A DISCOURSE UPON IMPROVING THE REVENUE OF THE STATE OF ATHENS. Written Originally in Greek by Xenophon. And made English from the Original, with some Historical Notes: By W. M. Esq; LONDON, Printed for J. Knapton, at the Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1697. TO THE AUTHOR OF THE ESSAY UPON Ways and Means. SIR, AT length the WAR, which has been carried on for so many Years, with such Expense of Blood, and Treasure to the Nation, is at an End; and we have the fairest prospect imaginable of a lasting PEACE, and a happy Settlement under the Government of a Prince, who after He has employed His Arms abroad with so much Success for the Defence of our Liberties; will, we hope, turn all His Councils to the finishing so Glorious a Design, and be as Renowned to future Ages, for the Peaceful Arts of Government, as for His Military Virtues: As His Courage has made us Safe, so His Wisdom, undoubtedly, will make us Rich and Happy, by the improvement of our Navigation, and the increase of our Trade: For 'tis to Trade we own the Rise and Progress of the English Greatness, that has enabled us to support so tedious a War against the most formidable Power which has been known in Europe for these many Ages, and that alone can enable us to discharge the vast Debts we have contracted by the WAR. Trade being of such mighty Consequence to the Interest of the Nation, will, we hope, meet with due Encouragement and Protection from our Laws, and will be settled under the ablest Management, and the wisest Regulation. These Branches of our Commerce which have been impaired or lost by the Piratic WAR, and the fatal Interruption of our Navigation, may be retrieved by the PEACE, and other Trades, and particularly that with France, which the Negligence, or the mistaken Counsels of the last Reigns had fettled upon a Foot so destructive to our Interest, may be established to our Advantage in a new Treaty of Commerce. The great Trade to the East-Indies with some few Regulations, might be established upon a Bottom more consistent with the Manufactures of England; but in all Appearance, this is not to be compassed, unless some public spirited Man with a Masterly Genius be placed at the Head of out Affairs in India; and though we who are his Friends, are loath to lose him, 'twere to be wished, for the Good of the Kingdom, that the Gentleman whom common Fame, and the Voice of the World, have pointed out as the ablest Man for such a Station, would employ his excellent Judgement and Talents that way, in the Execution of so useful a Design. The general Interest of a Nation, aught to be the Care of particular Men, the main bend of their Studies, and the chief Pursuit of their Inquiries: Every Man ought to set his helping Hand to such a a Work: And your own generous Labours upon this Subject, have set an excellent Pattern to the rest of the World. To this End I present you with a Translation of this Discourse of Xenophon upon the Subject of Revenue and Trade, and I fancy it will be no unwelcome Entertainment to you, to find your own admirable Observations upon these Matters; confirmed by the Authority of one of the greatest Men that ever Antiquity produced, and the only ancient Author upon this Subject, which is now extant. You will admire the Force and Solidity of his Observations, the Exactness of his Calculations, the justness, and freedom of his Thoughts, not confined to the narrow Notions of Parties and Factions, and the vigour of his Judgement and Eloquence at so great an Age. The general Rules for the Increase of Riches and Trade, are either directly advanced, or may be very naturally deduced from this Discourse. That admirable Maxim That the true Wealth and Greatness of a Nation, consists in Numbers of People, well employed, is every where inculcated throughout the whole Course of the Treatise. And I believe Xenophon was the first Author that ever argued by Political Arithmetic, or the Art of Reasoning upon things by Figures, which has been improved by some able Heads of our own Nation, and carried to the highest Perfection by your own successful Inquiries. As for what relates to my Translation, I have rather chosen to render the Sense and Meaning of the Author, than his Words, or his Manner: The Purity, Politeness, and the unaffected Simplicity of his Style, are Graces not to be copied by the Barrenness and Barbarity of our Modern Languages. I hope the Translation is faithful, and exact; if there are any Mistakes, I desire the candid Reader to forgive them: I have added some Historical Notes at the End, to explain some Difficulties relating to the Law and Customs of the Grecian People. I am, SIR, Your very Affectionate Friend, W. M. A DISCOURSE UPON Improving the Revenue OF THE STATE OF ATHENS. I Always held it for a certain Maxim, that Governments resembled their Governors, and that the Prosperity, or Declension, the Vigour or Decay of all States, was derived from the Virtues and Vices, the Abilities or Weakness of their Rulers: But since 'tis generally alleged in vindication of the Athenian Ministry, that they understand the common Principles of Justice as well as the rest of Mankind, but that they are compelled by the (1.) Necessities of the common People to oppress their (2.) Confederate Cities with unreasonable Tributes, and Taxes: I have attempted to examine whither this Apology is well grounded, and whither they are not capable by the Native Riches, and Revenue of the State of Athens, to maintain the whole Body of our People, which is the justest, and mos honourable Provision can be thought of: For I imagine if such a Design could be compassed, that the Wants of the People would be more effectually relieved, and the Jealousies, and Suspicions of our Neighbours would be quieted. Upon a general view of the whole Matter, it appeared to me that the Athenian Territory is capable of affording a mighty Income, and Revenue, the truth of which Assertion may be easily evinced by a brief Survey of the State, and Nature of the Country. The Fruits of the Earth, and Native Products of our Soil, are a Proof of the temperature of our Climate, and the mildness of our Seasons; for we have Plants which bear in great abundance in our Country, which will never grow in others; and our Sea, as well as Land, abounds in all Things necessary for Life, or Luxury: Add to this, that all the Blessings which the Gods have made peculiar to the different Season of the Year, begin earlier, and end later with us, than in any Part of the World. Besides the vast plenty we enjoy of perishable Goods, our Soil affords us some staple and permanent Commodities, such as our noble Quarries of Marble, out of which are drawn the best Materials for the Building, and Ornament of Temples, and for the Altars and Statues of the Gods, and which both the Greeks, and barbarous Nations set a high Value upon. And where the Soil is too barren to receive the common Improvements of Husbandry, it contains hidden Treasures, which will feed a much greater Number of Mouths, than any arable Lands can do: For the Divine Bounty has bestowed upon us inexhaustible Mines of Silver, an Advantage which we enjoy above all our Neighbouring Cities by Sea, and Land, who never yet could discover one Vein of Silver Oar in all their Dominions. We have Reason likewise to believe that Athens is seated in the Centre of Greece, and the habitable World; for all Nations are incommoded with more intense Degrees of Heat or Cold in proportion to their * He means North or South. distance from us; and that we lie in the Heart of Greece is evident, for all Travellers, that