The New HISTORY OF Count ZOSIMUS, SOMETIME Advocate of the Treasury of the Roman Empire.  
With the Notes of the Oxford Edition.  
In Six Books.  
To which is prefixed Leunclavius' APOLOGY for the Author.  
Newly Englished.  
LONDON, Printed for Joseph Hindmarsh, Bookseller to his Royal Highness, at the Black Bull in Cornhill, 1684.   

G. J. Vossius concerning the Author.  
THE Language of Zosimus is concise, expressive, pure and sweet; according to the judgement of Photius (Patriarch of Constantinople) in his Bibliotheca; but being a Heathen, he often reproaches the Christian Princes; and is upon that score reprehended by the same Photius, Evagrius, Nicephorus and others: Yet still Leunclavius is of Opinion, that Zosimus ought to be believed even in those Relations, there being no doubt but that the Christian Princes were guilty of many Enormities, which it became a faithful Historian not to pass by.   

The Bookseller to the Reader.  
THE Author's Work having been subject to multitude of Censures, 'Tis impossible this Translation should escape Reflections.  
But Zosimus has been thought worthy of an Apology by Johannes Leunclavius a Noble Germane, who also took the pains to translate him into Latin; and the History has been printed several times in the last Age; particularly some Books by that Good Man Henricus Stephanus, and the whole by the learned Sylburgius. And of late years at Oxford, with the knowledge, if not direction, of a Reverend Prelate and Famous University; as also in Germany, with the Notes of divers Eminent Persons.  
The French who make all Excellent Pieces of Antiquity their own, have lately made him speak their Language; and conjoined him with the Histories of Xiphilin and Zonaras: and 'tis not unknown, in that Country the Press is kept by Jealous Masters.  
As he now stands in the English Tongue, if there be any Poison contained in Him, it may be Hoped, that peradventure, there will be found many Men, who understand neither Greek nor Latin, and yet have Sense enough to avoid Poison.  
J. H.   

THE Reader is humbly desired to excuse an Erratum, Page 346. where the Notes are put into the History itself. It gins Hence does, and ends Dealt withal.   

Leunclavius' APOLOGY FOR ZOSIMUS, Against the unjust Reflections of Evagrius, Nicephorus, Cedrenus, and others.  
ALTHOUGH I were either to Dispute against Men even of a different Religion, or were not to undertake the defence of a Man, who, for having professed the old exploded Pagan Superstition, would certainly at first sight lose any manner of favour that he could expect in his cause among Men of our times; yet encouraged and supported with evident Arguments from Truth itself, and the weakness of those which are brought against him by his Adversaries, I will not fear but that what I have to say will with impartial Men obtain. But I foresee his Defence is like to prove no easy Province, being to reply to those Men who under the pretence of defending the Christian Religion and those Princes who were the most celebrated Patrons of it, charge one of the most elegant and useful Historians with lying and calumniating; and who because he was no Christian must not be admitted to be a proper or a faithful reporter of those things which were transacted in the Commonwealth. For mankind is generally so unhappily built, as easily to believe those Men whom they find of the same Opinions with themselves, even in things indifferent, but especially in matters of Religion, crying down in the mean while Men of different Sentiments, although the things they deliver do not appear repugnant to truth. But seeing there is that force in Virtue in general, but especially in truth, that we cannot but approve it even in an Enemy; we hope you will hear what we have undertaken to say in a few words in defence of Zosimus, and that Men not too perverse and disingenuous will acknowledge that matters of fact may with candour and integrity be transmitted to future Ages by Men even of a different Religion from ourselves.  
Zosimus is assaulted with abundance of ill language, bespattered, cursed and given to the Devil for a most wicked Fellow, and principally for professing himself a Pagan; though I even in this commend the ingenuity of the Man, and yet at the same time lament his want of judgement, who being a person of extraordinary Wit, yet like the wise of the World, as the Scripture speaks, could not discern the light of the Divine Truth: but seeing that could be no hindrance why he should not faithfully relate and discreetly judge of those things which were well or ill done in the administration of the Government, let us proceed to those things in which the principal force of the Accusation consists.  
They say he was unjust to the memory of Constantine for introducing a new Religion and its increase under him; and this we may grant them, considering it is impossible for any Man to wish well to him who against our wills would alter our Religion, when we think it most agreeable to truth, and which has been confirmed by the Authority and consent of almost innumerable Ages. But what then? Was this hatred of Zosimus towards Constantine any motive for him calumniously to write how Constantine was the first Emperor that exacted that wicked and intolerable kind of Tax called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or aurargenteum, (that which in the Civil Law-Books is termed aurum lustrale, because it was collected every fourth year,) or was it for this reason that he hath related how Constantine seized upon the Estates and goods of other Men? a grievous charge indeed, and Zosimus is to be reproved for his slanderous way of Writing, if it appear that he hath reported these things of the Emperor untruly: but I am so far from believing that Zosimus wants good and indubitable Authors for what he says, that although there needed other Testimonies, yet that Constantine cannot be acquitted from this Charge, is evident from one substantial Argument; for either Constantine found this grievous imposition already laid upon his People by some of his Predecessors or else he cruelly imposed it himself. If we acknowledge Constantine to have been the Author, as Zosimus out of the Writers of those times demonstrates we ought to do, what reason is there to accuse him for relating matter of fact, as he had received it from others, as became a faithful Historian; his Adversaries are more to be blamed, who expatiating more in the praises of Constantine than becomes them, forget the duty of Historians, and seem rather to write Panegyrics and Declamations than Histories.  
But let it be so that Zosimus forged this against him whom he knew to have been the first among the Emperors that professed the Christian Religion, and was therefore resolved to be revenged of him for deserting that of his Ancestors by aspersing him with the imposition of a Tax unheard of, and so odious to the People.  
Well then, Constantine did only retain (which yet these Cavillers dare not insist on) a most hateful custom which he had received from his Predecessors; however our excellent Emperor is not altogether innocent, who would not abolish a Tax so sordid and abominable, (and introduced by Heathen Princes) after he had himself embraced the Christian Religion. For what mighty difference is there between the Author of an evil custom, and him, who when he hath Power does not abrogate a cruel and unjust one brought in by those that preceded him? But themselves deny not but this Tax was collected and with great cruelty too, under Christian Princes; and confess that Anastasius the first a considerable time after Constantine did by a certain wile get all the Books, wherein were the accounts of this Money, into his own hands, out of all the Provinces, and burned them, to the inestimable benefit and satisfaction of his poor Subjects. Let them not therefore complain of any injury done to Constantine till they prove by good and substantial evidence that He was not the Author of this imposition; and though they should acquit him from being the Author, yet they cannot but confess that he will still stand equally criminal for approving and retaining so horrid and villainous a thing. But let us hear I beseech you what weighty reasons they produce, to prove that Constantine could not be the Author of so base an Imposition.  
Zosimus himself, say they, confesses that Constantine did with incredible expense build Constantinople, and considerably enlarged the space without the Walls of the old City; that he adorned it with a Palace no way inferior to that of Rome, and several other Edifices beautiful and magnificent; that in imitation of the City of Rome he granted to the common People a certain allowance of Corn: that the Senators who at his request left Rome and went to Constantinople, he gratified with noble Houses and considerable sums of Gold. How then should the thought of such a Tax enter into the mind of such a Prince? and Zosimus was not ware how he contradicted himself in asserting things almost repugnant and inconsistent of the same Man. These are their Arguments, but who sees not that they are taken from us? Zosimus says, that Constantine was profuse and extravagant as soon as he had gotten the Empire to himself, and this he proves effectually; that he wasted the public Revenue by unreasonable largesses, that he consumed vast sums in voluptuousness, impoverished the Exchequer by many costly and unnecessary Structures, and lastly mistook Profuseness for Munificence.  
If these things shall appear to be true, as certainly they are, no wise Man will think it strange that he found out new ways of extorting Money, and when just and reasonable Methods would not suffice, that he made use of some cruel and unheard of before. He that was wont to throw away such vast sums for his humour, would not want it for his pleasures; for no men are so rapacious after other men's goods as they who most madly waste what they have themselves, upon their own luxury and excess, and to as much purpose do they brag of Constantine's bounty to his Soldiers: and this too they tell you Zosimus confesses, and what wonder if having purchased the Empire this way, he made use of the same to keep it; for had he not, there had been no reason why the Army should not have preferred the lawful Issue of Constantius which he had by his Wife Theodora, rather than Constantine. The riotous and greedy humour of Soldiers will not endure frugal and tenacious Princes, but are ever most devoted to them who feed their lusts though to the exhausting of the public Treasury. And impossible it is, that those exorbitant largesses which are wasted upon those Soldiers, (who having been once corrupted are ever after mutinous) to keep them in their obedience, should not be to the destruction of those poor Subjects from whom it is torn with the greatest cruelty in the World. Hence those new kinds of exactions were merely to redress the effects of prodigality: and to rehearse these kinds of Oppression, whether instituted by Constantine, or the elder Theodosius, or Valentinian the first, is not impudently to bespatter or rail at godly and religious Princes, but to relate things as they were, which we observing may be able to make use of to our advantage. For if we rightly consider, it amounts to no more than admonishing Princes of the present and future Ages, that because they profess the Christian Religion, they should not flatter themselves with a belief of such a right to the goods and properties of their Subjects, as Julian, and other Pagan Emperors never pretended to, who for their abstinence, gentleness and moderation in Government have been a reproach to some who professed a better Religion.  
And the same Zosimus, say they, in another place applauds this Constantine for some actions of his bravely and valiantly performed, and ought not he to have taken care how he diminished his glory, whom he before had celebrated so much? as if it were impossible to commend Constantine, Theodosius and other Christian Princes without approving all that they did; or as if for this very reason he did not appear the honester Man, and without all controversy fit to be an Historian, who though he observed some Vices in Constantine, very notorious, would not yet be so unjust to his memory, as to omit those things which were commendable in him.  
Nor could Zosimus' hatred to the Christian Religion transport him so far and hurry him into such undecencies as are too evident and scandalous in you, considering the Religion you profess. For those Princes who would be thought Christian, though for the most part lewd and immoral Men, you can scarce forbear deifying, bellowing out their praises to the very Sky; and at the same time others, that were destitute of that light, though otherwise Men of incompatable worth and Virtues, you are not ashamed to rob even of that praise which their merits challenge as their due. I do not now speak of humane frailty, which will not admit a Man so to deport himself as to be liable to no exception; and therefore wise Men acknowledge that of Theognis to be true: Vir bonus interdum malus est, alias bonus idem. I will allow Constantine to have been indeed a great Man, he was the first among the Emperors that abolished those severe and bloody Laws against our Religion, he embraced the true Worship of God, he removed that Tyranny that had so long been exercised against the Church and the Commonwealth; and lastly in a great measure quieted those intestine Differences which were among those of the Christian Profession, by a Convocation of most holy Men. These are indeed worthy Actions of an excellent Prince, and such as all good Men will not only acknowledge but admire and applaud. But their way it was, who have written the History of the times about Constantine, not only to report those things which were good and commendable, but even those too which can no way be justified, and that the Laws of History do necessarily require, and of considerable use it is in the life of Man; however it may seem to fully and diminish his glory of whom it is related. And if Zosimus have done this with great freedom of speech, he is not certainly more to be reproved for it than some others, who professing not the Pagan, as he did, but the Christian Religion, have not stuck bitterly to lash Constantine as well for those things which Zosimus has likewise charged him with, as also that an Emperor pretending to be a Christian should promulgate a Law, inserted in Justinian's Code, forbidding those to be accused for the use of Magic Arts, who from those wicked Rites seek relief for sick bodies, and the conservation of those things which are necessary to life; that is, Men who forsake God the fountain of all good things, and expect those assistances from evil Angels which they despair of receiving from the Almighty: as if it were not expressly forbid in the Scripture, or that the use of that could be lawful, which is in itself impious and damnable: and not without reason do the same Men discommend Constantine for changing his Counsels and resolutions in his old age, when by the persuasion of his Sister Constantia he recalled Arius the Author of that most pernicious Sect from banishment, and commanded Athanasius, who, for his extraordinary Piety and Religion, had so well deserved of his own and all succeeding ages, to be banished into France; and these are Crimes more inexcusable than what Zosimus hath charged him with, these respecting the honour of God, the peace of his Church and the salvation of his People's Souls; Zosimus, in the mean while complaining chief of those things in Constantine which tended to the prejudice of the Commonwealth.  
And what is Zosimus' Crime, which Evagrius and Nicephorus make such a stir about, in relating how Constantine murdered his Son Crispus Cesar, a most hopeful Youth and of great Virtue, and his own Empress Fausta? is not this a singular piece of impudence which denies that to have been done, which the consent of those Writers who are of undoubted veracity, confirms the truth of? But Eusebius, say they, who was contemporary with Constantine and survived him too, mentions not one word of those Parricides. But what if this testimony be not good? For I must tell you, this kind of Historians, Prelates I mean, Priests and Monks have but a scurvy reputation for their fidelity this way; for those Princes who preferred them, they do not only praise immoderately, but studiously endeavour not only to free from the guilt, but from the very suspicion too of those Villainies, which, for all that, are too apparent to be either concealed or excused; and some again, and those no mean Persons, either not fairly passed over, or which is worse, unjustly stigmatised. But let us not make use of this advantage against so eminent an Author as Eusebius, and therefore allow that either he would not, or durst not write, his own circumstances and those of the times not admitting it; for either he wrote his History while Constantine was alive, or soon after his death: while he was yet alive he could not, without unavoidable hazard of his life, bring in the story of so horrid a Villainy, and little less could he have expected from Constantius who survived his Father and Brethren, if he had written it after he was dead. For whom I beseech you should he spare who spared not his own blood? shall we say therefore that those murders of Constantine were feigned, because Eusebius, for fear of the Father, and when he was dead, of the more cruel Son, durst not insert them into his History? But Eusebius, say they, commends Crispus, and therefore very unlikely it is, that he should have been murdered by his Father; as if an enraged Father who was jealous of his Son's being naught with his Mother-in-law, could in the height of his passion so far command himself as to spare him because he was a hopeful and a forward Youth: or had not afterwards testified his resentment of the injury he had done so excellent and virtuous a Person, when touched with grief and remorse for the murder of such a Son, he strangled his own Wife Fausta who was the occasion of his suspicion, in a Bath. Eusebius therefore if he had a mind to be safe, could not better consult his own security than by wholly declining the mention of Crispus' murder in his History; for one of these two he must necessarily have done, either have made Crispus die innocent, or not; guilty he would not, because the contrary was manifest to all Men, and innocent he durst not, for fear of accusing the Father: And hence we may truly infer that Crispus was unblameable, because among the rest who testify his innocence, Zosimus relates how sadly he was lamented by his Grandmother Helena; and therefore Eusebius for reasons best known to himself left that in doubt which Zosimus more remote from that Age ought by no means to have omitted. And truly I cannot but admire what was in the minds of these Men, who not content to have exposed themselves by their zeal against Zosimus, will not allow Constantius to have been cruel at all, because he did not execute Vetranio who had been guilty of Treason: as if one single instance were sufficient to entitle a Man to the Character of a gentle and merciful Prince, (who at other times inhumanly butchered his own Relations) for sparing a Man who by the course of Nature could not live long, of no Birth, not bravely taken or conquered, but circumvented by a mere wile. And the same Constantius does Nazianzen a Man otherwise prudent enough commend only out of hatred to Julian, a Man in many extraordinary Virtues, not equal, but far superior to Constantius; to whom though you allow his Apostasy to the Pagan follies to have been a reproach, yet I cannot see any reasonable cause why you should so far prefer that other Champion of the Arian madness.  
And now I must prepare to wipe off another Calumny, whereby Zosimus is accused partly for belying, partly for reproaching of Constantine, in reporting that being troubled in Conscience for having violated all the sacred ties of Religion, for his Murders and other Villainies, and not being able to obtain such an absolution from the guilt of his sins in the Pagan Religion as would satisfy and quiet his mind, He did by the persuasion of a certain Spaniard called Aegyptius, come over to the Christian faith, as to a Religion that would give him peace of mind, provided he did with a firm belief and penitent heart apply himself to him whose Office it is to reconcile us to God.  
This they who are for acquitting Constantine against the faith and stream of Historians will not allow to be true, because it was so long before he would admit of Baptism which is ordained for the washing away of sins; and for this they produce the Authority of Theodoret, who hath written how Constantine was baptised at Nicomedia a little before his death. But this no way invalidates the truth of what Zosimus relates; for it was possible for Constantine to profess the Christian Religion and not have been baptised; it being a custom which too much prevailed about that time for many, although Christians by profession, to defer Baptism till they were near their ends, out of an Opinion which had then very much obtained and which yet even with us is not wholly rejected, viz. that after Baptism such a strictness of life was requisite as not to admit the least slip; and if after it we happened to fall, no absolution or forgiveness was ever to be expected again. Although indeed Theodoret hath particularly mentioned that Constantine would not be baptised, always desiring that in imitation of our Saviour he might at length have that sacred Rite performed in the streams of Jordan. This deferring his Baptism therefore hinders not at all but that Constantine was sufficiently satisfied that by his embracing the Christian Religion he was fully acquitted from the guilt of his Crimes. Nor does his being so very solicitous for a lasting and effectual peace of mind deserve any blame at all; but rather this passage in Zosimus redounds very much to the honour both of Constantine and our Religion too. For who can blame him for his penitence and being willing to be restored to the favour of Almighty God, and for the time to come amend a life so wicked and unrighteous as his had been? Who will deny the Christian Religion to be the most excellent that ever was, which reconciles us to that God who in our Consciences we know is displeased with our iniquities, and gives us that repose and quiet of mind, in which the greatest felicity of our whole life consists, and which the old Philophers did so anxiously and to so little purpose study to acquire?  
Any one therefore may see what trifling and unreasonable arguments Evagrius and Nicephorus make use of to lessen as they please the truth of those things which Zosimus like a faithful and wise Historian has delivered of Constantine, mingling his Virtues with his Vices, as well those things which were commendable in him as what was scandalous and wicked, in which Constantine himself seems to have degenerated from his own natural disposition▪ ought we not rather to remember that most wise saying of Herodotus, That there never yet was, nor is there ever likely to be any Man who through the whole course of his life had not some mixture of evil, and with extraordinary Virtues, Vices as extraordinary? And what if a Pagan talk unskilfully of our Religion? aught that to be any motive for us to treat Zosimus at that rate, or condemn him never to be read again?  
And to as much purpose do they say, that Zosimus lies in affirming that from that time the Christian Religion was introduced, the Roman Empire was harassed by the barbarous part of the World, and in its extent diminished, and scarce any remains of its ancient grandieur, but resembled some mighty Fabric with patched Roofs and supported with buttresses; and to refute this they produce a List of a great many Provinces added to the Roman Empire after our Saviour was born, and had published his Religion to the World, as part of Macedonia, Albania, etc. Though this be no better than a Cavil and no just Reply. For Zosimus speaks not of the beginning and as it were the Infancy of our Religion, but observes it of those times wherein it was spread and had gotten some force, and by the light and power of its Doctrine had so dispelled the mists of Paganism, and beaten out the Superstitions of the Heathens, that neither Prince nor People had any veneration or esteem for the Rites and Ceremonies of their Ancestors; but if we shall look closer into that which they say of the Provinces reduced under the Roman jurisdiction, 'twill be a question whether the ignorance or impudence of these Cavillers is most to be admired; for Zosimus will immediately reply, and truly too, that those Conquests are owing to the Valour and Conduct of the Luculli, Pompeii, Julii, Vibii, Drusi, Tra●ani and the rest of those Pagan Heroes; and on the contrary will charge the loss of them to our account; nor indeed can we with any modesty or umbrage of Truth deny but that it was so. Wherefore we must find out other Arguments to confute Zosimus, and assign other causes why some Nations and Empires are reduced to confusion and ruin at some certain ominous and unlucky times, and by no means allow the institution of the Christian Religion to be the occasion, as some mistaken Men blinded with the prejudice of Education and the impressions they received from their Forefathers would insinuate, when the like contingencies are evident from ancient Histories, and we daily see the experience of it ourselves.  
But to return to these Men who are so much for lashing of Zosimus, who, labouring to prove against him, that the Commonwealth flourished more under Christian than Pagan Emperors, object the unfortunate expedition of Julian against the Persians: but because Men differ in their Opinions concerning this Prince, and the ancient Divines more especially are most injust in theirs. Before we proceed in the defence of Zosimus; let us see what manner of Man this Julian was, setting aside the business of Religion; and we shall find in him very many, not faint strokes, but strong and express signs of extraordinary Virtues, which if his mistake in Religion had not obscured, you might have beheld in him, though but a young Man, the most admirable and perfect Idea of a good and excellent Prince, he had a vigorous Wit and capacious understanding, adorned from his Childhood, not, as Noblemen use to be, with a slight and superficial knowledge, but he attained such a perfection in all the liberal Sciences, that by confession of all sides he excelled even his Masters, Men too most eminent themselves; and that he has deservedly this reputation for Learning, needs no other proof, than those elegant and elaborate Pieces of his which are yet extant; and that he was no mean Civilian is evident from his Rescripts which are still to be seen in the Books of the Civil Law. Now as to what relates to his other Accomplishments; the warlike Germans by sad experience almost to their destruction are proofs of his singular Fortitude and Prudence in Military Affairs, who fearing even the extinction of their name became Petitioners to a young Man for Peace; a People who had given Laws to the mightiest Emperors both before and after Julian: and during these Wars it is incredible how great was his frugality and temperance both in eating and drinking, how little he slept, and what pains he took, contemning all the Charms and allurements of Pleasure; he lived like a Philosopher amidst the clashing of Swords and sound of Trumpets: and a very great instance of a modesty that seemed a stranger to Ambition did he give, when Constantius married him to his Sister Helena, and made him Cesar when he thought of nothing less. For when by the Emperor's command the Purple Cloak was thrown over him, willing to show how little he esteemed that Princely Garment, he repeated this Verse of Homer, Purpurei vis leti & inexorabile fatum Occupat. His gentleness and readiness to forgive Men, was very often remarkable, and then especially when the Antiochians had jested upon him more sharply and saucily than became Subjects to their Prince, he was content with the revenge of a most witty Oration, which though it were to their shame, could not be read without delight to others.  
His Chastity, a Virtue so rare in great Princes, he did ever so carefully prefer, as not only during the life of his Wife never to violate, but even after her death, in the very flower of his age refused to marry again, yet ever abhorred all unlawful love; nor contented to demonstrate by his practice how much he esteemed this Virtue, he had always in his mouth these Verses of Bacchilides an ancient Poet,  
 quum de statuâ facies formosa revulsa est  
Non decus in reliquo corpore truncus habet;  
Sic reliqui mores spreti sine honore jacebunt,  
Ni sint ornati laude pudicitiae.  
Who can be so brutish and disingenuous as not to admire and celebrate a Man so illustrious for endowments of mind and body as Julian, in whom so excellent a Wit, as appears from his Say, so much Learning, from his Writings, such Skill in the Civil Law, from his Rescripts, so much Valour, from his Actions, so much Modesty, from his Behaviour, such Chastity, from his Continence, were so remarkable and conspicuous? yet some there are such strangers to humanity, who under the pretence only of his defection from the Christian faith, impudently deny him those praises which are due to his Virtues, and are not ashamed to proclaim him for an unfortunate Prince and pernicious to the Commonwealth, because, say they, he was unsuccessful against the Persians, and being slain in the Enemy's Country had like to have ruined the Empire. Whereas indeed the Persians and the Germans, two Nations so fatal and terrible to the Romans, he reduced to such straits, that the Germans broken with such dismal overthrows, earnestly sought Peace, and when they had obtained it from him, they religiously observed it as long as he lived, out of fear of so fortunate a young Man; though at other times a People unquiet and impatient of rest and leisure: and the Persians terrified with a series of Victories, durst no more come fairly into the field, nor fight upon equal terms, but burning and destroying their own Country, were forced to confess that they wanted but a little of a total subversion; and whatever of terror or damage was brought upon the Romans was owing to Jovian, a Man of our own Religion, who to the eternal reproach of the Roman name became almost a petitioner for Peace to an Enemy even conquered himself, and appeased those by the surrender of I know not how many Provinces, whom he ought to have made buy a Peace at the price of some of their own Territories. What strange humour is this then, that Men should take delight to lay those miscarriages upon other Men which are in truth to be charged upon ourselves?  
And now let us see with what weighty Arguments these Censurers undertake to demonstrate how the Christian Princes have been much juster and braver Persons than those that were Pagans, and that the Commonwealth flourished more under them. The Pagan Princes say they, were most of them slain and plagued with Seditions; whereas ours were neither murdered by their Domestics nor by foreign Enemies, and therefore the times wherein they reigned are to be accounted happier than the others. I think we need not go very far to show them how very forgetful or how infatuated they are with endeavouring to calumniate others. Are not they I beseech you to be accounted Domestics that are related to us by blood? and after our Parents are not our Brethren next akin? and will not our Cousin-germen succeed in course? Let us see then what was acted between the Sons of Constantine who all professed the Christian Religion. Constans the youngest of these, having surprised his eldest Brother Constantine by a wile, dreaming of no such matter, barbarously murdered him by a company of base Assassins. Magnentius a Rebel slew this very Constans polluted with the blood of his Brother. Constantius the only survivor, savagely hunting after the blood of his own Kindred so long, till at length having destroyed the posterity of his Brother, his own Family became extinct. What sadder and more tragical Examples of Parricides than these can you expect? but these our fine Historians never so much as thought of; these, which were indeed a stumbling-block to those who before having no great kindness for our Religion, were confirmed in their abhorrence by this bloody and inhuman Scene.  
But what Zosimus relates of the Immoralities of the Emperor Valens, Evagrius takes not so ill, because he was a defender of the Arian Heresy; several of the Ancients, among whom Paulus Varnefridus, commonly called Diaconus, and Jornandes complain of him as the Author of that wicked Law (as they term it) by which he restrained those vast numbers of those, who under pretence of Religion affected Solitudes and took upon them a kind of Monkish life; and that Persons fit for the management of Affairs and the support of the Commonwealth should be fetched out of those holes, and forced according to their several capacities either to enter into the Wars, or the discharge of civil Duties; and truly for this very reason I think Valens undeservedly reprehended; and some there are who think this Law brought into use for the raising provisions for the Army out of those allowances which went towards the maintenance of those Lubbards, and that good Troops might be formed out of them and paid without the charge of the Commonwealth, by turning those Revenues that way, which by the superstitions of their Predecessors had been bequeathed to the feeding the Bellies of a parcel of lazy Monks.  
And here you see what it is Evagrius and Nicephorus make such ado about against Zosimus. But their empty and trifling reasons for excusing Christian Princes, their vanity in accusing Pagans, their impudence in denying the truth, and their ignorance in asserting falsehoods, I hope I have sufficiently exposed.  
There remains Photius the Patriarch of Constantinople, who charges Zosimus for barking like any Dog against the Godly; but we have before shown that there is no hurt in his barking, nor any venom in his bite: which that it may be evident in a few words: We see through the whole History of Zosimus, Constantine is reproved by him for the cruelty of his exactions, his Parricides,, his Luxury, his profuseness; which Vices it seems, even the Christian Religion could but little restrain in him. He objects to his Sons their slaughter of one another, and the murder of their Kindred. He shows the sloth of Jovian, and the cowardice of his mind in quitting those Provinces which belonged to the Empire. He sets a mark upon Valentinian for his unreasonable suspicion, and thence his cruelty to such as he disinherited, his oppressing his People with immoderate and unreasonable Taxes. In Gratian, he shows how his too great affection towards the barbarous Nations, and his contempt of his own Subjects were the occasion of his death and an alteration in the Commonwealth. He blames Theodosius for changing and augmenting the number of Magistrates and selling of their places, and his being so excessively given to voluptuousness; though excepting these, he as freely praises him. He terms his Son Arcadius no better than beast, for being governed only by Eunuches and idle Women to the extreme detriment of the Commonwealth and the grief of all good Men; and says that Honorius was even as slothful as his Brother.  
