved, they bethought themselves of oppressing the Protestants, which has been always a great Mark of Catholicism. Others hold, that it was the design of the Ministers of State, and superntendants to enrich themselves with the spoils of those that fled, to defray the expenses of the War, and pay off the half famished Soldiers: persuading the King that a small number of poor People by leaving his Kingdom, did but discharge it of an unprofitable Burden. Lastly, there are some, that maintain that though there were no such probable reasons to be given, there would be cause enough to believe, that in a Court, like that of France, Religion is usually the Motive least considered.  
However it be, most evident it is, that both Priests and Ministers are Banished alike; that Religious Houses are dissolved, as well as the Reformed Churches, that Monasteries are sacked and destroyed as well as Temples, and that they make War with the same violence upon those that adhere to the Pope, as upon those that side with Calvin. This I say, is an evident sign that it is not the Doctrine of the Romish Church, but Jesuitism, which is the immediate Incentive to all these Cruelties. That is to say, that the Politcs of Matchiavel; the thirst of Rule, and to establish their opinions at any rate whatever, to ruin those by all manner of ways that oppose them, and to dispose absolutely of the bodies, Estates and Consciences of the People carry them to these Courses.  
Whence it follows, that all the French Roman Catholics or others, ought to look upon these Persecutions. 1. As Attempts against the Public Faith, as being contrary to the Edicts of Nantes and Nismes, confirmed to outward Appearance by all the Declarations published against the Reformed; and to a Decree of Council by which the King forbids the disturbance of such as should have subscribed the Formulary, and promises the same Usage to the Jansenists as to the Molinists.  
These Persecutions ranverse the Foundations of public Security, and introduce the Inquisition. 'Tis well known that the Questions about Predestination and Grace are very nice and thorny; and how easy a thing it is, whatever the received opinion may be, to give a Heretical Sense to innocent Propositions: so that if there be any that bear malice to a Learned Man, or that he shall be so unfortunate as to displease the Society, then is he lost for ever; since there is nothing more easy then to forge an imaginary Heresy out of a Metaphysical Controversy.  
3. The Persecutions of the Jansenists lay a snare for Divines, which they are not well able to be ware of. For should the Disputes happen to be about Predestination or Grace, the Mysteries of the Holy Trinity, the Incarnation, the free Satisfaction of Christ: If what we ought to believe were clearly taught in Scripture, or had been decided in a General Council according to the Principles received among the Christians, the Opposers would be treated as Heretics. But neither Pelagius, nor St. Austin were ever condemned by the Universal Church, and though the Body of the Roman Church agree with the Semipelagians; nevertheless, if the Disciples of Molinus, would but speak candidly, they must acknowledge that the contrary Doctrine has always been tolerated. The Heresy of Predestination is a Chimaera, Godescale was Persecuted by the Faction of the two Arch-Bishops, Rabanus Maurus of Mayence, and Hincmar of Rheims. The greatest part of the Prelates and Learned Men of Germany undertook the Defence of his Doctrine; Nevertheless Semipelagianism was never listed in the Number of Errors against the Faith, but got great footing afterwards in the West. On the other side, the Writings of St. Austin, and his Disciples, St. Prosper, St. Fulgentius, St. Gregory. Tho. Aquinas, and an Infinite Number of others have been approved, received and respected by all the Church: And there needs no more than to read and understand them, to see then Jansenius has taught nothing but what other Ancient Doctors taught before him. How is it then possible▪ that a Divine, who shall read the Books of the Holy Fathers who shall reverence them as Saints, who shall look upon them as Testimonies to confirm the Doctrine of the Ages they lived in; how is it possible, I say, but that he must either jump with them in opinion, or condemn those that follow them; consequently how can he avoid being either a Heretic or a Favourer of Heretics?  
4. These Persecutions are contrary to the Law of Nature and Nations. The Law of Nature permits every one to defend his own Estate and his Life by all the lawful ways that may be, and ordains as to others, that we should deal by them, as we would they should deal by us. So that this Law is quite overturned in such Places, where the Estate, Life and Honour of several Persons depend upon the Fancy of a single Person, and where the Innocent are oppressed by a violent Faction, and by a Power usurped and purely Arbitrary, without any regard to the Law. By virtue of which Law of Nations, the Contracts of Superior to Inferior, or of equal to equal, remain . The consequence of which is, that every Man may live without disturbance in his own House, and enjoy his Estate in Tranquillity, provided he behave himself peaceably toward the Government, and Act nothing contrary to the Laws, either Civil or Ecclesiastical. Now the Protestant Religion having been established in France by Solemn Edicts, and seeing that the Doctrine of St. Austin was never yet Condemned by any Council, it is most apparent, that the Persecution of the Subjects for one or the other of these two Beliefs, is a violation of the Law of Nature and Nations, before an Assembly of Estates have revoked those Edicts, or a National Synod have rejected the Doctrine.  
If then all the Facts that have been hither to alleged are certain; if it be true that the Clergy have been despoiled of their Liberties, the Nobility of their Employments and Privileges, the People of their Subsistance. If it be true, that Priests and Ministers, Catholics and Reform have been and still are Persecuted under the specious Colour of Religion, against Public Faith and Assurances, against Established Laws and Irrevocable Edicts; and against the Law of Nature and of Nations; If it be true, that it is impossible for any French Divine or Learned Man to write according to his Conscience, even in reference to those things which the Gallican Church, has left undecided. If it be true, that the Jesuits have a design in hand to extirpate their Enemies by all manner of ways which they shall deem proper, and that they are so much Masters of the King's Favour, that they can but only ask and have, but that all good Men, that all France, and all Europe betake themselves to their Arms to exterminate this Impious Society, which permits Murder, Robbery, Whoredom and all Sorts of Vices: that they set up the Standard, not against the King and Kingdom, but to deliver his most Christian Majesty from his wicked Counsellors, that fill the Churches and Monasteries with false Pastors and Intruders, that exclude the Nobility from their Employments, and bestow them upon their own Creatures, that fat themselves with the Blood of the People and enrich themselves with the Confiscate Estates of the Innocent.  
Nor would it be a Bloody War, but an easy Victory for the English and Hollanders under the lucky Auspexes of their Prince; or rather an Extirpation of Tyranny and the Delivery of an unhappy People, worthy of a better Fate, resolved on by both Nations, to the end that the Deliverer of England, may be no less celebrated for setting France at Liberty. More especially while the French, thus lying under the smart of their Provocations, are thus favourably disposed to Assist the Enterprises of their Avenger.  
But should this come to pass, cry some; in regard the War could not be long, and that the success would be almost unquestionable; This, they cry, would be still to make William the Third more puissant and more formidable. And then they come in with their Proverbs, and say, 'tis hard for Mortal Man to preserve his Virtue from Temptation in overflowing Prosperity. And let the King's Intentions, of themselves be never so sincere and upright, who shall assure us of the virtue and honesty of his Counsellors? This looks like a Man's tormenting himself for recreations sake; or like his framing Chimaeras to combat the shadows of his own fancy. An Ordinary Person; that has but common Constancy and Prudence, never changes upon the least puff of Wind; but when he has all his Life long observed certain Maxims of Honesty, which have gained him a respect in the World, and are conformable to the Dictates of his conscience, it is the least of his thoughts to departed from them, for that he understands that Levity is a mark of weakness of mind and want of wit, and that nothing is more displeasing to God then Inconstancy and Breach of Word. Much less can we believe that a Prince, of a clear understanding, constant and courageous, could ever be capable of change; or that he would go about to tarnish his Honour, disturb his own repose, or to render himself unacceptable to God, of whose Blessings at present he is so well assured. Besides that, Courtiers, when they perceive their Master to be a Person accomplished in virtue, are wary how they let him perceive the Irregularities of their inclinations, but rather make it their Study to show themselves conformable to his disposition. They are cautious of giving him bad Council for fear of incurring his displeasure. They will rather on the contrary Study to become virtuous or at least to seem so. Besides the Counsellors of King William are no more to be feared, than the King himself. Their modesty will not permit me to give the World a lively Portraiture of their virtues, and therefore it will suffice to observe, that they are all either English or Hollanders, true Protestants, and Persons of deep foresight, and for the most part, Men of Learning. That is to say, they are Men who have frequently exposed their Lives for their Religion and the Liberty of their Country. Add to this that the Souls of Learned Men are too highly exalted above the mean thoughts of Treason and Conspiracy, and their Hearts too generous to be capable of Baseness and Perfidy; nor will the Spirit of Popery and Tyranny ever accord with Philosophic Liberty.  
There is this also farther to be said that though a Prince and his Counsel should have vowed their own ruin, by conspiring against the Repose and Privileges of two Nations, it would be impossible for them to accomplish their design. ' I is true that if a Nation accustomed to Arbitrary Power and Slavery, happens to subdue a free People, 'tis very probable that the Victors will ravish from them their ancient Franchises if they can do it without losing the Fruit of their Conquests, for that it must needs be a trouble to the Victors that the condition of the vanquished should be better than theirs. Nevertheless it does not always so happen. For the Courts of Flanders and Dukes of Burgundy in vain attempted several times to accustom their Subjects of the Low Countries to the French Manners. And the Spaniards were so sensible of their Error in endeavouring to introduce the Inquisition into those Provinces, that they were forced to permit them to enjoy whatever they had remaining of their ancient Privileges.  