pass by Sea or Land, from one Extremity of Greece to the other, must take Athens in their Way. And tho' Attica is no Island, yet we have the same Benefit of Trading with all Winds, for we are bounded on two Sides by the Sea, and being joined to the Continent we have the Convenience of driving on an Inland Traffic. Other Cities lie exposed to the Fury of barbarous Nations, but we are so far from having so ill a Neighbourhood, that the States that border immediately upon us, lie at a remote distance from them. To all those Advantages which conspire to the Felicity, and greatness, of our State, and which 〈◊〉 own to the happy Situation, and the native Wealth of our Country, a mighty Improvement might be made by the Institution of public Laws, in favour of Strangers that establish themselves among us; for besides the general Benefits derived to all Cities from Numbers of People, our Strangers would be so far from living on the Public, and receiving Pensions from the State as our own Citizens do, that they would maintain themselves, and be the Foundation of the Noblest Branch of our Revenue by the Payment of the (3.) Aliens Duties. An effectual Inducement to the Settlement of Foreigners among us might be established, by taking off all those public Marks of Dishonour from them which are of no Service, nor Advantage to the State, and by excusing them from serving among our heavy armed Troops; for an Exemption from the Dangers of War, and from the necessity of being absent from their Families, and (4.) Trades, would be a very powerful Encouragement. 'Tis likewise the Interest of the Commonwealth, rather to fight our Battles with our own Troops, than to keep up in our Armies, a mixture of Lydians, Phrygians and Syrians, and all kinds of barbarous Nations, out of whom the greatest Number of our Aliens are composed. Besides the Advantage of avoiding the Confusion such a Mixture of Troops produces, 'twould be more for our Reputation Abroad, to trust the Fortune of our State to the Courage, and Valour of our own Citizens, than in the Hands of Foreigners, Besides all other proper encouragement to Strangers, the Privilege of being (5.) enrolled among our Horse, would more warmly unite the in our Interests, and prove a solid Foundation of Strength, and greatness of the State. 'Twould be likewise a strong Inducement to greater Numbers of considerable Strangers to plant among us, if we gave the (6.) wast Ground within our Walls to be built on by such of them as deserved, and desired it of the Public. The Institution of a new (7.) Magistracy, like the (8.) public Guardians of our Orphans, for the protection, and Security of Strangers, with Rewards of Honours, and Dignities to those, who by their Care, and Industry, procured the most numerous Settlements of Foreigners among us, would gain the Affections of our Aliens, and would have a very happy Effect, in drawing a vast concourse of * Exiles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Men whose Cities have been destroyed. Exiles, and Strangers to live under the Protection of our Government, and augment our public Renenue. That of all Cities, Athens lies the fairest for inviting an extended Commerce, is evident from the convenience of our Stations, and Harbours, where Ships can ride secure in all Wether. And whereas in other trading Cities, Merchants are forced to barter one Commodity For another, in regard their Coin is not current abroad, we abound not only in Manufactures, and Products of our own Growth, sufficient to answer the Demands of all Foreign Traders, but in case they refused to export our Goods, in return for their own, they may trade with us to Advantage, by receiving Silver in exchange for them, (9) which transported to any other Market, would pass for more than they took it for at Athens. 'Twould be a great Encouragement to Commerce, if Prizes, and Rewards were allotted to such (10.) Judges of the Courts-Merchant, as made the quickest, and justest Determination of all Causes relating to Trader, that the Merchant might not lose the Benefit of his Market by an attendance upon the Courts of Justice. 'Twould be likewise for the Honour and Advantage of the Public, to give the first Rank (11.) and Precedence in all public Places to Foreign Seamen, and Merchants, and to invite to the public Feasts of the City, such of them as by their Ships, or Commodities do service to the State; for this Distinction of Honour as well as the Consideration of their own Profit, would invite them to make quick Returns from their Voyages to so friendly a Government. And 'tis manifest beyond all Contradiction, that our Trade and Commerce would be extended, our Exportations, and Importations increased, and the standing Income, and Revenue of the State improved, in proportion to the Number of Foreign Seamen, and Merchants of all kinds that establish themselves among us. To the Improvement of these Articles of our Revenue, nothing more is required than a generous Lenity, and Indulgence in our public Laws, and an universal Encouragement, and Protection to Strangers. But the Improvements that may be added by other Methods to advance our standing Income, will of Necessity require a Settlement of some Public (12. Fond. And I have good Grounds to believe that the People will make large Contributions in favour of such a public Undertaking, when I consider what Sums they advanced when we sent Succours to the Arcadians under the Command of Lysistratus, and likewise of (13.) Hegesilans. How often we have set out Squadrons of Galleys by extraordinary Subsidies, without any certain Prospect of Advantage to the State, but this we were all sure of, that no particular Contributer would ever be repaid the whole, or any part of his Money. But in the present Case no Man can possess a more Honourable, or Advantageous Revenue, than what he will receive in Recompense for his Contribution to this public Fond: For a Contributer of Ten Minae, will receive a (14.) Triobolon a Day from the State, which in a Year's time, amounts to near 20 per Cent. which is a running Income as high as the Produce of (15.) Nautick Interest: And a Contributer of five Minae, will at the Year's End receive more than a (16.) third Part of the Capital Sum he advanced: As for the Body of the People, if they pay in one Mina a Piece, they will in a Years time very near (17.) double their Principal Money, and be paid in the City, without any hazard, or Contingency, upon the Security of the public, Faith, which is the most certain, and most lasting Profit. I am of Opinion likewise, that private Strangers, and (18.) foreign Cities, Kings, and Governors, if they had the Honour of being registered to Posterity in our public Monuments, and Records, as Benefactors to the State, would mutually vie in emulation who should contribute most largely to the carrying on so generous a Design. The necessary Fonds being advanced, 'twould be for the Honour and Interest of the State, to build a greater Number of public Inns, and Houses of Entertainment in our Ports, for the use of Seamen, in the trading Parts of the City for Merchants, and in general for the Reception of all Strangers whatsoever. And if we build Shops, Warehouses, and Exchanges for common Retailers, the Rents of the Houses would be a great Addition to our public Revenues, and the magnificence of the Buildings would be an Ornament to the City. As the Public builds Galleys for War, so it might likewise be for the Advantage of the State to make a new Experiment, and build Merchant-Ships for Trade, which might be farmed out, like the other Branches of