These are those godly Princes, I suppose, against whom Photius complains Zosimus has barked, in exposing their Vices to the World; who nevertheless if he found any thing that deserved commendation he never dissembled it. Add the Pillars of our Religion, St. Chrysostom, who he says was wont with great Eloquence to soften and cajole the unlearned Rabble: and Pope Innocent, who opposed not the use of those impious Rites for the safety of the City, as if he had had that of Virgil in his mind, Flectere si nequeo superos, Acheronta movebo. And lastly the Monks, whom he takes notice of for abstaining from Marriage, filling Cities and Villages with Colleges of single People, of use neither to the Wars, nor to any civil Duty in the Commonwealth: but have ever since gone a certain way whereby they have secured a considerable part of the Earth to themselves, and under pretence of relieving the poor, have reduced a great part of mankind to beggary. And here you see the yelping Photius is so displeased at.  
In those other things wherein Zosimus hath reflected upon the Christian Religion, you may observe a kind of admirable return or Circle of Times and humane things. He relates how Gratian died by a kind of Judgement for refusing to put on the Garment of the Pontifex Maximus, according to the custom of his Predecessors, declaring himself a Christian and no Worshipper of the host of Heaven: which Garment was wont to be presented to the Pagan Emperors with the same Ceremony as in succeeding ages the Christian used to put on the Stolae Diaconatus. He reports how the Senate in defence of the Religion they had received from their Ancestors, laid before Theodosius the Antiquity of their Rites and Worship, having derived them from the very foundation of their City, and by the observing of which the People of Rome had preserved their Empire twelve hundred years; that it was unreasonable to prefer a Religion that had so little to say for itself to one so ancient and august. And adds, how Theodosius abolished those sacred Rites which by the Institution of his Ancestors ought to have been perpetual, how he forbade sacrificing at the Public charge, and commanded provisions for the Army to be raised out of them for the safety of the Roman Empire; He complains of his removing the Images, and shortly after, the Statues of Gold and Silver and coining vast sums of Money out of them, which he was afterward forced to part with to Alaric to buy a Peace at his hands; that Serena Theodosius' Niece sacrilegiously robbed the Mother of the Gods of her Jewels and wore them herself, and that her Husband Stilico took away those huge Plates of Gold which were 〈◊〉 to the doors of the Temple belong to the Capitol. But who is there that has not seen the like in our days and heard the like Complaints? From all which it is evident that that common Enemy of mankind's that he might obstruct the true Worship of God, has always been the same. But 'tis my Opinion, that Wise Men will be so far from refusing to read Zosimus, that the variety of these kinds of Relations will render him more acceptable and delightful.  
This is what I had to offer in his Defence against the frightful Invectives of some Writers; and which I hope will obtain among those Men who are capable of making a right judgement of things. I could if I pleased or thought it worth my while enlarge in the just praise of Zosimus' History; But because, as they say, Good Wine needs no Bush, I will no longer detain the Reader from entertaining himself better with the most Elegant Writings of our Author; and I promise myself, that excepting those things which relate to Church-Affairs, the learned Reader will in all others prefer him far before either Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen or Theodoret; or if out of a religious kind of scruple they are afraid to prefer a Pagan to those Ecclesiastical Writers of the upper Form, yet we do not at all doubt but they will without dispute allow him to equal them in his way, and not so much as admit the rest of them as Zonaras, Cedrenus, etc. into competition with him.   

A New HISTORY Written by Count ZOSIMUS, Sometime Advocate of the Treasury.  

The First Book.  
WHEN Polybius of Megalopolis designed to write the History of all remarkable passages in his time, he thought it the best way to show from matter of fact, that the Romans, who had Wars with their neighbouring Nations for six hundred years after the building of their City, gained, in that time, no very great Dominions. But when they had reduced some small part of Italy, which, after Hannibal came over, at the Battle of Cannae, they lost; and saw their Enemies lie before their Walls, they grew so great and fortunate, that, in less than fifty three years, they were masters not only of all Italy and Africa, but subdued the Spaniards too. And being still desirous to propagate their Empire, they passed the Ionian Bay, conquered the Grecians, and ruin'd the Macedonians, whose King, that then was, they took alive and carried to Rome. Now the cause of all this no man will say was merely humane; but either fatal Necessity, or the Influence of the Stars, or the Will of God, which favours all our Actions, as long as they are just and good. For these things lay such a train of seeming causes upon future contingencies, that thinking men suppose, the Administration of humane affairs is managed by divine Providence; so that when people's Spirits are up and vigorous, they thrive and are in good plight, but, on the contrary, when these are dejected and want courage, those dwindle into the present circumstances.  
But my business is, to show from the things themselves, that what I say is true; and therefore I must tell you, That after the Trojan War until the Battle of Marathon, the Greeks did nothing, that I know, worth the speaking of either against each other, or any body else. But when Darius, by his Prefects, or great Governors of Towns and Provinces, came to oppose them with infinite numbers of men, eight thousand Athenians, inspired, as it were from Heaven, and armed by mere chance, ran out to meet him, and got so much the better of it, that they killed ninety thousand and forced the rest to fly the Country. And this fight it was, that put the Grecians into a far better condition than formerly. But when Darius was dead, and Xerxes came with an Army so much greater, that he seemed to bring all Asia into Greece (for he filled the Sea with Ships and the Land with Soldiers) he found it necessary to cross over from Asia into Europe; and therefore, as if the two Elements of Earth and Water had not been capable of receiving his Army, unless they had robbed each other of their natural use, he made a Bridge over the Hellespont for the Foot-Soldiers to march upon; nay, he cut a passage through the Mountain Athos, where Ships road as in the Sea. Whilst in the mean time the Grecians, though they were terrified at the very report of such an Enemy's approach, yet they prepared for him as well as they were able. And in one Sea-fight at Artemisium and another at Salamis, they obtained a Victory so far beyond the former, that Xerxes was glad to escape with his life, when he had lost most of his Army; whilst the remaining part of them, that were slain at Plataeae, did, by their deaths, so much advance the glory of the Grecians, that in the strength of their reputation and renown, they nor only set the Greeks, that were in Asia, at Liberty, but possessed themselves of almost all the Islands.  
And indeed, if they had been unanimous among themselves, and content with their then present condition, nor the Athenians fallen out with the Lacedæmonians about the Government and Menage of Greece, they would never have had any foreign Lords. But when the Peloponnesian War had weakened the strength of the Greeks, and made their City's poor, Philip had room and opportunity to enlarge that Kingdom, which his Father left him, by arts and stratagems, though he was not equal in strength to any of his neighbours. For he did so oblige his own Soldiers, and all others that would fight under his Command, with Money, that he grew great enough to engage with the Athenians at Cheronea, and, after that Victory, was so kind and courteous and won so much upon all men, that he thought himself well enough prepared to go against the King of Persia. But before he could raise a competent number of men, he died.  
Then Alexander came to be King, who assoon as he had settled Affairs in Greece, went over into Asia with a considerable Army. Where having conquered the satraps (i. e. Governors of Provinces) who opposed him, he made his way toward Darius himself, who with an innumerable Host had taken all the places about Issus. And there engaging with the Persians he gained an incredible Victory, routed Darius, and went himself through Phoenicia, and Syria into Palestine. (What he did at Tyre and Gaza, you may read in those Historians that have written concerning Alexander.) From thence he marched into Egypt, and when he had paid his Devotion to Jupiter Ammon, and ordered the building of Alexandria, returned to finish the Persian War. But on his way thither, finding all people had a kindness for him, he went into Mesopotamia; and though he heard that Darius had a greater Army than before, now in readiness, yet he proceeded with what forces he then had and engaged with him at Arbela; where he was so victorious that he killed almost all Darius' men, and ruin'd the Persian Monarchy, though the King himself escaped.  
After that, when Besus had killed Darius, and Alexander, having achieved great things in India, was come again to Babylon, he died. Upon whose decease the Macedonian Government being divided into Satrapies or petit Principalities, and enfeebled by continual Wars among themselves, Fortune subdued the remaining part of Europe to the Romans. And then going over into Asia, fight the Kings of Pontus and Antiochus, and making War afterward against the Dynastes or Princes of Egypt, they enlarged the Empire something every year, as long as their Senate stood, by reason that their Consuls were ambitious of outdoing one another. But when the Civil Wars betwixt Sylla and Marius, as, afterward, betwixt Julius Cesar and Pompey the Great, had ruined the Commonwealth, they laid aside the Aristocracy [or Government of the Nobility] and chose Octavianus, Dictator: committing the whole Administration of Affairs to him alone, without considering, that they had thrown (as it were) the Dice upon all people's hopes and ventured the hazard of that vast Empire upon one Man's inclination and power. For whether he designed to govern by Justice and Equity, he could not please all men; as not being able to assist them that were at a great distance, in any convenient time, nor could he find out so many Officers, that would be ashamed not to answer the character or judgement given of 'em; or suit himself to so many different humours: or whether he would break through the bounds of Imperial Kingly Government, and move toward Tyranny, by disturbing the present establishments, winking at great Crimes, selling of Justice, and looking upon Subjects as Slaves (as most Emperors, and indeed almost all, except some few, have done) it must of necessity follow, that his unbounded, brute power would prove a common Calamity. For fawning Rascals and Parasites are preferred by such a Governor into places of greatest Trust, by the help of those Estates and Honours that he bestows upon them. Whilst modest, quiet men, that are averse to such a way of living, do very justly resent their own not enjoying the same benefits. And hence it is that Towns are filled with insurrections and tumults; for when all Offices both Civil and Military are conferred upon covetous Magistrates, it makes both the Citizens uneasy in Peace, and discourages the Soldiers in War.  
Now that this is so, experience has plainly shown, together with those things that happened soon after in the Reign of Octavianus. For the Dance called Pantomimus [which signifies, a Dance in imitation of every body] was introduced at that time, though it had never been used before, since Pylades and Bathyllus invended it; besides a great many other things that occasion much mischief even to this day. But indeed Octavianus seemed to govern very moderately, especially after he took Athenodorus the Stoics counsel, and in respect of Tiberius, who succeeded him: for he was so severe a Tyrant, that his Subjects could not endure him, but expelled him into an Island, where he lay private for some time and then died. After him Caius Caligula, who far exceeded Tiberius in all sorts of wickedness, was slain by Chaereas, who by that bold action resolved to free the Commonwealth from his cruel Tyranny. Then Claudius came to be Emperor, who committed all his Affairs to the conduct of Libertines [the Sons of those who had been Slaves] that were Eunuches, and his Successors were then advanced to the Imperial Throne. Of whom I resolve not to say one word, because the World shall not know, what monstrous and enormous actions they were guilty of. But Vespasian, and his Son Titus were much more moderate in their time; as, on the other hand, Domitian surpassed all others in cruelty, luxury and avarice: for which reason when he had been a plague to the Commonwealth for fifteen years together, he was killed by Stephanus, one of his Freemen, and seemed to suffer justly for his wicked actions.  
From this time good men succeeded in the Empire, as Nerva, Trajan, and after him Adrian, Antoninus Pius, and that pair of Brothers called Verus and Lucius, who corrected many Errors in the State, and not only recovered what their Predecessors had lost, but made likewise some new additions. But after them, when Commodus the Son of Marcus had been Emperor, who was addicted not only to Tyranny but even prodigious Vices besides, till Marcia his Concubine took manly courage and killed him, the Empire was conferred upon Pertinax. But the Court Guards being not able to endure his strict way of exercise and Discipline, which made 'em mutinee and kill him also, Rome had like to have been all in an uproar and confusion, whilst the Praetorian Soldiers, that were designed to secure the Palace, endeavoured to extort out of the Senate hands the power of making a Sole-governour. And now the Empire being set to Sale (as it were) one Didius Julianus, by the instigation of his Wife, and through more folly than Wisdom, produced a sum of money wherewith he purchased the Empire; and made such a Show as the people ne'er saw in their lives before, or any other legal Attendance; besides the Soldiers, who set him up, and by violence gave him possession of the Palace, with all the furniture that was in it. But he was called in question and taken off too, by those very men that raised him to his Hononr, nor was his Life any more than a momentany, golden Dream.  
When he was removed, the Senate sat in consultation, who they should choose Emperor in his room, and pitched upon Severus. But Albinus and Niger pretending a right of Government at the same time, there arose fierce civil Wars between 'em; so that the Cities were divided, some being for one side and some for the other. Whereupon there were great commotions in the Eastern parts and in Egypt; nor did the byzantians, who were Nigers friends and entertained him, refuse any dangerous Attempt, till Severus got the Victory and Niger was killed. After whom Albinus also quitted the Empire and this World together, so that the sole Power was now devolved upon Severus. He therefore applied himself to rectify those things that had been carried with such exorbitancy, inflicting in the first place severe punishments upon the Soldiers that killed Pertinax and delivered up the Empire to Julianus. Which having done and settled the Militia, he went against the Persians, and in the same expedition took Ctesiphon and Babylon, over-ran the Arabians, (called Scenites, from their living in Tents) conquered Arabia in general, and did many other great Exploits; besides that he was inexorable to Delinquents and made a public distribution of their goods, who were guilty of any heinous Offence.  
Having adorned a great many Cities with sumptuous Buildings, he declared his Son Antoninus Emperor, but, being near his death, left, not only him, but his other Son Geta also, coheirs in the Government, and made Papinianus (a very just person and one that was more skilled in the knowledge and interpretation of the Law than any Roman either before or since) their Guardian or Protector. But Antoninus not long after suspected this worthy Person, who was Perfect of the Court, for no other reason, but because he did what he could to frustrate a Design that Antoninus had laid against his Brother Geta, and Papinianus had discovered. He therefore resolved to remove this Obstacle, and with the Soldiers contrived Papinianus' destruction. After which when he had his hands at liberty he slew his Brother whom even his own Mother could not save, though he fled to her for protection.  
But not long after, Antoninus paid for murdering his Brother, nor was the person that slew him ever known. And then the Soldiery at Rome chose Macrinus, who was Perfect of the Court (as Papinianus had been) Emperor, whilst those in the Eastern countries' set up Emisenus, who was a kin to Antoninus' Mother. Now therefore both Armies were so tenacious of what they had done, that there arose a civil broil between 'em, and whilst Emisenus Antoninus' men were bringing him to Rome, Macrinus' Army marched out of Italy. And when, at Antioch in Syria, the two Armies had engaged, Macrinus was so totally defeated, that he was forced to fly the Camp, but between Byzantium and Chalcedon was taken and killed.  
When Antoninus had gotten this Victory and punished all those that sided with Macrinus, as Enemies, he lived such a dissolute; scandalous life, conversing so much with Magicians and Jugglers that the Romans, not able to endure his excessive Luxury, murdered him, tore his body in pieces, and declared Alexander, Emperor, who came likewise of Severus' Family. Who though he were but young, yet he was a person of a good Nature, and put all people in hopes that he would prove an easy Governor. For he made Flavianus and Chrestus Prefects of his Court, who were men not only well versed in Military affairs, but excellent also in the management of civil Business. But Mamaea the Emperor's Mother set Vlpianus as an Inspector or Overseer over them, and indeed as a Partner in their Office, (because he was an incomparable Lawyer and one that knew not only how to regulate the present Affairs, but to provide with all prudence for the future) at which the Soldiers were so offended, that they privately contrived his ruin. Which when Mamaea understood, she prevented their Design by taking off the Conspirators, and making Ulpian the sole Perfect belonging to the Court. But after that being suspected by the Army (for what cause I cannot well tell, since there are so many various reports concerning his inclinations) he was murdered in a tumult, nor could the Emperor himself save his life.  
From this time forward the Soldiers, who by degrees forgot their former kindness to Alexander, seemed very unwilling to execute his Commands, and lest they should be punished for their sloth, made public mutinies, in which they promoted one Antoninus to the Empire. But he not able to sustain the weight of that great Trust, withdrew himself; which made 'em choose Vranius, a man of mean and slavish condition, who being presently brought before Alexander in his purple Robes, their hatred to the Emperor was thereby the more augmented. And hence it was that Alexander seeing himself environed with so many difficulties, was altered not only in the temper of his body but in the complexion of his mind too; insomuch that he was seized with the Disease of Avarice and laid up money with great care and solicitude, of which he made his Mother his Treasurer.  
But whilst his Affairs stood in this unhappy posture, the Armies that were in Pannonia and Mysia, who had no great kindness for him before, were now more inclined to a Revolt, and therefore being set upon Innovation, they raised Maximinus, who was Captain of a Pannonian Troop, to the Empire. He therefore, having got all his forces together, marched into Italy as fast as he could, because he thought it easier to attaque the Emperor at unawares. But Alexander, who was then in the parts about the Rhine, having intelligence there of their designed Innovations, moved towards Rome with all speed. Where though he offered pardon both to the Soldiers and Maximinus too, if they would desist from their Attempts, yet he could not reconcile 'em, and therefore, in a desperate humour exposed himself, as it were, to Death. His Mother Mamaea too, who came out of the Palace with the Prefects to appease the Tumult, was murdered together with the Prefects. By which means Maximinus was well settled in the Empire, but all people were sorry that they had changed a moderate Emperor for a cruel Tyrant. For he was of an obscure Family, and therefore when he came to be Emperor, eclipsed those Virtues that he was naturally endued with, by the excessive confidence of his own power: insomuch that he was intolerable to all men in general, and did not only injure those that were in places of Honour, but used all cruelty in the conduct of his Affairs, obliging none but Sycophants, who informed against innocent, quiet men, as if they were Debtors to the Imperial Treasury. At length he proceeded to murder men through covetousness before he heard what they could say for themselves, made all the Towns his own, and plundered the Inhabitants.  
Now the Nations subject to the Romans being not able to endure his extravagant cruelty, but mightily troubled at the open ravage which he committed, the Africans declared Gordianus and his Son, of the same name, Emperors; and sent Ambassadors to Rome, among whom was Valerianus a Consul's fellow, who himself was afterward Emperor. At which the Senate was well pleased, and consulted how to remove the Tyrant; inciting the Soldiers to Rebellion, and putting the people in mind of the injuries done to them both in their private capacities and also as they were members of such a Commonwealth. Then being all agreed they chose twenty Men out of their whole Senate, who understood Military Discipline, and from among them elected two, called Balbinus and Maximus, to whom they committed the chief Command, and going toward Rome were ready to make an Insurrection.  
But Maximinus when he heard of these things, went in all haste toward Rome with the Moors and Frenchmen that he had under him, and by the way besieged the Garrison of Aquileia, because they shut their Gates against him; though his own party who at last conulted the public good, with much ado consented to those who had a mind to take him off, and thereby reduced him to such extremity of danger, that he was fain to make his own Son a Petitioner in his behalf, supposing that his tender years would rebate their anger and move them to pity. But they were thereby the more enraged, and after they had killed the Boy in a most barbarous manner, dispatched him also; upon which one of 'em came and cutting off his head brought it along with him to Rome for a demonstration and Trophy of their Victory. And thus being freed from all their fears, they waited for the Arrival of the two Emperors out of afric.  
But they being cast away in a storm, the Senate conferred the universal management of affairs upon Gordianus, who was Son to one of 'em. In whose Reign the Romans remitted something of their former melancholy, because the Emperor diverted 'em with Plays and other exercises. But when they were all awaked, as it were, out of a dead sleep, they laid a private Plot against the Emperor, by the advice of Balbinus and Maximus, who instigated certain Soldiers against him. Which being found out, the Heads of the party, besides a great many of the Complices, were put to death.  
Not long after this, the Carthaginians fell out with the Emperor, and would needs have put Sabianus in his room; but Gordianus raised the African forces, which soon reconciled 'em; insomuch that they delivered up the Usurper (that would have been) begged pardon for their Offences and freed themselves from all impendent dangers.  
In the mean time Gordianus married the Daughter of Timesicles (who was a man very much applauded for his learning) and made him Perfect of the Court; by which action he seemed to supply the defects of his own nonage in the administration of public Affairs. But when he had secured the Empire, he looked every hour when the Persians would attaque the Eastern Nations, since Sapores was King upon the Death of Artaxerxes, who restored the Government back from the Parthians to the Persians. For after Alexander the Son of Philip was dead, and other Successors of his in the Macedonian Empire (at that time when Antiochus governed those superior Satrapies or Provinces) Arsaces, a Parthian, being incensed at an injury offered to his Brother Teridates, levied War against the Satrape of Antiochus, gave occasion to the Parthians to turn out all the Macedonians, and make the Government their own. The Emperor therefore made all the preparations that he could to go against the Persians. Now though the Roman Army seemed to have gotten the Victory in the first fight, yet seeing Timesicles, the Perfect of the Court, died, the Emperor's great Confidence in the security of his enterprise was very much abated. For Philip being chosen in his place, the good will of the Soldiers toward the Emperor decayed by degrees and grew insensible. For he being born in Arabia (which is a wicked Nation) and not better than he should have been in the advancement of his Fortune, as soon as he got into his Office, affected to be Emperor, obliged all the Soldiers who were inclined to innovations, and seeing there was plenty of military provisions brought in, whilst the Emperor stayed about Carrae and Nisibis, commanded the Ships that brought such provisions to go up farther into the Country, that thereby the Army, being oppressed with Famine and want of necessaries, might be provoked to mutiny.  
And indeed his Design took effect; for the Soldiers, under pretence of wanting necessaries, came about Gordianus in a very rude manner, and having killed him as the chief cause, that so many perished in the Army, they conferred the Purple Robe upon Philip according to their Contract. He therefore made a Peace with Sapores upon Oath; which when he had done and put an end to the War, he marched toward Rome: and as he obliged the Soldiers with large gifts, so he sent Messengers to Rome, to give out that Gordianus died of a Disease. But when he came to Rome himself, and had made the Senatorian Order his Friends, he thought it the best way to bestow the greatest preferments upon his nearest Relations. Wherefore he made his Brother Priscus General of the Syrian Army, committing the Mysian and Macedonian forces to the conduct of Severianus his Son-in-law.  
By this means thinking that he had established the Empire in his own possession, he went upon an Expedition against the Carpi, who had plundered all the Country about the Ister. But when they engaged, the Barbarians were not able to sustain the vigorous shock of our party; and therefore fled into a certain Castle, in which they were besieged. Yet when they saw their men, who were dispersed some one way and some another, had rallied again into a body, they resumed their courage, and sallying forth from the Castle attaqued the Roman Army. But being unable to bear the impetuous onset of the Moors, they treated for Peace; to which Philip easily assented and marched off. But since at that time there were many disturbances in the Commonwealth, the Eastern Provinces (who were vexed, partly by the exactions of Tributes, and partly upon the account of Priscus, who was their Governor, but an intolerable ill man) inclined to innovation and set up Papianus for Emperor, whilst those of Mysia and Pannonia thought better of Marinus.  
Now Philip being troubled at these things desired the Senate that either they would assist him against such imminent dangers, or if they were displeased with his Government, that they would suffer him to lay it down and dismiss him quietly: to which seeing no body at all replied, Decius, (who was a person of great birth and quality and adorned with all Virtues besides) said, He was unwise to be so much concerned for those things; for they would vanish of themselves and could not possibly subsist. And though the event answered Decius' Conjecture, which he had made through long experience in the World, so that Papianus and Marinus were taken off; yet Philip was still afraid, because he knew how much the Soldiers hated the Officers in that Country. He therefore desired Decius, that he would command the Legions that were in Mysia and Pannonia. Which he refusing, because, he said, he thought it inconvenient for him and Philip too, Philip used the Thessalian Rhetoric of Necessity (as they call it) and forced him into Pannonia to chastise the accomplices of Marinus' faction there. But the Soldiers in those parts seeing Decius punish all those that had offended, thought it their best way both to avoid the present danger and set up a Monarch at the same time, who would take more care of the Commonwealth, and, being more skilful in Civil as well as Military Affairs, might easily conquer Philip.  
In order whereunto they clothed Decius in Purple, and, amidst all his fears of future misadventures, compelled him to assume the management of public Affairs. When therefore Philip heard, that Decius was thus set up for Emperor, he mustered up all his forces, to subdue him. Now those that were with Decius, though they knew the Enemy outdid 'em much in number, yet they had courage still, because they trusted to Decius' skill and general prudence in all matters. And when the two Armies fell to it, though the one was superior in number, yet the other was above it in point of Discipline and Conduct, so that a great many of Philip's side were slain and he himself among the rest, together with his Son, whom he had honoured with the Title of Caesar. And thus did Decius gain the Empire.  
Now therefore seeing things were every where full of disorder through Philip's negligence, the Scythians marched over Tanäis, and plundered the Countries about Thrace. But Decius opposed 'em and proved not only victorious in all the Battles that he fought, but recovered the spoils that they had taken, endeavoured to prevent and block up their passage home again, and intended to kill 'em every man, lest they should rally any more. For which purpose he posted Gallus upon the bank of Tanäis with a competent number of men, and went himself with the remainder of his forces against the Enemy. In which expedition he had all the success that he could wish for; and therefore Gallus, who was inclined to Innovation, sent Agents to the Barbarians, entreating them to join with him in a Conspiracy against Decius. To which they very willingly agreed and Gallus kept his Post upon the bank of Tanäis; but the Barbarians divided themselves into three Battalions, of which the first was planted behind a certain Marsh. Now when Decius had destroyed a great many of the first Battalion, the second came up, which he likewise defeated and discovered some of the third, which lay near the Marsh. But Gallus sent him word, that he might march against 'em through the Fenn, and therefore as he went on unwarily in a strange place, both he and his Army were bemired, and in that circumstance so pelted by the Barbarians, that ne'er an one of 'em escaped alive. And thus did Decius, that excellent Emperor, end his days.  
Him Gallus succeeded; who when he had declared his Son Volusianus Partner in the Empire, and made a Proclamation, as it were, that Decius and his Army perished by his contrivance, the Barbarians began to be more prosperous than before. For Gallus permitted them not only to return home with the spoil, but promised to pay 'em yearly a certain sum of Money, and let 'em carry away all the noblest Captives; who had been, most of 'em, taken at Philippopolis in Thrace.  
Now Gallus, when he had ordered his Affairs in this manner, came to Rome, and was very proud of this Peace that he had made with the Barbarians. And though at first indeed he spoke very kindly concerning Decius' way of Governing, and adopted one of his Sons, who was then alive, yet in process of time being afraid, lest some of them who used to study new Projects, might run back into a recapitulation of Decius' Princely Virtues, and so one time or other give up the Empire to his Son, he devised the young man's destruction, without any regard either to his Adoption, or even to common honesty and justice.  
But Gallus behaved himself so supinely in the Administration of the Empire, that the Scythians first terrified their Neighbour Nations, and after, by degrees, spoiled all the countries' even to the Sea-coast. So that there was not so much as one Nation, subject to the Romans, but what they wasted; taking almost all the unwalled Towns, besides a great many of those that were fortified. But besides a War on every side; which lay very heavy upon 'em, there was a Plague in all the Cities, and Villages, which swept away the remainder of Mankind in those parts, nor was there ever known such a mortality in any former Age.  
At this juncture of Affairs, seeing the Emperors were not able to defend the Commonwealth, but neglected all things without the Walls of Rome, the Gotths, the Borani, the Vrugundi, and the Carpi did once more plunder the Cities in Europe of all that was left in 'em; whilst on the other hand the Persians invaded Asia, wherein they possessed themselves of Mesopotamia, proceeded as far even as Antioch in Sysia, took that City, which is the Metropolis of all the East (killing some of the Inhabitants and taking the rest away Captives) and went back home with an infinite quantity of spoils, when they had pulled down all the private and public Buildings in it, without any resistance made against 'em. And indeed the Persians were in a fair way to have gotten all Asia into their hands, if they had not been so overjoyed at their excessive Plunder as to be content to keep and carry home those things which they had taken.  