But when two free People are United together, their Union fortifies their Liberty, against all those that would go about to invade it. England and Scotland have often experienced the truth of this, though it can hardly be said that they obeyed the same Line for a whole Century of Years together.  
Not to insist upon time past, 'tis well known that James the Second had already adventured to declare himself invested with an Arbitrary Power in reference to the Scots: And if the English had not called in the Prince of Orange to their Assistance, their late King would not have stopped there. By which it is clearly to be seen, that there is so little reason for the Hollanders to be Jealous of their new Governor, or for the People of Great Britain to repent their having set the Crown upon the Head of a Prince so powerful before, that on the contrary the Puissance of their Supreme Chiestain is their proper and safest security; since it is neither in his Will nor in his Power to make use of it to their Hurt; and for that their Security under him will protect them from all the Assaults of France, which taking Advantage of their Divisions, advanced within a little of ruining both the one and the other.  
The three other Objections are so inconsiderable that they are not worth the trouble of insisting upon them. Nevertheless we shall refute them in a few words, lest some conceited Reader should believe we avoid the meddling with them. The Prince is a Presbyterian by Birth, therefore he will favour the Nonconformists of Great Britain, and lessen the Authority of the Church of England. 'Tis a strange thing that the Roman Catholics who hardly know their own Religion, should pretend to teach us ours.  
They have been told a thousand times that the Bishops and Presbyterians of England differ only in so slight Ceremonies, which are nothing to the Essential part of Divine Worship, and that there is more of Obstinacy and Misunderstanding between them, then of real Cause of Dispute. We have seen at the Hugue for this ten or twelve Years, the Princess of Orange, now Queen Mary of England, repair indifferently sometimes to the Dutch or French Church, and sometimes to her own Chapel. The Prince no sooner arrived at London, but he received the Communion in an Episcopal Church, and gave a favourable Reception to the Presbyterian Ministers who went to Congratulate him. We see every day several of the Episcopal Party Communicate with the Reformed on this side the Sea, and our French and Holland Protestant's join themselves with the Church of England. Yet, maugre all this, the Romish Doctors would make us believe we are of two Religions. And upon the same score because their Religion properly consists only in exterior Pomp, in Images, Relics, Beds, Rosaries, Holywater, Monks of several Colours, and such like Superstitious Exercises and Institutions; and that those other things wherein they differ from the Protestants are only the Inventions of Italian Policy, they imagine it to be the same with ours. Whence it comes to pass that all the Speculative Opinions of our Divines are by those Gentlemen looked upon as so many. All the Confessions of Faith, the Liturgies, the Ceremonies in the Administration of the Sacraments, the Varieties of Discipline, the Orders and Habits of the Preachers, if our Adversaries were so to be believed, among us make so many different Sects. For this reason it was that a certain Prelate, who believed himself to be very witty, has made a History of the Variations of our Churches, and he had so great a desire to augment the Number that he bethought himself of ascribing to us as many Relics as he found Systems of our Ministers upon the Apocalypse, the most obscure Book of▪ all the New Testament.  
Nevertheless we must acknowledge that the Headstrong Obstinacy of some of Ours, and the remains of Ignorance and the Spirit of Antichristianism that will not yet out of the Bones of some that Envy our Unity, have given occasion to these Calumnies. The Western Church has mourned for above these ten Centuries, under the Darkness and Yoke of Popery. During which time there was Opportunity and Advantage enough to deepen the Superstitions, and Impressions of Popery under so wicked a Master. Add to this, that since the Reformation, we have not had a Prince whose Knowledge, Piety and Puissance have been able to reconcile our Differences. The Great Gustavus had conceived such a Design in his Mind, but he vanished like a flash of Lightning in the midst of his Victories. It seems that God has reserved this Honour for William the III. and this Happiness till our Time. God has sent this Prince into the World in a Country, where the Spirit of Toleration has passed from the Magistrates to the most Learned Ministers. He has called him to a Kingdom replenished with Learned and Pious Bishops, who have for a long time preserved their Flocks in Peace by their gentleness and moderation. The Prince at high first Coming to the Government found Factions in the Church, as well as in the State. He has appeased both the one and the other. The Persecution of the Reformed in France, has opened, the Eyes of all their Brethren, and has showed them the necessity of guarding themselves from the Fury of the Jesuits. All these Conjunctures in my Opinion presage a happy Union of the Protestants.  
As to what is said, that the Prince of Orange is more absolute in the United Provinces then any of his Predecessors, is an Equivocation. For ever since the Establishment of the Commonwealth, the Hollanders have always born a very great Affection to the House of Orange: but true it is that ever since William the Silent, who laid the first Foundations of their Liberty, this State never had a Prince whom they loved more than William Henry. The reason is because he entered upon the Government at a time, when the Hollanders seemed to be ruined beyond recovery; and yet he restored them to their former Grandeur.  
However, notwithstanding this signal Service done them, the dread of War and certain vain Suspicions were the Cause that there was great Opposition made against a Levy of sixteen Thousand Men, which the Prince most earnestly pressed for, as better understanding the Designs of France, than any of the Burgomasters of Amsterdam. The Event demonstrated that never was any Opposition made upon such bad Grounds, nor more Prejudicial to the State. For Lewis the XIV. boasted in the Edict which revokes that of Nantes that he had not made the Truce but to Exterminate the Protestants out of his Kingdom. James the II. took that time to perplex the Church of England, and to invade the Liberties of his People. At length France threw off her▪ Mask, and broke the Truce, as soon as she thought she could do it with Advantage. That long Train of Delusions justified the Prince's Innocence; showed that he had no other Aim in all his Designs, but the Preservation of Liberty and the Protestant Religion, and gained him the Hearts of all the Hollanders. And I would fain know how long it has been a Crime for a Governor to win the Love of those who are under his Conduct?  
Thus you may see how the first Prince William rendered himself Absolute; and how the same Power came to be transferred to his Successors; not by Usurpation, but by preserving the Liberty of the Republic. The form of Government is still the same, the Elections are made by the usual Suffrages; the Resolutions taken for the raising of Money, making Peace and War, Affairs of Trade. Justice and Civil Government, are all determined in the Assembly of Estates according to the Ancient Customs: and we are ready to make it appear that for these fifteen Years last passed, that William Henry has sat at the Helm, he has acted nothing but according to the Laws, and by virtue of the power annexed to his high Authority and Command.  
As to what is reported, that the Prince engaged the State's General in his Expedition for England, without imparting to them his Design, is a Calumny of his Enemies, which has no other foundation but the Malice of those who are enraged that he did not make a discovery of that Fortunate Enterprise at such a time, that they might have had more leisure to prepare to obstruct him. And it is an easy thing to convince all Intelligent Persons of the Folly of this Objection.  
Suppose this Revolution had been the Effect of long deliberation; it was necessary, before all other things, 1. To be assured of the Inclinations of the English and Scotch, and the Colonies depending upon Them. In these Transactions, the Prince not acting as Governor of the United Provinces, but as a Private person managing his own proper Affairs, he was not obliged to make his business known to the State's General. Nevertheless, I make no question but the Principal Headpeices among them were well informed from the beginning of the Design; which is a thing indeed not to be doubted, considering the good Intelligence there has been at the Hague for several Years last passed; and the unanimous Consent of their High and Mightinessess when the Question was debated, whether they should lend their helping hand to carry on the Work!  
2. Since the Defeat of the D. of Monmouth, and the Dragoon Persecutions, France and the Court of England never ceased to molest and disquiet the United Provinces. They Exasperated the Algerines against them, who adventured to exercise their Piracies upon the Coast of Holland. James the II. set open his Ports to those Corsairs, and suffered them publicly to sell the Prizes which they had taken from his Allies. Lewis the XIV. sought an occasion to pick a Quarrel with the Subjects of the States in the straits of Gibraltar, forbidden the Sale of their Herrings, and their Cloth in his Kingdom, and laid Impositions upon all their Merchandizes entered in his Ports. In a Word, since the Design for the repeal of the Tests, and the Attempts upon Dr. Burnet, there has been nothing but Memoirs, Complaints and Murmur on both sides. It was easy for the Hollanders to see, that the Two Princes had conspired their Ruin; so that the least they could do was to Arm and stand on their Defence. Therefore they rig out a Fleet to protect themselves from the Algerines, and the Threats of France. Thereupon out comes the Letter of the Deceased Monsieur▪ Fagel, that the Court of England was drawn into a Conjunction with France by the force of Entreaties, Promises and Menaces repeated one upon the Neck of another. The Misunderstanding increases, and King James keeps an Army on Foot contrary to the Laws of the Land, the Queen is feigned to be with Child, and a Counterfeit Prince of Wales is imposed upon the Nation. The Hollanders reinforce their Army and Navy both by Sea and Land: The French redouble their Threats and the English their Murmurs. The latter at length present a Memorial to their Royal Highnesses, wherein they set forth the Cause of their Complaints, and invite the Prince to come over and procure the Calling of a Parliament. The Prince condescends to their earnest Supplications, the States Consent, Assist him with Ships and Soldiers to prevent any Attempt upon his Person? The Prince puts to Sea, accompanied with the Blessing of Heaven and the Acclamations of the People, and he was recerved into England with the same Joy, as was seen at his departure out of Holland. This was that which was both seen and known to all the Land. What can be from hence concluded, but that there was a great deal of Patience and Prudence on the one side, and Violence and Rashness on the other? So that all that the View of this Transaction could incline a rational Person to was only this, to have a Compassion for James the II. and a High Esteem for his Competitor.  