our Revenue, upon good Security; for if this Design was found practicable, it would prove a considerable Article in the Increase of our public Income. Our Silver Mines alone, if rightly managed, besides all the other Branches of our Revenue, would be an inestimable Treasure to the Public. But for the Benefit of those who are unskilled in Inquiries of this Nature, I design to premise some general Considerations upon the true State, and Value of our Silver-Mines, that the Public, upon a right Information, may proceed to the taking such Measures, and Councils, as may improve them to the best Advantage. No one ever pretended from Tradition, or the earliest Accounts of Time, to determine when these Mines first began to be wrought, which is a Proof of their Antiquity, and yet as ancient as they are, the Heaps of Rubbish which have been dug out of them, and lie above Ground, bear no Proportion with the vast Quantities which still remain below, nor does there appear any sensible Decay, or Diminution in our Mines, but as we dig on, we still discover fresh Veins of Silver-Oar in all Parts, and when we had most Labourers at work in the Mines, we found that we had still Business for more Hands than were employed. Nor do I find that the Adventurers in the Mines retrench the Number of their Workmen, but purchase as many new Slaves as they can get; for their Gains are greater, or less, in Proportion to the Number of Hands they employ. And this is the only Profession I know of where the Undertakers are never envied be their Stock or Profits never so extraordinary, because their Gains never interfere with those of their Fellow Traders. Every Husbandman knows how many Yoke of Oxen and Servants are necessary to cultivate his Farm, and if he employs more than he has occasion for, reckons himself so much a Loser; but no Dealer in the Silver Mines ever thought he had Hands enough to set to work. For there is, the Difference between this▪ and all other Professions, that whereas in other Callings, for Instance, Braziers and Black-Smiths, when their Trades are over-stock'd, are undone, because the Price of their Commodities is lowered of course, by the multitude of Sellers; and likewise a good Year of Corn, and a plentiful Vintage, for the same Reason does hurt to the Farmers, and forces them to quit their Employments, and set up public Houses, or turn Merchants and Bankers. But here the Case is quite otherwise, for the more Oar is found, and the more Silver is wrought, and made, the more Adventurers come in, and the more Hands are employed in our Mines. A Master of a Family indeed when he is well provided with Furniture, and household-goods, buys no more, but no Man was ever so overstocked with Silver, as not to desire a further Increase: if there are any who have more than their Occasions require, they hoard up the rest with as much Pleasure as if they actually made use of it. And when a Nation is in a flourishing Condition, no One is at a loss how to employ his Money: The Men lay it out in fine Armour, in Horses, and in magnificent Houses and Buildings; Women lay it but in great Equipage, costly Habits, and rich . And in Accidents of War when our Lands lie fallow, and uncultivated, or in a public Dearth, and Scarcity, what Reserve have we left so apply to but Silver, to purchase Necessaries for our Subsistance, or hire Auxiliaries for our Defence? If 'tis objected that Gold is as useful as Silver, I will not dispute it, but this I am sure of, that plenty of Gold always lowered its Value, and advanced the Price of Silver. I have insisted the longer upon these general Reflections to encourage Adventurers of all kinds, to employ as many Hands as possible in so advantageous a Trade, from these plain Considerations, that the Mines can never be (19) exhausted, nor can Silver ever lose its Value. That the Public has known this long before, is evident from our Laws, which allow Foreigners to work our Mines upon the (20.) same Terms and Conditions our own Citizens enjoy. But to draw this Discourse more immediately to the Subject of my present Consideration, which is the Maintenance of our Citizens, I will begin to propose those Ways, and Means, by which the Silver-Mines may be improved to the highest Benefit, and Advantage to the Public. Nor do I set up for the Vanity of being admired for an Author of new Discoveries: For that Part of my following Discourse which relates to the Examples of the present Age, lies obvious to all the World; as for what is passed 'tis Matter of Fact, and every Man might inform himself that would be at the Pains of enquiring. 'Tis very strange, that after so many Precedents of private Citizens of Athens, who have made their Fortunes by the Mines, the Public should never think of following their Examples: For we who have made Inquiry into this Matter have heard, that Nicias, the Son of Niceratus, had a thousand Slaves employed in the Mines, whom he let out to Sosias the Thracian, upon Condition to receive an Obolus a Day, clear of all Charges, for every Head, and that the same Compliment of Workmen should be always kept on Foot. In like manner Hipponicus has 600 Slaves let out at the same Rate, which yielded him a Revenue of a Mina a Day, and Philemonides 300, which brought him half a Mina a Day, and many others made the same Advantage, in proportion to the Number of Slaves they possessed, But what need we to appeal Precedents of an elder Date, when at this Day we have so many Instances of the same Nature before our Eyes? In the Proposals which I offer, there is only One thing new, namely, That as private Men have a constant Revenue coming in from the Slaves whom they let out to work in the Mines, so the Public in imitation of their Example, should purchase as many Slaves to be employed in the same manner, as will triple the Number of their own Citizens. Let any reasonable Man take this whole Proposal to pieces, and examine every distinct Head apart, and then judge whether the Design is feasible or not. 'Tis plain the State can bear the Charge of the Price of the Slaves better than private Men. And nothing can be easier than for the Senate to make Proclamation for all that have Slaves to sell, to bring them in, and then buy them up for the public Use. And when they are bought, what should hinder any one from hiring them of the State upon the same Terms they hire them from private Men? For we see that our Revenues are farmed by particular Men, and the repair, and the building of our public Structures and Temples (21.) are let out to private Undertakers. And that the Public may be no loser by the Desertion of Slaves, or other Accidents, the Adventurens in the Mines like the Farmers of our Revenue should be obliged to give good Security to save the State harmless: Though at the same time the Commonwealth may be much more easily cheated by the Farmers of their Revenue, than by the Hirers of their Slaves. For how is it possible to discover the Frauds that are committed in the Management of the Public Money▪ there being no visible Distinction between public and private Money▪ the same Materials, and Stamp being common to both. But when our Slaves are burnt with the public Mark of the State, with severe Penalties to be inflicted upon all that buy, or sell them; what Danger is there of their being stole? Thus much of my Proposal as relates to the buying and preserving our Slaves, appears practicable beyond all Contradiction. If any one questions whether after we have purchased a great Number of Workmen, there will be Adventurers enough to hire them of the Public, let him consider, that