In the mean time all the Scythians of Europe lived in great security, were gone over into Asia, and had spoiled all the Country as far as Cappadocia, Pesinus and Ephesus, till AEmilianus, General of the Pannonian Legions, endeavouring all he could to encourage his Soldiers (who were disheartened, nor durst withstand the prosperous success of the Barbarians) and putting 'em in mind of the Roman Honour and Bravery, surprised the Barbarians, which he found thereabout: And when he had killed a great many of them, put his men over into their Country, removed whatever obstacle he met with, and, in fine, had freed the Roman Subjects from their fury, He was chosen Emperor by his own Soldiers. Thereupon he mustered up all the forces of that Country, who were grown more courageous since his Victory against the Barbarians, and so marched for Italy, with a design to fight Gallus, who was yet unprepared to engage him. For Gallus had never heard what had been done in the East, and therefore made only what accidental preparations he could, whilst Valerianus went to fetch the Celtic and the Germane Legions. But Aemilianus came with all speed into Italy, and the Armies were very near one another, when Gallus' Soldiers considering, that he was much inferior to the Enemy in numbers and strength, as also, that he was a careless, slothful man, killed him and his Son; and then going over to Aemilianus' Party seemed to establish his Government.  
But Valerianus brought a vast Army from beyond the Alps into Italy, with which he thought himself sure to Conquer Aemilianus; and therefore Aemilianus' own Soldiers, who saw him behave himself more like a private Sentinel than an Emperor, took him off as a Person unfit for such a weighty Command.  
By which means Valerianus was chosen Emperor with general approbation, and made it his business to regulate all Affairs; But by the excursions of the Scythians, and besides them, the Marcomanni, who made an inroad upon all the bordering Countries, adjacent to the Roman Empire, Thessalonica was in extreme danger: and though with much pains and difficulty the Siege was raised by the brave defence which those within made, yet all Greece was in an uproar. Then did the Athenians repair their Walls (which had never been thought worth their care since Sylla pulled 'em down) and so likewise did the Peloponnesians fortify the Isthmus, insomuch that there was a common Guard upon all Greece set for their own security.  
Valerianus, understanding what danger the Roman Empire was in on all sides, chose Gallienus, his Son, as Partner with him in the Government; and seeing things every where in such disorder, went into the East to oppose the Persians, committing the care of the forces in Europe to his Son, whom he engaged with that Army to withstand the Barbarians, who came in upon him from all quarters. Now therefore Gallienus, since the Germans were more troublesome, than any other Nation, and more vexatious to the Gauls that lived upon the Rhine, marched against 'em in Person, and commanded his Officers, with what forces they had there, to make a War against all others, who were resolved to plunder all Italy, Illyricum, and Greece. In pursuit of which design, He kept and guarded the passages of the Rhine, as well as he could; and as at one time he stopped their going over, so at another he fought 'em just as they crossed it. But being to resist a vast multitude with a small number, he was at a loss, and thought he might be more secure by making a League with one of the Germane Princes, who not only hindered the frequent passage of the other Barbarians over the Rhine, but stopped the Career of new Auxiliaries. And this was the condition of those, who lived upon the Rhine.  
In the mean time the Borani, the Gotthi, the Carpi, and the Vrugundi (which are Nations living upon the Ister) left no part of Italy or Illyricum unpillaged, but without any opposition, made havoc of all. And indeed the Borani attempted to go over into Asia, which they very easily effected by the help of them that lived upon the Bosphorus, who more out of fear than any good will supplied them with Ships and guided 'em in their passage. For though as long as they had Kings of their own, who succeeded one another by descent, they always kept the Scythians out of Asia, either for the love they bore the Romans, or for the sake of their Trade and Commerce, or in gratitude for the Presents sent 'em every year from their Kings; yet afterward, when the Royal Line was extinct, and certain mean, abject Persons had gotten the Power in their hands, they were afraid of themselves, and gave the Scythians free ingress into Asia, nay carried them over and came back again in their own Ships.  
But whilst the Scythians plundered all before 'em, the People, who inhabited upon the Sea-coast of Pontus, removed into the midland fortified Towns; and the Barbarians at the same time made the first attaque upon Pityus, which is enclosed with a very strong Wall and has a very convenient Harbour. But Sucessianus, General of the Army there, made such resistance with what forces he had, that he routed the Barbarians, and put them into a fear, lest if the other Garrisons should hear what was done, they might join with those of Pityus and quite destroy 'em; insomuch that they got as many Ships as they could, and with great hazard returned home, though with the loss of many of their men who fell in the Battle at Pityus. They therefore, who lived near the Euxine Sea and were preserved by the conduct of Sucessianus (as I have told you) could never hope (or rather fear) that the Scythians, who had been so repulsed, would come over to 'em any more. But, whilst Valerianus sent for Sucessianus, made him Perfect of the Court, and discoursed with him about the Affairs and the repairing of Antioch, the Scythians got Ships of the Bosphorans, and crossed the Sea. But the Inhabitants of the other side detained the Ships and would not suffer the Bosphorans to take 'em home again (as they had done) whereupon they travailed into the Country near Phasis, where, they say, is the Temple of Diana (called from the place) Phasiana, and the Palace of King Aeeta; and having in vain attempted to take that Temple, went straight to Pityus.  
Where when they had taken the Castle, and turned out all the Guards that were in it, they went on forward; and having a very numerous Navy, whereinto they put all the Captives who knew how to handle an Oar, they sailed, in calm weather, which continued almost all the Summer, toward Trapezus, which is a great and populous City, and had in it some ten thousand men besides their usual Compliment. They therefore, when they first laid Siege to it, did not so much as dream they should take it, because it was surrounded with two Walls; but when they observed that the Soldiers were given up to sloth and drunkenness, and did not continue upon the Wall, but were always in pursuit of pleasures and debauchery, they piled up Trees which they had prepared for the purpose against the Wall whereby to scale it, and so getting their men up by degrees in the nighttime they took the City; whilst the Soldiers within were amazed at the sudden and unexpected invasion, but made a shift to escape through several Gates of the City, and the rest were destroyed by the Enemy. And when the City was thus taken, the Barbarians got an unspeakable quantity of Money besides an infinite number of Slaves: for almost all the Country people thereabout were fled into that City for refuge, as being a well-fortified place. They therefore having demolished all the Temples and Houses besides other things whatever they were that conduced either to the grandeur or beauty of the Place, and over ran the adjacent Country too, returned home with a great number of Ships.  
When the Scythians, that were their Neighbours, saw what a booty they had gotten, they had a mind to do something in imitation of 'em, and to that end prepared a Fleet, which either their Captives or others that for want had mixed themselves among them, helped 'em to build. But they resolved not to set out as the Borani had done, because it was tedious and difficult to sail that way, and they must pass through places that were already plundered. Wherefore they stayed till Winter, and then leaving the Euxine Sea on the left hand, but Ister, Tomes and Anchialus on the right (whilst their Land-forces marched by the shore as fast as they could) they arrived at the Lake of Phileatina, which lies to the Westward of Byzantium near Pontus. But finding that the Fishermen of that Lake had hidden themselves and their Vessels in the Fens adjacent to it, they went and made an agreement with 'em, put their Land-forces into the fisher-men's Boats and so sailed forward in order to pass the straight, that lies between Byzantium and Chalcedon. And though there was a Guard from Chalcedon all along as far as the Temple which stands at the entrance into Pontus, that was much too strong for the Barbarians who came against it, yet some of the Soldiers marched off under pretence of meeting a General that the Emperor had sent thither, and others were in such a fright that they ran away as fast as they could when they first heard of it. Whereupon the Barbarians crossed over, took Chalcedon without any opposition, and made themselves masters of Money, Arms, and other provisions in abundance.  
From hence they marched on to Nicomedia, a great and wealthy City, famed both for the riches and general affluence of it: where though the Citizens had heard of their coming and were run away with all the Money they could carry, the Barbarians notwithstanding admired at the vast quantity of things that they found there and paid Chrysogonus all Honour and service, who had formerly advised 'em to Nicomedia. And when they had over-ran Nicaea, Cius, Apamea, and Prusa and done the same in those places, they went toward Cysicus; but the River Ryndacus was so mightily out by reason of the great Rains that had fallen, they could not pass and so were forced to go back again. Then they burned Nicomedia and Nicaea, and putting up or stowing their Spoils in Carts or Ships, begain to think of going home again; which put an end to their second incursion, or inroad.  
By this time Valerianus had heard of the disturbances in Bythinia, but durst not trust any of his Captains with the defence of it, he was so diffident: Wherefore he sent Felix to look after Byzantium, and went himself from Antioch as far as Cappadocia, where having done some injury to every City as he passed along, he returned homeward. But then the Plague happened among his Army and destroyed most of 'em at what time Sapores made an Attempt upon the East and reduced it all into his own Power. In the mean time Valerianus was so effeminate and supine that he despaired of ever recovering out of the present ill circumstances and would have put an end to the War by giving of Money; but Sapores sent his Ambassadors whom he sent about that Affair away without their Errand, desiring that the Emperor would come, and parley with him, in Person, concerning those things that he thought requisite. To which he consented, like an imprudent man as he was, and going without any consideration to Sapores with a small Retinue, to treat forsooth about a Peace, was presently taken by the Enemy; and so ended his days in the quality of a Slave among the Persians, to the great dishonour of the Roman Name in all future times.  
This being the State of the East, all things at that time, were in a confused, helpless condition. But the Scythians were unanimous and therefore mustering themselves into one body out of every Nation and Country within their Dominions, they plundered Illyricum with some part of their Army, wasting the Cities in those parts, and marched with the rest into Italy as far as Rome itself.  
In the mean time Gallienus continued still beyond the Alps, intent upon the Germane Wars, whilst the Senate, seeing Rome in such extreme danger, armed all the Soldiers that were in the City, besides the stronger sort of the Common People, and gathered up an Army which for number out did the Barbarians. At which the Barbarians were so scared, that they left Rome indeed, but pillaged almost all Italy besides. But then, when Illyricum was in extreme danger from the incursion of the Scythians, and the whole Roman Empire in such a tottering condition, that they knew not what to do; there happened a Plague to break out very rise in several of their Towns, the like was never known, that did alleviate the Calamities which the Barbarians inflicted upon them, making the sick esteem themselves happy, and the Cities too, that were already taken, but by this means, turned into Deserts.  
Gallienus was disturbed at all these things and therefore returned to Rome, to relieve Italy from that War which the Scythians had levied there; when at the same time Crecrops (a Moor) Aureolus and Antoninus with many others conspired against him, of whom most part were punished for it and submitted, only Aureolus continued in his animosity toward the Emperor.  
After this Posthumus also, who was General of the Celtic Army, inclined toward Innovation, and taking along with him certain Soldiers, that revolted at the same time, went to Aprippina, which is the greatest City upon the Rhine; where he besieged Salonius, Gallienus' Son, and threatened never to stir from before the Walls, till he was delivered up to him. For which reason the Soldiers thought it necessary to surrender not only him, but Silvanus too (whom his Father had made his Guardian,) both of whom Posthumus put to death and made himself absolute Lord of the Celtaes.  
And now the Scythians, who had most miserably harassed all Greece in general, had taken Athens, when Gallienus came out to fight those who had already possessed themselves of Thrace, and commanded Odonathus of Palmyra (a man whose Ancestors the Emperors had always born a great respect to) to assist the Eastern Nations, who were then in a very sad condition. Accordingly he, when he had joined as many of his own men as he could to the remainder of an Army that was left in that Country, attaqued Sapores very briskly, and having taken some other Cities belonging to the Persians, he retook Nisibis also, which Sapores had formerly taken (and was now for the Persians) and razed it at the same time. Then going not only once, but a second time, as far as Ciesiphon, he shut the Persians up in their own fortifications, and made 'em glad to save their Wives, Children and themselves, whilst he disposed of the pillaged Country as well as he could.  
But afterward when he lived at Emisa, he was killed by Conspiracy as he was celebrating some friend's birthday, and then Lenobia took upon her the administration of Affairs. Who though she were Odonathus' Wife, yet she had the spirit of a man in her, and by the help of her Husbands familiar friends, did every thing as well as he had done.  
And this was the State of the East, when news was brought to Gallienus, who was then engaged in the Scythian War, that Aurelianus [or rather, Aureolus] who was General of all the Cavalry, that were posted about the City of Milan, to observe what progress Posthumus made into Italy, had some new design on foot, and was ambitious to be Emperor. At which being troubled he went immediately for Italy, leaving Marcianus General of the War against the Scythians, who was a Person very well experienced in Military Affairs: but whilst he carried on the War with very good Conduct, Gallienus, in his journey toward Italy, had a Plot laid against him, which was this. Heraclianus, Perfect of the Court, had made Claudius privy to his design (who, next to the Emperor, managed every thing in all appearance) which was to kill Gallienus: And having found a man very ready for such a business, that commanded a Troop of Dalmatians, he entrusted him with the Action. For the effecting whereof the party stood by Gallienus at Suppertime and told him, how some of the Scouts had brought word, that Aureolus and his Army were very near; and thereby put him in a great fright. Whereupon immediately calling for his Horse and Arms, he mounted, gave the Word to his men to come in their Armour after him, and road away without so much as his Guard du corpse; so that the Captain, seeing him all alone, killed him.  
Now therefore, when the Soldiers were quieted by Order from their Commanders, Claudius was chosen Emperor, who had been formerly designed for that Honour by universal agreement. Whereupon Aureolus, who had kept himself a good while out of Gallienus' hands, sent Agents presently to Claudius, to make his Peace, and then surrendering himself up was killed by the Emperor's Guards, who had not forgotten the hatred that they bore to him for his Treachery.  
At this time the Scythians (all that were left of 'em) were so encouraged by their former success, that they, together with the Heruli, Peucae and Gotthi, made a Rendezvouz near the River Tyra, which discharges itself into Pontus; where having built six thousand Ships and put three hundred and twenty thousand aboard of 'em, they sailed through Pontus, and attempted Tomes which is a Walled Town, but were beaten off from it. From thence they went to Marcianople, a City of Mysia, but failing there too in their attempt to take it, took the opportunity of a fair Wind and sailed forward. But when they came to the straits of Propontis, the Ships were so numerous that they could not well sail in such a violent swift stream [or Tide] and therefore fell foul upon one another whilst the Yatchs were carried down without any order, and the Pilots let go their Helms: insomuch that some were sunk, and some with, others without men in them, were driven ashore, to their great loss both of Men and Vessels. Upon which account the Barbarians receded from the straits of Propontis, and sailed toward Cyzicus. But coming from thence without success, and sailing by the Hellespont, they came to the Mountain Athos; where when they had careened or refitted their Ships, they besieged Cassandra and Thessalonica, having like to have taken 'em with Machine's that they built against the Walls. But when they heard, the Emperor was acoming with an Army, they went up into the Midland-Countrey, plundering all about Doberus and Pelagonia. And there they lost three thousand men, whose fortune it was to meet with the Dalmatian Cavalry, but with the rest they fought the Emperor's Army. In which Battle though many fell on both sides, and the Romans seemed to run, yet they surprised the Barbarians from byways and Ambuscades so as to kill full fifty thousand of them. Yet the [remaining] part of the Scythians sailed all about Thessaly and Greece to pillage all the Country, and since they were not strong enough to attaque the Towns which had taken care to fortify themselves with good Walls and all other security, they took and carried away with 'em all the men that they found in the Fields.  
The Scythians therefore being thus dispersed, as I have told you, and having lost a great part of their men, Zenobia began to think of propagating her Dominions; and therefore sent Zabdas into Egypt, because Timagenes an Egyption endeavoured to make the Palmyrenians Governors of Egypt. For he had raised an Army of Palmyrenians, Syrians and Barbarians to the number of seventy thousand, which was opposed by fifty thousand Egyptians; between whom and their Adversaries there was a sharp engagement, but the Palmyrenians got the day by many degrees; and having settled a Garrison there of five thousand men, marched off.  
Whilst these things were transacted, Probus, whom the Emperor commanded to clear the Sea of Pirates, having heard that Egypt was subdued by the Palmyrenians, went against them with his own Army and as many of the Egyptians as did not favour the Palmyrenians and turned out the Garrison. So likewise a second time, when the Palmyrenians rallied with fresh forces, Probus who had mustered up a company of Egyptians, and Africans, not only got the Victory, but drove the Palmyrenians out of Egypt. But as Probus lay upon a Mountain near Babylon, and thereby intercepted the Enemy's passage into Syria, Timagenes, who knew those parts very well, went with two thousand men and got atop of the Mountain, where he killed the Egyptians by surprise, and Probus, who was taken among the rest, killed himself.  
When therefore as Egypt was now reduced into the power of the Palmyrenians, the Barbarians, that were left alive after the fight at Naissus between Claudius and the Scythians, defending themselves, as it were, with their Carriages which went before 'em, marched toward Macedonia, but were so hard put to it for want of necessaries, that both themselves and their Beasts perished for mere hunger. And by the way too the Roman Horse met 'em, who killing many of 'em forced the rest toward Haemus; where being surrounded by the Roman Army they lost a vast number of their men. But afterward when the Horse and Foot fell out among themselves, the Emperor having a mind that the Foot should fight the Barbarians, the Romans, after a smart engagement, were worsted and many of 'em slain, though the Horse coming presently up to 'em made the miscarriage of the Foot seem so much the less.  
This Battle being over, the Scythians marched forward and the Romans followed 'em, whilst the Barbarians, who cruised about Crete and Rhodes went back without doing any thing worth the speaking of; and being seized with a Plague in their way home, some of 'em died in Thrace and some in Macedonia. But all that escaped were either admitted into the Roman Legions, or had Land given 'em to manure and so addicted themselves to Husbandry.  
Nor did the Plague sweep away the Barbarians only but began to be rife among the Romans also, who, many of 'em, died of it, and, among the rest, Claudius; a Person adorned with all Virtues, whose death was a great loss to all his loving Subjects, and he consequently very much missed among 'em.  
Then Quintillus, Claudius' Brother, was declared Emperor, who lived not many months (nor did any thing worth ones taking notice of) before Aurelianus was advanced to the Imperial Throne: and some Writers say, that Quintillus was advised by his Friends, assoon as they heard that Aurelianus was made Emperor, to make himself away and voluntarily give place to a man much more deserving: which, they report, he did, by opening a Vein and bleeding to death.  
Aurelianus therefore having settled the Empire, went from Rome to Aquileia and thence to Pannonia, which the Scythians, as he heard, were ready to invade. For which reason he sent the Inhabitants of that Country word by his Scouts, that he would have 'em carry all the Corn and  which they had, and every thing else, that might be of use to the Enemy, into their Towns; the more to afflict them with famine, which was already very sharp upon them. But when the Barbarians were got over the River into Pannonia they fought and came off pretty equal; for the Night coming on, no one could tell which side had the better on't. Yet the same Night the Barbarians crossed the River, and assoon as it was Day, sent Ambassadors or Heralds to treat for Peace.  
And now the Emperor hearing that the almains with their Neighbour Nations intended to overrun Italy, he was (as he had reason to be) more concerned for Rome and the adjacent places, than any other: wherefore having ordered a sufficient number of Guards to stay in Pannonia, he marched toward Italy; but by the way, upon the borders of that Country, near the Ister, killed many thousands of the Barbarians in one Battle. At which time several of the Senate at Rome being accused of a Plot against the Emperor, were put to death for it; and Rome was Walled about which before had no Walls. But though that Work was begun in Aurelianus' time, it was finished by Probus.  
At the same time also were Epitimius, Vrbanus and Domitianus suspected for Innovators, and being immediately apprehended were punished for it.  
But whilst Affairs were thus managed in Italy and Pannonia, the Emperor was a thinking to go with an Army against the Palmyrenians, who had subdued all Egypt and the East as far as Ancyra in Galatia, and would have gotten Bythinia, even to Chalcedon, if the People of that Country had not heard that Aurelianus was Emperor and so shook off the Palmyrenian yoke of Government. Wherefore assoon as the Emperor was on his way thither, Ancyra submitted to the Romans, and after that, Tyana, with all the Cities betwixt that and Antioch. Where finding Zenobia with a great Army ready prepared for Battle, as he himself also was, he, as he was in honour bound, met and engaged her. But seeing the Palmyrenian Cavalry confided very much in their Armour which was heavy, strong and secure, being also much better Horsemen than his Soldiers, he planted his Foot somewhere beyond the River Orontes in a place by themselves, and gave the Roman Horse a charge not presently to engage with the vigorous Palmyrenian Cavalry, but to stay till they made the first attaque, and then pretend that they showed to fly, and continue so to do, till they were sensible they had tired both the men and their Horses through the excess of Heat and weight of their Armour, so, that they could pursue 'em no longer. Which Project took effect, and the Emperor's Horse observed his order; so that assoon as they saw the Enemy tired, and that their Horses were hardly able to stand under 'em, or they themselves to stir, they reined in their Horses [stopped their Career] and [turned [wheeled about] set upon them, and trod them under feet as they fell of themselves from their Horses back. By which means the slaughter of 'em was promiscuous, some being killed with their Swords, and others partly by their own and partly by the Enemy's Horses.  
Upon this Defeat as many as could, got into Antioch; therefore Labdas, who was Zenobias' General, fearing lest the Antiochians should hear of it and mutiny, picked out a Person somewhat hoary, much like the Emperor, and clothing him in such a Garb as it was likely Aurelianus used to wear in time of War, led him through the whole City, as if he had taken the Emperor Captive. With which contrivance he imposed upon the Antiochians, stole out of the City by Night and took Zenobia with the remaining part of the Army along with him to Emisa. In the mean time the Emperor minded his business, and assoon as it was Day, called the Foot-soldiers about him again, with a design to attaque the routed Enemy on both sides, though hearing of Zenobias' escape, he entered Antioch, where the Citizens entertained him very kindly. But finding many had left the City for fear they might suffer for being of Zenobias' side; he set forth Edicts in all places to call 'em back and told 'em such things had happened more out of force and necessity, than of his own inclination.  
Which when the Fugitives saw, they came in whole droves, and were courteously received by the Emperor; who having disposed of Affairs in that City went thence to Emisa. Where when he found that a Party of the Palmyrenians had got possession of a certain Hill above the Suburbs of Daphne (and thought by the steepness of it to stop the Enemy's passage) he commanded his Soldiers to march up with their Bucklers so near to one another and in so close an order, as to keep off Darts and Stones, if any were thrown down upon 'em, by the mere contiguity of their Armour. And so they did. Nor were they sooner got up the Hill, according to Command, but being in all points equal to their Adversaries they put 'em to the run, [made 'em fly,] so that some of 'em were dashed to pieces down from the precipices, others killed in the pursuit by those that were upon the Hill and those that were a coming up. But let the Enemy scape as they could, when the Day was theirs, they marched on with great satisfaction, that the Emperor made his way with such success; whilst Apamea, Larissa and Arethusa entertained him. He therefore seeing the Palmyrenian Army drawn up before Emisa in a body of seventy thousand men, consisting of Palmyrenes and their Allies, he opposed 'em with the Dalmatian Cavalry, the Mysians and Pannonians, beside those of Noricum and Rhaetia, which are Celtic Legions. Nay more than that, there were the best of all the Imperial Regiment, picked out and chosen man by man, the Morisco Horse, the Tyaneans, the Mesopotamians, the Syrians, the Phoenicians, and the Palestinians out of Asia, all men of undoubted courage: among whom the Palestinians, besides their other Arms, had Clubs and Quarter-staves. Now when they fell to it, the Roman Cavalry seemed a little to give way, lest the Palmyrenes who were too many for 'em and better Horsemen should by some stratagem environ the Roman Army. But in truth the Palmyrene Horse pursued 'em so hard (though they broke their Ranks) that the event was quite contrary to what the Roman Cavalry expected. For they were pursued by an Enemy much too strong for them; and therefore they were most of 'em slain, but the fatigue of the Day lay chief, as it happened, upon the Foot. For seeing the Palmyrenes had broken their Ranks when the Horse made their pursuit, they wheeled about and set upon 'em whilst they were scattered and out of order. Whereupon many were killed because the one side fought with usual Weapons, but those of Palestine brought Clubs and Staves against Coats of Mail made of iron and brass. And that in some sense was the chief cause of Victory; because the Enemy was amazed to see 'em fight so strangely with Clubs. The Palmyrenes therefore ran away as fast as they could, and in their flight trod one another to pieces, though they were killed by the Enemy also; insomuch that the Field was full of dead Men and Horses, whilst some that could get away, made into the City.  
Zenobia (as you may suppose) was not a little disturbed at this defeat of hers, and therefore consulted what was best to be done. But all her friends were of Opinion, that she had better relinquish the thoughts of any pretensions to Emisa; because the Emisenes were disaffected to her and friends to the Romans. But they advised her to keep within Palmyra, and, when they had secured themselves in that strong City, they would deliberate about their grand Affairs at leisure. Nor was this sooner said than done, by the concurrence of the whole Assembly.  
But Aurelianus, when he heard that Zenobia was fled away, went into Emisa, where he was frankly entertained by the Citizens; and having found a Treasure, which Zenobia could not carry along with her, he immediately marched with his Army to Palmyra, which he besieged quite round; whilst the neighbouring countries' supplied his men with all kind of Provisions. In the mean time the Palmyrenes jeered the Romans, as if they thought it impossible for them to take the Town; and one Fellow in particular spoke very undecent words concerning the Emperors own Person; whereupon a certain Persian, that stood by him, said, If you please, Sir! you shall see me kill that impudent Rascal; To which the Emperor consented; and so the Persian presently planting himself behind some other men's backs, that he might not be discovered, shot at him just as he was looking over the Battlements, and hit him, whilst he was yet uttering his insolent language, so that he fell down from the Wall before the Soldiers and the Emperor.  
Yet the besieged stood it out, as hoping that the Enemy would draw off for want of Provisions; and persisted in their resolutions, till they found themselves want Necessaries. Whereupon they called a Council, in which it was determined, that they would fly immediately to Euphrates and there desire aid of the Persians in order to some new action against the Romans. Having so decreed they set Zenobia upon a She Camel (which is the swiftest of that kind of Beasts and much fleeter than Horses are) and so conveyed her out of the City.  
Aurelianus was troubled at Zenobias' escape; and therefore employed all his industry to send out Horsemen in pursuit of her. And they indeed took her, just as she was going over Euphrates, out of the Boat, and brought her to Aurelianus. At which surprising sight though he was very much rejoiced, yet being naturally ambitious, and considering, that it would be no great honour to him in aftertimes to have conquered a Woman, he seemed a little uneasy.  
In the mean while some of the Palmyrenes, that were shut up in the Town resolved bravely to expose themselves and run the risk of being taken, in defence of their City against the Romans; as, on the other hand some of 'em used humble, submissive gestures from off the Walls, and begged pardon for what was passed. Which seeing the Emperor accepted and bade 'em be of good cheer, they came pouring out of the Town, with Presents and Sacrifices in their hands. Whereupon Aurelianus having paid all due respect to their Holy Things, received their gifts and sent them away uninjured.  
But when he was once made Master of this Town, with all the Stores, Money and Donaries in it, he went back to Emisa, where he called Zenobia and her Accomplices to account by way of public Judicature. Zenobia therefore coming into the Court pleaded much in excuse of herself and produced many Persons, who seduced her as being a simple Woman; and among the rest, Longinus, (whose Writings are very beneficial to all Lovers of Learning) upon whom (being found guilty of the Crimes objected against him) the Emperor immediately passed the sentence of Death; which he bore with so much courage, that he spoke comfortable words even to his friends who were so much concerned for his misfortunes. But besides Longinus there were others also that suffered upon Zenobias' accusation.  
Now it were worth while to tell you what happened before the sacking of Palmyra; though I pretend only to write a transient History as I told you in my Preface. For whereas Polybius gives us an account, how the Romans acquired a vast Empire in a short time, I, on the contrary, am to show how by their own ill management they in as short a time lost it. But of that when I come to that part of the History; [I am now speaking of] the Palmyrenes: who having gained a great share of the Roman Empire (as I told you) had several Declarations from the Gods, which did portend that overthrow of theirs, which afterward fell out. As for example. At Seleucia in Cilicia there was a Temple of Apollo (called there Sarpedonius) and in that Temple, an Oracle. (But as to what is reported of that God (That he used to give all those, who were infested with swarms of Locusts, a certain kind of Birds, called Seleuciades, that used to be about his Temple, and would send 'em along with all People who desired it; and that the Birds would fly among the Locusts, take 'em in their mouths and kill an infinite number of them in a moment, so as to free People from the trouble of 'em) I ascribe to the happiness of that Age; since our generation has rejected such kindness from Heaven.) Now the Palmyrenes having consulted this Oracle, to know, if they should ever get the Empire of the East, the Answer was this; 
Avoid my Temple, Cursed, treacherous Nation!  