But it behoves us to be Candid and to acknowledge, that the Fortunate Assemblage of all these Circumstances would not perhaps have been sufficient, had they been only favoured by Persons of less exalted Degree, than their Royal Highnesses were. They are both of them Protestants not only by Birth and Education, but also through Affection and choice of a more Understanding; they are of easy Access and Affable, their Conversation Civil and Virtuous; they keep their words exactly; they make it their glory to leave nothing imperfect but to accomplish whatever they take in hand, not enduring the repulse of whatsoever dangers they see before them. They never Abandon those that serve them faithfully, but reward them liberally: they are neither swayed by Humour our nor difficult to Content, and willingly forgive Offences not maliciously committed. They are endowed with Wisdom, Piety and Virtue; Great Eneouragers of Learning and Learned Men, and particularly Churchmen. Such Qualities as these would recommend a Private Person to the highest Dignities; but where they meet in Persons of Royal Extraction, what wonder if they win upon the Affections of the People. The Valour and Vigilance of the Prince, his Experience in Military Discipline, and his indefatigable Fervency in Combat gain him the Hearts of his Soldiers and Allies, his Prudence and piercing Judgement, cause him to be esteemed by Men of the sublimest intellects; and his probity and sincerity command the Reverence of good Men. His Reputation is so , that the Court of England, could never lay any other thing to his Charge but the rigorous Severity of his Military Discipline. The Love which the Hollanders have for him is so general, that among the vast Number of Writers wish which that State is crowded, of which so many take the Liberty to speak their Minds with freedom enough, there never was but one that endeavoured to Calumniate the Prince's Expedition into England; but the Book had so few Readers and sold so ill, thatit presently became waste Paper. These were the Reasons of the great Success of Willtam the III. For in regard that all the World had a great Love for him, in regard his Designs were equally Just, Pious and Beneficial, that he went to secure his Country, to deliver his Oppressed Brothers and Neighbours, and to Re-establish the Protestant Religion and the Liberty of the Nation, every body gloried in contributing to it; no body betrayed him, though he had several Confidents; and the States lent him their Helping hand so soon as all things were ready. And this was that which made several Strangers believe, that this Design, till it was ripe for Execution, lay deposited in the Breasts of certain faithful Counsellors, who then by a more than usual Dexterity engaged their High and Mightinesses in the Affair. But the truth is, that several Persons were acquainted with it, and that they were swayed rather by Love then Policy. The Secrecy with which the King of France manages his Affairs is greatly wondered at; and indeed it is a thing much to be commended, but it is very rare. Tho for ten or twelve Counsellors whose Fortune wholly depends upon the King, to be faithful to him and keep his Secrets is no such extraordinary piece of business. But for an infinite Number of Bishops and Ministers, of Lords, Magistrates and Private Persons, to keep silence so long and to be so true one to another, is that which hardly ever yet was known.  
And therefore the best Counsel that can be given to our Enemies would be speedily to make a Peace with a Prince so well beloved by his own Subjects, and so formidable to his Adversaries: For the time will come, that he will despise their Offers. They vainly flatter themselves to seduce the Hollanders, during the King's abode in England, or to raise Disturbances in England, while he remains in Holland. 'Tis true that feeble Affection which is supported only by Fancy, or only grounded upon some Conformity of Temper and Humour is as frail, as the Foundation is slight: But when Religion, Virtue and the public Interest are the Bonds of Union between the Prince and Subjects, it is a Link inseparable, which the absence of some few Months renders much the stronger. Now the Affection which the two Nations bear to his most Serene Majesty William the III. is of the latter sort. The English are a Warlike Nation that passionately Loves their Kings, especially when their Inclinations are Martial. Their Princes have for a long time enjoyed both Normandy and Guyenne, which obliged them frequently to cross the Sea; but we never read in any History that their Subjects took any Advantage of their absence to rise up in Rebellion. The United Provinces ever since their first Confederacy having been almost continually engaged in Wars, are more accustomed to see their Prince at the Head of their Armies, then at leisure at the Hague. So that both the one and the other will easily be contented that his Majesty should visit them by turns. Besides that, the English will have Queen Mary always present in their Capital City, whose Piety and Virtue, whose great Understanding and Mildness renders her equal to Elizabeth; a Person to whom the Hollanders were so devoted, that at her departure the chiefest of their wishes were that she might be but as well beloved at London, as she had been at the Hague; to which her Royal Highness answered, that she desired no more.  
These are the greatest Difficulties that are propounded and buzzed abroad by our Male Contents, or which I have been able to think of. Their weakness appears to me a certain presage of the felicity of the People under the Reign of William the III. and Mary the II. and of that Peace which the Union between England and Holland will restore to Europe.   

The SECOND PART. The Happy Consequences of the Union between FRANCE and HOLLAND.  
The Means to preserve it entire.  
AMong the happy Consequences of the Union between the Subjects of their Majesties of Great Britain, and of their High and Mightinesses, there are some which are particular to each of the two Nations; and relate to the form of Government, their Laws and Privileges. But it belongs not to a private Person to meddle with those sorts of Matters, as being the business of Parliaments and Assemblies of Estates. Other Consequences there are more general, wherein divers Confederate Princes, several Countries, all the Protestants, and all Europe find themselves interested, and upon which we shall make some Reflections.  
I place in the first rank, the bringing down the Power of France; not believing that I could begin with a more pleasing Subject. Since the Pyrenean Peace that Kingdom has mounted to a Degree of Grandeur and Pride which have rendered France insupportable to all her Neighbours; so that it is neither the Wealth nor the Welfare of the French People that are envied (for Men have more reason to be moved with Compassion at the sight of their Miseries.) 'Tis against their blindness that Men exclaim, and that indispensable fury that hurries them on to make others as miserable as themselves; instead of complying with their good Intentions, and permitting the release of those miserable People from the sad Condition wherein they are. If France were enriched by Trade, by Manufacture, by a long Peace; if it were aggrandized by Marriages and Alliances, by the free Concessions of Princes, or by the vast Concurrences and Conflux of People to her Territories, we should be so far from troubling her repose, that we should do our utmost to imitate her Example. But it is well known that her Conquests and her Riches are the Effects of Breach of Faith, and her unjust Wars, of her Vexations and Oppressions, and the vast Contributions which she exacts from the People; so that the generality of the Subjects are reduced by the Court to that Condition as not to be able to subsist but in the midst of the Rage of War, by Pillage, Robbery and Ransack.  
The bare Duties of Humanity would oblige their Neighbours to redeem them from a Condition so opposite to the public good and the Salvation of their Souls; nor is the particular Interest of other People an Obligation less engaging to the same Effect. Since that under the pretence of Religion, the Dragoons have ruined the best Families in the Kingdom, wasted their Estates, and disabled the Proprietors to make the best of their demeans, and to continue their Trades: since as an Accumulation of their Misfortune, the Privateers being become Masters of the Seas, Trade has undergon so sensible a decay, that ten Years more, like the three last, will produce a far greater mischief than a general Pestilence for ten Months; in regard they would be the ruin of an infinite Number of Families, which by means of their Wealth and Industry, are at present the support and glory of Europe.  
Considering the present Constitution of our Western Parts, the Wines, the Strong-waters, the Oil and Salt of France, are Merchandizes which Foreigners can hardly live without. But the Inhabitants being impoverished, and not able to burden themselves with those things which would be given them in exchange, they that want their Wares, must be obliged to carry ready Money, and to afford new Matter to feed the Extortions of the Collectors, and the Insatiable Avarice of the Chief Ministers. Add to this, that if the War happen to spin out in length, the great Number of Soldiers that must be raised throughout the Kingdom, will be the cause that the greatest part of the Lands must lie untilled; and that the infinite Wealth accrueing by the profits of the Land would be all lost.  
If it be so then, some will say, that it is so much the Interest of Foreigners to Labour the preservation of France, it behoves them speedily to make a Peace with her. 'Tis very true, that there could be nothing more advantageous than a general Peace; but the mischief is▪ that considering the present Condition of Affairs, it is neither safe nor possible to conclude a Peace; besides that, it is also more uncertain and more difficult to be assured that it shall be of any long continuance. Therefore before we talk of Peace, it will be requisite. 1. That Lemis the XIV. Re-establish the Edict of Nantes, and restore the Reformed to the same Condition wherein they were before the Death of Hen. IU. and make restitution of all the Damages which they have sustained since the Pyrenaean Peace; but more especially since the Truce in the Year— 84. It would be an eternal Ignominy to the Protestants, to suffer the public Violation of the Treaties concluded with their Brethren, without alleging any other reason, but only that they are not Roman Catholics, nor of the King's Religion. If these Reasons could take Place, or that a Prince could break his Promises made to his Subjects and persecute them with Fire and Sword, merely because they are not Christians after his manner, what shall hinder him from breaking the Contracts made with his Allies, that are of another belief which is different from his?  
2. If the public Faith engages the Protestants States to restore the Reformed of France, it also excites the Catholic Potentates to require Satisfaction for the Injuries done them by that Crown, which has omitted no sort of Usurpations, increase to its Grandeur either by unjust Wars, or in full Peace. Therefore it is but requisite, that now for the obtaining of Peace, Lewis the XIV. should make reparation for all his Neighbours losses, of which himself has been the occasion in the last War, since the Treaty of Nimeghen and the Breach of the Truce; that he restore what he unjustly detains from the Empire, from Spain, from the King of England, from the United Provinces, from the Electors, the D. of Lorraine, the Pope and the Princes of Italy.  