the Undertakers who have a good Stock of Slaves will hire more of the State; for the Mines are so great, that they will require a vast Number of Hands to work them; and many of the Workmen that are grown old, and unserviceable, and many others, Athenians, and Strangers whose Bodies are not vigorous enough for Labour, yet would be willing to get their Living by easier Callings, would turn Adventurers in the Mines, and hire our Slaves; so that there is little danger of wanting Employment for our Workmen. Twelve hundred Slaves, when bought, will probably in five or six Year's time, produce a Revenue sufficient to purchase as many more as will make the Number 6000. This Number at the rate of ah Obolus a Day a Head, clear of all Charges, will afford a Yearly Revenue of (22) sixty Talents. And if but twenty of these Talents are laid out in the Purchase of more Slaves, the City may employ the overplus as they think convenient; and when the Number of Slaves is increased to 10000 it will produce a standing Revenue to the Public, of a hundred Talents a Year. To demonstrate that the Mines would take up a greater Proportion of Slaves to work 'em, I appeal to the Authority of all these living Witnesses who remember, what Numbers of Workmen were employed in them before the taking of (23) Decelea by the Lacedæmonians. And our Silver Mines that have been wrought for so many Ages, with such Numbers of Hands, and continue still so far from being drained, or exhausted, that we can discover no visible difference in their present State from the Accounts our Ancestors have delivered down to us, are undeniable proofs of my Assertion. And their present Condition is a good Argument that there never can be more Hands at work in the Mines than there is Employment for: For we dig on still without finding any Bottom or End of our Mines, or decay of the Silver-Oar. And at this Day we may open new Mines as well as in former Ages, and no one can determine whether the new Mines may not prove more Rich than the old Ones. If any one demands why our Miners are not so forward in pursuit of new Discoveries, as formerly, I answer, 'tis not long since that the Mines have begun to be wrought afresh, and the present Adventurers are not rich enough to run the Risque of such an Undertaking. For if they discover a rich Mine their Fortunes are made, but if they fail, they lose all the Charges they have been at; and this Consideration chief has discouraged the Adventurers from trying so dangerous an Experiment. But in Order to remedy this Difficulty, I have some (24) Proposals to offer to the Public. There are Ten Tribes at Athens, and to each of these I would have the Government assign an equal Proportion of their public Slaves, to be employed in search of new Mines, and the gains to be equally divided in common among all the Sharers in the Ten Tribes: For if the Mines were once settled upon this Establishment, and the whole Undertaking carried on by a National Stock, the Adventurers would run little Hazard; and if but one of the Ten Tribes succeeded in the Attempt, the whole Community would be Gainers; and if two, three four or half the Tribes had the same good Fortune, the Profits would be proportionably greater; for 'tis a wild Supposition, and against the Experience of all Ages, to imagine that not One in Ten should succeed in such an Undertaking. Companies of private Adventures may carry on the same Trade in a Joint-Stock, nor is there any danger that they and the National Company will interfere one with another, but as Confederates are strengthened by their mutual Assistance to each other, so the more Adventurers of all kinds are employed in the Mines, so much larger will the Gains, and Advantages be to all. Thus have I briefly proposed some Considerations to the Public, for establishing the Management of the National Revenue upon such an Institution as shall make effectual Provision for the whole Body of our People. Nor let any Man be discouraged from the Considerations of the vast Expense, which will be necessary for the perfecting so great a Work: For there is no Necessity that either the whole Design must be finished at once, or the Public will receive no Advantage from it; Quite contrary, every Step we advance in our Way, the State will gain Ground; and by the gradual Progress we make in our public Buildings in the rigging out our Trading-Vessels, or in the Purchase of our Slaves, the Commonwealth will be an immediate Gainer. And 'tis certainly more for the Advantage of the Public to parcel out the Design, and finish it by degrees: For when many Houses are building at once, they cost more, and are worse built: In like manner, if we purchase our Compliment of Slaves all at once, we must pay more for them, and buy worse into the Bargain. But if we proceed gradually according to to our Abilities, we shall still have the same Advantage of continuing any right Methods we pitched upon in the Beginning, and shall be at liberty to correct the Oversights, and Mistakes we made at our first setting out. And if we perfect some Parts of our Undertaking, and delay the Execution of the rest, the Revenue arising from part of our Design, which is finished, will be sufficient to answer the whole Expense of the Remainder. But if we resolve to execute the whole Project at once, the whole Charge of the Enterprise must be raised at once likewise. And then the great Difficulty which will be objected to this whole Scheme is, that in case the Public purchase so great a Number of Slaves, the Mines may happen to be overstocked; but there can be no Grounds for such an Apprehension, if we take care every Year to employ no more than there is actually Occasion for. Thus I think the easiest Methods of finishing this Design are the best, and most effectual. It may be objected that the immense Charges of this War have exhausted our Treasure in such a manner, that 'twill be impossible for the Public to raise any new Subsidies, much less to advance the Necessary Fonds for such an Undertaking. But this Difficulty may be easily removed, for let the State employ no more Money in the Administration of the Government the next Year after we have a Peace, than the annual Income of the Public produced during the War, and whatever additional Improvements of our Revenue are made by the Peace, from the Encouragement of Strangers, and Merchants, from the Increase of our Exportations, and Importations, occasioned by the resort of more People, and from a greater Vent of Commodities in our Ports and Markets, let all that be appropriated to this particular Service, in order to advance the National Revenue. If any One imagines that a War will ruin our Works, let him but consider that the Execution of this Design, will enable us to meet a Foreign Invasion, with so many Advantages on our side, that a War in such a Juncture will be less formidable to us, than to our Enemies themselves. For what Advantage can better enable us to carry on a vigorous and successful War, than Numbers of Men? and by such an Addition to the Stock of our People, as might be made by due care and encouragement; what Levies might be raised, what mighty Fleets and Armies set out to disappoint all the Designs of our Enemies? And I have Reason to believe that 'tis possible to work our Mines in the conjuncture of a foreign War, for they are covered on the South-Sea, by a strong Citadel in Anaphlystus, and on the North-Sea, by another in Thoricus and these two Fortresses lie at a distance of but 60 Furlongs from one another. And if a third Fort was built upon the top of a high Mountain, in