Enough to put the Gods themselves in passion.  And when certain persons enquired there also about the success of Aurelianus' expedition against the Palmyrenes, the God told them; 
One Falcon many Doves commands, whose end  
Upon his fatal pounces does depend.  Besides which, there goes likewise another story of the Palmyrenes, and that's this: There is a place between Heliopolis and Biblis called Aphaca, where there is a Temple dedicated to Venus Aphacitis, and near unto it a Pond much like an artificial Cistern, and where likewise there is often seen, about the Temple and in places adjacent, a fire in the Air, resembling a Lamp or of a round Figure, which has appeared even in our time, as often as people met there on such and such days. Which whosoever did, brought to the Pond some Present or other for the Goddess, whether of Gold, Silver, Linen, Silk, or any other rich thing. By whom if it were accepted, the Cloth, like things of far greater weight, sunk to the bottom; but if they were rejected, you might see 'em float upon the top of the Water; not only Cloth and such like, but even that which was made of Silver and Gold or other materials which are not apt to swim but sink. For an experiment of which Miracle the Palmyrenes, in the year before their overthrow, met together upon an Holiday, and threw into the Pond several Presents of Gold, Silver and Cloth, in honour of the Goddess, which, all of 'em sunk to the bottom, but the next year upon the same Festival, were seen to float a top of the Water, by which the Goddess foretold what should afterward come to pass.  
Now in this manner was the kindness of Heaven shown to the Romans, as long as they kept up their holy Rites. But I come to speak of those times, in which the Roman Empire degenerated to a kind of Barbarity, and fell to decay; I will show the reasons of such misfortunes, and set forth those Oracles, whereby such things were predicted.  
In the mean time I ought to return thither from whence I digressed: lest I should seem to leave the order of the History imperfect. Aurelianus therefore marching toward Europe, and carrying Zenobia, her Son, and all the rest, who were Confederates in the Rebellion along with him, they say Zenobia died either of a Disease or for want of eating; but that all the rest were drowned in the Straight between Byzantium and Chalcedon.  
Nevertheless Aurelianus continued his Journey into Europe; when, by the way, a Messenger came and told him, there were a parcel of men whom he had left in Palmyra, that, having won Apsaeus (the great Author of all that was passed) were tampering with Marcellinus (whom the Emperor had made Perfect of Mesopotamia, and Governor of the East) to take upon him the Imperial Robe. But he, under pretence of taking time to deliberate, put 'em off so long, that they importuned him again several times. Wherefore he was fain to frame ambiguous answers to their Demands, till he had given Aurelianus notice what he designed to do. But the Palmyrenes [in the mean time] having clothed Antiochus in a purple garment, kept at Palmyra.  
When Aurelianus heard that, he went into the East, just as he was, [without any other preparations] and coming to Antioch surprised all the People, who were then at an Horse-match, and mightily astonished to see him; but from thence he went on to Palmyra. Which Town he took and razed without fight for it; but not thinking that Antiochus was worth the punishing upon the account of his mean condition, he dismissed him. After which action of his, he quickly reduced the Alexandrians, who were inclinable to a Rebellion, as being already in a tumult. For which he road in Triumph into Rome, where he was most magnificently received by the Senate and People. At this time also he built that sumptuous Temple of the Sun, which he adorned with all those holy spoils, that he brought from Palmyra; setting up in it the Statues of the Sun and Belus. Which having done, he easily subdued Tetricus, with his rebellious Complices, whom he brought to condign punishment. He likewise called in all the counterfeit money and gave out new, to avoid confusion in Trade. Besides which he also bestowed a Dole of Bread, as a mark of his favour, upon the people: and having settled all Affairs began his Journey from Rome.  
But whilst he stayed at Perinthus (now called Heraclea) there was a Plot laid against him, which was thus: There was a certain Person in the Court called Eros, whose place it was to carry forth the Emperor's Answers. This man the Emperor had threatened for some fault or other and put him in a fright; upon which account he dreading, lest the Emperor should make good his menaces by his actions, goes to certain of the Guard, whom he knew to be the boldest Fellows in all the Court, tells 'em a plausible Story, and shows 'em a Letter of his own Writing, just like the Emperors, (which he had learned to counterfeit long before) and persuading them first, that they themselves were to be murdered (for that was the plain meaning and scope of the Letter) he endeavoured to induce them to kill the Emperor. They therefore observing Aurelianus to go out of the City without any great Attendance ran in upon him with their naked Swords and murdered him. But he was buried there upon the place very magnificently by the Army in token of the great Services that he had done, and dangers that he had undergone for the good of the Public.  
After him Tacitus got the Empire, in whose time the Scythians came over the Fenn of Meotis and made their incursions through Pontus even into Cilicia, till Tacitus set upon 'em; who partly in his own Person, and partly by Florianus, Perfect of the Court whom he left in Commission for that end, killed and quite routed 'em all; but went himself into Europe, where he was circumvented and killed after this manner. He had committed the Government of Syria to his Cousin, Maximinus, who treated the Nobility of the Country so roughly, that he made 'em envy and fear him both together. And that begot such an hatred in them, that they at last conspiring with them who had murdered Aurelianus, assaulted Maximinus, and having killed him, slew Tacitus also as he was just decamping.  
Now therefore all things revolved into a civil Disturbance, whilst those of the East chose Probus, Emperor, and those at Rome, Florianus. Of whom the former was Governor of all Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine and Egypt; but the latter had all the Countries from Cilicia to Italy: besides that to him likewise all the Nations beyond the Alps, the Gauls, Spaniards, Britain's, and Africans in general, did homage.  
Wherefore when they were both now ready for a War, Florianus came to Tarsus and resolved to pitch his Camp there, leaving his Victory against the Scythians at the Bosphorus unfinished, whereby he gave them an opportunity to recover themselves and return to their own homes, though he had blocked 'em up. But Probus protracted the time, because he came with less preparation for a War; by which means it came to pass, that the Wether (in Summertime) being extreme hot. Florianus' Soldiers, who were most of 'em Europaeans, and consequently not used to such excessive heat, died of a pestilent Distemper. Which when Probus understood, he thought it best to attaque the Enemy in time. Whereupon Florianus' men attempting somewhat beyond their strength, made certain light Skirmishes before the City, but seeing there was nothing done worth the speaking of, the Armies being divided, some of Probus' Soldiers came and deposed Florianus. Which when they had done, he was kept in custody for a time, till his own men said, that was not done by Probus' order; and so Florianus put on the Purple Robe again till they came back who were sent to know the truth of Probus' resolution in the matter; who upon their return caused Florianus to be slain by his own Soldiers.  
When Probus had thus gotten the Empire he marched forward and did indeed a very commendable act for the public good, as a prelude to what he afterward would do. For he resolved to punish those that had murdered Aurelianus and plotted against Tacitus; though he did not put his design openly in execution for fear of an insurrection, but planted a Company of men, that he had confidence in, at a convenient Post near which he invited the Murderers to a Feast. Who when they came thither in expectation to be treated at the Emperor's Table, Probus went up into a kind of Gallery [or Balcony] from whence he might see the action, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and gave his men the signal when they should do the feat. Which they no sooner received but they fell upon the Murderers naked as they were, and killed 'em all but one, whom he afterward burned alive, as being a very dangerous Fellow.  
Whilst Probus did these things, Saturninus, a Moor, who was the Emperor's most familiar friend, and, for that reason, had the Government of Syria committed to him, revolted from his Allegiance to the Emperor, and turned Rebel. Which when Probus heard, he resolved to obviate his designs, but that the Eastern Soldiers prevented him by destroying Saturninus with all his treacherous machinations.  
He likewise suppressed another insurrection in Britain by [the assistance of] Victorinus. a Moor, who had persuaded him to make that Rebel Governor of Britain. For having sent for Victorinus to him, and reproved him for his advice, he sent him to correct the miscarriage; who going forthwith into Britain took off the Traitor by a wile.  
Probus therefore having managed things, according as I have related, obtained several Victories against the Barbarians also, in two several Wars; the one of which he himself was present in, but left the other to the conduct of his Lieutenant. But because he saw it necessary to assist the Cities of Germany that lay upon the Rhine and were infested by the Barbarians, he marched with his Army toward the Rhine. Where when the War began, there was a grievous famine in all the Country thereabouts; but a mighty shower fell at the same time of Rain and Corn together, insomuch that in some places there were great heaps of it made by its own descent. At which strange sight, all People were so much astonished, that at first they durst not touch the Corn to satisfy their hunger; but being at last forced to it by necessity, which is above all fear, they made Bread of it, which they eaten; and thereby not only satisfied their hunger, but got the Victory also with a great deal of ease, through the Emperor's good success. He also put an end to many other Wars with little or no trouble; and fought sharp Battles, first against the Logiones, a Germane Nation, whom he conquered, and took Semno their General with his Son Prisoners, but pardoned 'em upon submission; though he took all their Captives and their plunder from 'em, and so upon certain Terms dismissed not only common persons, but even Semno and his Son.  
Another Battle that he fought was against the Franks, whom when he had bravely subdued by the good management of his Officers, He made War upon the Burgundi, and the Vandili. But seeing his Forces were too weak, he contrived how to single out and engage with some part only of the Enemy's forces. And indeed Fortune favoured his design; for the Armies lying on both sides of the River, the Romans challenged the Barbarians that were on the further side, to fight. At which they were so incensed, that as many as could, got over; where they joined Battle, and fought, till the Barbarians were partly slain, and partly taken alive by the Romans: except some few that were left who desired Peace upon condition to give up their Captives and their plunder; which they obtained. But because they did not restore all they had, the Emperor was therefore so angry, that he in justice fell upon 'em as they marched away, and, killing many of them, took their General Igillus Prisoner. But as many of 'em as he took alive, he sent into Britain; where they inhabited the Island and were afterward very useful to the Emperor upon any Insurrection.  
When he had in this manner perfected these Wars upon the Rhine, the Isaurians did something about that time which we ought not to omit. For there was one Lydius, an Isaurian, and a continual Robber from his Youth, who with a gang of Rogues like himself had pillaged all Pamphilia and Lycia. Now when the Soldiers came to take these Thiefs, this same Lydius (because he could not oppose the whole Roman Army) went to a place called Crymna, in Lycia, which stands upon a Precipice and is fortified on the one side with mighty deep Ditches. Where finding a great many that fled thither for refuge, and observing the Romans to be very intent upon the Siege, in that they bore the fatigue of it very stoutly; he for that reason pulled down the Houses, and making the ground fit for Tillage sowed Corn in order to maintain those that were in the Town.  
But seeing the number was so great that they wanted much more provisions, he turned all those out of the Town who were of no use, both male and female. But the Enemy perceiving his design forced 'em back again: whereupon Lydius took and threw 'em headlong into the Trenches that were about the Walls, where they died. Which having done he made a wonderful Mine from the Town outward beyond the Enemy's Camp, through which he sent certain persons out of the Town, to steal  and other forage. By which means he provided for the besieged a good while, till a Woman discovered the matter to the Enemies. But for all that Lydius did not despond; only he retrenched his men by degrees in their Wine and gave 'em a something less allowance of Corn. Yet this way would not do neither, but he was driven to such necessity, that he killed all who were in the Town, except some friends of his that were enough (as he thought) to defend it; and those he spared, as likewise some Women whom he ordered to be in common among 'em all for the necessary use of Nature.  
But when he had resolved to stand it out against all dangers, there happened at last this accident: There was a Man with him in the Town that knew how to make Engines and to use 'em also very dexterously in slinging of Darts so exactly, that when Lydius had bid him shoot at any one of the Enemies he would never miss his mark. Now it happened, that Lydius had bid him hit such a Person, whom he missed (either by chance or on purpose) for which he stripped and whipped him most severely, and threatened him with death besides. The man therefore was so enraged upon the account of the blows which he received, and so affrighted at the menaces, that he took an occasion to steal out of the Town: and falling into the company of certain Soldiers to whom he told whatever he had done or suffered, he showed 'em a Window in the Wall, through which Lydius used to spy all that was done in their Camp, and promised them to shoot him as he, after his usual manner, was looking through it. Thereupon the Captain or chief Officer in that Expedition received the man into his favour; who when he had planted his Engine, and placed some men before him that he might not be discovered by the Enemy, took aim at Lydius as he looked through the hole [in the Wall] and with a Dart shot and gave him his mortal Wound. Which he no sooner received, but he was very severe upon some of his own men; whom when he had obliged upon Oath never to surrender the Town, he with much struggling expired.  
But seeing that Ptolemais, which is in Thebais, was revolted from the Emperor, and had undertaken a War, though not likely long to endure; Probus forced both that and its Allies the Blemmyae to a Surrender, by the good conduct of his then present Officers. He likewise left the Basternae, a Scythian people, that submitted to him, in Thrace, where he gave them room to inhabit: upon which account they constantly observed the Roman Laws and Customs.  
Another time when the Franks came to the Emperor and had a Country given 'em, some part of 'em afterward revolted, and having gotten a great number of Ships disturbed all Greece. From whence they went into Sicily, to Syracuse, which they attaqu'd and killed a great many men in it. At length they arrived in Africa, where though they were not entertained, but repelled by a body of men out of Carthage, yet they returned home without any hurt or damage.  
But then there was this one thing more that happened in Probus' Reign: There were eighty Gladiators who conspired together, and having killed their keepers, ran out into the City, and plundered all before 'em; not but that there were many other men too (as it is usual in such cases) mixed among 'em. But the Emperor sent a party, and suppressed 'em. Now when Probus, who was a brave, and a just Prince, had done thus,.— The end of this Book is wanting, but is supplied hereafter.   

A New HISTORY Written by Count ZOSIMUS, Sometime Advocate of the Treasury. The Second Book.  
Note.  
THE beginning of this Book is lost (for there is no mention here of Carus and his Sons) and therefore to supply that defect we must have recourse to other Authors, which afford us this short account. — Carus succeeded Probus, and went against the Persians as far as Ctesiphon, where he gained the name of, The Persian Emperor. But soon after he was taken off, as some say, by a Disease; though others, by a Thunderbolt. He had two Sons, the one called Numerianus, a very hopeful Youth, of whom the Commonwealth might have expected all happiness and good imaginable, had he not been murdered by Aper; the other named Carinus, an Adulterer, lecher, prodigal, and indeed a person utterly abandoned to all kind of Vice, whom Diocletian, formerly called Augustus, slew. So far by way of Supplement, and now ZOSIMUS gins abruptly, thus:  
* ⁎ * ⁂ Because the longest time that any man lives is only equal to the intermediate space between these Games. For the Romans call that [Seculum] which we call [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] [aevum] an Age, or the space of one hundred years. And it is good to cure the Plague, Consumption, or several other Diseases; of whose Original take this account.— Valesus Valesius, from the family of the Valeriani came, was a great man among the Sabines, and before his house there was a Grove of waist tall Trees, which were burnt with Lightning and gave him occasion to question what might be the portent of such an accident. Wherefore his Children falling sick he consulted not only the Doctors but the Soothsayers also; who told him, that by the manner of the fires falling, the Gods were angry; which made Valesius wisely use that assistance in sacrificing to appease the Gods. And being in a fright, both he and his Wife, who expected every minute when their Children would die, he fell prostrate before Vesta, and promised to offer up two entire Souls instead of their Children, which was, his own and that of their Mother. But turning to the Grove that was Thunder-burnt, he seemed to hear a Voice, that bid him carry the Children to Tarentum, and there warm some Tiber Water over the fire of Dis and Proserpina, and give it the Children to drink. Which when he had heard quite out he then despaired the more of his children's recovery. For Tarentum was a great way off, and besides there was no Tiber Water to be had at it: and then it made him think the worse of it, that he heard the Voice say the Water must be warmed upon the Altar of Infernal Deities, or Demons. At which the very Soothsayers also themselves were startled; but however when he heard it the second time, he resolved to obey the God's command. And putting his Children in a small River Vessel, he carried the fire along with him. Now the Children were almost ready to faint by reason of the heat, whilst he made sail to that part of the River, where the stream is most calm; and lodging at a Shepherd's Cottage, together with his Children, he heard a Voice say, he must stay at Tarentum (for so the place was called, and had the same name with Tarentum which is near the Japygian Promontory, or Capo di St. Maria.) Whereupon Valesius when he had paid due Adoration to the Gods for that good fortune, he bade the Pilot put to shore, and landing told the Shepherds all the whole Story. And presently after having drawn some Water out of Tiber and warmed it upon an Altar of his own making, he gave it his Children to drink: who as soon as they had swallowed it fell asleep and were perfectly cured. But they fancied in that sleep that they saw something, which bade 'em offer black Victims to Dis and Proserpina, and spend three Nights in singing and dancing: which Dream they told to their Father, and that it was an huge man, of a Godlike presence; that bade 'em do it in the Campus Martius, where the Horseraces use to be. But Valesius having a mind to build an Altar in that place, he set the Stone-cutters to dig, who found an Altar ready made, upon which there was this inscription, To Dis and Proserpina. By which he was more plainly instructed what to do, sacrificed the black Victims upon that Altar, and kept the Vigils in that place.  
Now this same Altar and the manner of Sacrificing upon it was occasioned thus: The Romans and the Albans were at War, and, being both Armed, there appeared a monstrous Shape, clothed in a black skin, and crying out, That Dis and Proserpina commanded them to sacrifice to their Deities before they engaged: and when it had so said, it disappeared. Whereupon the Romans, who were affrighted at the sight, made an Altar under ground, and when they had sacrificed upon it, they buried it twenty feet deep, so that it might not be discovered by any but Romans. Now Valesius having found it, he according to order both sacrificed upon it, and kept the Vigils; from whence he was called Manius Valerius Tarentinus. For the Romans call [the Infernal Gods,] Manes] and [to be in good health] is [Valere]; and then he was called [Tarentinus] from [Tarentum,] where he sacrificed. But some time after when a Plague happened in the City, which was the year after their Kings were expelled, Pub. Valer. Poplicola sacrificed a black Ox and a black Heifer to Dis and Proserpina whereby he freed the City from the Disease, and wrote upon the Altar this Inscription;— I Publius Valerius Poplicola have dedicated Fire to Dis and Proserpina in the Campus Martius, and have also made Shows in honour of them to preserve the people of Rome.  
But after this when Diseases and Wars lay heavy upon them, which happened in the year 352, since the City was built, the Senate had a mind to rid themselves of those Calamities out of the Sibylls Oracles, and therefore commanded them whose business it was, to consult those Oracles. Who having so done, they told the Senate, that if they sacrificed to Dis and Proserpina, it would put an end to all their miseries. They therefore got a convenient place, which they devoted to Dis and Proserpina according as they were commanded, when Marcus Potitus was in his fourth Consulship. And when the Ceremony was over, they, being delivered from their grievances, laid up the Altar again in some extreme part of the Campus Martius. And after that this kind of Sacrificing was for some years neglected, till some misfortunes befell them, and then Octavianus Augustus renewed the Games, which had been celebrated before, when Lucius Censorinus, and Marcus Manlius Puelius were Consuls, but were kept at that time under the Consulate of Lucius Censorinus and Caius Sabinus, when Ateius Capito had explained the Laws concerning them, and the fifteen Men, that had the keeping of the Sibylls Books, had found out the time when the Sacrifice was to be performed and the Shows made. When Augustus was dead, Claudius celebrated those Games, without any regard to the due time. But after him, Domitian, who did not mind what Claudius had done, computed the years from the time that Augustus kept that Festival, and seemed to observe the original Institution. And after them Severus, in the 110th year, restored those very Games, he and his two Sons, Antoninus and Geta, when Chilo and Libo were Consuls. Now the manner of these Games is said to be this:— The Beadles went about at that time and invited all the People to such a Sight as they never had seen, nor ever were like to see any more. And in the Summertime, a little before the Games began, the fifteen Men sat in the Capitol, in the Temple Palatine upon a Tribunal, from whence they distributed a kind of purifying preparations to the People (called Lustralia) which were Torches, Brimstone, and Pitch: of which none participate but Freemen only. And when the People come together in the places aforesaid and in the Temple of Diana, which is upon the Aventine Hill, each one brings Wheat Barley and Beans, and keep Vigils in the Night to the fatal Sisters. But when the time of the Festival is come, which they celebrate three days and three nights together in the Campus Martius, the Victims are consecrated near the bank of Tiber at Tarentum. And there they sacrifice to several Deities; as Jupiter, Juno, Apollo, Latona, Diana; and, besides them to the Parcaes, Lucina, Ceres, Dis and Proserpina, which is performed in this Order. The first night that these Shows are made, about two of the Clock, the Emperor, with the fifteen Men, sacrificeth three Lambs upon three Altars that are provided on purpose by the River's side, where having sprinkled the Altars with blood he offers up the Victims whole. Then, when they have prepared a Scene without a Theatre, they set up a great many lights and make an huge fire, by which they sing some new Hymn, to make the Games the more solemn. And those that performed these things have the first fruits of their Wheat, Barley and Beans for their labour. For those, I told you, are distributed among the people. The next day they go up into the Capitol, where they offer the usual Sacrifices, and thence coming to the place appointed for it, they celebrate Games in honour of Apollo and Diana. The day after that, the great Ladies come into the Capitol at the hour which the Oracle has prefixed, where they behave themselves with all due reverence: and at the third hour in the Temple of Apollo near the Palace, twenty seven fine Boys with as many Girls, whose Parents are all alive, sing Hymns and speak in Greek and Latin, whereby the Roman Dominions are preserved. But besides these there were other things done according to the divine prescript; which as long as they were kept up, secured the Roman Empire. And to confirm you that it was really as I say, I will add the Sibylls Oracle, which others have mentioned before my time; and it runs thus: 
But when an hundred years and ten are past  
Which is the longest time Man's Age doth last,  
Romans! be sure (and see you done't mistake  
In any point) due Offerings to make  
To Heaven, and see you bring the Sacrifice  
Into that Field which on the Tiber lies:  
And do so, in that Season, when the Nigh.  
Deprives Men lest of the Diurnal Light,  
After Sunset; Then to the Parcaes pay  
Your homage; and upon their Altars lay  
Young Sheep and Goats: Next the Lucina please,  
With decent Rites, who childing Women ease.  
After that offer a black Hog and Sow  
To Tellus, for the product of the Blow.  
But to Jove's Altar bring the Bulls Milk-white  
For Victims, in the Daytime, not by Night:  
(For heavenly Deities accept of none  
But what are offered in the Day alone.)  
And so to Juno sacrifice a Cow  
Spotless all o'er, and pure as falling Snow,  
Then let Apollo, whom they call the Sun,  
And Phoebus, have his equal honours done.  
Whilst in the Temple Latin Girls and Boys  
In sacred Hymns make a Triumphant noise.  
But let 'em be apart, the Girls to stand  
And sing on this, the Boys on t'other hand:  
Besides this caution I must farther give  
That all the Parents of 'em be alive.  
As for the married Women, let them pray  
To Juno on their knees, that each one may  
Have their desire, both Men and Women too  
But chief Women. Then, Let all of you  
Bring from your houses what is fit to bring,  
(As the first-fruits of every useful Thing)  
To the immortal Gods an Offering.  
And let all that upon your Altars lie,  
Whence you may Men and Women both supply.  
But to attend the Gods be sure there be  
Both night and day a numerous company  
Of Votaries both serious and free.  
Observe these precepts, and you shall subdue  
Not only Latium but all Italy too,  
Who shall submit their supple necks to you.   
Now that the Empire was secure and likely to continue Lords of almost all the known World, whilst these things were duly performed, according to what the Oracle directs and the thing itself requires: and on the other side, that when these Ceremonies were neglected, about the time that Dioclesian laid down his Imperial State, it fell to decay and insensibly degenerated most part into Barbarism, experience itself assures us. And that I say nothing but what is true I'll prove from Chronology. For from the Consulate of Chilo and Libo, wherein Severus celebrated the Secular Games, or Ceremonies, it was an hundred and one years till Dioclesian was the ninth time, and Maximianus the eighth time Consul. And then Dioclesian from an Emperor turned a private person, and Maximianus followed his Example. But when Constantinus and Licinnius were in their third Consulship, the 110 years were completed, and they ought to have kept the Festival according to custom; but it was neglected, and so things consequently ran to that unhappy condition wherein they now are.  
But Dioclesian died in three years after, and the Emperors that were at that time, that is to say, Constantinus and Maximianus Gallerius declared Severus and Maximinus (who was Gallerius' Sisters Son) to be the rightful Caesar's, giving all Italy to Severus and the Eastern Provinces to Maximinus. But when things were all settled, and the Barbarians at quiet since the Romans had been so successful against 'em, Constantinus, who was begotten by Constantius of a Concubine, and had formerly an ambition to be Emperor, but was inflamed the more with that desire, since Severus and Maximinus had gotten the name and honour of Caesar's, was now resolved to leave the place where he dwelled, and go to his Father Constantius, who was beyond the Alps, most commonly in England. But fearing, lest he might be taken by the way (for a great many knew very well, how much he was in love with Dominion) he maimed all the Horses that were kept for public Service, as fast as he came to any Stable where they were, and took the next for his own use. And so he did continually; by which means he stopped those that pursued him from going farther, whilst he himself went on toward the Country where his Father was.  
But it happened that the Emperor Constantius died just at that time, and therefore the Guards, who thought none of his legitimate Children fit for the Imperial Dignity, as soon as they considered that Constantinus was a person capable of it, conferred the honour upon him, in hopes of great Presents by way of remuneration. But when his Image was shown at Rome as the custom is, Maxentius, the Son of Maximianus Herculius could not endure to see, that Constantinus should succeed so well, who was born of an Harlot, whereas he himself who was Son of such an Emperor, lay at home and idle, whilst others enjoyed his Father's Empire, wherefore he made Marcellianus and Marcellus, two Tribunes of the Soldiers, and Lucianus (who distributed the Swine's flesh, which the Treasury provided for the people of Rome) and the Court-Guards, called the Praetoriani, his Accomplices in the Attempt, and by them was promoted into the Imperial Throne, having promised to reward all those that assisted him in it, very liberally. Now the first thing, that they did in order to it, was the kill of Abellius, because he being Perfect of the City, seemed to resist their Enterprise.  
When Maximianus Gallerius heard this, he sent Severus Cesar with an Army to fight Maxentius .. But whilst he came from Milan with several Legions of Moors, Maxentius corrupted most of his Soldiers with Money, even to the Perfect of the Court, called Anullinus, and thereby conquered him with great facility. Upon which Severus fled to Ravenna, which is a very strong and populous City, furnished with provisions enough for him and his Soldiers. When Maximianus Herculius knew that, he was mightily concerned for his Son Maxentius, no question, and therefore leaving Lucania,, where he than was, he went for Ravenna. And seeing Severus could by no means be forced out of the City, because it was well fortified and stored with all necessary provisions, he cheated him with false Oaths and persuaded him to go to Rome. But as he was going, and came to a place, called the Three Taverns, he was taken by a Trick of Maxentius' contriving and hanged. But Maximianus Gallerius could not well bear those injuries done to Severus, and so resolved to come out of the East to Rome, and punish Maxentius according to his demerits. But when he was come into Italy, he found the Soldiers about him so false, that he went back into the East without fight so much as one Battle.  