3. The King of France never failing of Pretences to break the most Sacred Leagues, no body that I know would be willing to trust him, nor to be Guarantees for the performance of the offers he should make, unless it were the Grand Signior, with whom he has renewed and confirmed his Ancient Alliances. And therefore it will be requisite that he surrender up several strong Towns and Garrisons as Pledges for his performance, upon condition that they shall remain confi●scated to the Parties into whose hands they are surrendered, in case he break the Peace to be concluded.  
Now in regard it is most certain that France will find such Articles very burdensome, at least that she will never subscribe or put them in Execution, there is no Foundation to be laid upon her promises; whence it is clear, that to procure the Peace of Europe, there is a necessity that she must be constrained to it by Attacking her on several sides.  
This will be no difficult thing to bring to pass, if the Empire, Spain, England, Swedeland and the United Provinces confirm their Alliance, and if the Confederates create a particular General, to the end that their Forces United under one Generalissimo may act by consent and unanimouslyagainst the common Enemy.  
In all times, misunderstanding has ruined the strongest Leagues; of which we have seen frequent and fatal Examples in the last War. If France therefore can yet find any means to disunite the Confederates, they may assure themselves that the opportunity for pulling down the Power of France will not be long in their hands. France will make use of her usual methods, by bribing the Governors of Garrisons, corrupting the Treasurer's, that the Army may still want either Money or Provision; by gaining the chief Ministers of the several Courts, on purpose to make false reports to their Masters, or impertinent and unseasonable Orders to the Generals, and sowing jealousies between them, to make them draw off one from another in the greatest urgency of Affairs. And it is very probable that the greatest part of these misfortunes will not fail to happen, if the Confederates do not agree to confer the supreme command of General upon one Person, in whose power it shall be to make the whole Body Act Unanimously, and who shall have Reputation and Authority sufficient to restrain the inferior Generals within the bounds of their duty.  
We are verily persuaded, that neither Flatteries, Promises, Pension, no Lewis' of Gold, will be able to disarm the Protestant Princes. Therefore France gins to despair of seducing them that way, but gives it out that this is a War for the sake of Religion; consequently that the Catholic Potentates ought to unite with her to prevent the Establishing the Reformation all over Europe. But it is the ruin of his Matchiavillian Politics which he dreads more than the Establishment of the Reformation. In the mean while the pretence is specious, because he judges of others by himself, and for that the Zeal of the Roman Clergy pushing him on to destroy the pretended Heretics, he imagines the Resolutions of the reformed to be the same.  
This is an Error of which it is of great Importance to convince these Gentlemen; though it be no difficult thing to undeceive them, if they will but take the pains to mind the following Reflections.  
1. That it is a Fundamental maxim of the Reformation, that every Man has a right to examine the Religion he intends to profess; to judge of it by his own understanding, and to believe nothing but what he is persuaded of the Truth in his Conscience. Whence the Protestants infer, that no human Authority ought to force Men to exercise a Worship which they believe unlawful, or to profess an Opinion which they concieve to be false.  
Clear it is, that this Doctrine is directly opposite to the Spirit of Persecution; for if it be not lawful for the Pastors to constrain Christians to believe or practise what they hold to be false and forbidden of God; much less is it lawful to employ the Power of the secular Arm to the same effect.  
It signifies nothing to say, that among us we Excommunicate Heretics, or that we have frequently Persecuted Ministers and Private Persons for the same reason. For as for Excommunication, in respect of Speculative Opinions it is no more of its self than a bare Declaration that such or such a one, has not those Qualities which are required to fit him to be a Member of such or such a Society. In which case, it is not accompanied with any mark of Infamy or civil Punishment.  
Suppose for Example that any Minister of the Church of England is persuaded, that Episcopacy is no lawful Government, that he cannot in conscience preach upon holidays, or perform other Functions to which the Ministry obliges him; and that thereupon he goes to his Diocesan, and lays down his Function; promising all the rest of his life to live quietly at home, or in Communion with the Faithful; Sure I am that if they could not undeceive him, they would bewail his Ignorance; but yet they would be so far from using him as a Criminal, that they would admire his Probity. But if the same Divine should make use of the Liberty of his Function to excite the People to contemn the Bishops, and to trample their constitutions under foot, by showing them himself an ill example; than it would be but just to punish him, not as a Person that holds erroneous opinions, but as a disturber of the Public Peace.  
This Maxim takes no farther place then to preserve the order and unity of Ecclesiastical Discipline; for Politic Toleration is so much in practice among the Protestants, that as well the particular Members of their Body, as those that are not of the Communion of their Churches, have all the liberty to believe and say what they think fitting in respect of Religion, provided they do not broach Impieties or trouble the State with Factions and Cabals.  
2. The Spirit of Infallibility is so natural to Men that are Proud and full of self Love, and is so linked with the desire of advancing their own sentiments, that we have no cause to wonder that the Reformed have retained some small remainder of this Leven; as being sprung from a Church which holds Infallibility for one of its Fundamental Doctrines, and conveys it from the Head to all its Members. But during the last Persecution, the Protestants have written so many Treatises to destroy that wicked Principle; they have testified such an Abhorrency of all manner of Persecution both in their private and public discourses; they have demonstrated in such a convincing manner that truth persuades, but never forces; that God alone is the sole Lord of the Heart, and that to attempt to force it, would be an Attack upon the Prerogative of the supreme Majesty, that though Conscience and the Spirit of Religion should not incline them to support all others their fellow Christians, the Honour of observing one equal conduct, and the shame of contradicting themselves, would persuade them to Toleration.  
3. Before we believe that Intelligent Persons are capable of committing those faults which they detest, and which are contrary to their Principles, we ought to examine whether there be any concealed motive of Interest which inclines them to such absurdities. Thus though Pope Pelagius, the fourth Lateran Council, and several other Pontiffs and Assemblies of the Roman Church, had not canonised the Persecution of the Heretics, though the Council of Constance had never declared it to be lawful to break faith with the Hugonots, though the same Church of Rome had never put these Principles in Practice by Imprisonment, Exile, Proscription, and torments of such Christians as were not within the pale of their Communion, yet we had reason to suspect her guilty of this design, because it is perfectly agreeable to their Interests. The Roman Clergy is a Monarchical Body, of which all the several Members are in a capacity of Aspiring, not only to the highest employments both in Church and State, but even to Sovereignty itself. Now the more numerous these dignities and employments are, the more reason have Private Persons to hope; and as certain it is that extent of Empire increases the Number of Preferments. Therefore it is, that in all Monarchies that incline to Tyranny, the surest means to extend their dominion, is to carry as high as may be the Sovereign Prerogative, though at the expense of the People's liberty. Then again, besides the secular Ecclesiastics, there are infinite swarms of Monks whose principal business it is to extend the bounds of the Pontifical Empire; in regard the vaster it is, the richer, the more powerful, and more respected their several Societies will be; and the more the employments of Particular Persons. Now the Reformed are the declared Enemies of this Church; they not only refuse Obedience to the Head of it, to acknowledge its Ministers and Officers, or to admit of its Maxims; but they also ruin the Foundations of its subsistence, in Preaching down the Mass, Indulgencies, Purgatory they drain and dry up the very Fountains of its Wealth by contemning Images, Relics, Invocation of Saints, Bulls and Dispensations from Rome, they destroy the respect and reverence which the People have for it, in rejecting its Infallibility, Transubstantiation, Adoration of Saints, and the refusal of the Cup to the Laity. Who can doubt after all this, but that the Pope, the Monks and Clergy of Rome are mainly interested to extinguish the Reformation, and extirpate the Reformed?  
It is not so with the Protestants; in regard that neither their Principles, nor their Interest prompt them to Persecute the Catholics. I must acknowledge, that 'tis for the glory and reputation of the English Bishops, that all the Subjects of the Kingdom should be Members of the Church of England; But neither their Jurisdiction nor their Revenues would be much enlarged by the conjunction of the Roman Catholics. As for the Presbyterian Ministers in other States, all the profit which they get by the conversion of their Adversaries, is to have a more numerous Auditory in some places, and to be at more trouble in visiting their Parishioners.  
4. But what necessity of Physical Reffections where the thing speaks itself? You shall never find our Bishops, nor our Ministers rambling over Sea and Land, and Vagabonding about the World to gain Proselytes, nor Besieging the Houses of the public Magistrates to obtain decrees against the Roman Catholics. Our Princes and our Governors suffer them to live unmolested, at the same time that they Persecute our Brethren. In a word the Protestants are all a sort of Republicans, whose Government is Aristocratical in England, Democratical in Holland, and composed of both among the Lutherans, but no where Monarchical: So that all they mind is to preserve themselves in Peace without giving any trouble to others. Thus the Roman Catholics have no cause to mistrust us, and it is long of them, that we do not live together like Brethren, at least like Christians and good Friends. Therefore let them surcease to hate and Persecute us, for we wish them no ill, and we likewise offer to bury in Oblivion all the mischiefs they have caused us to suffer, in favour of those who shall join themselves with us to extirpate Tyranny, and re-establish the PEACE OF EUROPE.  
This is that Summum Bonum, that Sovereign Good, the Perfection and Fountain of all the Rest, which will naturally spring from the debasing and humbling the Power of France: and this is that, which they who understand the designs and Pretensions of that Crown, will easily apprehend by giving never so little Attention to what we are going to say.  