the middle of the two former, the three Works would meet together, and our Silver Mines would be enclosed in a Circle, and guarded on all sides, and the Workmen at the first Notice of an Invasion might retire to a Place of Security. But if we are invaded with more Numerous Armies, our Enemies may make themselves Masters of our Corn, Wine, and Cattle that lie without the Works; but if they possess themselves of our Silver Mines, what can they find to carry off more than a heap of Stones and Rubbish. But how is it possible for our Enemies to make an Inroad upon our Mines? For the City Megara, which lies nearest, is above 500 Furlongs from them; and Thebes, which is nearer than any but Megara, is more than 600 Furlongs distant from them. If they advance to our Mines in a small Body from this side, they must leave Athens behind them, and run the hazard of being cut off by our Horse, and flying Parties; for 'tis a wild Notion to imagine that they will invade us with their whole Force, and unguard their own Country, and leave it exposed to our Inroads; for in such a Case, Athens would be nearer to their Cities than their own Army. But suppose they marched up to our Mines with a Numerous Army, how could they Subsist for want of Provisions? If they foraged in small Parties, they would be in danger of having their Conveys intercepted; if they foraged with their whole Armies, they must act upon the defensive, and we should be the Aggressors. The Revenue arising from our Slaves would not only make a considerable Article in the Charge of maintaining our Citizens, but by the vast Concourse of People from all Parts, the Customs of the Fairs, and Markets at the Mines, and the Rent of our Public Buildings, and Melting-houses, and many other Heads would produce a mighty Income to the State. The State upon such an Establishment would be peopled with a prodigious Number of Inhabitants, and the value of Lands at the Mines would be as high as those that lie near Athens. A pursuit of such Measures and Councils would not only in rich the City, but introduce a habit of Obedience in the People; reform their Discipline, and revive the Courage of the Nation. For if upon this Improvement of our Revenue, a larger Allowance was established for the maintenance of our Youth, they would be trained up to the Art of War in our (25.) Public Academies with more exactness, and perform their Military Exercises with a more regular Discipline, than the Racers in the (26) Torch-Course are taught to observe. And our Troops in Garrison, and the standing Guards of our Coasts, would do their Duty in their several Posts with more cheerfulness, if any effectual Provision was settled for their subsistence. If it be made appear that the Revenue of Athens can never be improved, or advanced to the full height without a Peace, it may deserve the public Inquiry, whether the Establishment of a (27) Council of Peace would not be for the Benefit and Advantage of the State. For the Institution of such a Magistracy, would invite more numerous Settlements of Foreigners to make Athens the Place of their Abode. For 'tis an absurd Supposition to imagine, that Peace will weaken our Strength, and ruin our Authority, and Reputation abroad; for of all Governments, those are happiest who have continued longest without War, and of all Commonwealths, Athens lies fairest for flourishing, and increasing by the Arts of Peace. For Athens in time of Peace, is the great Theatre to which all Mankind have Occasion to resort: To begin with Merchants and Commanders of Ships, Where can the Traders in Wine, Oil, Corn, or Cattle have a quicker Vent, or a better Market for their Commodities than at Athens? Where can Moneyed Men make a better Improvement of their Wealth; and, where is there greater Encouragement for those who live by Arts of Invention and Ingenuity? Where is there better Employment for Artificers, and Mechanic Trades? where can the Sophists, Philosophers, Poets, and the Lovers of the Liberal Arts, resort to a more renowned School of Learning, and Humanity? where is there a nobler Scene to gratify the Curiosity of all Strangers that are delighted with Divine Rights, and Institutions, and the celebrations of Religious Games, and Festivals? And where can Merchants of all kinds whatsoever, find a better Market to make quick Returns of their Money, than Athens. If my Opposers acknowledge all this to be true, but still imagine that we can never recover the Dominion of Greece but by a War, I desire them to look back to the Persian Invasion, and examine, whether it was by Force of Arms, or our good Offices to the Greeks, that we were placed at the Head of the (28.) Naval Confederacy, and the Common Treasury of Greece. And when by a Tyrannical Exercise of our Power we lost our Jurisdiction, by an Alteration of our Measures, and a milder Administration, (29.) we were restored to our ancient Authority by the joint Consent of all the Islands. Did not the Thebans in Acknowledgement of our generous Assistance to their State, place us at the Head of the Common (30.) Alliance? and our Rivals, the Lacedæmonians, for the same Consideration, quitted their old Pretensions, and suffered us to give Laws to the (31.) last Treaty, and dispose of the Supreme Command of Greece at our own Discretion. And at this Juncture in the general Confusion of Greece, we have the most favourable Opportunity of recovering our ancient Dominion without Difficulty, Hazard, or Expense, that ever any Nation had: For if we set up to be the Common Mediators of Greece, and interposed our Authority to unite all the divided Interests abroad, and reconcile all the Factions at home; and if by solemn Embassies to all the Neighbouring States, we declared for the Liberty of (32.) Delphi, all Greece would support us at the Head of so Glorious a Cause, and unite in a general Confederacy against the common Enemies (33.) who endeavoured to make themselves Masters of Delphi, when the Phocians were reduced to Extremitry. And if we afterwards warmly interested ourselves to establish a general Peace by Sea, and Land; all Greece, next to the Security of their own Governments, would desire the Preservation of Athens. If any Man can have so wild a Notion, as to imagine, that War will contribute more to the Increase of the Riches of the State than Peace, I know no better way to decide the Controversy, than by appealing to the Experience of former Ages, and producing Precedents to the contrary out of our own Story. For upon inquiry he may find that the vast Treasure we had amassed in Peace, was all consumed in our former Wars; and to quote Instances of a fresher Date, in the present War all the Branches of our Income have been deficient, and what Money came in upon the Public Fonds, has been all applied to the pressing Occasions of the State; but since the Seas have been open, and our Trade free, every Article of our Income is advanced, and the Government is at liberty to employ it as they think convenient. Not that I would advise the Commonwealth to sit down tamely by their Injuries in case of a Foreign Invasion; but this I am sure of, that we should be better enabled to revenge the Affront, if we are not the Aggressors, for our Enemies will never be able to form a Confederacy to support them in an unjust War. Upon the whole Matter, if nothing in this Proposal appears impossible, or difficult, and if a pursuit of these Councils, and Resolutions, will gain the Affections of Greece, and establish our Security at Home, and increase our Reputation abroad: if the common People will abound in all things necessary