At that time Maximianus Herculius, who could not endure the tumults which disturbed the public peace, came to Dioclesian, who lived then at Carnutum, a Town in Gallia Celtica; and endeavoured to persuade him, that he would resume the Empire, and not suffer that Government, which they had preserved so long with so much difficulty, to be exposed to the madness and folly of those who had possessed themselves of it, and made it shake already. But Dioclesian did not hearken to him; for he preferred his quiet before all business in the World (and perhaps he foresaw the trouble that would ensue, being a man much conversant in religious matters) and therefore Herculius seeing he could do no good upon him, came as far as Ravenna and so back to the Alps, to meet Constantinus who lay thereabout. And being naturally a busy, faithless man, he promised Constantinus his Daughter Fausta (which he performed) but withal persuaded him to pursue Maximianus Gallerius who was going out of Italy, and lay wait for Maxentius. To all which Constantinus consented, and then he left him, with a Design if possible to recover the Empire, because he hoped to set his Son-in-law Constantinus and his Son Maxentius together by the Ears.  
But whilst he attempted these things, Maximianus Gallerius, made Licinnius, his old acquaintance and friend, Emperor, by whose assistance he designed to cope with Maxentius. But whilst Gallerius was consulting about these things, he died of an incurable Wound, and then Licinnius also claimed the sole Dominion. But Maximianus Herculius, as I told you, endeavoured to recover the Empire by alienating the Soldiers affections from Maxentius. In order whereunto he wheedled 'em with gifts and pitiful addresses, and having brought 'em over to him, he would have laid a Plot against Constantinus, in which his Soldiers should have conspired. But Fausta discovered it to Constantinus; and so Herculius, who was now at his Wit's end through so many disappointments, died of a Distemper at Tarsus.  
Maxentius having escaped this Danger, and being now of Opinion that he had settled the Empire well enough, he sent certain Persons into Africa, to Carthage in particular, to carry his Image about that Country. But the Soldiers that were there, forbade it, out of their love to Gallerius Maximianus, and their honour to his memory, till they heard that Maxentius was coming to make War against 'em upon the score of that insurrection, and then they went to Alexandria: but meeting with a great Army which they were not able to deal with, they returned to Carthage. Hereupon Maxentius being disturbed, resolved to sail for Africa, and punish those that occasioned such commotions. But when the Soothsayers had sacrificed and told him ill signs, he was afraid to go, not only because the entrails appeared in that manner, but also lest Alexander, who was the Perfect of the Court in Africa, should be his Enemy; and therefore to secure his passage thither from all suspicion, he sent to Alexander to desire him, that he would send him his Son for an Hostage. For Alexander had a Son of a good bigness, and very personable. But he suspecting that Maxentius did not desire his Son, to make an Hostage of him, but to deceive him, he denied his request. But after that, when Maxentius sent other Agents to him to take him off by Stratagems and Wiles, the Plot was discovered; and then the Soldiers having gotten a good opportunity to rebel, conferred the Purple Robe upon Alexander, though he were not only a Phrygian born, but a fearful, cowardly man, and one that was unfit for any difficult undertaking, besides his being Old.  
At that time there happened a fire at Rome (whether it came out of the Air, or the Earth, is uncertain) which caught in the Temple of Fortune; and whilst the People ran together to put it out, a certain Soldier that was there speaking blasphemy against the Goddess, the Commonalty killed him out of their zeal: which caused a mutiny among the Soldiers, who were like to have destroyed the whole City, had not Maxentius soon appeased their fury.  
After these things Maxentius sought all occasions to wage a War with Constantinus; and pretending grief for his Father's death, which Constantinus was the cause of, he designed to go toward Rhetia, which is near both to Gallia and Illyricum too. For he dreamed that he should subdue Dalmatia and Illyricum by the assistance of the Generals in those parts, and with the help of Licinnius' Army. But though he had these Affairs in his thoughts, yet he conceived it was better for him to settle matters in Africa first. Whereupon having raised an Army of men, and made Rufius Volusianus, Perfect of the Court, their General, he sent 'em into Africa; but sent Zena also, along with Rufius, who was a Person not only well skilled in Military Affairs, but also cried up for an extraordinary affable, courteous man. And upon the first Onset Alexander's men gave way toward another body of Soldiers, to whom they and Alexander at last ran away together: nor did that other Party go off unconquered by the Enemy, or he himself either, for he was taken and strangled.  
The War being thus ended, there was room enough for Sycophants or Informers to impeach (I had almost said) all the men of Africa, who were either of good Families or Estates, as friends of Alexander: nor were they any of 'em spared, but some of them were put to death, and others lost all they had. And after that he triumphed at Rome for the mischief which was done at Carthage.— Now this was the state of Maxentius' Affairs, who did what I have told you, behaving himself like a Lecher and a Tyrant to all the Inhabitants of Italy and even Rome itself.  
In the mean time Constantinus who had suspected him long before, was then much more inclined to fight him; therefore when he had raised an Army out of the Barbarians, Germans and Celtaes whom he had conquered, and gotten some out of England too, to the number of 90000 foot and 8000 Horse in all, he marched from the Alps into Italy, and those Towns that surrendered, he passed without doing 'em any damage, but those that stood out he took by storm. But whilst he proceeded thus, Maxentius had mustered up a far stronger Army; for he had eighty thousand Romans and Italians, all the Tuscans upon the Sea-coast, and forty thousand men from Carthage, besides what the Sicilians sent him; insomuch that his whole Army consisted of 170000 foot and 18000 Horse.  
When they were both so provided, Maxentius made a Bridge over the Tiber, which was not all of a piece from one side to the other but divided into two parts, so that in the middle of the River, that which filled up the middle of the Bridge was made to fasten with iron Buttons, as it were, which might be drawn back as oft as a man had a mind to disjoin it. And he gave the Workmen Order, that as soon as ever they saw Constantine's Army upon the juncture of the Bridge, that they should draw back the Buttons and dissolve the Bridge, so that the Enemy who stood upon it might fall into the River. And this Maxentius devised.  
But Constantinus marching on with his Army to Rome he pitched his Camp in a field before the City, that is broad and therefore convenient for Horsemen. Whilst in the mean time Maxentius shut himself up within the Walls and sacrificed to the Gods, besides that he consulted the Soothsayers and the Sibylline Oracles too about the event of the War. And finding a Prediction, that said, Whoever Designed any harm to the Romans, should die a miserable Death, he took it upon himself, because he kept out those that came against Rome, and would have fain taken it. And indeed it proved true. For when Maxentius brought forth his Army before Rome, and was going over the Bridge that himself had made, an infinite number of Owls flew down and covered the Wall. Which when Constantinus saw, he bade his men stand to their Arms. And as the two Armies stood one against the other, Constantine sent in his Horse upon that of the Enemy: who made such a brisk attaque that they routed 'em. And when the sign was given to the Foot, they likewise marched in good order toward the Enemy. And having engaged in a smart Battle; the Romans themselves and their Allies out of Italy were very loath to hazard themselves, because they wished to be delivered from that bitter Tyranny which they were then under: though the other Soldiers were slain in great numbers, being either trod to pieces by the Horse, or killed by the Foot. For, though as long as the Horse stood their ground, Maxentius had some hopes, yet when they gave way, he ran along with the rest over a Bridge into the City. But the Rafters being not strong enough to bear so great a weight, they broke, so that Maxentius and all the others were carried by the stream down the River.  
When the news of this Victory came into the City, no man durst show any joy for what was done, because some thought the report was false. But when Maxentius' head was brought in upon a Spear, they turned their fear and dejection into all joy and pleasure. And upon this occasion Constantinus punished but very few and they were some of Maxentius' best Friends; but he took off all the Praetorian Soldiers and demolished the Forts where they used to keep. At last when he had settled all things in the City, he went toward Gallia Celtica. But by the way he sent for Licinnius to Milan and gave him his Sister Constantia in marriage, whom he had promised him formerly, when he had a mind to make him join with him against Maxentius; And when that Solemnity was over, Constantine marched on toward the Celtaes. Nor was it long before the Civil Wars broke out between Licinnius and Maximianus, who had a sharp engagement in Illyricum, wherein at first Licinnius seemed to have the worst of it; but presently afterward he rallied again, and put Maximianus to the run: Who travelling through the East into Egypt, in hopes to get men enough to renew the War, he died at Tarsus.  
The Empire being thus devolved upon Constantine and Licinnius, they two in a little time fell out: not that Licinnius gave any occasion for it, but Constantine, as he used to do, showed himself unfaithful in what he had agreed to, by his endeavour to alienate some Nations that belonged to Licinnius' Dominions. And by that means they broke out into an open quarrel, and both prepared their Armies for a fight. Licinnius made his Rendezvouz at Cibalis, which is a City of Pannonia, lying upon an Hill: to which the way is steep and narrow, and five furlongs in breadth. In which Road or Avenue there is a deep Fenn that lies very near the greatest part of it; and the rest of it is mountainous, wherein there is an hillock, upon which the City stands. But from thence there is a spacious Plain, which entertains the Eye with an infinite Prospect. Now upon this did Licinnius encamp, and spread the body of his Army all along under the Hill, lest he should seem too weak for the Enemy, in the Wings. And Constantine in the mean time drew up his men near the Mountain, placing the Horse in the Front. For he thought that the best way, lest the Enemy should fall upon the Foot, who moved but slowly, and hinder their marching forward.— When he had so done, he presently made the attaque, gave the signal and went against the Enemies. And so the fight began, which was the fiercest (I had almost said) that ever was. For when each side had shot their Darts, they fought a long time with Spears and Javelins; and after they had fought from Morning to Night, the right Wing, which Constantine commanded, had the better on't. And thereupon the Enemy being put to flight, Licinnius' men, when they saw him mounted, and ready to run away, durst not stay to eat their Suppers; but left their  and all their other provisions behind: only they took as much Victuals as would satisfy their hunger for one Night, and so marched along with Licinnius in all haste to Sirmium; which is a City of Pannonia, by which there runs a River on both sides of it, and discharges itself into the Ister. And as he passed this Town, he broke down the Bridge over the River, and so marched on, with an intention to raise men in Thrace.  
When Constantinus had taken Cibalis, and Sirmium, and all the other Towns that Licinnius ran away from, he sent five thousand men in pursuit of him. But they being ignorant what way he took, could not overtake him. Yet Constantinus having rebuilt the Bridge over Saus, which Licinnius had broken down, was with his Army almost at his heels. And when he was got over into Thrace, he arrived at the Plain where Licinnius lay encamped. Where, the same Night that he came, he marshaled his Army and gave Orders, that his Soldiers should be ready to fight as soon as it was Day. But when it was light, Licinnius, seeing Constantinus with his Army, put his men also in array, having Valens, whom he styled Cesar for his Ally, ever since he fled from Cibalis. And when the two Armies engaged, they first fought with Bows at a distance: but when their Arrows were spent, they fell on with Javelins and Poniards. So that the fight continued very fierce for a good while, till those whom Constantinus had sent to pursue Licinnius, came down from a rising ground upon the Armies whilst they were at it. But they wheeled about an Hill, before they got to them, because they thought it best to join their own Party from the higher ground, and so begird the Enemy. But Licinnius' men were ware of 'em, and fought it out bravely against 'em all; so that many thousands were slain on both sides, and the Battle was equal, till the sign was given for 'em both to draw off.  
The next Day they made a Truce, and thought fit to enter into League and Alliance one with the other; upon Condition, that Constantinus should have the Government of Illyricum, and all the Nations beyond it, and Licinnius should have Thrace, the East, and all beyond that: but that Valens, whom Licinnius had made Cesar, should be put to Death, because (I suppose) he was said to be the author of all the mischief which had happened. Which when they had done, and taken Oaths on both sides to observe those Conditions, to make the Obligation of keeping their promises the stronger, Constantinus made Crispus (his Son by a Concubine called Minervina) who was yet but a Youth; and also Coustantinus, who was born but a few days before at Arelatum, Caesar's. And at the same time Licinnianus, Son to Licinnius, who was twenty years of Age, was declared Caesar. And this was the end of the second War.  
But when Constantinus heard, that the Sauromatae, who lived upon the Fenn, Meotis, had passed the Isther in Boats, and pillaged his Territories, he led his Army against 'em. And the Barbarians on the other hand met him, with their King Rausimodus; and first the Sauromatae attaqued a Town, which had a sufficient Garrison in it, but the Wall of it was built partly of stone (from the ground upward) and partly (toward the top) of Wood Wherefore the Sauromatae thought they might easily take the Town, if they burned all the wooden part of the Wall; and to that end put fire to it, whilst, in the mean time, they shot at those that stood upon the Walls. But they that were upon the Walls threw Darts and stones down upon the Barbarians and killed 'em; so that when Constantinus came, and fell upon 'em from an higher ground, he slew many of 'em, took more alive, and put the rest to flight. Upon which occasion Rausimodus having lost most part of his Army, took shipping and crossed the Ister, with an intention once more to plunder the Roman Dominions. Which when Constantinus heard of, he followed him over the Ister, and set upon 'em in a thick Wood upon an Hill to which they were fled, where he killed many of 'em, among whom Rausimodus was one. But he also took many alive, and gave quarter to the rest that were willing to comply; so that he returned to the Headquarters with a great number of Captives.  
But he distributed them into the several Cities, and then came to Thessalonica, where having made a Port or Harbour (for there never was one in that place before) he made new preparations for a War against Licinnius. In order whereunto he fitted out two hundred Ships or Galleys of War with thirty Oars apiece, besides above two thousand Ships of burden, raised one hundred and twenty thousand Foot, and of Horsemen and Seamen ten thousand. Licinnius hearing that Constantinus was so well prepared, sent Messengers into all Nations, to command 'em to prepare a sufficient number of men for the Navy, besides their Horse and Foot. And thereupon the Egyptians immediately sent out eighty Galleys; the Phaenicians, as many more; and the Jonians and Dorians of Asia, sixty: the Cyprians, thirty, the Carians, twenty, the Bythinians, thirty, and the Africans, fifty. And of Foot Soldiers he had near 150000. but of Horse only 15000. which were sent him out of Phrygia and Cappadocia. Now Constantine's Ships lay at Piraeeus, and Licinnius' in the Hellespont. And when they had both thus settled the Affairs of their Sea and their Land Forces, Licinnius was encamped at Adrianople in Thrace; whilst Constantinus sent for his Navy from Piraeeus, which was built and man'd, for the most part, out of Greece. And marching with his Foot Army from Thessalonica, he encamped upon the bank of the River Hebrus, which runs by Adrianople on the left hand. And at the same time Licinnius set his men in Battalia from a Mountain which is above the Town the length of two hundred furlongs, even to that place where another River joins with the Hebrus, and so the Armies continued one against another for many days. But Constantinus observing where the River was narrowest, he found out this contrivance. He ordered his Soldiers to bring Trees from the Mountain, and tie Ropes about 'em, as if he designed to make a Bridge upon the River, whereby to get over his Army. With which invention he out-witted his Enemies, and going up into an Hill, where there were thick Woods, enough to hid any body that was in 'em, he planted there of foot Bowmen five thousand, and eight hundred Horse. And having so done, he took twelve Horsemen, and with them marching over the Hebrus in the narrow place, where it is most fordable, he surprised the Enemy; insomuch that some were killed and many fled as fast as they could, whilst others who were amazed at his unexpected approach, stood gaping with Wonder, how he should come so suddenly over. But in the mean time whilst the Horse, and the rest of the Army passed the River for security, there was a great slaughter among 'em. For there fell near thirty four thousand men; and about Sunset Constantine took their Camp, whilst Licinnius with all his Forces that he could muster up, hastened through Thrace to his Navy.  
As soon as it was Day, all Licinnius' Army, or as many of 'em, as had fled into the Mountain, or the Valleys thereabout, surrendered themselves to Constantinus, together with those that Licinnius, for haste, had left behind him. But when Licinnius was got to Byzantium, Constantinus followed him, and besieged the City, when his Navy was now come from Piraeeus (as I told you) and lay in Macedonia. Wherefore he sent to his Admirals, and ordered that the Ships should sail into the Hellespont. And when they came, according to his command, Constantinus' Sea Officers thought fit to engage with not above eighty of their best Sailors (which were Galleys of thirty Oars apiece) because the place was too narrow to receive a greater number. But Abantus, who was Licinnius' Admiral, set out with two hundred Ships, and despised the smallness of his Enemy's number, whom he thought he could easily surround. But when the Signals were given on both sides, and they came stem to stem; Constantinus' Seamen did manage their Ships so as to engage in very good order. But Abantus sailing without any method against the Enemy, his Ships being in such a strait place fell foul upon one another, and were exposed in some measure to the Enemy, partly to be drowned and partly to be otherwise destroyed. In fine, a great many men were thrown overboard, till night came and put an end to the fight. So the one Navy put in at Eleus in Thrace, and the other at the Aeantian Harbour. And the next Day whilst the Wind blew hard at North, Abantus put forth from the Aeantian Port and made ready for a Sea fight. But because those Galleys of fifty Oars apiece, which lay in the mouth of the Hellespont, were come to Eleus by Order of the Admirals, Abantus was affrighted at the number of Ships and stood debating, whether he should set Sail against the Enemy or no. But about Noon the Northwind was allayed, and the Southwind blew so violently, that when Licinnius' Navy lay upon the Asian Coast, it ran some on ground, bilged some against the Rocks, and sunk others, men and all: so that five thousand men were lost, besides one hundred and thirty Ships full of men, which Licinnius had sent out of Thrace into Asia with part of his Army, because Byzantium was too little to contain all those who were besieged with Licinnius. But when Licinnius was fled into Asia with four Ships and the Sea fight was thus at an end: as also, that the Ships were come into the Hellespont, and had brought all sorts of Commodities, and great store of provisions to Constantine's Officers, they weighed Anchor with the whole Navy, to go and join with those that besieged Byzantium, and enclose the City even by Sea also. But Licinnius' Foot were not able to endure so much as the very sight of such a Navy, and therefore got 'em Ships and sailed away for Eleus.  
In the mean time Constantine continued close at the Siege, and made a Mound as high as the Wall (upon which he planted Wooden Towers, higher than the Wall, from which his Soldiers shot those who defended the Wall) that he might with more security bring Rams and other Engines of War near to it, and by that means he thought sure enough to take the City. At which Licinnius being startled and not knowing what to think, he resolved to leave Byzantium and the weaker part of his Army in it, and only take along with him such men as were fit for service, and had given him demonstrations of their love to him, and so make what haste he could into Chalcedon in Bythinia. For he believed he might raise an Army in Asia and try another Engagement with his Enemies. Wherefore arriving at Chalcedon, and having made Martinianus who was Captain of the Court Guards (whom the Romans call Magister Officiorum) his Accomplice and Partner in the dangerous Enterprise, he declared him Caesar and sent him with an Army to Lampsacus, to hinder the Enemy's passage from Thrace into Hellespont, whilst he himself posted his own men upon the Hills, and Avenues about Chalcedon.  
And whilst Licinnius was intent upon these matters, Constantine who had a great number of Ships for burden as well as War, and had a mind with them to cross over and possess himself of the other shore, fearing lest the Bithynian Coast might be inaccessible to Ships of burden especially, he immediatey built Skiffs and other Boats, and with them he sailed to the holy Promontory, as they call it, which lies upon the mouth of Pontus, two hundred furlongs from Chalcedon. And there he landed his Army; which when he had done, he went upon certain Hills hard by to set 'em in Array. At which time Licinnius, though he saw that Bythinia was already in the Enemy's hands, yet was a man so hardened by Danger that he sent for Martinianus from Lampsacus, and to encourage his men to fight, told 'em he himself would lead 'em. And when he had said what he thought necessary to 'em, he drew 'em into Battalia, and marching out of the City he met the Enemy who were ready for him. And after a sharp Engagement between Chalcedon and the Holy Promontory, Constantine's side had much the better on't; for they fell upon the Enemy with such vigour and made such a slaughter of 'em, that of an hundred and thirty thousand men, scarce thirty thousand escaped. Which when the Bizantines heard of, immediately they threw open their Gates to receive Constantinus, as the Chalcedonians also did. But Licinnius having received this Overthrow went for Nicomedia with what Horse he had left him, and some few Thousands of Foot.  
Just at this time a certain Persian called Hormisdas, of the Royal Family, came over to Constantine for refuge upon this account.— His Father had been King of Persia, and on a time was celebrating his own Birthday after the Persian way, when Hormisdas came into the Palace and brought with him a great deal of Venison. But the Guests that were at the Feast not rising up and paying him the respect and honour due to him, he was very angry and told 'em, he would punish 'em with Marsyas' Death. Which saying a great many of 'em did not understand, because it related to a Foreign Story: but only one Persian among 'em, who had lived in Phrygia, and heard the story of Marsyas, explained the meaning of Hormisdas' Menace to 'em, as they sat at Table. Wherefore they laid up Hormisdas' Menace in their memories, and when his Father happened to die, they remembered what he had threatened, and so chose his younger Brother King, though the elder should have had the preference according to Law above all the King's Children: Nor only that; but they shackled Hormisdas and kept him upon a certain Hill which lies before the City. But when some time had passed, his Wife contrived his escape in this manner. She got a great Fish, and put a File into his belly, and then solving him up again delivered it to the most faithful Eunuch that she had, with a strict charge to tell Hormisdas, he must eat that Fish when no body was by, and use that which he found in his belly in order to his escape. And when she had thus contrived it, she sent out several Camels loaden with Wine, and a deal of Provision, to entertain her Husband's Keepers. And whilst the Keepers were merry at the Feast which she made for 'em; Hormisdas cut up the Fish and found the File; with which when he had cut off the shackles that were upon his Legs, he put on the Eunuch's Robe and went away through the middle of the Keepers, who were by that time Drunk; and taking one of the Eunuches along with him he fled to the King of Armenia who was his Friend and Host. And by this means he got away safe to Constantine, who thought fit to show him all the respect and kindness imaginable. And so much for that.  
But when Constantinus besieged Licinnius at Nicomedia also, he knew not what to do, because he was sensible he had not an Army fit to fight, and therefore going out of the City, he submitted himself to Constantine and brought him the Purple Robe, proclaimed him Emperor and Lord, and asked pardon for what was passed. For he presumed he should certainly escape with life, because Constantinus had sworn to his Wife that he should. But Constantinus delivered Martinianus to the Guards for them to kill, and sent Licinnius into Thessalonica, as if he were to live there in security; but not long after he broke his Oath (which 
*— If all be true that others say of Constantine, than Zosimus has no reason to fix the Crime of Perjury upon him; because he did not seem so much to break an Oath and Promise, as to punish the breach of it in Licinnius, who after so many Victories gained by Constantine, when he was in a desperate low Condition, let slip no occasion to recover that Empire which he was deprived of by the just sentence of Victory, but contrived all ways he could to make ill returns for Euergetes kindness, as Euseb. says in his life of Constantine, l. 1. c. 43. & Theodor. l. 1. c. 7. To which you may add this also, that Licinnius hated Christians, as much as Constantine loved 'em, and consequently could not endure to see them exposed to injuries whom he favoured. Nor let any one Object, that these Authors are not to be credited, because they were partial; because Zosimus himself cannot be excused in that Point, as being a sworn Enemy to Christianity, and a great bigot in the Heathenish Religion.  was an usual thing with Constantine) and caused him to be hanged.  
But when the whole Empire was solely in Constantine's hands, he no longer concealed his ill Nature, and vicious inclinations, but did what he pleased without control. But he used indeed his former Country way of Worship, though not 
* Among the Imperial Laws or Edicts this is one which Euseb. mentions, l. 10. c. 5.— That every one may apply himself to what way of Worship he thinks suitable to his own reason.— And therefore though he did not abolish the old Heathen Ceremonies of his Country at that time, yet he favoured the Christian's most, and gave 'em their liberty which almost all other Emperors before him had used to deprive 'em of.  out of honour or veneration so much as necessity. And therefore he believed the Soothsayers, who were expert in their Art, as men that had told him truth concerning all the great Actions that ever he did. But when he came to Rome, he was full of Pride and Arrogance, but thought fit to begin his impious pranks first at home. For he killed his Son Crispus, styled (as I told you) Caesar, upon suspicion that he lay with his Mother-in law Fausta, without any consideration of natural Duty. And when his Mother Helena expressed much sorrow for what he had done, lamenting most bitterly the young man's Death, Constantinus, under pretence of comforting her, made the Remedy worse than the Disease. For having caused a Bath to be heated more than ordinary, and shut Fausta up in it, he in a while after took her out dead. Of which being conscious to himself, as also of breaking his Oath, he went to the Priests to be purged from his Crimes. But they told him there was no manner of Lustration or Purgation that was sufficient to clear him from such enormities; and then a Spaniard, called Aegyptius, who was there at Rome, very familiar with the Court Ladies, coming to discourse with Constantine, assured him, that the Christian Doctrine would teach him how to cleanse himself from all his offences; and would promise him, that all wicked men who received it, were immediately absolved from all their sins. Which Constantine had no sooner heard, but he easily believed what was told him, and leaving his own Country Ceremonies, received those that Aegyptius offered to him, and for the first instance of his Impiety he suspected the truth of Divination. For since a great many fortunate Chances were thereby foretold him, and really came to pass according to the Prediction, he was afraid, lest that others might be told one thing or other that should fall out unluckily to him; and for that reason applied himself toward the abolishing of all such things. And upon an usual Feast-day when the Army was to go up into the Capitol, he reproached that Solemnity of their going up very impudently; and treading the holy Ceremonies, as it were, under his feet, incurred the hatred of the Senate and People.  
But being unable to endure the Curses of almost all the City, he looked out for another City as big as Rome, where he might build himself a Palace; and therefore when he was between Troas and old Ilium, he found a place convenient to build a City in, where he laid a foundation, and made some part of a Wall to a pretty height, which is to be seen to this Day by those that sail toward the Hellespont. But afterward thinking better of it, he left that Work unfinished and went to Byzantium; where he admired the situation of the place, and therefore resolved when he had enlarged it exceedingly, to make it a fit Seat for an Emperor to live in. For the City lies upon a rising ground, which is part of that Isthmus, which Ceras and Propontas, two arms of the Sea on each side enclose. And it formerly had a Gate just at the end of the Porticos which Severus the Emperor built after he was reconciled to the Byzantines, who had provoked his anger by admitting his Enemy Niger into their City. At which time also the Wall went down from the West side of the Hill as far as Venus' Temple, even to the Sea side, which is opposite to Chrysopolis. And so, on the North side of the Hill it went down after the same manner to the Port, which they call the Dock, and farther even to the Seaside, which lies directly against the passage that carries you into the Euxine Sea. And this narrow neck of Land between that and Pontus is near three hundred furlongs in length. And this was the bigness of the old City. But Constantinus built a round Marketplace where the old Gate was, and encompassed it with double-roofed Porticoes, making two great Arches of Praeconesian Marble one against another, through which there was a passage into Severus' Porticoes, and out of the old City. But having a mind to make the City a great deal larger, he made a Wall about it that was fifteen furlongs beyond the old one, and took in all the Isthmus from Sea to Sea. And when he had made the City in this manner much larger than before, he built a Palace not much inferior to that of Rome: and made likewise the Hippodrome (where the Horses ran) very fine: taking the Temple of Castor and Pollux into it, whose Statues are now to be seen standing in the Porticoes of the Hippodrome, or Horse Race. Besides which he likewise placed the Tripos, that belonged to Apollo of Delphi, in one part of the Hippodrome, which had on it the Image of Apollo himself. And because there was a very great Marketplace at Byzantium consisting of four Porticoes, at the end of one of them, to which there are a great many steps going up, he built two Temples, and in the one of 'em he put the Statue of the Mother of the Gods, called Rhea, which Jason's Mates had formerly set up in Mount Dindymus, which lies about the City of Cyzicum. But they say, that through his neglect of Religion he had impaired it, by taking away the Lions on both sides, and changing the figure of the Hands. For whereas it formerly seemed to have a Lion in each hand, it was now altered into a praying posture, looking upon the City and observing as it were, what men did: In the other Temple he set up the Statue of Rome's Fortune. And after that he built convenient Houses for certain Senators that followed him from Rome. But he engaged in no more War, insomuch that when the Thaifalians, which are a Scythian Nation, came upon him with five hundred Horse, he did not only not lead forth his Army against 'em, but when he had lost the greater part of his Soldiers, and saw the Enemies plunder all before 'em even to their Trenches, he was glad to save himself by flight.  