The Grand complaint against that Monarchy is for pretending to the Universal Monarchy; Nor are they mistaken in their Accusation. And I dare affirm, that had it not been for the great Revolution in England, that France was upon the Point of obtaining what she had been so thirsting after. People will say perhaps, that she had several Countries yet to conquer. But I could answer that all the rest of Europe was not in a condition to make much resistance. The Emperor and the Venetians engaged in a War against the Turk, Denmark allied to Lewis the XIV. Spain exhausted and under the conduct of a Woman, [dead some weeks ago] that had a kindness for her own Country, Portugal and the Princes of Italy almost in the same condition; the King of England embroiled and in confusion at home, and Germany divided. What could Sweden and the United Provinces have done. They would only have been glad to have been the last attacked.  
But it may be replied, that we live not in those conquering times, nor in those Ages when they were wont to bring all into the Field that were able to bear Arms, or when two or three Battles decided the Destiny of Empires; that according to the manner of spinning out a War now a days the lives of five or six Kings equally Prosperous would not suffice to Conquer all Europe. To which I have another answer to make; that the same methods are not taken, nor the same ways used as formerly to gain the Universal Monarchy. The People of Europe are so accustomed to be ruled by different Princes, that there would be little reason to fear a King who should conceive a design to subdue them all, and afterwards to govern them by his Lieutenants; in regard his design would be no less fantastic than impossible. A Universal Monarch then, at present, is quite another thing then an Absolute Prince at home, and who has reduced his Neighbours so low that they are not able to enterprise any thing against him; that they are constrained to brook his outrages and injuries, and to suffer him to do what he pleases. Now is there any Person of good credit that can deny but that France was almost arrived at this high Pitch of Grandeur and that in all outward Appearance he had attained to what he desired, had James 11. his faithful Ally, kept firm upon his Throne.  
Now let the Confederates consider whether it be not their interest to humble the Pride of France, and whether they will ever meet with an opportunity more Favourable. Not that I would advise them to the Trial of an Absolute conquest of France; but if they can but regain what she has wrested from them, restore the Duke of Lorain to his own, and as occasion offers, sever the Dukedoms of Normandy, Britain and Guienne as formerly they were divided, and which is no more than what is longed for by the inhabitants at this day; take advantage of the discontents of the People to re-establish the custom of calling free Assemblies of Estates, and in a Word divide that vast Kingdom into several Principalities, and reduce it to the same condition wherein it was toward the end of the Second Race, and at the beginning of the Third, before Philip the August; at what time the Kings of France, had something else to do then trouble their Brains about disturbing their Neighbours quiet.  
Perhaps some French man will tell me I am a Traitor to my Nation, and give that Advice which is enough to embroil the Kingdom in Civil War. But there is nothing of that in my design; for I dare protest with a safe conscience that my Principal aim is only to asust my fellow Countrymen in the recovery of their liberty. Though if they cannot recover it but by a Civil War, that may last for some Years, is it not infinitely to be preferred before an eternal slavery? But say my opposers, these Petty Princes will be always quarrelling one with another? And do not the great ones do the same? Let the Counts of Foix and Armagnac fight it out as long as they please, the rest of France takes no notice of their brawls. But when Lewis the XIV. Rendevouzes three hundred thousand Men, he drains and depopulates a great Kingdom, and strikes such a terror into all his Neighbours, that they are compelled to oppress their People, to withstand his Invasions, besides a War between two petty Princes can never last long; for that in a short time they find themselves both so enfeebled that they are constrained to agree. This is the only means to procure a general Peace, and to prevent France from breaking the Treaties that shall be concluded with her.  
THE REESTABLISHMENT OF THE PRINCES DISPOSSESSED, AND OF THE PROTESTANTS EXILED is another of the most happy and important consequences of the Union of the Confederates. Wars are the Lawsuits of Princes, Battles and Conquests are their Judges; and the mischief is that these Judges are both blind and inconstant; and there is always Appeal from their decrees so soon as the vanquished finds himself in a condition to come to a new Trial. And therefore that Christendom may be restored to a general and lasting Peace there is a necessity of fixing, as far as lies in mortal Power, the Fate and destiny of Armed Decisions, by bringing the Protestants of Europe to such an equal Balance, that no one may be easily able to oppress the Rest. We have sought in vain for this Medium, ever since the Pyrenean Treaty; for that the strength of Spain decayed of a sudden, and England which was only able to oppose the Progress of the French, intended nothing less. Now the medal gins to turn; Great Britain is at liberty, Germany is United, the Empire grows powerful; and it may be said without any injury to the valour of the rest of the Generals, neither to his Highness the Elector of Bavaria, that the Emperor is chiefly beholding for the Victories which he has gained over the Grand Enemy of the Christian Name, since the Siege of Vienna, to Duke Charles of Lorain. It would be therefore a great piece of injustice, if that Noble Prince should not Reap as well the Fruit of his Labours, as the Honour of having so many times triumphed over the Infidels. Hangary being reduced, and the Hereditary Countries of the House of Austria being secured for a long time from the terror of the Ottoman Arms, deserve without doubt, that the Empire should do its utmost to restore its Preserver, to the Inheritance of his Ancestors. I dare affirm also that his Atcheiuments are of that importance to the Glory and Repose of the Imperial Family, that they ought to preserve the memory of this Victorious Champion, and testify their acknowledgement to his Posterity, if Fate prevent them from returning their Gratitude to himself.  
Interest and Virtue are not always Enemies to one another, they agree perfectly well upon this occasion. The Conquests of France in the Low-Countries; the Invasion of Lorain, of Franche Conte, and Alsatia, have rendered her so potent and so near a Neighbour to the Empire, that at length in the last Campaign, she took Philipsbourgh, and has almost made herself Mistress of the four Electorats of the Rhine. So that if the revolution in England, had not hastened her to the defence of her own Country, 'tis very probable that she would have carried on her Victories with little or no Obstruction, Crowned the Dauphin, King of the Romans, and reduced in time the Electors of Saxony, Brandenburg and Bavaria, the Landgraves of Hess, and the rest of the Princes of Germany, to the same condition as the Ancient Dukes of Normandy, Guienne and Burgundy; that is to say, to nothing.  
The Roman Catholics may imagine, that the Re-establishment of the Exiled Protestants does not concern them; But it more nearly concerns them, than they are ware of. It is said that one of the Causes which hastened the ruin of the Reformed in France was this; because the Court was sensible of their discontents and murmur during the War with the United Provinces. They were accused of holding Intelligence which the Hollanders, and of discovering to them the Secrets of State, and furnishing them with Money, and some of their Ministers were imprisoned upon that Account. This was only a Malicious Invention of two or three Monks; they never could produce any Proofs against the Parties accused, unless it were some slight Expressions that dropped unwarily from their Lips; and in regard it was no good Policy to discover the weakness and divisions of the Kingdom, the business was hushed up, and the Persons let go. Nevertheless as it is common for those that are troubled with a bad Conscience, to fear their own shadows, these reports and murmurs made a deep impression in the Minds of the Courtiers. They apprehended that there was nothing so dangerous as to ruin People by halves, to provoke a Powerful Body to the highest degree and leave them the means to revenge themselves. Upon which there happened a slight Insurrection in Sevennes and the Dauphinate. Several poor People being gathered together without any Leader, without any support or defence, a fancy took them to Preach upon the Ruins of their Churches. The King's Ministers took the Alarm as if the four Corners of France had been on Fire, and being secure of England, nor apprehending any danger from the Low-Countries, nor Germany, after the twenty Years Truce, and the defeat of Monmouth, they began the utter Extirpation of the Reformed, after that manner which is known to every Body.  
Besides the Motives to the Persecution, recited in the first Part of this Treatise, there is one which has not yet been mentioned, which perhaps is the chiefest. For that France having laid the Design of Invading the Empire, was afraid that while she should be busied in the Execution of it, the Reformed should betake themselves to their Arms in Defence of their Liberties, and their Languishing Religion. Let the Reader judge whether this were a groundless Fear or no; However it appeared that the Court was struck with it, by the way which they took to extinguish the Reformation in that Kingdom.  
There were two things Aimed at, in sending the Dragoons among those People; the first was to ruin the best Families because they were able to lend Money, which is the Sinews of the War; the other to destroy the most devout and zealous, as being the support of the Religious Societies. Constancy is a virtue very rare; exalted Minds and undaunted Courages but few; but they are the Soul that moves the great Body, and like the Salt which preserves it from Corruption; so that when the Soul expires, or the Salt loses its strength, the Societies die or fall into fainting Fits, which are a certain Presage of their utter Destruction. Vulgar Courage, or a resolution of some few days or hours, may cause a Man to Contemn Death; but it requires a Constancy more than Heroic, to suffer long contrived Torments, incessantly renewed, and which one would think would never have an end. This last sort of Torments it was, the most unsupportable of all, which the Court of France made use of to exercise their Cruelty upon the Reformed. And indeed that Court has been very Successful; for those People that would have despised a Flaming Bavin, where they had been stifled in a quarter of an hour, wanted resolution to die a thousand times in one day.  