for Life, and the Rich be eased of their Taxes to the Wars: If in this Universal Plenty our Temples will be rebuilt, and our Religious Festivals, and Solemnities celebrated with more Magnificence: If our Walls, Docks, and Arsenals will be repaired, and our Priests, Senate, Magistrates, and Cavalry, restored to their ancient Rights and Privileges, is it not fit that all Engines should be set at work to promote so glorious an Undertaking, that in our Days we may see our Country established upon a solid Foundation of Security and Happiness? And if the Public, upon due consideration, thinks fit to execute these Orders and Institutions, I would advise them to send Ambassadors to Delphi, and Dodona to consult the Gods, whether such a Reformation of our Government would not turn to the Advantage of the present Age, and the Benefit of all Posterity. And if these Resolutions are ratified by the Divine Approbation, to consult the Oracle once more, to the protection of what Gods we should recommend the Success of this Enterprise, and then to propitiate those Gods we are directed to apply to, in order to engage their Assisstance. And after this solemn Invocation to enter boldly upon the Execution of this Design: For 'tis but reason that all Undertake should be attended with more favourable Success, that are begun, and carried on, under the immediate Care and Protection of the Divine Providence. The End. NOTES UPON THE TRANSLATION. A Table of the Attic Coins reduced to the Value of English Money. THE Obolus was equal to 1 d. 1 q. The Triobolus was three Oboli, and made 3 d. 3 d. The Drachma was six Oboli, and made 7 d. 2 q. The Mina was an hundred Drachmas, and made 3 l. 2 s. 6 d. The common Attic Talon consisted of sixty Minae, which amounts in our Money to 187 l. 10 s. These are the common Attic Coins, which are most frequently mentioned by their Writers, and which I have reduced to our English Money, to make way for the easier understanding of this Discourse. Note (1.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The State of Athens was at a great Charge in maintaining the Common People. They were allowed three Oboli a Man for every Cause they judged; and this Pension was called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lucian. in bis accusato. And some days many Thousands received this Pension. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was an Allowance of two Oboli apiece, to pay for the Sight of public Shows. Liba. in argu. Olyn. primae. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was an Obolus apiece, paid them every time they assembled. Juli. Poll. l. 6. c. 9 And this Pension was afterwards increased to three Oboli. Besides, all maimed and disabled Citizens had a Pension of two Oboli a day. Harpocra. in verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Note (2.) Xenophon says only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is plainly understood, as appears from the Sequel of this Discourse, and Xenophon's Treatise of the Government of Athens. This Tax upon the Confederates was at first but 400 Talents, but it was afterwards advanced to 1300. Plutar. in Vitâ Aristidis. This Tribute was so burdensome, that it provoked the Confederates to frequent Revolts. Note (3.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Aliens Duties. This was an annual Tribute paid by the Aliens, of twelve Drachmas for every Man, and six for every Woman. Harpocra. in verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The number of the Aliens amounted generally to 10000 Originally at Athens there was no distinction between Strangers and Natives, for all Foreigners were naturalised promiscuously. Thucyd. l. 1. c. 2. Thus all the Plataeans were naturalised at once. Thucyd. l. 3. c. 55. And this Custom was the Foundation of their future Greatness. But as the City grew more populous, they grew more sparing of this Favour. Scholi. Thucyd. l. 1. c. 2. and this Privilege was given to such only as had deserved it by some extraordinary Service to the State. Demost. Oratio contra Neaeram. Note (4.) Trades. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Basil Edition reads it right; for most part of the Mechanic and Handicraft Trades were carried on by the Aliens at Athens. Xenoph. de polit. Athen. Note (5.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Xenophon explains this Passage in his Hipparchicus, where he advivises the State to enrol Aliens among their Horse. Besides the Dignity of the Horse-Service, there was a considerable Pay in Peace and War allowed them. Ulpianus in Timocrateam. Xenoph. in Hippar. Note (6.) Waste Ground. Vide Thucyd. l. 2. c. 17. Note (7.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Every Alien by the Laws of Athens, was obliged to choose a private Patron among the Citizens. Harpocration in verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but here Xenophon proposes public Patrons for the whole Body of the Aliens. Note (8.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vide Demosthen. contra Macartatum. Note (9) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The meaning of Xenophon is that the Athenian Money was more valuable abroad than the Coin of any other Nation, because it was finer, and consequently was worth more than its own weight of any other Silver that had more Alloy in it. For 'tis impossible that an Ounce of Athenian Silver should be worth more in Specie than an Ounce of other Silver of the same fineness. Sensus moresque repugnant, atque ipsa utilitas. Note (10.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This Court of Judicature was probably the same with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mentioned by Suidas and Hesychius, in verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Note (11.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This was a right of Precedence in the Theatres, Senate, Assemblies of the People, and in all public places whatsoever. Scholar Aristoph. in Equ. This Custom was practised by the Spartans', who gave this Privilege to the Deceleans. Herodotus lib. 9 c. 72. Note (12.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Fond, Harpoc. Hesychius, in verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Note (13.) Hegesilaus commanded the Athenian Troops sent to the Assistance of the Mantinaeans at the Battle of Mantinaea; which is a Proof that this Discourse was writ after that Battle. Diog. Laer. in Xenoph. Diodorus Siculus by Mistake calls him Hegelochus. Note (14.