But when he was delivered from the distractions of War he gave himself to voluptuousness, but distributed a Dole of Corn among the people of Byzantium, which is continued even to this Day. And as he laid out the public Treasure upon unnecessary and unprofitable Structures, so he built some, that in a short time were pulled down again, because they were erected in haste and consequently not like to last long. He also made a great bustle and changed the ancient Magistracy. For whereas before that time there had been two Prefects of the Court, whose power was equal, not only the Court-Soldiers were under their care and conduct, but those also who had the charge of the City with them that lay in the outparts. For he that had the Office of Court-Prefect, which was esteemed the greatest place of Honour next being Emperor; gave out the Doles of Corn, and corrected all Offences in point of military Discipline with what convenient Penalties he thought good.  
But Constantine altered that good Constitution, and out of one Office, or Magistracy he made four of it. For to one of those Prefects he committed all Egypt and Pentapolis in Libya, besides all the East as far as Mesopotamia, with Cilicia, Cappadocia, Armenia, and all the Sea-coast from Pamphilia to Trapezus and the Castles near Phasis: and to the same person was given all Thrace and Mysia which reaches as far as Hemus, Rhodope, and the Town of Doberus. He likewise added Cyprus, and the Cycladeses (Islands) only Lemnos, and Imbrus, and Samothrace were excepted.— To another he gave Macedonia, Thessaly, Crete and Greece with the Islands thereabout, both Epiruses, the Illyrians, the Dacians, the Triballi and the Pannonians as far as Valeria, besides the upper Mysia.— To the third Perfect he gave all Italy, and Sicily with the adjacent Isles, besides Sardinia and Corsica together with all Africa from the Syrteses or Quicksands as far as Cyrene. To the fourth he committed the Celtaes, who lived beyond the Alps, as also the Spaniards and the British Island which is England. And 
* Zosimus throws the envy of that insensible decay by which the Roman Empire fell to ruin upon Constantine; but indeed he ought to have been more cautious in what he said; if he would but have considered with himself how apt men are, who have gained the greatest place next to their Sovereign, to endeavour all they can to engage the Soldiers affections, and out of hopes to be Emperors themselves to put all things out of order. And indeed where the care of both the Military Discipline, and distributing the public money is committed to one single person, 'tis odds, but he one time or other takes an occasion to possess himself of the Empire, because he has every thing in his power that the fear of punishment or hopes of reward will induce the Soldiers to do. Wherefore Constantine fortified himself with that political saying, Divide and Rule.  having thus divided the Power of those Prefects, he studied other ways also to lessen their Authority. For whereas there used to be in all places Centurions, Tribunes, and Generals, he made certain Officers called Magistri Militum, one over the Horse, and another over the Foot, to whom he gave Authority to Discipline the Soldiers, and punish those that offended, whereby the power of the Prefects was in some measure diminished. Now that this was a great damage to the public Affairs both in Peace and War, I'll prove immediately. For whilst the Prefects gathered the Tributes in all places by their Ministers and laid them out in Warlike expenses, having the Soldiers also in subjection, who suffered for offences according to their discretion, it's very probable the Soldiers who considered that the same person who gave 'em their pay, inflicted their punishment too whenever they offended, durst not do contrary to their Duty, out of fear, partly, lest their allowance should be taken off, and partly of present correction. But now since one is Paymaster, and another to look after the Discipline, they do what they please; not to say, that the greatest part of the Corn or other provisions goes into the General's or his Servants Pockets.  
But besides this Constantine did another thing too, that gave the Barbarians a free passage into the Roman Dominions. For whereas the Roman Empire, by the care of Diocletian was fortified (as I told you) in the most remote parts of it with Towns and Castles and Forts, where the Soldiers lived, and consequently it was impossible for the Barbarians to pass, because there was always a sufficient number of Enemies to withstand 'em; Constantine destroyed that Security, by removing the greater part of the Soldiers out of those Frontier Places, and putting them in Towns that wanted no assistance. For he stripped them whom the Barbarians oppressed of all defence, and plagued the Towns that were quiet with a multitude of Soldiers, insomuch that some were quite forsaken of their Inhabitants. He likewise caused his Soldiers to grow effeminate by giving themselves to public Shows and Pleasures. And to tell you plainly, he was the first cause, why things were brought into that miserable state they now are in.  
But I must not omit to tell you, that when he had given his Son Constantinus, as likewise his other two Sons, Constantius and Constans the Title of Caesar's, he increased the City of Constantinople to such a vast bigness, that many of the Emperors that have come after him, and lived in it, have drawn more men thither than are necessary, who flock to it from all parts, either as Soldiers, or Merchants, or something else. Upon which account they have made the Walls about it more capacious than those that Constantine built, and have permitted the buildings to be so contiguous, that the Inhabitants whether at home or in the streets are streighten'd for room, and walk in danger by reason of the multitude of men and beasts. Besides, a great deal of the Sea is turned into dry Land, where Piles are driven into the ground, and Houses built upon 'em, enough to make a good big City of themselves.  
And truly I have often wondered, since the City of Byzantium is grown so great, that no other can compare with it either in happiness or bigness, why our Fathers had no prophecy concerning its good Fortune. And having employed my thoughts a long time about it, turned over a great many Historians and collections of Oracles, and spent some time in the explanation of them. I at last with much ado light upon an Oracle, which is attributed to Sibylla Erythraea, or Phaello of Epirus (for they say that she being inspired gave out some Oracles, upon which Nicomedes, the Son of Prusias relying and interpreting to his own advantage, he by the advice of Attalus, made War against his Father Prusias) and it is this:  
Thou among Sheep; Oh! King of Thrace, shalt dwell,  
But breed a savage Lion, fierce and fell,  
Who all the product of thy Land shall spoil,  
And reap thy fruitful harvest without toil.  
But thou shalt not enjoy thy Honour long,  
Torn by wild Dogs, which shall about thee throng.  
Then a mad, hungry, sleeping Wolf shalt thou  
Awake, to whom thy conquered neck shall bow.  
Next a whole herd of Wolves Bythinias Land  
Shall vex by Jove's permission, and that hand  
To whom the Byzantines Obedience yield  
Shall in short time her royal Sceptre wield.  
Blessed Hellespont! whose buildings by the hand  
Of Heaven were raised, and by their order stand.  
Yet shall that cruel Wolf my forces fear,  
For all Wights know me, who inhabit here.  
My Sires mind I no longer will reveal  
But Heaven's intent in Oracles reveal.  
Thrace shall e'er long a monstrous birth produce,  
Baneful to all by tract of time and use:  
And a swollen Ulcer by the Sea shall grow,  
Which when it breaks, with putrid gore shall flow.  
Now this same Oracle does, though obscurely, point out (I had almost said) all the particular mischiefs which were to befall Bythinia through the heavy Impositions that were laid upon 'em: as also how the Government was to be devolved upon them to whom the Byzantines were then in subjection, in that Distich 
— and the Hand  
To whom the Byzantines Obedience yield  
Shall in short time her Royal Sceptre wield.  And though the things foretold did not fall out till many Ages after; let not any man for all that suppose that it was spoken of any other place. For all time is short in respect of God, who always is and always will be. And this is my conjecture both from the words of the Prophecy, and the event also. But if any one believes there is any other meaning in it, let him enjoy his own thoughts.  
When Constantine had done thus, he not only perpetually wasted the Revenue of the Empire in unnecessary Expenses, and Presents, which were bestowed upon unworthy and vile Persons: but he likewise oppressed those that paid the Tribute, and enriched those that were of no use or service in the Government. For 
* We must confess that Constantine was extravagant in his Expenses; from whence arose that Jeer of Julian in his Book called Caesares, where he brings in Constantine as if he were asked by Mercury— And what do you think is a commendable thing? That a Man, says Constantine, who has a great deal should give a great deal away.  he mistook Prodigality for Magnificence.  
He also laid a Tax of Gold and Silver upon all Merchants, and Tradesmen even to the meanest of all: 
* See Evagrius l. 3. Hist. Eccl. c. 39 where he mightily commends Anastasius, in whose Reign this Tax was taken off. But he inveighs against Zosimus, for saying that Constantine was the Author of it, in these words:— Who would wonder that this should be done in the very infancy of Christianity, when his Holiness the Pope suffers the very same things even now it is grown to riper years?  nor did he spare so much as the poorest Whore. Insomuch that upon the return of every fourth year, when the Tax was to be paid, a man could hear nothing but lamentation and complaints through all the whole City. And when the time came, there was nothing but Whips and Torments provided for them who by reason of their extreme poverty could not pay the money. Nay, Mothers were fain to part with their Children, and Fathers to prostitute their Daughters, for money to satisfy the Collectors of this Gold and Silver exaction. And because he had a mind to invent some plague for the richer sort of People, he called 'em all forth and made 'em Praetors, for which Dignity he demanded of 'em a vast sum of money. For which reason, when they whose business it was to manage this Affair came into any of the Cities, you might see the People run all away into other countries', for fear of gaining that honour with the loss of all they had. Now he had a Particular of all the best Estates, and so imposed a Tribute upon each one of 'em, which he called, a Purse. And with such Exactions he exhausted all the Towns: for they endured so long even after Constantine's time, that the Money was all drained clear out of the Cities and many of 'em forsaken by the Inhabitants.  
When Constantine had oppressed and plagued the Government all these several ways, he died of a Distemper, and his Sons succeeded him who were three of 'em (not begotten of Fausta the Daughter of Herculius Maximianus, but of another Woman, whom he had put to Death for Adultery) but they devoted themselves to the pleasures of Youth more than to public Service. For in the first place they divide the Nations among 'em, of which Constantine the eldest and Constans the youngest had all beyond the Alps together with Italy and Illyricum, for their share: as also all the Countries upon the Euxine Sea, and whatever belonged to Carthage in Africa: whereas Constantius had all Asia, the East and Egypt. But there were also others that were a kind of Partners in the Government, as Dalmatius, whom Constantine made Caesar, Constantius his Brother and Anaballianus, who all wore a Purple Robe with golden Guards, and were promoted to the Order of Nobilissimate (as they call it) or Nobility by Constantine himself, out of respect to their being of his Family.  
But when the Empire was thus divided, Constantius who seemed to take pains not to fall short of his Father's impiety, began at home to prove himself a Man by spilling the blood of his nearest Relations. And first he caused Constantius his Father's Brother to be murdered by the Soldiers: next to whom he served Dalmatius Caesar in the same kind; as also Optatus, whom Constantine had raised to the honour of being a Patrician. For Constantine indeed first introduced that Order of Men and made a Law, that whoever was a Patrician should sit above the very Prefects of the Court. At that time also was Ablabius the Court-Prefect put to death; and fate was just in his punishment, because he contrived how to murder Sopatrus the Philosopher, out of envy that he was so familiar with Constantine. But as he was unnatural to all his Relations, so likewise he put Anaballianus among the rest, suborning the Soldiers to cry out, that they would have no other Governors but Constantine's Children only. And these were Constantius' exploits.  
In the mean time Constantine and Constans had a dispute concerning that part of Africa that belonged to Carthage, and Italy. And Constans who had a mind to surprise his Brother, concealed his ill will for three years together, till on a certain time when he was got into a Province that loved him, he sent Soldiers to him, upon pretence to assist him in the War against the Persians, but in reality to assassinate him before he was ware: which accordingly they did, and so killed Constantine.  
When Constans had thus removed his Brother out of his way, he exercised all manner of cruelty towards his Subjects, exceeding the most intolerable Tyranny. For he bought some well-favoured Barbarians, and had others with him as Hostages, to whom he gave the liberty to do what they pleased to his Subjects, in order to gratify his lewd Eyes; and thereby brought all the Nations that were under him into extreme misery. At which the Court-Guards were troubled, and seeing him much given to Hunting, they put themselves under the conduct of Marcellinus Perfect of the Treasury, and Magnentius who commanded the Joviani and Herculiani (two Legions so called) and laid a Plot for him in this manner. Marcellinus gave out he would keep his Son's Birthday, and therefore invited a great many of the Superior Officers of the Army to the Feast, and among the rest Magnentius. And when it was midnight (for so long the Banquet lasted) Magnentius risen from Table as if he had been going about some necessary Affair, and was not gone long before he came again, as it had been in a Play, clothed in a Royal Robe and stood before 'em. Whereupon all the Guests there saluted him by the name of King, and all the Inhabitants of Augustodunum (for there it was that this was done) were of the same Opinion. But when the report of it was gone abroad, the Country people also flocked into the City: Whilst at the same time a party of Illyrian Horse that came to supply the Celtic Legions, were joined with those that were concerned in this Enterprise. And to speak plainly, when the Officers of the Army came together, and heard the Heads of the Conspiracy cry out first, they scarce knew what the meaning was, but however they all set up their Throats and saluted Magnentius by the name of Augustus. Which when Constans heard, he endeavoured to escape to a certain little Town, called Helena, that lies near the Pirenaean Mountains. But he was taken by Gaison who was sent with some other select Men upon that Errand, and being destitute of all assistance, was killed.  
When therefore Magnentius had gotten the Empire, and was Lord of all the Nations beyond the Alps, besides all Italy, Vetranio, General of the Pannonian Army, when he heard that Magnentius was promoted to be Emperor, was inflamed himself with the same desire, and declared Emperor by the Legions that he had there with him, residing at Mursa, a City of Pannonia. But whilst Affairs stood thus, the Persians plundered the Eastern Country, in Mesopotamia especially. But Constantius though he was worsted by the Persians, yet he resolved to subdue the factions of Magnentius and Vetranio.  
But whilst he was considering of these things, and mighty intent upon his Warlike preparations (Magnentius being yet in Gallia Celtica) Nepotianus, Constantius' Nephew by his Sister, whose name was Eutropia, mustered up a Company of mad Fellows, addicted to Robbery and all kind of debauchery, with whom he came to Rome, and appeared in an Imperial Garb: But Anicetius, whom Magnentius had made Perfect of the Court, armed some of the common people, and drew 'em out of the City, as if he designed they should engage with Nepotianus, and a sharp Conflict indeed they had. But the Romans, who were undisciplined and observed no Order, were easily routed: and when the Perfect saw 'em fly, he shut the Gates, for fear the Enemy should pursue 'em into the City: so that Nepotianus' men followed 'em, and because they had no way to escape, killed 'em every man. But in a few days after Magnentius sent out an Army under the Command of Marcellinus, who was Commander of the Court-forces (whom they call, Magister Officiorum) and killed Nepotianus.  
In the mean time Constantius came out of the East against Magnentius, but thought fit first to oblige Vetranio some way or other, because he knew it inconvenient to have to do with two Traitors at a time. And on the other side Magnentius did what he could to make Vetranio his friend, and thereby put an end to the War against Constantius. So they both sent Agents to Vetranio, who chose to be of Constantius' side rather than that of Magnentius. Whereupon Magnentius' Ambassadors went away without their Errand, and Constantius desired that both the Armies might meet, to consult publicly how to manage the War against Magnentius. To which Proposal Vetranio easily agreed, and they two seated themselves upon a Throne provided for that purpose. Where Constantius according to his Dignity, speaking first, took all occasions in his Speech to 'em, to mind the Soldiers of his Father's Munificence, and of the Oaths which they had taken to be true to his Children. And then he told 'em, they ought not to let Magnentius pass unpunished, who was the murderer of Constantine's Son, with whom they had fought many Battles, and been most generously rewarded for it. Which when the Soldiers heard, who had been before hand engaged by rich Presents, they cried out, They would have no mock-Emperors; and thereupon they presently stripped Vetranio of his Purple and pulled him from the Throne; with resolutions to make him live a private life. But Constantius would not suffer 'em to do him any harm, and therefore sent him into Bythinia where he gave him enough to live upon. But he had not lived there long without any employment, before he died.  
Constantius seeing his Design against Vetranio took so good an effect, he went against Magnentius, but first made Gallus his Uncle's Son, who was the Brother of Julian (that afterward came to be Emperor) Cesar, and gave him his Sister Constantia in Marriage; either in order to his opposing the Persians, or (which was the truth of it) to get an opportunity of taking him off. For he and his Brothers were the only persons left of Constantius' Family, who had killed all the rest, as I have told you. When therefore he had clothed him in a Cesarian Robe, and made Lucillianus General for the Persian War, he marched toward Magnentius with his own and Vetranio's Soldiers all in one body. And Magnentius on the contrary, who thought fit to meet him with more Forces, declared his kinsman Decentius (who was to govern the Nations beyond the Alps) Cesar. But when the Armies met in Pannonia, and came very near one another at a Town called Mursa, Magnentius planted an Ambuscade in the avenues near Adrana and sent a Messenger to Constantius' Officers to retard their motion, that they might march into Siscia, because he intended to fight thereabout, where the fields were open and spacious. Which when Constantius heard he was very glad of it, that he was to fight in a place where there was room enough for the Horse, of which he had more than the Enemy, and so led his Army toward Siscia. But as they went along, unarmed and out of order (not thinking what would happen) the Troops who lay in Ambush fell upon 'em and stopped their passage with stones which they threw upon 'em in such vast quantities as that they killed most part of 'em.  
And now seeing many of his Enemies slain, Magnentius was so proud of this Exploit, that he mustered up his Forces, and would not suffer the War to be delayed any longer, but marched immediately into Pannonia. And when he came to the Plains before (that which was formerly) Cius, (through the middle of which the River Draus runs, and passing by Noricum and Pannonia discharges itself into the Ister) he led his men into Pannonia, intending to engage near Sirmium. But they say his Mother forbade him to go that way, or over into Illyricum, though he would not observe her directions, notwithstanding that he knew she had proved a true Prophetess to him upon many former occasions. In the mean while Magnentius deliberated whether he should cross the Saus by a Bridge of his own making, or join his Boats together and so pass over: and at the same time Constantius sent Philip, who was one of the greatest Men about him, as likewise a Person of extraordinary prudence, with a pretence of treating concerning Peace and an Alliance, but in reality, to observe the state of Magnentius' Army, and how they stood affected to fight, or which way they were like to move. Who, when he came near to the Camp, met Marcellinus, who was Magnentius' greatest Favourite, and went along with him to Magnentius. Where after the Army was drawn up, Philip was desired to tell the reason of his coming. Nor had he sooner received the Order, than applying himself to the Soldiers, he told 'em, it was not fit for them who were Roman Subjects to wage War against Romans, especially when Constantine's Son was Emperor, with whom they had erected many Trophies against the Barbarians. And as for Magnentius, he ought to remember Constantine, with all the kindness he had shown to him and his Parents. For it was Constantine that entertained him and promoted him to the greatest Dignities, when he was in imminent danger. And having so said, he desired that Magnentius would departed out of Italy, and be content to govern all the Nations beyond the Alps.  
This Speech of Philip had like to have made a mutiny through the whole Army: and therefore Magnentius, who was in a fright and had much ado to get the Soldiers to hear him speak, told 'em he would willingly conclude a Peace too; but said, he would dismiss the Assembly for that present time, till he had considered what to do, and would tell 'em his Opinion the next day. Whereupon the Assembly being dissolved, Marcellinus entertained Philip, like one that he had a mind to be obliged to by the Laws of Hospitality; Whilst in the mean time Magnentius debated with himself, whether he should send Philip away without the intended effect of his coming, or keep him there, contrary to the Law of Embassies. And as he was in dispute about it, he thought fit to invite all the Officers of his Army to sup with him, and tell 'em his Opinion at Table. Which when he had done and that it was Daylight, he called the Army together once more, and put 'em in mind, what Constans had done against 'em when he was drunk and mad: and that the Soldiers could not endure those Enormities, wherewith he oppressed the Commonwealth against all Law and Justice, but inclined to that which was most advantageous to the public; and when they had freed the Cities from such a savage beast, they forced him to be Emperor.  
Nor had he made an end of speaking before they all risen up and showed their readiness for carrying on the War; by arming themselves immediately in order to pass the Saus. Of whose approach the Sentinels that were upon the Watch in Siscia (a Town that lies upon the Saus) were ware, and gave notice to the Garrison; who shot some of 'em as they were landing upon the bank of the River, and others, that were acoming over, they stopped: so that many of 'em were slain, but more were trampled into the River, either by one another or by the Enemy. By which means there was a great slaughter made among 'em; and whilst the one party fell off the Bridge as they endeavoured to escape, the other pursued with all speed; so that Magnentius, who was reduced to his last shift, had only this way to avoid the present danger. He stuck a Spear in the ground, and with his right Hand beckoned to the Enemy as if he had a mind to treat for a Peace. Which when he saw they listened to, He said he would not pass the Saus without the Emperor's leave. Which he had no sooner said, but Philip told him, he must leave Italy and Noricum and go into Illyricum, if he would treat of Peace. And then Constantius, having heard what they said, commanded his Soldiers not to pursue 'em any longer, and permitted Magnentius to bring his men over into the Plains between Noricum, Pannonia, Mysia and Dacia: because he had a mind to get out of those rough, cumbersome places, and fight where his Horse might have room enough to show themselves; for he had more than the Enemy. And his Design took effect; so that he pitched upon Cibalis, which he thought a convenient place for his business, it being the same place where Constantine formerly conquered Licinnius. For that Town having the above situation, which I have told you in my Account of those times, he kept part of his Army in it. And when he had raised a Bulwark between the Hill where the City stands and the Plain where the River Saus runs, he enclosed all that part of it which is not encompassed by the River, with a deep Ditch and a thick Mound. And then he made a Bridge of Boats over all that part that was surrounded by the River, which Bridge he could disjoin when he pleased, and put it together again with as much ease. And here he set up Tents for his Army, and in the middle of all a Tent-Royal which was inferior to none of the Towns thereabout either for bigness or Ornament. But at that time the Emperor invited his Officers to a Feast, at which all but Latinus and Thalassius were present; but they were not there, though they were the Emperor's greatest favourites, because they were taking care for Philip, whom Magnentius detained, notwithstanding he was an Ambassador.  
But whilst they were consulting about this Affair, Titianus, a person of the Senatorian Order at Rome, came and brought a saucy Message from Magnentius. For he used many absurd expressions against Constantine and his Children, and charging the destruction of the Cities upon the Emperor's negligence; he commanded Constantius to make way for Magnentius by quitting the Empire, and be content to have his life saved. But he only desired the Gods and Fate to be the revengers of Constans' Death, saying that he would fight with their assistance, and so let Titianus go back again to Magnentius, though Philip were still in his custody, At which time Magnentius drew out his Army and taking Siscia upon the first attaque he razed it down to the ground. And when he had over run all the Country near the Saus and carried away great sp●●●, he marched toward Sirmium, which he hoped likewise to take without bloodshed. But failing of his attempt (for he was beaten off by the Inhabitants and Soldiers that were set to guard the Town) he went with all his Army to Mursa. Where seeing those that were in the Town had shut the Gates against him, and got upon the Walls, he could not tell what to do in the case, (because he had no Engines, nor any other way to get near the Wall.) For he was pelted with stones and Darts by those that stood and fought from the Battlements. Besides which, when Constantius heard the Town was besieged, he came with all his Forces to relieve it, having passed by Cibalis and all that Country through which the River Draus runs.  
In the mean while Magnentius got nearer unto Mursa and set fire on the Gates; thinking that if he could consume the Iron that covered the Wood (which would soon yield to the slames) he might make a passage wide enough for his Army to enter the City. But this did not succeed as he would have had it, because those men that were upon the Wall put out the fire with Water which they threw down in a great quantity. When therefore he heard that Constantius was near Mursa, he found out another stratagem, which was this: There was a certain Stadium or place of Exercise, before the City (assigned formerly for those that used to fight Prizes) which was all covered over with Woods: in which he hide four Companies of Celtae, and bade 'em, that, when Constantius came up, and they were ready to engage before the City, they should set upon the Enemies at unawares, so as to encompass and kill 'em every man. But this being discovered by them that stood upon the Wall, Constantius sent Scolidoas and Manadus two of his Captains immediately thither. But first they picked out all the choice of their Soldiers (as well such as wore heavy Armour as Bowmen) out of all those that they commanded, and taking them along with 'em shut up all the Doors belonging to the Stadium. And then having possessed themselves of the upper steps going up to the Stadium, and enclosed the Soldiers that were in it on every side, they threw Darts at 'em. And seeing some of 'em put their Shields over their heads whilst they endeavoured to break open the Doors, they fell upon them too, nor did they cease to throw Darts or cut 'em with their Swords till they had killed 'em every one. And thus Magnentius' project being frustrated, and falling out contrary to expectation, the Armies met and fell to it in the Plain before Mursa; where there was such a Battle fought as was not known before in the whole course of this War, and many fell on both sides.  
But Constantius considering that, this being a Civil War, even Victory itself would scarce be pleasant to him, now that the Romans were so much weakened, and not able to withstand the Barbarians (that attaqued 'em on every side) after so great a slaughter, he began to think that this War might be ended by some Proposals of a Peace. And whilst he was ruminating upon it, the Armies were still engaged; among whom the Magnentian party grew more furious than ever; nor would they give over fight though Night came upon 'em, but even their Captains continued doing all that became common Soldiers, and encouraging the Soldiers to stand up stoutly against the Enemy. And so on the other side, Constantius' Captains called to mind the ancient courage and glory of the Romans. And so they fought on till it was dark Night; nor did they give over for all that, but wounded each other with Spears, Swords, or any thing else that came to their hands: insomuch that neither the darkness, nor any thing else, that uses to cause some respite in War, could make them cease to kill each other, but they thought it the greatest happiness that could befall 'em to perish by one another's sides. And of the Captains, who showed themselves very stout and brave in this Battle, there fell among the rest Arcadius Captain of the Legion called Abulci, and Menelaus who commanded the Horse Bowmen of Armenia.  
Now it is worth ones while to tell you what they say of this Menelaus; and 'tis thus: They say that he would have taken three Darts at one time, and at one shot have hit not only one but three men's bodies. By which way of shooting he killed a great many of the Enemies, and was himself almost the cause of their flight. But he was killed by Romulus who was Generalissimo of all Magnentius' Army; and Romulus also himself fell at the same time: Who though he were wounded by a Dart that Menelaus shot at him, yet he did not give over fight after he had received the Wound, till he had killed the man that gave it him.  
And now that Constantius had the better on't, by reason that Magnentius' Army ran away, there was a great slaughter of Men, Horses, and other . Wherefore Magnentius who was destitute of all hopes, and feared lest the remaining part of his Army should deliver him to Constantius thought best to leave Pannonia, resolving to make an excursion into Italy, and there raise men to try his fortune once more. But when he heard that those of Rome were all of Constantius' side, either out of hatred to him, or because they had heard what had happened in the fight, and concluded to go over the Alps, and seek some sanctuary for himself among those Nations, that live thereabouts. But hearing that Constantius had obliged the Barbarians about the Rhine to be his Enemies, by great Presents that he had made to 'em, as likewise that there was no going into France, by reason that some Officers had stopped his passage that way to gratify Constantius, (nor could he go through Spain into the Moors Country, because of those Roman Allies there who studied to oblige Constantius) he was in such a confusion, that he preferred a voluntary death before a dishonourable life, and chose rather to die by his own than his Enemy's hand.  
And thus died Magnentius when he had been Emperor three years and six months. He was of Barbarian extract, but lived among the Leti, a people of Gallia. He understood Latin; was bold when Fortune favoured him, but cowardly in Adversity; ingenious in hiding his naturally ill inclination, and thought, by those that did not know him, to be a , good Man. And thus much I thought fit to say of Magnentius, because some have been of Opinion that he did a great deal of good in his time, that the World may know the truth of him, who never did any thing with a good intention in all his life.  
But Decentius, whom Magnentius sent for to assist him, being now upon the Road to Italy, as soon as he heard what had befallen him, and lighting upon certain Legions and Troops, from whom he saw no hopes to escape, he hanged himself.  