Yet several Persons of Quality saw themselves despoiled of their Estates, deprived of their Employments, and torn from their Families; and have endured Imprisonment and other Ignominious Usage, till the Cruelty of their Persecutors was almost tired. Great Numbers of the Common People have undergon all that the Insolence and Barbarism of the Dragoons could invent, the most Merciless and most Outrageous; nor have there been wanting of the seeble Sex, who have signalised their Constancy. And many of those whom continued Torments had constrained to sign Ambiguous Professions of Faith, repenting soon after forsook all, and departed the Kingdom, exposing themselves to be Condemned to the Galleys to be banished into Canada, and to the most exquisite of Torments which have been inflicted upon some. Others have refused to go to Mass, and have endured the extremity of Torment with a Constancy beyond the former. A good Number have stayed behind in hopes of a speedy Deliverance: Nevertheless a Man would hardly believe how many have perished in the midst of these Meseries; or else that still are forced to endure their Miseries in Exile.  
It cannot be denied but that France gave itself a very great Wound; Nor did the Court without doubt believe, that the persuasion of the truth had so much force upon the Souls of Men, because they had never put it to the Trial. So that finding that the Number of the faint and dastardly was not so great as they thought, they let go those whose Constancy fortified the weak, and set open the Gates of the Kingdom for some few days, on purpose to give the more zealous an Opportunity to escape, though they would not suffer them to carry any thing along with them.  
It is evident that those of our Brethren who escaped are the most Courageous and the most Politic, as well as Fortunate. Which being supposed, if the Confederates neglect to restore the Protestants of France, one of these two things will necessarily follow. the first is that the Court believing themselves engaged in Honour, and continuing their ill usage to the most Constant, at length either Sorrow or Misery will bring them to their end: and then the rest being destitute of this support, and the hopes of Delivery, will endeavour to reconcile their Consciences and their Understandings to the prevailing Religion, and of Politic Catholics will become Superstitious. Zelots.  
But on the other side, if the King will be pleased to open his Eyes, and to free himself from the fear of a Civil War, while his Forces are employed against Foreigners, shall recall the Banished, and restore to the Reformed their Estates and Ancient Franchises, the greatest part will return to their Country. Native Air, the Ancient Constitutions, and free Converse with Kindred and Friends are such powerful Attractions, which will much surmount the seeble remains of Fear; more especially considering, that few of those who fled for Sanctuary, but met with among Foreigners as great Advantages, as those which they left at home.  
Either of which two things if they fall out, France will find herself in nine or ten Years as peaceable, and formidable to her Enemies, as she was under the Reign of Lewis the XII before the Reformation, or toward the end of the Reign of H●n. iv after the Edict of Nantes. The French are the best People in the World; if their Kings do but p●t confidence in them, they forget all the ill Usages they have received, and Sacrifice their particular Interest to the necessities of the State.  
During the Civil War, 1651. under the Minority of Charles IX. the Princes sought the Alliance of Q. Elizabeth as being of their Religion; She assisted them; but not with all that Vigour which good Policy required. For the French Pensions had corrupted the greatest part of her Counsellors. The Protestants had put Haure de Grace into the Hands of the English, who neglected to Succour them as they ought to have done. So that after the Battle of Dreux, the Princes were overjoyed when propositions of Peace were made them When the Peace was concluded, they declared War against Q. Elizabeth, and Besieged Haure de Grace. All the French flocked thither, with an ardour more than ordinary, and the Hugonots in greater Numbers, than the Catholics. The Earl of Warwick, who Commanded the Place was astonished at this sudden Change, and endeavoured to flatter the Reformed with new Hopes; to which they answered, that remiss and faint-hearted Friends were more to be feared then reconciled Enemies.  
But if the Confederates vigorously press forward the Re-establishment of the Edict of Nantes, and will not admit of any Peace, but upon that Condition, they will gain the Hearts of the Protestants of that Kingdom, and may be assured of a strong Party, that will look with an Evil Eye upon the Invasion of Germany, considering it as a forerunner of the downfall of their Religion.  
The Re-establishment of the Exiles, will be attended with another Benefit; without which the comfort of the rest will be quite lost, and Peace will prove a Misfortune; I mean, the surceasing of the Persecutions. I shall not trouble myself to prove that forced Conversions are contrary to the Genius of the Gospel, and more proper to make Men Hypocrites than Christians. 'Tis a Subject upon which others have prosperously exercised their Pens, and which rather belongs to Theology then Policy: I shall only observe, that Interests of State obliges all the Princes of Europe to force a Cessation of Persecutions. 1. Because they deprive them of their best Subjects. 2. Because they inspire others with the Spirit of Cruelty and Rebellion. 3. Because they shake the very Foundations of Civil Society. 4. Because they render the Government Feeble and Odious.  
Most certain it is, that Virtuous Persons are the support of a Kingdom, and that the Character of an honest Man is to do nothing against his Conscience. Let the Conscience be erroneous or not, it always guides us to love Truth and Virtue, and to sacrifice all things to that which the inward Light of our Understanding represents to us as such. So that when any one suffers loss of Goods, Exile, Imprisonment or Death, because he will not conform to a Worship which he believes to be forbidden by God, or profess an Opinion which he conceives to be false, it cannot be denied but that he Acts like an honest Man, though perhaps he may be in the wrong.  
To this it may be objected, that if we admit this Rule, we ought to let go Robbery, Murder, Adultery and all other Crimes unpunished, out of respect to them, who believe them to be no Sins. To which I answer, that there is no Toleration to be granted to those that do not believe in God, nor the morality of the Gospel; for that the Laws, which are the foundation of our Christian Republics, are so linked to the Precepts of Christ, that they cannot subsist without them. Add to this, that those Precepts are so clear, that they who should deny them, would be looked upon as Prodigies, whom we might with good reason believe to be more malicious and wicked then ignorant, and that they were fit to be locked up for Madmen, or to be punished as Disturbers of the public Peace. But there is not the same judgement to be made of speculative Opinions, which relate to the Ecclesiastical Government, or the forms of divine Service; the Number of those that differ in those things is almost infinite, and the wisest Men many times wander so far from Truth in Reference to these Particulars, that they are pitied by their Opponents.  
Persecution inspires the Vulgar Sort, the Ignorant and Superstitious with Cruelty, who are the Spectators, and frequently the Instruments of the Mischiefs which they cause others to suffer for the Truth. What can a Prince expect from a People accustomed to Rob and Pillage their Neighbours, and to overwhelm them with Injuries, because they had rather hear a Sermon then go to Mass? Does not this infuse a fear into them lest the Monks, Priests and Seditious Preachers should turn the Fury of the Rabble upon their Sovereigns? The pretended Holy League, and the Tragical End of Hen. the III. one would think should cause a trembling in the Joints of all Persecuting Princes.  
For a Prince to Persecute his Subjects for Religion sake is to ruin Trade: For that if the People make a public Profession of it; and the Prince on the other side sends his Dragoons to deprive them of their Liberties, to sack their Houses, waste and confiscate their Estates, Imprison or Banish them and their Families; In the midst of these Disorders a great Number of Debts remaining unpaid will cause a great number of Bankrupts; besides that vast numbers of poor People that were let to Work and got their Live by those that are Persecuted, must be forced to starve. All these Inconveniences have befallen France, as it is well known. Nor does the public exercise of the Reformed Religion being forbid, make e'er a whit the better for those that stay behind; for the Old Catholics will never trust the News Ones, their Kindred or their Friends, of which they see some or other every day making their Escapes; nor will Foreigners either Traffic or send their Goods, to a Country where there is so little Security.  
Persecution is an unexhaustible source of Knavery, as affording Treacherous and Revengeful Persons, an easy means to ruin their Adversaries. An Attorney or Counsellor, that the Cause may go of his Client's side, has no more to do but to plead that their Adverse Party is a frequenter of the private Assemblies of the Reformed, that he rarely goes to Mass, or that he spoke contemptibly of Transubstantiation, or some other of the Tenets of the Romish Church. There is no need of going into Italy, or Spain, Portugal, or the Indies, to find Examples for this. France itself will furnish us with a great Number within these few Years, and we might produce some more particularly, were it not that some Persons are concerned for whom We have too great kindness.  
After all this, there is no wonder that Persecution renders the Government Odious; the fatal Consequences of the Inquisition are fresh in memory, and the great Opposition which was every where made against the setting of it up. It was expelled out of France and the Low Countries, reduced almost to nothing in the Venetian Commonwealth, and the Romans defaced and pulled down the Arms and Statues of Paul IU. out of their hatred to his memory for having imposed that Yoke upon them. Almost all Persecutors have been the Object of the People's Hatred, and their Ends have been such for the most part as their Cruelties deserved.  
The principal Strength of a King consists in the Hearts of his People, so that when a Prince and his Ministers are become Odious, the Government can never be said to be strong. A clear Example of which we see in James the II. But if that be not a proof sufficient, because England is altogether Protestant, let us call to mind the lustre of the House of Guise, which the League reduced so low; the downfall of the House of Austria, after the Union between the United Provinces and Gustaphus Adolphus. Let us compare the Reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, of Charles V and Philip II. of Charles the IX. and Hen. III. of Hen. IU. and Lewis the XIII.  
Therefore the shortest and surest means to stifle the Spirit of Persecution is to procure the REUNION OF THE PROTESTANTS, who living in the same Communion would make a Body so considerably Puissant, that the Roman Catholics, would not so much as think of disturbing them. Thus we have set forth the Original of our Divisions, the causes that have fomented them, and the hopes that we have of an approaching Union. We are not to show that this reconciliation is not so difficult as People believe. All our Controversies roll upon the same form of Ecclesiastical Government; upon the manner of Christ's being present in the Eucharist, and upon the Idea of Predestination.  