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Salmasius de modo usurarum thinks that this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the People received for judging Causes. But Xenophon's Computation plainly confutes this Opinion: He says that a Contributer of 10 Minae, or 1000 Drachmas, at the rate of a Triobolus or half a Drachma a Day, will in a Years time receive almost the fifth part of the principal Money he advanced. Which is very true, for reckoning (as Xenophon always does in this Discourse) 360 Days to the Year, the Payment of a Triobolus a Day will amount to 180 Drachmae, which is near the fifth part of 1000 Drachmae. But the payment of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 could never amount to this Sum, because the Holydays, by the Confession of Salmasius, took up two Months in the Year, and on these Days the People never heard Causes, so that 30 Drachmas must be deducted from 180, which reduces the Sum to 150, which is little more than the seventh part of 1000 So that Salmasius is mistaken, or Xenophon was a very lose Calculator. The true meaning of the Passage I take to be this: Xenophon in the following part of this Discourse, in order to make Provision for the Citizens, makes a Proposal to the State, to buy as many Slaves as would triple the Number of their own Citizens, which Slaves were to be let out at the rate of an Obolus a Day to the Adventurers in the Mines, which brought in a Revenue of three Oboli a Day to every Citizen, because the Slaves were thrice as many as the Citizens among whom this Revenue was to be divided. And this I take to be the Triobulus mentioned by Xenophon, which every Citizen was to receive in recompense for his Contribution. Note (15.) Nautick-Interest was the highest Interest, and is here opposed to Land-Interest, which was considerably less. For in the former the Creditor run a greater Hazard; for if the Merchant who borrowed the Money, and employed it in Trade, lost his Ship, the Creditor lost his Money, and had no right to demand it of the Merchant; a Trade somewhat like our Bottumry. This Interest generally amounted to 20 per Cent. or the fifth part of the Principal per annum. 'Tis true, it often varied, and was higher or lower according to the Plenty and Scarcity of Money, or the Danger and Distance of the Voyage. But the general Medium may be safely established at 20 per Cent. There are several Contracts of Money lent upon Nautick-Interest, extant in the Orations of Demosth. contra Lacrit. pro Phormi. contra Pant. contra Phormi. Note (16.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. More than a third part of the principal Money: For a Triobolus a Day in a Year makes 180 Drachmae, which is above the third part of five Minae or 500 Drachmae. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the highest Nautick-Interest, and came to above 33 per Cent. There is an Instance which comes very near this Computation, in the Oration of Demosthenes contra Phormi. Note (17.) Almost double their Principal. For 180 Drachmae is almost double one Mina, or 100 Drachmae. Note (18.) Foreign Cities, etc. Foreign States often contributed to the Public Buildings of the Greeks. The Rhodians when their Colossus was overturned by an Earthquake, received Contributions from all the neighbouring States in order to restore it, Polybius, lib. 5. And there are many Inscriptions of such public Benefactors extant in Gruterus, and elsewhere. Note (19) That the Mines can never be exhausted. 'Tis plain from Pausanias that these Mines were not worked in his Time. Paus. Attic. But this does not destroy the Assertion of Xenophon, for the plundering the Temple of Delphi brought out two Millions of our Money, which lay dead before; and the Conquest of Persia by the Macedonians brought such a vast quantity of Silver into Greece, and consequently made Labour so dear, that the Silver found in the Mines would in all probability scarce countervail the expenses of the working them. Or it might proceed from the Subjection of Athens to a Foreign Power, or from other Accidents, and not from any decay of the Mines. Note (20.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Upon the same Terms, etc. The State was the Proprietor of the Silver-Mines, and Strangers or Athenians that worked in them, were obliged to pay the same Tribute of the 24th Part of the Silver found, to the Public. Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Note (21.) The repair of our Temple, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 'Twas the Custom of the Greeks to let out the building and repair of their Temples to private Undertakers. Athenaeus l. 6. Herod. l. 5. c. 62. where he makes use of the same Word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; That is, They hired the building of the Temple upon such Terms. And the Latines used the Word conducunt in the same Sense. Conducunt foricas, i. e. Repurgandas. Juvenal. Sat. 3. Note (22.) Revenue of 60 Talents. This Computation proves that Xenophon reckoned but 360 Days to the Year: For 6000 Oboli, multiplied by 360, make 2160'000 Oboli; which Sum. divided by 600 (for 600 Oboli make a Mina) makes 3'600 Minae, which divided by 60 (for 60 Minae make a Talon) reduces the whole Sum to 60 Talents. And the following Computation of 100 Talents a Year, produced by 10000 Oboli a Day, answers exactly to the former. Note (23.) The taking of Decelea, etc. Decelea was taken and fortified by the Lacedæmonians in the 19th Year of the Peloponnesian War, and lying in the Heart of Attica, it gave opportunity to 20000 Athenian Slaves to desert to the Enemy. Thucyd. l. 7. c. 27. Note (24.) Xenophon in his former Proposal would have 10000 Slaves let out at a certain Rate to the Adventurers in the Mines, but in this second, Proposal he advises the State itself to adventure in search of Discoveries of new Mines, which Work was to be carried on by another set of Slaves, and not by the former 10000 Note (25.) There were at Athens, and in other Parts of Greece, Military Academies or Gymnasia, where the young Men exercised. Theophrastus' de Blanditiâ Aristoph. & Scholar in Equil. Xenoph. in 1, 2, 3, & 6th lib. de rebus Graec. Note (26.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Torch-course. There was a Festival at Athens, on which a certain Number of Men ran with lighted Torches in their Hands. Paus. Attic. To this Ceremony Lucretius makes that fine Allusion in his 2d. Book, Et quasi Cursores vitai lampada tradunt. Note (27.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Council of Peace. This new Magistracy which Xenophon proposes to be instituted for the Preservation of the Public Peace, was to be, in all probability, like the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Faeciales of the Romans, who were instituted by Numa for the same considerations. Dion. Haicarn. lib. 2. Note (28.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. After the Persian invasion, the Athenians had the command of the Confederate Fleet, and were made Treasurers of the Money contributed by the Greeks to the carrying on the War against Persia. Thucydides, lib. 1. Note (29.) The Athenians recovered the Command of the Greek Islands, (which they lost in the Peloponnesian War,) in the 4th Year of the 100th Olymp Diod. Sicul. lib. 15. Note (30.) This Alliance between the Thebans and Athenians, was made in the second Year of the 96th Olympiad. Diod. Siculus. lib. 14. Xenophon lib. 3. de rebus Graec. Note (31.) This League between the Spartans' and Athenians, was made in the 4th Year of the 102d Olympiad, not long after the Battle of Leuctra. Diod. Sic. 1. 15. Xenop. 1. 