After these things, when the whole Empire was now in Constantius' hands, he began to be more arrogant than formerly, and could not behave himself with any moderation in his prosperity. And then the Offices for Calumny that use to be about such men, and are designed for the ruin of those that are in prosperity, were augmented. For Sycophants when they go about to pull a great Man down, in hopes to share in his Estate, or Honour, they study some false Accusation against him. And this was the case in Constantius' time. For such kind of Rogues who had made the Eunuches about Court their Accomplices in the cursed Affair, flocking about Constantius, persuaded him, that Gallus who was his Cousin-German, and a Cesar, was not content with that Honour, would needs be Emperor. And indeed they persuaded him that it was true so far that they made him resolve upon Gallus' destruction. Now those that laid this Design were Dynamius and Picentius, men of mean condition, that endeavoured to raise themselves by such ill Actions. Lampadius also was in the Conspiracy, who was Perfect of the Court, and a Person that desired always to be more in the Emperor's favour than any body else. Since therefore Constantius gave ear to such false Informations, Gallus was sent for, but knew nothing of that which was intended against him. And as soon as he came Constantius in the first place degraded him from the Dignity of being a Cesar, and when he had made him a private person, delivered him to the public Executioners to be put to death: which was not the first time Constantius had stained his hands in the blood of his kindred, but only an addition to many former instances.   

A New HISTORY Written by Count ZOSIMUS, Sometime Advocate of the Treasury. The Third Book.  
WHEN Constantius had done what I have told you against Gallus Cesar, he went out of Pannonia into Italy. But seeing all the Roman Territories infested by the incursions of the Barbarians; and that the Franks, Alemans and Saxons had not only gotten possession of forty Cities near the Rhine, but also destroyed, and ruined 'em, by carrying away an innumerable company of the Inhabitants, and a proportionable quantity of Spoils; as likewise, that the Quadi and Sarmatians without any obstruction over ran Pannonia and the upper Mysia; besides that the Persians were perpetually vexatious to the Eastern Countries, though they had formerly been quiet out of fear, lest Callus Cesar should have set upon 'em: considering (I say) those things, and doubting what to do, he scarce thought himself able alone to manage Affairs in this critical juncture, and yet he was afraid to take a Partner in the Government, because he so much affected to rule alone, and thought no man could be his Friend. And indeed in these circumstances he was at a great loss: but it so fell out, that when the Roman Empire was in the greatest danger, Eusebia, Constantius' Wife, who was an extraordinary learned Woman, and had more Wisdom than is usually found in her Sex, advised him to make Julianus Cesar (who was Brother to Gallus, Grandson to Constantius and made a Cesar by Diocletian) Governor of the Nations which lie beyond the Alps. And because Eusebia knew that the Emperor Constantius suspected all his kindred, she circumvented him in this manner: He, said she (meaning Julian) is a young Man, that understands no Tricks of State, but has devoted himself to his Book all his life-time, being altogether unexperienced in Worldly affairs; upon which account he will be the more fit for our purpose than any other Person; for either he will have good luck, and so all his success will be ascribed to the Emperors Conduct, or he will miscarry and die for it; after whom Constantius will have no body of the Imperial Race to succeed him.  
When Constantius had patiently heard what she said, he presently sent for Julianus from Athens, where he lived among the Philosophers, and excelled all his Masters in every sort of Learning. Who when he accordingly came out of Greece into Italy, Constantius declared him Cesar, gave him his Sister Helen in Marriage, and sent him into the Nations beyond the Alps. But being naturally diffident, he could not believe that Julian would be true and faithful to him, and therefore he sent Marcellus and Salustius along with him, ro whom, and not to Cesar, he committed the whole administration of that Government.  
And now Constantius having thus disposed of Julian, he marched himself into Pannonia and Mysia, where when he had suppressed the Quadi and the Sarmatians, he went into the East, and was provoked to Battle by the inroads of the Persians. By which time Julian was gotten over the Alps into the  Nations that he was to Rule; upon whom seeing the Barbarians committed as much violence as ever, Eusebia, for the same reasons as before, persuaded Constantius to put the sole management of those parts into his hands. Now of Julian's actions from that time through the whole course of his life, you may read at large in the Historians and Poets; though ne'er an one of 'em that have written of him, has wrote the height of his Character. But he that has a mind may see his own Orations and Epistles, and in them take a prospect of all that he did through the whole World. And indeed I would give you a full account of him, but that I ought not to interrupt the Order of my History. However I shall take notice of each particular relating to him in its due place; especially of such things as others have seemed to omit.— When therefore Constantius had given Cesar power to do what he thought fit in those Nations that were under his Command, he marched into the East, to make War against the Persians. But Julian finding the Militia of Gallia Celtica in a manner quite ruined, and that the Barbarians passed the Rhine without any resistance even almost as far as the Seaport Towns, he took a view of the remaining part of the Army. And understanding that the men of those parts were frighted at the very name of Barbarians, whilst those whom Constantius had sent along with him (who were not above three hundred and sixty in number) knew nothing more (as he used to say) than how to say their Prayers, he listed as many more as he could and took in abundance of Volunteers. He also took care for Arms, and found a parcel of old ones in a certain Town, which he fitted up with all convenient speed and distributed among the Soldiers. But when the Scouts brought him word that an infinite number of Barbarians had crossed the River near the City of Argentoratum (Strasburgh) that stands upon the Rhine, he no sooner heard of it, than he went forth with his Army in all haste, and engaging with the Enemy gained such a Victory as is above all expression; for there were sixty thousand men killed upon the spot, besides as many more that were tumbled into the River and drowned. So that if a man compares this Battle with that of Alexander against Darius, he'll find this Victory to be no way inferior to that.  
But we ought not silently to pass over that which Cesar did after he had gotten the Victory, which was thus. He had (you must know) a Regiment of six hundred Horse, that were well disciplined men; to whose strength and experience he so far trusted, that he ventured a great part of his hopes upon their performances. And indeed when the fight first began, the whole Army fell upon the Enemy with all the briskness they could show: but some time after though the Roman Army had much the better on't, these were the only men that ran away, and left their station so dishonourably, that when Cesar road up to 'em with a small Party and called 'em back to share in the Victory, he could not prevail with 'em by any means. Upon which account Cesar was very angry with them, that they (as much as in them lay) had betrayed their Countrymen to the Barbarians. But yet he did not inflict upon them the legal and usual punishment. For he put 'em in women's , and led 'em through the Camp toward another Province, because he thought such a Penalty would be worse than Death to Soldiers that were Men. And truly this happened to prove very good both for him and them: for in the second War against the Germans, they remembered the ignominy, that was formerly laid upon them, and were almost the only men, who behaved themselves bravely in that Action.  
When Cesar had done thus, he raised a great Army by degrees, to make War upon the whole Germane Nation. But the Barbarians opposed him in very vast numbers, and therefore Cesar would not stay till they came up to him, but crossed the Rhine; as judging it more advantageous that the Barbarians Country should be the Seat of War rather than that of the Romans; for thereby the Cities would escape being pillaged by the Barbarians any more. So therefore to it they fell, and very briskly too, insomuch that an infinite number of Barbarians were slain in the Battle; whilst others fled, whom Cesar pursued into the Hercynian Woods, and killed a great many of 'em, but took Vadomarius, the Barbarian General's Son, alive, and brought his Army home, singing triumphant Songs, and Praises to Cesar for his Exploits in the achieving of those Victories. But Julian sent Vadomarius unto Constantius, believing that he owed the success of that Victory to his good Fortune.  
In the mean time the Barbarians, who were in very dangerous circumstances, fearing, upon the account of their Wives and Children, lest Cesar should go into those places where they lived, and quite destroy their whole Generation, they sent Ambassadors to treat of an Accommodation, by which they would be bound never to fight against the Romans any more. But Cesar told 'em, He would not treat of Peace upon any terms, unless he first received back the Captives whom they had formerly taken in the several Towns which they conquered. To which seeing they consented and promised to deliver up all that were alive; Cesar, to make sure that no single Captive should remain among the Barbarians, took this course: He sent for all those that were fled out of each City and Village, and required 'em to tell him by their Names what Captives the Barbarians had taken from each of their Cities or Villages. And when they had severally named the Persons, whom they knew either upon the score of Kindred, Neighbourhood, Friendship, or upon some other account, he ordered the Imperial Notaries to take a Catalogue of them: which they did so privately that the Ambassadors knew nothing of it. And then Cesar crossing the Rhine, commanded them to bring back the Captives: which in a short time they obeyed. But because they said, that those were all the Captives, Cesar who was seated upon an high Throne, and had planted the Notaries behind him, he gave Order, that the Barbarians should produce their Captives, according to their Articles. So when the Captives came before him one by one and told their names, the Notaries that stood hard by Cesar, looked into their Papers to see whether they were right. But afterward comparing those which they had taken down, with those that appeared before Cesar, and finding that the Inhabitants of the several Cities and Villages had named many more than were there present, they stood behind Cesar and told him of it. Whereupon he threatened the Ambassadors to make War against the Barbarians, for not delivering all the Captives, and by the suggestion of the Notaries named certain Persons of such and such Towns that were yet lacking. Which the Barbarians hearing, they presently imagined that Cesar had all the most abstruse and secret things in Nature revealed to him by some Divine Intelligence, and therefore they promised to deliver up all that they found alive, and Bound their Promise with the accustomary Oaths of their Country.  
Which when they had done, and had restored as many Captives as it was probable might be taken out of forty Cities which they sacked, Cesar was at a loss what to do, because he saw the Cities quite ruined, and that the Land had been for a considerable time untilled, which caused a great scarcity of provisions among those that were delivered up by the Barbarians. For the neighbouring Cities could not supply 'em, because they themselves had been very sensible of the Barbarian violence, and consequently had no great plenty for their own use. He therefore, being in a doubt what to resolve on, contrived it thus: The Rhine discharges itself into the Atlantic Ocean at the utmost limits of Germany, where some of the Galls live: and from that shore the British Isle lies nine hundred furlongs distant. For which reason he got Timber out of the Woods that lie upon the River and built eight hundred Vessels, bigger than Skiffs; which he sent into Britain for Corn, and invented a way how to carry that Corn up the Rhine in Boats. And this he did so often (because the Voyage was but short) that he abundantly supplied them, that were restored to their Cities, so that they had meat enough, Seed-corn, and what they lacked between that and Harvest. And these things he did when he was hardly entered into the five and twentieth year of his Age.  
But seeing the Soldiers loved him for his frugality at home and courage in the Wars, and also for his Command that he had of himself in respect to Riches with his other Virtues, wherein he excelled, I had almost said, all the men of his Age, Constantius was full of envy to see Julian do such great things; and thought that Salustius who was one of those Counselors that were allotted to him, had been the Author of all that Policy which gained him so much Honour both in his Warlike and Civil Affairs. Wherefore he sent for Salustius, as if he would have made him Governor of the Eastern Countries. And Julian as readily dismissed him, because he was resolved to be obedient unto Constantius in all points. But though Salustius were now removed, yet all that was committed to Julians charge increased every day (as I may say) in a great measure, and the Soldiers were improved in military experience, as well as augmented in their numbers, whilst the Towns enjoyed Peace and the fruits of it.  
And now almost all the Barbarians thereabouts began to despair, and expected little less than the utter ruin and destruction of all them that were lest alive, when at the same time the Saxons (who are the stoutest Barbarians in all those parts both for courage, strength and hardiness in a Campagne) sent out the Quadi, who are a part of themselves, into the Roman Dominions. But they were hindered from passing the River by the Franks (who lived upon their Confines, and were afraid of giving Cesar a just occasion to make another inroad upon them) and therefore built themselves a convenient number of Boats, in which they sailed upon the Rhine beyond the French Territories, and got into the Roman Empire. And when they arrived at Batavia, which the Rhine by being divided makes an Island, much bigger than any River-Island besides, they drove out the Salii, who are a Nation descended from the Franks and turned out of their own Country into this Island by the Saxons. For this Island though it had been formerly subject to none but the Romans, yet it was now in possession of the Salii. Which when Cesar knew, he endeavoured to countermine the Quadi; but first commanded his Army to engage them briskly, but kill ne'er an one of the Salii or hinder their passage into the Roman Countries, because they did not come as Enemies, but were forced thither by the Quadi.  
As soon as the Salii heard how kind Cesar was to 'em, some of 'em went over out of the Island with their King into the Roman Confines, and others fled to the utmost borders of the Country, but all of 'em came and humbly committed both their lives and fortunes to Cesar's gracious protection.  
But Cesar by this time observing that the Barbarians durst not fight with him any more, they were so intent upon their secret incursions and sly Thieveries (by which they did a great deal of damage to the Country) he could not tell what to do, till at the last he invented this Stratagem to baffle the Barbarians. There was a man, much bigger than any body else, and one that had courage proportionable to his bulk. Which Person, being by Nation a Barbarian, and having used to rob with the other Barbarians, thought fit to leave his own Country and go into Gallia Celtica, which was under the Romans. But whilst he sojourned sometime at Treves (which is the greatest City in all the Nations beyond the Alps) and saw the Barbarians beyond the Rhine overrun the Cities that are situate upon this side of the River, and pillage all places without control (which was before that Julian was made a Cesar) he was resolving with himself to defend those Towns. But because he durst not do that for want of Law to back him in it, he at first went alone into the thickest part of the Woods and waited till the Barbarians made their incursions, and so in the Nighttime when they were Drunk and asleep, he set upon 'em and cut off as many of their heads as he was able, which he brought and showed to those that were in the Town. And this he did continually; insomuch that he rebated the keenness of the Barbarians, who though they could not tell how it came to pass, yet they were sensible of a prejudice done to 'em by the Armies decreasing almost every Day. But after other Robbers had joined with this same Person and of a great many single Persons had made a considerable Company, than Charietto (for that was the man's Name; who first found out this way of Ambuscade against the Barbarians) came to Cesar and told him all the story, which few People knew before that time.— And thereupon Cesar who could not easily restrain the nocturnal and clandestine inroads of the Barbarians (for they robbed in small Companies straggling from each other: and when it was Day, you could not see one man of 'em, because they hide themselves in Woods adjacent to the fields, and lived upon that which they had gotten by robbing) Cesar therefore (I say) considering how difficult it was to subdue such an Enemy, was forced to oppose these Thiefs not with an Army of Soldiers only, but Moss-Troopers also.  
For this reason he took Charietto and his men along with him, besides a good many of the Salii which he added to 'em, and sent 'em forth in the Night against the thievish Quadi, who though they lived at that time upon what they stole, yet might be less skilled in the Art of Robbing which these men had studied. And then in the Daytime he kept Guard in the open field, and killed all that escaped his Robbers. And thus he did for a great while together, till the Quadi were reduced to such a straight, and so small a number that they and their General surrendered themselves to Cesar, who had taken a great many Prisoners in the former excursions and engagements, had got among the rest, the King's Son, whom Charietto took. For that was the cause that when they made such miserable Petitions for Peace, and Cesar demanded some of their Nobility for Hostages; amongst whom he required the King's Son should be one; the General [or King] broke out into a most lamentable Complaint and swore, with tears in in his Eyes, that he had lost his Son too among the rest. Which Cesar seeing, he had compassion upon his sorrow and showed him his Son who was kept very nobly: but told him withal, that he would keep the Youth for an Hostage, as well as others of the Nobility whom he had upon that account; for he condescended to make Peace with 'em upon Condition that they should never more lift up their hands against the Romans.  
When Cesar had settled things in this manner, he added the Salii, some part of the Quadi and of them that live in the Isle Batavia, to his Legions, whose Discipline we seem still to retain. But in the mean time the Emperor Constantius was in the East disposing only of the Persian Affairs and intent upon the Wars in those parts. For all the Nations beyond the Alps were in good order, as being managed by Caesar's Conduct: nor were either Italy or Illyricum in any danger, by reason that the Barbarians who dwelled beyond the Ister were afraid lest Cesar should come through Gallia, pass the Ister and set upon 'em, and therefore contained themselves within the bounds of modesty. Wherefore Constantius being thus employed, the Persians whose Kings name was Sapores, at that time pillaged the Country of Mesopotamia, and when they had wasted all places about Nisibis, they besieged the City itself with all their Forces. But Lucillianus the General was so well provided for a Siege that partly by the happy occasions which he prudently made use of, and partly by his own contrivances the City escaped those mischiefs that beset it, and was delivered from extremity of danger. But how it was brought about I thought supersluous to tell you, since Cesar himself has given an account of all the transactions of those times in a peculiar Treatise; which whosoever reads, will find a great deal of Oratory in that Man.  
But at this juncture when the Affairs of the East seemed now to be in a quiet posture, and Caesar's mighty deeds were the public Discourse, Constantius was seized with bitter envy. And being stung with the prosperous success of all that was done in Celtica and Spain, he devised pretences, under which he by degrees, and with out any dishonour might lessen Cesar's Power and so deprive him of his Dignity. To which end he by a Messenger commanded Cesar to send him two Legions of the Celtic Soldiers, as if he wanted their assistance. And Julian in obedience to his Order immediately dispatched 'em away, partly through ignorance of his Design, and partly because he would not give him the least occasion to be angry. But when he had so done, he took all care imaginable of the Celtic Affairs, whilst the Army increased daily and the Barbarians even in the remotest parts of the Country were so terrified at it that they did not so much as dream of making War. But after that Constantius required some other Legions to be sent him from Cesar: and having obtained his desire, he commanded four Companies more to be transmitted to him. According to which Precept Cesar gave notice to the Soldiers that they should prepare to march. But whilst Julian was at Parisium (a little Town in Germany) the Soldiers being ready to march were at Supper till Midnight in a place near the Palace which there they so called, but knew not a word of what was intended against Cesar; when certain Tribunes, who had found that to be really true which was formerly contrived against him, dispersed a great many Notes without any Name to 'em privately among the Soldiers, in which they gave 'em to understand, how Cesar, who by his Policy had so ordered the matter, that almost all of them had erected Trophies against the Barbarians, and had always fought like a private Soldier, was in extreme danger from the Emperor, who would shortly rob him of all his Army, if they did not all get together and hinder the Soldiers marching. And when some of the Soldiers, having read those Notes, had discovered the Intrigue to the whole Army, it made 'em all very angry. Whereupon they arose from the place where they were in a great hurliburly, whilst the Cups were yet in their hands and went to the Palace, where breaking open the Doors without any Ceremony at all, they brought Cesar forth, and lifting him up upon a Shield declared him Emperor Augustus, and put a Diadem upon his Head whether he would or no.  
'Tis true, Cesar was troubled at what they had done, but did not think it safe for him to reverse it, because Constantius would not abide by any Oaths, or Covenants, nor observe any other Obligation which binds mankind to keep their words; and yet he would try him. So he sent Ambassadors to tell Constantius that he had been declared Emperor without his seeking, and if he pleased he was ready to lay aside his Diadem and keep to his honour of being Cesar only. But Constantius was so enraged and so arrogant, that he told the Ambassadors, That if Julian loved his life, he must lay down the very Garb of a Cesar as well as his Imperial Dignity, and in a private capacity submit himself to the Emperor's pleasure. For he should come to no harm, nor suffer what his audacity deserved. Which when Julian was informed of by the Ambassadors, he openly showed what his Opinion was of the Deity, and declared before 'em all, He had rather trust the Gods than Constantius with his life and fortune. And from this time it plainly appeared what a grudge Constantius bore to Julian; for Constantius presently prepared for a Civil War. When at the same Julian was troubled that such things should fall out; because if he fought with him who had conferred upon him the Honour of a Cesar, he should be esteemed by many People but an ungrateful Man.  
But whilst he was considering of these things, and revolving within himself, as being very loath to undertake a civil War, the Deity told him what should come to pass, in a Dream. For when he was at Vienna, the Sun seemed in a Dream to show him the Constellations and to speak these Verses: 
When Jupiter th' extremity commands  
Of moist Aquarius, and Saturn stands  
In Virgo, twenty five, Constantius shall,  
Though Emperor of Asia, surely fall.   
Now therefore relying upon this Dream, he was very diligent (as he used to be) in public business. And because it was yet Wintertime he took all necessary care of what related to the Barbarians, that if he should have been forced to undertake any new Enterprise, the state of Celtica might have been secure. But at the same time, whilst Constantius continued in the East, Julian prepared to frustrate his Design. For it being pretty far in the Summer, he had no sooner settled matters among the Barbarians beyond the Rhine, (whom he had partly forced into good manners with his Sword, and partly persuaded 'em by experience, from what was past, to love Peace rather than War) he put his Army in such a posture as if they had been just a going a long Journey. And when he had constituted both Civil and Military Officers to govern the Towns and the Borders, he marched with his Army toward the Alps. And when he came into ●●●tia, where the River Ister rises that runs though Noricum, all Pannonia, Dacia, Mysia in Thrace and Scythia, till it discharges itself into the Euxine Sea, he built a company of Boats, and with three thousand of his men went down the Ister, commanding twenty thousand of 'em to go by Land to Sirmium. And because they rowed continually with the stream (besides that they had the benefit of the yearly Winds called Etesiae) he arrived the eleventh day at Sirmiam. Where when it was reported that the Emperor was come, almost all People thought it had been Constantius that was meant; but seeing it was Julian, they all stood amazed, as if they had taken him for an Apparition.  
But not long after when his Army that followed him out of Celtica was come, he wrote to the Roman Senate and to the Forces of Italy, to have a care and keep their Cities, since he was Emperor. And whereas Taurus and Florentius, the two Consuls for that year who were of Constantius' side, left Rome as soon as they heard that Julian was got over the Alps into Pannonia, he ordered them to be termed Fugitive Consuls in all public Instruments. But he behaved himself very obligingly to all the Towns that he passed by, though in all haste, and put 'em all in good hopes of him. He likewise wrote to the Athenians, the Lacedæmonians and Corinthians, to let 'em know the reason of his coming. And when he was at Sirmium there came Ambassadors out of almost all Greece to him; to whom when he had given such answers as became him, and granted 'em all that was their due, he marched forward with his Celtic Army and another which he raised both out of Sirmium and the Legions which lay in Pannonia and Mysia.  
But when he came to Naisus he consulted the Soothsayers to know what he had best to do. And seeing the Entrails signified that he must stay there some time, he did so, observing withal the time that was foretold to him in his Dream. Which when it was come according to the motion of the Stars, there arrived a party of Horse from Constantinople, whilst 〈◊〉 was at Naisus, who told him that Constantius was dead; and that the Armies desired Julian should be Emperor.  
Whereupon he accepted of what the Gods had bestowed upon him, and so went on his Journey forward. But when he came to Byzantium, the People all received him with joyful Acclamations, calling him their Fellow-Citizen and their Darling (because he was born and bred in that City) and gave him all other kind of respect, as a Person that was like to be the Author of very much good to Mankind. And here whilst he took care both for the City and the Army, he gave the City the privilege to call a Senate like that in the City of Rame. He also made a large Port to it, to secure the Ships from the South-winds; together with a Portico (resembling the Letter Sigma more than a ●height figure) which leads to the Port. 〈…〉 this, he built a Library in 〈…〉, wherein he put all 〈…〉 he had; and having so 〈…〉 prepared for the Persian War. But when he had tarried ten months in Byzantium he made Hormisdas and Victor Generals, to whom he committed the Tribunes and the Armies, and so went to Antioch. It is not necessary to tell you with what pleasure and zeal the Soldiers went this Journey. For it is not likely that they should do any thing that was unseemly when they were under such an Emperors Conduct as Julian was. So when he came to Antioch the People received him very kindly. But being by nature great lovers of Shows and public Sports, and more addicted to pleasure than serious matters, they did not very probably so well like the Emperor's prudence and modesty in all sorts of things; because he would refrain from coming into the public Theatres, nor would he often see Plays, or when he did, not sit at 'em all Day. Upon which account they spoke very strange words of him that vexed him. But he was revenged upon 'em, not by inflicting any real punishment, but by composing a very gentile Oration upon them and the City; which has so much of satire in it mixed with Gall, that it may serve for a Lampoon upon the Antiochians through the World. But they were sorry for their faults: and therefore the Emperor when he had done for the City as much as in equity he was able, and granted to it a great number of Senators who should succeed in that Office by descent from Father to Son; and likewise admitted those that were born of Senators Daughters to be of the same number, (which is a privilege that few Cities have) and done many other just and good Actions, he prepared for the Persian War.  
And when the Winter was over, having mustered his Forces together, and sent 'em before him in the regular way of marching, he went out of Antioch though he had no encouragement from the Oracle. But what the reason of that was I can tell; though I had rather hold my Tongue. Now therefore when he was come to Hierapolis upon the fifth day, where he had ordered all the Ships to meet, both Men of War and those of Burden too, from Samosata and other places that used to sail in Euphrates; and having made Hierius, a Captain of Foot, his Admiral, he sent him before, but stayed himself three days and no more in Hierapolis. After which time he went to Batnae a little Town in Osdroena, where the Edesenes met him in whole Droves, presenting him with a Crown, and bidding him welcome into their City with joyful acclamations. He accepted of their kindness, and coming into the City, made what Orders he thought good and so went on to Carrae. But because from hence there were two ways; the one through the River Tigris and the City of Nisibis, till you come to the Provinces of Adiabene, and the other by Euphrates and Circesium (which is a Castle encompassed by the River Aboras and Euphrates itself, and lies upon the Confines of Assyria) the Emperor was at a stand which way to take, and in the mean time news was brought that the Persians had made an incursion upon the Roman Dominions. At which the Camp was somewhat disturbed; But the Emperor understood they were Robbers rather than any others, who took what came next to their hands and went their way with it; and therefore he resolved to leave a competent Guard upon the places near the River Tigris, lest if all the Army should go along with him the other way through the Persian Territories, the Persians should pillage Nisibis and all those parts without being discovered, especially when they found 'em destitute of all Defence. He therefore thought fit to leave in that Country eighteen thousand men, of whom Sebastianus and Procopius should be the Chief Commanders, whilst he himself with the main Body of the Army went over Euphrates with his Forces divided into two Parties; that they might be ready to resist the Enemy as soon as they saw 'em, and not suffer 'em so licentiously to overrun whatever came in their way.  
When he had thus ordered his Affairs at Carrae, (a Town that parts the Roman from the Assyrian Dominions) he had a mind to view the Army from some more eminent place, and admire the Foot Companies as well as the Troops of Horse, which were in all full sixty five thousand men. And therefore marching out of Carrae, he presently passed the Castles between that and Callinicum, from whence arriving at Circesium (of which I told you before) he crossed the River Aboras and so sailed over Euphrates. The Soldiers also followed him who had brought provisions along with them, and they likewise took shipping who were enjoined so to do. For by this time the Navy was arrived, in which there was a great many ships; that is to say, six hundred made of Wood, and five hundred made of Skins. Besides which there were fifty ships of War, and others also that followed along with 'em, to make Bridges, if occasion were, for the Army to pass the Rivers on foot. There were also a great number of other Ships or Vessels that followed, which served partly to carry provisions for the Army, partly Timber to make Engines, and partly battering Engines for a Siege, that were ready made. Now of all this Navy Lucilian and Constantius were Admirals. And when the Army was thus disposed of, the Emperor sat upon a Throne, and from thence spoke to 'em all that was requisite for him to say or them to do; which when he had done, he gave each of 'em an hundred and thirty pieces of Silver, and so marched toward Persia, where Victor commanded the Foot, but Hormisdas and Arintheus together, the Horse. Of that Hormisdas I told you before, that he was a Persian and a King's Son; but persecuted by his Brother and fain to run away to the Emperor Constantine, from whom his approved fidelity and friendship deserved the greatest honours and preferments.  