As to the Ecclesiastical Government, I do not believe that any Protestant will deny me the following propositions that seem to be unquestionable, and of which there are some that are the foundation of our Reformation.  
1. That a Church is a Body or Society of several Persons that agree together upon certain Points of Doctrine, and upon a certain form of public Worship.  
2. That every Church in the Quality of a Body makes up a Part of the Civil Society, and every one of its Members is a Member also of the State: and consequently that in that respect they are under the Sovereign Jurisdiction.  
3. That it is in the Power of the Magistrate to regulate the exterior Government of growing Societies or of such as are not yet Established by public Authority, and so grant them Laws and Privileges.  
4. That he cannot change the Government of those which he finds already formed, nor deprive them of their Rights and Privileges; unless perhaps in some extraordinary Cases.  
5. That the Sovereign is Born Head of the Church he is a Member.  
6. That there is no precise Form of Ecclesiastical Discourse or Exterior Government prescribed in History, or in the New Testament. Indeed we find there general Precepts to avoid Tyranny, Anarchy and Superstition, to do all things with Decency and in Order; and to turn all things to Piety, and the Edification of the Faithful.  
7. That though Episcopacy be the most Ancient of all Ecclesiastical Governments, because the Roman Empire where the Gospel was first divulged, was a Monarchy; Nevertheless the Form of Government is a thing indifferent of its self; and the best Discipline is that which best agrees with the Nature of the Gospel, with the natural Dispositions and Customs of the People, and the Constitution of the Government.  
8. After the Roman Empire came to be dismembered, the several Sovereigns that shared it between them have as much right to regulate within their own Dominions the Discipline of the Church, as the Christian Emperors had. So that the Order of Presbytery cannot be Condemned in a Republic, where the Magistrate has made choice of it as the most conformable to the Government of the Country.  
9 The last proposition includes certain Consequences which require explanation. 1. That considering the present Constitution of Europe, a Universal Bishop is a kind of a Monster: and that it is also of dangerous Consequence that a Bishop, an Abbot, or other Prelate should have a Jurisdiction over any part of the Clergy belonging to Neighbouring Princes. 2. That Oecumenic Councils are no more to be held, but by the Consent of all the Christian Princes; because those Councils were no more than General Assemblies of the Clergy of the Roman Empire, which is now no longer in being. 3. Supposing such an unexpected Happiness that all the Princes of Europe, or the greatest Part should agree to call a General Council, it would not be their business to handle Matters of Government, nor of Discipline, of which it would be in vain to seek for a Uniformity; only to apply themselves to examine the Differences among the Christians about the Points of Doctrine, and to regulate, if it may be done, the Number of the Fundamental Articles, to determine what we ought to believe thereupon, and so to order it, that the Christians, notwithstanding some few Controversies of little Consequence among them, may always stand their ground, look upon each other as Brethren, and Communicate with the same willingness upon all Occasions together, as they obey the several Magistrates of the several Countries through which they Travel.  
10. Schism is a separation occasioned by particular Persons that forsake the Communion of a Church Authorised by the Laws of a Kingdom to set up particular Congregations, and that only for some defect which they find in the Discipline of the Church, for some Ceremony, or for some Point of Doctrine not Fundamental. Thus the Labadists, and the Anabaptists of Holland who differ from the rest of the Reformed only about the time of the Adminstration of the Sacrament of Baptism, are Schismatics. The Protestants of France, of Poland, of Hungary are not so; but would be Heretics, if the Doctrine of Rome were true. The Catholics of Spain and Italy, who accuse the Protestants of England, Germany and the Low Countries of Schism, are Ridiculous: for that the Magistrates of the North have as much right to regulate the Exterior Government of Religion, as those of the South.  
11. Schism is very dangerous; they who are the Promoters of it, will have much to answer for at the last day; and they who Harbour and Entertain it are no less Guilty. It is the Original of many Quarrels between private Persons, and of Factions in the State: Add to this, that many times it happens that the Ringleaders of the weaker Party, for fear of being forsaken by their Followers, they fill their Heads with Opinions, which cause them to forsake in good earnest the Communion of the lawful Church. We know what has happened to one Sect, which has made a great noise in the World, only because a few Learned Men embraced their Party.  
12. Ceremonies of themselves are indifferent as to Religion. Nevertheless it is good to observe. 1. That the most Ancient are the best, and that they ought to be held in Veneration, though they may be altered upon weighty and considerable Reasons. 2. That all those which have been reduced into the Church since Constantine are extremely suspected, because of the Spirit of Paganism and Tyranny which began then to Reign. 3. That the Miseries which the Protestants have suffered from the Church of Rome have inspired them with an utter Abhorrency of all that has the least Tincture of that Sect. So that it is both Prudence and Charity not to Scandalise other People, through an Affectation to imitate our Enemies in certain Words and Practices, which though indifferent in their Nature, become baneful and mischievous, because offensive to others. 4. That the Genius of our Age which is very much improved in understanding, and the Genius of the Christian Religion, which relates all to the Soul and Conscience, require few Ceremonies. 5. However that some are necessary to prevent the Contempt of Divine Worship and its Ministers.  
These are the propositions that seem to me very profitable for the Peace of the Church, and which I judge to be so very clear, that I need not go about to prove them. The Reader also, I hope, will pardon my not drawing any Consequences from them, in regard I writ for a Reunion, and for that I do not desire to give any Party an occasion to Quarrel with me. Besides there is no Person of a clear judgement, but can apply them himself; and for others they would be wrangling with me at every Turn.  
As to the manner how Jesus Christ is present in the Eucharist, there is no Controversy perhaps so vain, nor more easy to be determined: though the Gentlemen of the Roman Communion imagine it to be the Foundation of our separation. All the Protestants agree that this Sacrament is a Symbol of the Death of Jesus Christ; a Commemoration of his Sacrifice, and a Pledge of the remission of our Sins; that the Body and Blood of our Crucify'd Saviour, which are given us therein, are the Nourishment of our Souls; that we do not participate thereof but by Faith; and that the wicked do not receive Jesus Christ, but only the Consecrated Signs to their Condemnation; That Jesus Christ is not present but during the use of the Sacrament, that he is not to be there adored; that the Bread and Wine continue to be Bread and Wine after the Sacrament; and that we are not to pay any Religious Homage to those Material Elements. So that all the difficulty is to know, how Jesus Christ, who as Man is in Heaven can be at the the same time upon the Earth and present with the Faithful every time that they Communicate worthily. Upon which particular since the Scripture has not told us any thing, we should do well to be silent.  
When I consider and contemplate the unsearchable ways of God, I cannot conceive how two understanding Persons, and endued with true Piety, can raise disputes about Predestination and Grace. The same Person, who knows not either how Speech is Formed, or by what Springs we ourselves move, will undertake to teach others now God govern's the World, and what he has determined in reference to their equals. But to confound the Pride of Human Wit, it so falls out, that the more we reason upon these things the more we find that our understanding fails when we strive to search beyond the bounds of Divine Revelation. If they uphold Predestination to be absolute, they make God the Author of sin, destroy Liberty and all Religion. If it be supposed conditionally, we cannot unfold the foreknowledge of God, nor give any good reasons for the varieties of his favours. Therefore let Men keep close to that which is plain, and to what the Scripture informs us in express Terms. That God knows all things, and disposes of all things as he pleases himself. That being the Master of Events, he is also of the heart of Man. Nevertheless that Man is free, that is to say, that he has Power to restrain his judgement in respect of True or False, of Good or Evil. That the habit of Ignorance and sin decreases this Liberty, and that it increases by the good use which a Man makes of this understanding and divine Assistance. That God grants his Favour to all those that desire it; and so it is our duty to pray to him, to obey him, and to exhort others so to do, to impute all that is Evil to ourselves, and all that is good to the Inspirations of the Holy Spirit. This is that wherein all Christians agree; and the whole being duly considered the dispute is reduced to one Impenetrable question. It is a greed, that God shares out his benefits very variously, and that he distributes to some more, to some less. The difficulty is to know, whether God affords Grace sufficient to save all and every Particular Man in case they make a good use of it. And who can affirm it Precisely; at lest who can pretend to know the bottom of every Man's heart, and the degree of the Efficacy of that Assistance which he has received?  
I will not undertake to describe the Qualities to be required in those that shall be employed to accomplish this Union. I make no question but a fit choice will be made of Persons of a Genius and Integrity more than ordinary. I shall only say, 'twill be more difficult to take care of making a good choice. They who have rendered themselves odious to one of the Parties by their Writings embittered with Gall, are incapable to discharge this trust, how learned soever they may be. There are some soaring Wits who swayed by I know not what Fantastical conceits, many times neglect things of great Importance, and apply their Studies wholly to Trifles. There are some so in love with Novelty that they would overturn all things else, to introduce a supposition of their own Invention. Others under the Specious pretence of a Universal Union, would reduce Christianity to Ideas so confused and general that natural Morality and Religion would with great difficulty be preserved entire. Happy is he that can observe a just Medium.  