7. de rebus Graec. Note (32.) For the Liberty of Delphi. The Greeks made it a part of their Religion, to preserve the Liberty of Delphi. Thus the Lacedæmonians entered into a War to restore the Oracle to the Delphians. Thucyd. lib. 1. c. 112. And the first Article of their Leagues, often began with a mutual Engagement on both Parts, to protect the Liberty of Delphi. Thucyd. l. 4. c. 118. l. 5. c. 18. Besides their Religion, they had Reasons of State for this proceeding: For if Delphi were subject to a foreign Power, the Priestess might be forced to utter whatever Oracles the Conqueror pleased to impose: Nor could the Resolutions and Sentences of the Amphictyons, who often sat at Delphi, be free and unbyass'd as long as Delphi was under a Foreign Dominion. Note (33.) If we knew who these Enemies were that designed to seize upon Delphi, it would be no difficult Matter to determine exactly the Time when this Discourse was written. Jason, the Tyrant of Thessaly, had formed a Design upon Delphi, but his Death prevented the execution of it. Diod. Sic. Xenop. Hist. Graec. Aelian. Frag. But this Passage cannot be understood to mean this attempt, for Jason was assassinated in the third Year of the 102 Olymp. Some Years before the Battle of Mantinaea, and this Discourse, as I have proved in a former Note, was written after that Battle. I think that this Passage (taking the Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a neutral Sense as I have rendered it, and for which there are a thousand Authorities) ought to be understood of a Design the Thebans had formed upon Delphi. The Story in short is this: The Thebans being engaged in a War with the Phocians, upon some Dispute about a Frontier, formed a Design upon the Temple of Delphi. Demost. de Falsâ Legatione, Ulpianus. And the Phocians at the same time being condemned by the Amphictlyons to pay a great Fine for ploughing up some Consecrated Land, the Greeks prepared to execute the Sentence by force of Arms. The Phocians being unable to resist such an approaching Storm, were reduced to great Extremities, and compelled for their own Preservation, to seize upon the Treasures of Delphi: This gave beginning to the Holy War, and all Greece engaged in the Quarrel. The Athenians assisted the Phocians, but Xenophon advises them to break off that Alliance, and declare for the Liberty of Delphi, and under that Plausible Pretence, to unite all Greece, against the Thebans who were equally Criminal with the Phocians, (as Demosthenes observes) for having formed the first Design upon the Temple. This Counsel he recommends to the Athenians as the best Method to recover the Dominion of Greece. I know it will be objected that Laertius places the Death of Xenophon in the first Year of the 105th Olympiad, and the Phocian War breaking out some Years after, it will be impossible to explain this Passage in my Sense. To this I answer, that this Account of Laertius is certainly false: For Xenophon, in his Greek History, mentions the Death of Alexander the Tyrant of Pherae, which happened, as Diodorus observes, in the 4th Year of the 105th Olymp. so that Xenophon must be a Prophet, or be alive at that time, three Years after his supposed Death. Xenophon likewise in the conclusion of his Greek History affirms, that after the Battle of Mantinaea, Greece was in a greater Disorder and Confusion than ever. But we read of no considerable Commotion in Greece till the breaking out of the Holy War, in the 1st Year of the 106th Olymp. which engaged all Greece in an intestine Division. To confirm this Account of Laertius, it may be urged, that Xenophon living 90 Years, according to Lucian in Macrob. and being present at the Battle of Delium, which was sought in the first Year of the 89th Olympiad, about 67 Years before the Holy War, it is highly improbable that he was living at the time of the Holy War. 'Tis true, Laerrius says that Socrates saved Xenophon's Life at that Battle: But Athenaeus l. 5. says that Socrates was not at the Battle; and 'tis probable that the other part of the Story of Xenophon's being there, may be equally sabulous, especially if what Athenaeus (according to Casaubon's Correction) says be true, that Xenophon was but a Boy at the Banquet of Callias, which was three Years afterwards. Besides he is called a Young Man in his Expedition into Asia; but at this rate he must have been 50 Years old at that time, an Age at which a Man cannot properly be called young. But granting that he was present at the Battle of Delium, if we allow him to be 18 Years old, the Age, if I mistake not, that the Athenians usually made their first Campagne, he would be but 81 Years old on the first Year of the 105th Olympiad, and consequently might write of the Holy War, which broke out four Years afterwards. Nor does Lucian precisely limit his Age to 90 Years only, but says he lived, above 90 Years. Xenophon in this Discourse says, that the Athenians had been engaged in a War by Sea and Land; that the War by Sea was at an end, but the War by Land still continued. This exactly agrees with the Bellum Sociale, or the War of the Athenians against their revolted Islands, which was carried on by Sea, and begun in the third Year of the 105th Olympiad, and ended in the second Year of the 106th Olympiad, two Years after the breaking out of the Holy War, which the Athenians were then engaged in. By this Account Xenophon writ this Discourse about the third Year of the 106th Olympiad, a Year after the Conclusion of the Peace with the Islands. If the Account of Xenophon's Death in Laertius be true, I cannot believe this Work to be genuine; for I believe it almost impossible to explain this Passage in any other sense. But the Authority of all the Writers who ascribe this Discourse to Xenophon, and the Conformity of the Style with the rest of his Works, and that Character of Piety which runs through the whole Piece, which is so peculiar to the Works of Xenophon, and that particular Maxim at the Conclusion of this Treatise, of undertaking every thing under the Favour and Protection of the Gods, which he inculcates in all his Works, and particularly at the end of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are undeniable Proofs that this Discourse is Genuine. The End of the Notes. BOOKS sold by James Knapton, at the Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard. THE Memoirs of Monsieur Pontis, who served in the French Armies 56 years. Translated by Charles Cotton Esq; Fol. Sir William Temple's Memoirs. 8vo. Scarron's Novels, 8vo. Processus Integri in morbis fere omnibus curandisà Do. Th. Sydenham Conscripti, 12 s. Dr. Sydenham's Practice of Physic, faithfully translated into English, with large Annotations, Animadversions, and Practical Observations on the same. By W. Salmon, M. D. 12 s. Wingate's Arithmetic, 8vo. 9th Edition. Scrivener's Directions to a holy Life 8vo. A learned Treatise of the Situation of the Terrestrial Paradise. Written by Monsieur Huet, done into English. Quadriennium Jacobi, or the History of the Reign of King James II. from his coming to the Crown, to his desertion: The second Edition. A new Method of curing all sorts of Fevers, without taking any thing by the Mouth; being a new Prescription for giving the Bark in Clysters, whereby all the Inconveniences of administering it in any other form are avoided, and a more speedy and certain Cure is obtained. By A Helvet, M. D. 12 s. 2d Edit. The Governor of Cyprus, 12s. a Novel. The wanton Friar, 12 s. a Novel. Cornel. Nepos in usum Delft. 8vo. Syllabus musculorum Humani Corporis: In sex praelectionibus ut hodie in Theatro Anatomico Chirurgorum Londinensium distinctus. The Artificial Clock-maker; a Treatise of Watch and Clockwork, wherein the Art of calculating Numbers for most sorts of Movements, is explained to the Capacity of the Unlearned; also the History of Clockwork both Ancient and Modern, with other useful matters never before published, 8vo. By J. D. A. M. The History of the Inquisition of Goa, done into English by the ingenious Mr. Wharton, 4to. Russel's Treatise of Physic, 8vo. Bp. Taylor's Life of Christ, fol. Elis de Articulis, 12mo. Mori Ethica, 12mo. Poetry and Plays. Ben. Johnson's Works, fol. Sir Robert Howard's Plays. The E. of Orrerey's Plays, fol. Dryden's Juvenal, 8vo. Milton's Paradise lost and regained, fol. — Poetical Works with Notes. Prince Arthur. And King Arthur. Ovid's Epistles by several Hands, 8vo. Dryden's Miscellany Poems. Mr. Shadwell's Plays, bound or single. Mr. Otway's Plays, bound or single. Mr. Lee's Tragedies, bound or single. And all other Modern Plays.