If France were humbled, Peace once settled, England and Holland strictly United, and the Protestants at rest, we should soon see the DOWNFALL of POPERY. But least the Roman Catholics should be offended, they are to know that this is no desired in reference to what they look upon as the Fundamental part of their Religion: Let them pray to the Saints, let them adore the Sacrament, Images and Relics, if they think fitting; let them observe all their Ceremonies; let them acknowledge the Pope for Head of the Church; this is nothing at all to us. We will be content, so that they will but solemnly renounce in express Terms, and in a General Council, certain Opinions which the moderate among them openly deny, but yet are generally put in Practice 1. That it is in their power to Excommunicate and depose Heretic Kings, stir up their Subjects to rebel against them, dispose of their Kingdoms to others, and rid their hands of Princes suspected, by Assassination, or otherwise. 2. That Promises and Oaths made to Heretics are of no value; that they are not obliged to keep faith with them; and that they may be Persecuted and exterminated at all times as occasion shall offer. At least, that the Church of Rome in a Body shall Anathematise all those that are of these Opinions, or put them in Practice, since otherwise there is no Assurance for Princes or Private Persons to conside in any Treaties or Contracts which they shall make with those of the Romish Communion. Or if they refuse to Condemn this Heresy under the Name of Popery let them do it under the Name of Jesuitism, which will very well agree with it.  
To the People there could be no Tidings more grateful than that of the ABATEMENT OF THEIR IMPOSITIONS; they are mounted to such a Prodigious excess over all Europe unless it be in England; that there is hardly any other Country where a Man may live with convenience. The very Sciences are contemned, because they are become mercenary. Arts perish, by reason that the Indigency which oppresses the Artificers, hinders them from bringing any thing to perfection: and though they feel the Goads of Poverty, they are near a whit the more spurred on with the thoughts of Honour. The better sort of Families are ruined, because of the great expenses of House-keeping. The Country is dispeopled of honest People, and filled with Vagabonds and Debaushees, while the fear of Poverty deters an infinite Number of People from Marrying, and plunges others into wickedness and disorder. There is nothing but cheating in Trade; and Men begin to be a weary of it by degrees, because it becomes every day more dangerous, more difficult, and less gainful. The Subjects cheat their Sovereign; and to retaliate his Extortions, as they believe them to be, so generally accustom themselves to deprive him of his rights, that they make no Conscience of it. All places, all Courts are full of Complaints murmur, confiscations, broken Merchants, and Lawsuits. For the greatest part of which Europe is beholding to the Court of France. To this Court are we beholding to those tholes of Projectors, and Inventors of Prodigious Numbers of new Imposts. But the worst is, her continuance and dreadful raising of Armies, her Threats, and unexpected Breaches of Leagues and Truces oblige the Neighbouring Princes to keep on foot considerable Forces and constrain them at the same time to drain the Purses of the Subjects. H●idelburgh, Manheim, all the Palatinate, so many Countries, so many Cities which the French have laid waist, sacked, burnt, or destroyed against all the Assurances of plighted Faith; so many poor Creatures as the French Court has reduced to misery by her Dragoons, Contributions, or rather justified Robberies are as so many Voices that cry for vengeance to Heaven, and which threaten all the Christian Protentates in the same manner, if they do not closely Unite to stop the Course of her fury.  
THE INCREASE OF TRADE, is one of the usual Fruits of Peace and of the Abatement of Imposts. But in regard the late Treaties of Peace were neither durable nor sincere, but that both sides continued still in Arms, there has been no sensible Abatement of the Taxes, nor increase of Trade. Since the Peace of Nimeghen, France has laid a thousand cruel Imposts upon the Hollanders to destroy their Trade, which their High and Mightinesses made out in their Declaration of War against that Crown. But their Union with England presents with an assured means and opportunity to regain double to what they have lost. Thirty English Vessels are sufficient to cruise upon the Coasts of Britain and Guienne, and to shut the French quite out of the entrance into Spain by Sea and stop up their Passage into the straits of Gibraltar. Thirty Holland Men of War will wrest the Trade of the Baltic Sea and the Northern Ocean out of their hands, and keep the Coasts of Picardy and Normandy in a perpetual Alarm. And then nothing will remain to the French but the Commerce of the Levant through the Mediterranean, which will be more prejudicial than profitable, because it will drain the Coin of the Kingdom, and overstock it with wares which they will not be able to vend. The reason of it is because the Cities of Italy all Trade the same way, and with more conveniences. Add to this that the English and Hollanders bring the same Merchandizes in great abundance out of the Levant and the Indies, which only consist in Drugs, Silks, Cotons, Wax, Hides, Spanish Leather, and Pot-ashes. So that the French being debarred the Trade of Germany, the North of Spain and England, they will be stored with Goods but destitute of Money.  
Besides the Trade of the Levant cannot extend but from Marseilles to Lion, and be beneficial to some Cities only upon the Rhine: So that all the rest of France and all the Coasts of the Ocean, will nevertheless be deprived of their Trade, there being no vent for the Goods and Manufactures of the Country. We are assured, that about a Month since the stuff weavers were ready to have made an Insurrection in Roven, upon Information that a Merchant of that City was about to set up a Royal Manufacture. They flew to his House to the Number of four hundred, and constrained him to make a Declaration before the Intendant, wherein he protested that he never had any such design, and solemnly promised never to enterprise the like again. If Poverty makes them so bold, what will they not dare, when thev come to feel the Nips of Pinching Hunger.  
'Tis a great Enterprise to bring down the Power of those that make use of it merely to do us mischief; but it is of far greater Consequence to provide for our own security. England and Holland joined together will be Masters of the Ocean, and consequently cannot stand in want of any thing. But though these two Nations may be strongly Interested to preserve their Union, the Hollanders are still more obliged to it then the English. Great Britain is an Inaccessible Island, that stands in little fear of a Foreign Enemy. Whereas the United Provinces may be attacked by Land from the North, South and East. They are environed with Potent Neighbours, the Empire, France, Spain and England. And I dare be bold to say, that how powerful soever they may be in Wealth and Forces, in Proportion to their Territories, they are of too small an Extent, to make head for a long time against any one of these their Neighbours without the Assistance of the other. This the State's General rightly apprehended from the beginning of their Confederacy, while they had recourse sometimes to England, sometimes to France, to support themselves against the House of Austria. France at this present time, is advanced to the same degree of Power in Europe which rendered Spain so formidable when first the Seven Provinces United together. And they have had experience in the last War, that France was no less eager after the Conquest of their Country then Philip the Second was to subdue them under his own, and the Tyranny of the Inquisition. Of all their Neighbours there are not any, with whom they have greater ties of Friendship then with Great Britain: in regard that at this time the Interest of Trade is United to that of Religion. And as if those two ties were not strong enough, Heaven has bequeathed one Prince to both, to Perpetuate their Union, and to the end those two Nations may join together to break the Fetters which France was preparing both for them and all the rest of Europe.  
I was just about to make an end, when the Sixth Letter concerning the Affairs of the Times came to my hands; where I read the Title and an Extract of three Libels against the Confederate Princes; but more especially against His Majesty of Great Britain, against whom France has the greatest Antipathy. When Men are in a violent Passion, 'tis no easy thing to conceal it: Dread and Despair have seized that Court: It is apparent by all they say, by all they do, and write. Now they flatter the Empire England, Holland, the Catholic Potentates, the Protestant Princes, and in a Word all Europe, which they vaunted to be beholding to them for her Peace, and threatened not above six months ago with so much Haughtiness. There is none to whom they give an ill Word but William the III. because they see it would be a very Fruitless thing to flatter him. In all out ward appearance, they will gain as little by their Colloquing upon the rest of the Princes. Since the Diet at Ratisbone has caused two of the three Libels to be Burnt by the hand of the common Hangman; and dismissed the Secretary to James II. However though the dread of France may seem to show by her words, how far her Pride is abated, however we find the Traces of her rage and fury by the Devastations of her Troops, depopulating all with Fire and Sword. Is this the way to appease the Princes of the Empire, by Sacking and Burning so many of the Cities; and wasting and destroying whatever they cannot carry away?  
She exposes the disquiet of her thoughts by the reasons which she alleges, and by the manner of her venting them. They are only Invectives, Contradictions, and imaginary Suspicions. 'Tis true, I never read those three Pamphlets, but the Letters about the Affairs of the Times carry so fair a Character of sound Judgement and Sincerity, that we may easily judge of the Resemblance which the Author has to his own works. Never did Writer better support his Arguments; his Reflections neither offend through impertinency, not do the Spring from whence they flow seem to be in the least exhausted, while the Author becomes every day more exact and more profound than other. After all not having seen any new reasons in the Extract, I suppose I have refuted all Objections that our Enemies can allege.  
However I am far from having drained myself in reference to the Subjects which I have handled, that was not my intent; there being few of them which might not be enlarged to a considerable Volume. Therefore I hope that the Omissions will not be charged upon me for faults, but that if I have said those things which are true and right, they will not be rejected for a slight Error. Besides that I found myself obliged to compose this Treatise out of hand, and in haste, remote from my Study, my Friends, or any other Assistance, but a very great Zeal for the Public Good.  
I foresaw several other Effects of a Union between England and Holland, which I did not think it proper to insist upon, since they themselves cannot but be sufficiently sensible thereof. For Example. 1. That Arts and Sciences will Flourish, because the Protestants love them, as being the Original of the Reformation; and therefore finding themselves at liberty, they will not fail to improve, so much the rather, in regard that King William the III. and Queen Mary the II. are so much the Favourers of Learned Men. 2. Because the Laws of the Land will for the future be the Rule of Government; seeing that for their sake the Prince of Orange took up Arms and exposed himself to so many dangers. 3. Because that Justice and good Manners, will be more and more observed: in regard their Majesties of Great Britain are themselves both Just and Equitable, and the True Models of Virtue.   
FINIS.