When therefore the Emperor was come into Persia, the Horse was placed in the left Wing, and marched along the bank of the River, whilst part of the Foot attended upon the right, and the rereguard of them was seventy furlongs off. Between whom and the foremost marched the Beasts of Burden, that carried the heavy Armour with other Provisions and Attendants; that they also might be secure, as being enclosed on every side by the Army. And now having so contrived his march forward, he thought fit to send one thousand five hundred of his men before him, to scout and see whether any Enemy approached either in open view or by way of Ambuscade, of whom he made Lucilianus Captain. Then moving forward sixty furlongs, he came into a place called Lautha; and from thence to Dura, where you might have seen the ruins of a City, which was at that time deserted, as likewise the Sepulchre of King Gordianus. In which place also the Soldiers found a multitude of Deer, which they shot and eat with great satisfaction. From thence he went seven Days march to a place called Phathusae, over against which there was an Island in the River, whereon stood a Castle that had a great many men in it. He therefore sent Lucilianus thither with a thousand of his Vanguard under his Command, to besiege the Castle. And though as long as it was dark the besiegers went undiscovered, yet as soon as it was Day, being espied by one that came out of the Castle to fetch Water, they put those that were within into a grievous fright. Upon which immediately they all got up upon the Wall, till the Emperor came over into the Island with his Engines and the other part of his Army, and promised those that were within, that if they would deliver up themselves and their Castle they should escape certain Death. Accordingly they did surrender, and the Emperor sent them, Men, Women and Children into the Roman Dominions with a Guard of Soldiers to conduct 'em: and made Puseus, their Captain, not only a Tribune in his own Army, but, for his fidelity, made him one of his familiars ever after.  
Some distance from this, he arrived at another Island in the same River, where there was another very strong Castle; which the Emperor attaqued but found it impregnable on every side, and therefore demanded of 'em that they would surrender, and not run the risk of being sacked. To which they replied, That they would do as others did; and so he went forward to other Castles, which he passed by, as being satisfied with the like promises. For he did not think it worth his while to spend too much time about small things, but looked upon it as his best course to hasten and prepare for the main business of the War. So then after some days march he came to Dacira which is a Town on the right hand as you sail along Euphrates. Which when the Soldiers found forsaken of its Inhabitants, they took away a great deal of Corn that was laid up there, and no small quantity of other things. And when they had killed all the Women that were left in it, they razed the Walls so low, that no one who saw the place would think there ever had been a Town there. But to conclude the account of this place and the parts adjacent, give me leave to tell you by the by, That upon the opposite shore there was a Fountain, that flowed with Pitch or Bitumen. From thence he came to Sitha, Megia and the City Zaragardia; in which there was a lofty Throne, made of Stone; which the Inhabitants used to call, trajan's Throne: where when the Soldiers had easily plundered and burnt the City, they spent that Day and the next in Recreations.  
In the mean time the Emperor wondered that his Army had marched so far and met no Persians either in Ambuscade or the open Field; wherefore he sent Hormisdas with his Scouts to look out, because he knew that Country best. In which Expedition Hormisdas and his Soldiers had all been like to have perished if it had not been for one lucky accident that unexpectedly saved 'em. For a Person called Surenas (which is a Title of Honour among the Persians) had planted an Ambuscade in a certain place, expecting Hormisdas and his men to come that way, and designing to surprise 'em as they passed by. And indeed that hopes had taken effect, if Euphrates had not broken out of its usual course and running between the Enemy and Hormisdas impeded the passage of him and his Soldiers. And upon this account being forced to defer their Journey, the next Day they discovered Surenas and all his Accomplices in the Ambuscade, with whom they wheeled about and engaged. And having killed many of 'em, they put some to flight, but mingled the remaining part among their own Army. From thence they went on to an Arm of Euphrates, which reaches as far as Assyria, and all along till you come to Tigris. Where being the Soldiers met with a stiff Clay and marshy ground, in which the Horses had the worst on't, nor could they themselves swim the River in their Armour, or wade over either, it was so deep and muddy, they could not imagine what to do. And that which made the danger greater, was, that they saw the Enemy on the other side, who were ready to stop their passage with Darts and Stones which they threw out of Slings. But when no body else could think of an Expedient to free them from those imminent dangers, the Emperor himself, who was a man of great sagacity in all things and very well versed in Military Affairs, resolved to order Lucillianus and his fifteen hundred Scouts to go and attaque the Enemy behind, thereby to give 'em a Diversion, till he and his Army had passed the River. To which end he sent forth Victor, one of his Captains, with a competent number of men: who lest the Persians should see him set out, began his Journey in the Nighttime, and when he had gone so far, that the Enemies could not see what he did even in the Day, he crossed the Channel to seek Lucillianus and his Party. And going on still forward but finding no Enemy by the way, he called out to his Countrymen not only with a loud Voice, but gave 'em notice also with Trumpets to come to him. But indeed he met him according to his desire, and Lucillianus who guessed what his business was, joining his with Victor's Forces, went and surprised the Enemy behind. Who being taken so unprepared were either slain or made their escape which way soever they could. By this means the Emperor, seeing his stratagem succeeded, passed over the River without any resistance. And having got his Horse over in Boats that he light upon there, and the Foot in other Vessels, which he found in many parts of the River, he continued his Journey forward, without any dread of an Enemy, till he came to a certain City called Bersabora, whose bigness and Situation he took a view of. For it was enclosed with two round Walls, and in the middle of it there was a Castle, with another Wall about it, much like the Segment of a Circle; to which there was a Way from the inner Wall of the City, that one could hardly get up to. And then upon the South and West side of this City there was a crooked winding way out: whereas upon the North part they had made a broad Water-graff out of the River, from whence they conveyed Water for the use of the Inhabitants. And lastly upon the East side it was encompassed with a deep Ditch and a Mound born up with strong cross pieces of Timber; about which Ditch great Towers stood, which were built from the ground half way with Brick cemented by a kind of bituminous Loam; but above the middle they were made of the same kind of Bricks and Plaster.  
Now the Emperor having resolved to take this City, he encouraged his Soldiers to the attempt, who were so far from being backward that they obeyed his Order with all alacrity. Whereupon the Citizens desired that the Emperor would please to receive 'em into his favour and friendship; begging one while that he would send Hormisdas to treat of Peace with them, and anon reviling the same Person as a Fugitive, a Renegado, and a betrayer of his Country. At which the Emperor having good cause to be angry, he commanded all his Men to mind their business, and carry on the Siege with all their vigour. Nor did they fail each one to do his part, till the besieged seeing themselves unable to defend their Walls fled all into the Castle. Which when the Emperor saw, he sent his Soldiers into the City that was now bereft of its Inhabitants; who pulled down the Walls, burned the Houses, and planted Engines upon the most opportune places, from which they threw both Darts and Stones upon them that were got into the Castle. But because the besieged from the Castle kept off the besiegers with Darts and Stones which they continually threw back; insomuch that there was a great slaughter on both sides, the Emperor either by his own ingenuity upon consideration how the place was Situated, or out of his extraordinary experience, made this kind of Engine: He fastened great pieces of Timber together with Iron, in form of a square Tower, which he placed against the Castle Wall, till by degrees it was made as high; and into that same Tower he put Bowmen with Engineers that use to sling Darts and Stones. So that the Persians who were pelted on all sides, both by the besiegers, and those that were upon the Engine, were forced after a short resistance, at last to promise, they would surrender the Castle, if the Emperor would offer any reasonable Terms. And thereupon they agreed, that the Persians, every man of 'em, which were within, should pass through the middle of the Roman Army untouched, and each of 'em have a certain sum of money, besides a Coat upon their surrendering the Castle to the Emperor. Which being performed, there were about five thousand men dismissed, besides what escaped in Long-Boats over the Water; and among the rest their Captain Momosirus went out at the same time. And when the Castle was thus taken, the Soldiers who sought for what might probably be left in it, found an immense quantity of Corn, all kind of Arms and Engines, together with Household furniture and other Provisions in abundance. All which they disposed of as they thought fit, only the greatest part of the Corn was put into the Ships to maintain the Soldiers, and the rest they divided among them over and above their ordinary allowance. And as for the Arms, as many of 'em as were fit for the Roman use were distributed among the Army; but those that were only adapted to the Persian manner of fight were partly burnt and partly thrown down the River.  
From this Action did the Roman glory receive no small addition; That so great a City, even the greatest in Assyria next to Ctesiphon, and so well fortified, should be taken by storm in only two days. And for that reason the Emperor was very kind to his Soldiers, as he showed by a laudatory Speech that he made in their commendation, as much as it was convenient for him to say, and by the hundred pieces of Silver which he gave to each one of 'em. And so much for these Affairs: whilst in the mean time Surenas, coming with a great Army out of a Town in Assyria, surprised the Roman Scouts that went before the rest of the Army, killed one of the three Tribunes with some of his Soldiers, and put the rest to flight, so that he carried off an Ensign Military, which was like a Dragon, and such as the Romans use to carry in War. Which when the Emperor knew of he was very much troubled, and in a rage, just as he was, fell upon Surenas' men, made 'em all run that could get away, retook the Ensign which the Enemy had taken away, and coming immediately to the City, where Surenas had surprised the Scouts, he stormed, took, and burned it. And as to the Captain of the Scouts; because he left his Ensign with the Enemy, preferring his safety before the bravery and honour of a Roman, he took away his Girdle from him, and looked upon him as a scandalous, pitiful Fellow, as well as all the rest that ran away along with him.  
But going forward over the River he came to a place near which there is a City called Tissenia: about the Walls whereof there was a Ditch, which though it were very deep the Persians filled with a great deal of Water which they derived into it out of the neighbouring River, which is called the King's River. But they passed this City without any stay (because there was nothing in it that had the face of hostility) and went through a place where there was an arrificial Fenn, made out of a fancy which the Persians conceived, that if they cut a Sluice for the River to come in, it was impossible for an Army to pass that way. Yet the Emperor running before (as much as men use to do over such a wet ground) the Army followed him, though they were up to the knees. For they could not for shame but do what they saw the Emperor did before 'em. But when the Sun was set, the Army rested hard by; whilst the Emperor commanding some of his Soldiers and several Artificers to follow him, cut down Trees and Wood wherewith he made a Bridge over the Sluices, and throwing earth into the Fens filled up the deep places, and in some measure widened the straight passages. After which coming back he led his Army through with great facility, till he came to a Town called Bithra, in which there was a Palace and room enough to receive not only the Emperor but his Army also.  
But he departed thence too, and with the same pains as before, went before his men, making the way thereby more tolerable to 'em. And by this means he carried 'em all over with him, till he came to a place, where there was ne'er a House, but only a Grove of Palm-trees; in which there were also Vines growing, that ran up to the top of the Palm-trees, and presented their Eyes with the sight of Palm-fruit mixed with Grapes. And when he had spent the ensuing Night in this place, the next Morning he went forward. But coming too near to a certain Castle he had like to have received his Deaths-wound. For a Persian that came out of the Castle with his Sword in his Hand struck full at the Emperor's Head; which he foreseeing clapped his Shield upon his Head and so broke the blow. Upon which the Soldiers immediately fell aboard the Persian and killed him together with all his Companions, except some few, that by chance escaped through the Enemies and fled into the Castle. And now the Emperor being extremely enraged at this bold action, walked round the Castle to see if it were any where pregnable. But whilst he was busy about this Affair, Surenas set upon the Soldiers that remained in the Palm-grove before they were ware of him, as hoping by that means not only to get all their beasts of Burden and Carriages, but to divert the Emperor from besieging the Castle, as soon as he heard of it; though he was deceived in both parts of his Project. For the Emperor thought it a matter of great consequence to take the Castle; because there was a City near it called Besuchis, which was very populous; besides a great many other Castles, whose Inhabitants were fled away into that which the Emperor was a besieging because their own were not strong enough to protect 'em; excepting some that fled to Ctesiphon, or hide themselves in the thickest part of the Grove.  
Upon this account the Emperor laid close Siege to it; whilst in the mean time that part of the Army which was sent out to Scout or assist their own Party, if any Enemy appeared, did not only defeat all those that opposed 'em, but killed some and made others shamefully run for their lives, insomuch that they secured the Emperor whilst the Siege lasted. And because some of those that fled had gotten into the Fens that are in the Grove, the Scouts did not spare even them neither, but killed some and took the rest Prisoners: whilst those that were besieged in the Castle kept off the Enemy with Darts of all sorts which they threw at 'em. And because they had no Stones within, they made Balls of Pitch which they set fire to and fling upon them; nor was it hard to hit them they aimed at, because they threw from above and at a great multitude together. Yet notwithstanding the Roman Soldiers, though they had the disadvantage of the lower ground, omitted no kind of Warlike Policy, or true Valour. For they threw and shot great Stones and Darts at the Enemy, not only out of Bows but Engines also; and those so contrived, that they would hit not only one, but two, three, or more at a time. But seeing the Castle stood upon an Hill, and was fortified with two Walls, sixteen great Towers and a deep Ditch about it, which at one part of it brought in Water for them that were in the Castle to drink, the Emperor bade the Soldiers get Earth enough and fill up the Ditch, and then raise a Mound upon it as high as one of the Towers. He likewise resolved to dig in another place through (under) the Wall toward the middle of the inner Wall, with intention to surprise the Enemy out of a Mine. But the Enemy hindered them that were to raise the Mound by continual flinging of Darts upon 'em; and therefore the Emperor himself undertook the main Battery by several contrivances for defence against either Darts or Fire-balls: but he left the care of the Mines and raising of the Mounds to Nevita and Dagalaiphus. Then giving Victor the Command of so many Foot and so many Horse, he ordered him to Scout out in all places betwixt that and Ctesiphon: and if any Enemy appeared, with design to divert the Emperor from his Siege, that he should frustrate any such attempt by the help of those he had with him: and likewise that he should make the way from thence to Ctesiphon, by Bridges and other Methods more easy for him and his Army.  
Having thus given his Captains their several Charges, he planted his Rams against a certain Gate, which he did not only shake but broke to pieces. And seeing those that had the care of the Mines committed to them, were lazy and did not mind their business, he removed them by way of Disgrace for their remissness, and substituted others in their places. After which he brought a second Ram before another Gate, which was not strong enough to bear the shock of it; when at the same time there came a Messenger to tell him, that they who were ordered to dig a Mine from the Ditch into the Town had done their work, and were just ready to spring in. Now the men concerned were three Companies, that is to say, the Mattiarii, Laccinarii, and the Victores. But the Emperor kept a little in suspense, whilst he commanded an Engine to be brought with all speed against another Gate, where he planted all his Army: to make the Enemy believe, that on the morrow with that Engine he would take the Castle. For his Design indeed was, to keep the Persians from any thoughts of being surprised through a Mine. And therefore all those that were in the Castle were wholly intent upon destroying that Engine; whilst at the same time the Parties, who had the care of the Mines having dug quite through even to the Surface of the Earth, they came forth at midnight in the middle of an House, where there was a Woman a grinding Corn; whom he that first appeared immediately killed, because she was a going to cry out. His name, that did so, was Superantius, a notable Soldier in the Regiment of the Victores: and next to him came Magnus; then Jovianus a Tribune in the Regiment of the Notarii, with many more that followed 'em. And when by degrees the passage was made wider they were all got presently into the middle of the Town. From whence they ran to the Wall and surprised the Persians, who were singing after their Country fashion in praise of their own King's Valour, but condemning the Roman Emperors vain attempt: for they said he might sooner take Jupiter's Palace than their Castle: till the Romans came upon 'em, and killing all they met with, by tumbling 'em down from the Wall, they pursued the rest and cut 'em off with all manner of Deaths; nor did they spare either Women or Children, except some few that they had a mind to make Slaves of. But Anabdates, the Governor of the Castle, being taken, as he ran through it, together with all his Guards which were eighty in number, was brought to the Emperor with his Hands bound. Now the Castle being thus taken by force and all the People in it, of what age soever, slain, except a few that were unexpectedly preserved, the Soldiers fell to plundering; and when they had taken all they could find they razed the Wall to the very ground with Engines which they planted against it. Nor did they stop there, but pulled down and burned all the Houses in such a manner that no body could imagine there had been ever any there.  
From hence he marched on and passed by other Castles of no great Note, till he came to an enclosed Place which they call the Kings Hunting [Chase,] where there was a Wall, containing within it a large space of ground, planted with all sorts of Trees, in which there were all kinds of wild Beasts, which wanted no food, because it was brought in to 'em, and they were only kept for the King to Hunt when he pleased. Which when Julian saw, he ordered the Wall to be broken down in several places; and by that means the Soldiers shot the Deer as they ran by 'em. But besides this place he saw somewhere nigh unto it a Palace magnificently built after the Roman fashion: which when he heard was erected by the Romans, he left it, and would not suffer the Tribunes to spoil any part of it, out of respect to the Romans who were said to be the Founders of it.  
From hence when the Army had passed by several Castles, they came to a City of Armenia called Sabatha, which is thirty furlongs from that which was formerly called Zochasa, but is now Seleucia. And whilst the Emperor tarried with most part of his Army in a place near to it, the Scouts that went before had stormed the Town. The next Day the Emperor walking about the Walls of it, he saw several Bodies hanging upon gibbets before the Gates; whom the Natives said were the kinsmen of one that had been accused for betraying a Town of the Persians which the Emperor Carus had taken. And that put the Emperor in mind to summon Anabdates the Governor of the Castle, to his Trial; who though he had often deceived the Roman Army, by his pretences to assist 'em in the War against Persia, yet he had then a fresh Crime laid to his Charge, for speaking scandalously of Hormisdas, as, calling him Traitor before a great many People, and saying he was the cause of that Expedition against the Persians: for which he was taken and put to death.  
Soon after his Execution, the Army marching on Arintheus searched all the Fens and finding a great many men in 'em, he took 'em Prisoners. But it was here, that the Persians first mustered up their Forces and set upon the Scouts that went before the Army; though they were soon routed, and glad to save their lives by flying into a neighbouring City. But the Persians on the other side the River attaquing the Servants that looked to the Beasts of Burden, and others also as many as they found with 'em, killed part of 'em and took the rest alive: which was the first loss the Romans happened to have had, and therefore put the Army in some kind of consternation. From thence they removed to a certain Sluice or Channel which was very large, and cut (as the Country People say) by Trajan, when he made War against the Persians: Into which the River Narmalaches runs and discharges itself into the Tigris. This therefore the Emperor caused to be cleansed and searched, to make way for his Vessels to pass into the Tigris, and, if possible, to make Bridges for the carrying of his Army over. And whilst these things were in agitation there, a great Body of Persians upon the opposite Bank, both Horse and Foot, were got together, to hinder their passage if any such thing were attempted. Which preparation of the Enemy when the Emperor discovered, he was extremely eager to be over with 'em, and in a sury commanded his men to go aboard the Vessels. But they seeing the other Bank somewhat higher than ordinary, and besides that a kind of an Hedge along it, which was formerly made for a fence to the King's Garden, but at that time served for a Wall, they said they were afraid of the Darts and Fire-balls which were thrown down from it. Whereupon the Emperor being very earnest with 'em, two Ships full of Foot Soldiers went over; which the Persians presently set on fire by throwing a great quantity of flaming Darts upon them. At which the Army was so much more dismayed, that the Emperor was fain to tell a lie to hid his error; They, says he, are got safe over and have made themselves masters of the Bank: I know it by the fire that is in their Ships, which I ordered the Soldiers, that went over, to make in token of Victory. Nor had he sooner told 'em so, than, just as they were, they went into the Ships and over as fast as they could; till they came where they could wade, and then leaping into the Water, they engaged the Persians so briskly that they not only got possession of the Bank, but also retrieved those two Ships which came over before, being now half burnt, and saved all the men that were left in them. And then the Armies fell upon each other so fiercely, that the Battle continued from twelve a Clock at Night till twelve a Clock at noon next Day; till at length the Persians gave way, and fled as fast as their Legs would carry 'em, their Captains being the first that began to run; that is to say, Pigraxes (who was a Person of greatest Birth and Quality next to the King,) together with Anareus and Surenas himself. But the Romans and the Goths ran after 'em and killed a great many, from whom they took a deal of Gold and Silver, besides all kind of Ornaments either for Men or Horses, with Silver Beds and Tables, whatever they found which the Officers had left upon the Rampires. Now they reckon that in this Fight there fell of the Persians twenty five hundred, and of the Romans not above seventy five. But Captain Victor seemed in some measure to abate the Army's joy for their Victory, by being wounded from an Engine.  
The next Day the Emperor got his Army over the Tigris without any difficulty, and the third Day after the fight both himself and his Guards went after 'em. And coming to a certain place (which the Persians call Abuzatha) he stayed there five days, whilst he consulted concerning his Journey forward, and found, it was better to march farther into the Country than to lead his Army by the River's side, because there was now no necessity of their going by Water. And having considered of it, he imparted his mind to the Army, whom he commanded to burn the Ships: and they accordingly were all consumed, except eighteen Roman and four Persian Vessels, which were carried along in Wagons, to be made use of upon occasion. And now, their way lying a little above the River, when they came to a place called Noorda, they made an Halt, where they killed and took a great number of Persians. But from thence going forward to the River Durus, they made a Bridge over it for their own passage: and seeing the Persians had burnt up all the forage of the Country, so that the Roman  were ready to starve for want of it; as also, that they were gathered into several Companies to wait for the Romans, whom they imagined to be but few; and then, soon after, drawn up into one Body, they made toward the River. Where whilst the Scouts that went before the Army engaged with a Party of the Persians, one Macamaeus, a stout, brisk Blade, got among 'em and killed four, though they were naked. But for that bold act they all fell upon him and slew him. Which when his Brother Maurus saw, he ventured to rescue at least his dead Body from amidst the Persians; and killed the Man that gave him the first Wound; nor did he give out, though he were frequently shot at, until he had brought his Brother off and delivered him to the Army, yet alive.  
Afterward when they came to the City Barrophtha, they found the forage (as before) burned up by the Barbarians: and seeing a Party of Persians mixed with Saracens, who durst not so much as look upon the Roman Army, but were immediately gone, the Romans could not tell what to think of it, till the Persians by gathering themselves into a considerable Body, made the Romans believe they had a design upon their  of Burden. Whereupon the Emperor was the first that putting on a Coat of Mail marched toward 'em with more speed than all the rest of the Army. But the Persians, not able to endure the shock of his Charge, thought best to fly into such places as they well knew. And so the Emperor went on to a place called Symbra, that lies between two Towns whose names are Nisbara and Nischanabe, which are separated from each other by the Tigris; though the Townsmen have frequent and easy intercourse by a Bridge over that River. But that Bridg the Persians burned down, lest the Romans by help of it should do 'em both as much injury as they pleased. And here it was that the Scouts who went a foraging before the rest, defeated the Persian forces as soon as they saw 'em; whilst the Army finding great plenty of provisions 〈◊〉 the Town, took what they had occasion for and destroyed the rest.  
From thence they marched to a place between the Cities of Danabe and Synca, where the Persians set upon the Rear of their Army and killed a great many, but lost more and ran away, as having the worst of it upon several accounts. For in this fight one Daces, a great Satrape [a Nobleman of Persia) was killed: being the same Person that formerly had gone Ambassador to the Emperor Constantius, to treat of Peace and make an end of the War. But when the Enemies saw, that the Romans came near to a Town called Acceta, they burned up the fruits of the Country; till the Romans ran in and by quenching the fire, saved what was left for their own use.  
In their march from this place they came to a Town called Maronsa; where the Persians again attaqued the Rere-guard of their Army, and in the Engagement killed one Brettanio (among the rest) who was Captain of a Troop and fought bravely. They also took several Ships, which fell in their way by being a great deal behind the Army. But from thence the Romans passing hastily along by certain Villages, came to a place called Tummara; where they all repent the burning of their Ships. For the  were not able to carry all their necessaries, they were so tired with travelling in an Enemy's Country; and then the Persians got all the forage that they could, and laid it up in their best fortified places that the Roman Army might not come at it. And when they were in this condition they saw the Persian Army; with whom they engaged, and having much the better of it, they killed a great many of the Persians. But the day after about the time when it was full Change [about noon] the Persians drew up in a great Body and fell upon the Rear of the Roman Army once more; who being at that time out of their Ranks, were surprised and startled at the suddenness of the attaque, but yet they made a very brisk defence, whilst the Emperor went round about the Army (as he used to do) encouraging them to stand boldly to it. And when by that means they were all engaged, the Emperor who went one while to the Captains and Tribunes, and another while was among the common Soldiers, received a Wound with a Sword in the very heat of the Battle, and being laid upon a Shield was carried to his Tent, where he lived till Midnight and then died, after he had almost ruined the Persian Empire.  
Now whilst the Emperor's death was concealed, the Roman Army had so much the better of it, that fifty of the greatest satraps [Persian Nobles] were slain, besides an infinite number of ordinary men. But when the Emperor's death was discovered, and the Soldiers came back to the Tent where his dead Body lay, some few of the Romans indeed fought on, and conquered their Enemies; whilst certain Companies coming out of a Persian Garrison engaged with them that were under the Command of Hormisdas. And after a smart Battle, Antonius fell, who was Captain of the Court-Guards, and called by the Romans [Magister Officiorum.] And at the same time Salustius, the Perfect of the Court, who fell from his Horse, had like to have been killed by the Enemies, who were just upon him, if one of his Servants had not alighted and made way for his escape. With whom also those two Legions that were about the King and are called the Scutarii [Shieldmen] gave way. But out of those that turned their backs there were only sixty Men, who being concerned for their own and their countries' honour exposed themselves to death, till they had taken that Castle, from whence the Persians sallying out upon the Romans had seemed to have gotten the Day. And though it was after besieged three days together by the Enemies, yet those within were preserved by a considerable Party that set upon the besiegers. But afterward there was an Assembly summoned, both of the Nobility and Soldiery, to consult, who ought to succeed in the Empire; because it was impossible for 'em to avoid those dangers that might happen in the middle of an Enemy's Country without a Governor. Where they Voted that Jovianus should be Emperor, who was the Son of Varronianus, Tribune of the Domestici Forces.  
Now all that was done till Julian's death is just as I have told you. But when Jovian had put on the Purple and the Diadem, he went homeward as fast as he could. And when he came to the Castle of Suma, the Persian Horse fell upon him not only themselves, but also with Elephants that they brought thither in great numbers, and did a deal of hurt in the Right Wing of his Army, where the Joviani and the Herculiani were posted. Which two appellations of Joviani and Herculiani belong to two Legions that were so called from Diocletianus and Maximianus, the one of whom surnamed himself Jove, and the other Hercules. And though at first they could not sustain the shock of the Elephants, but were forced, many of 'em, to fly and fall by the way, yet when the Persians came up against 'em with their Horse and Elephants together, they happened to come into a rising ground where the Roman Carriages lay and those that looked after 'em: who being now made sharers in the danger assisted 'em by throwing Darts from above upon the Persians, wherewith they wounded their Elephants. Which when the Elephants felt, immediately as their manner is, they ran away roaring and put the Horse all out of order: so that the Soldiers killed not only the Elephants, as they fled, but many also of the Enemies died in the Conflict. There died also of the Roman side three Tribunes, who had fought bravely, to wit Julianus, Maximianus, and Macrobius. And when they had sought among the dead, and found the body of Anatolius, they gave him as honourable a Funeral as the time would then permit, when the Enemy was round about 'em.  
And having so done they marched on four days, being continually harassed by the Enemy, who followed 'em if they went forward, but fled away if the Romans made any resistance; till at length having got a good way from 'em they resolved to cross the Tigris. To which purpose they tied bottles together in rows like Yokes, and upon them went over. And when they were most of 'em gotten upon the opposite Bank, than the Captains came safe over with the rest. Yet for all this the Persians would not leave 'em, but followed close with a great Army wherever they went; so that the Romans were in perpetual danger both from their ill circumstances, of Place and Persons, and also from their want of Provisions. But though this were the state of the Roman Army, yet the Persians were willing to treat for a Peace, and sent Surenas with other Officers to the Roman Camp about it. Which when Jovian heard of he sent Salustius, Perfect of the Court together with Arinthaeus to 'em, who after some mutual Discourses about the Affair, made a Truce for thirty years. But it was agreed between 'em both that the Romans should deliver up the Country of the Rabdiceni to the Persians, as also that of the Cardueni, Rhemeni, and Zaleni, beside fifteen Castles that were there, with their Inhabitants, Lands,  and all their Goods: but that they should surrender Nisibis without its Inhabitants, because they were to be transplanted into what Colony the Romans pleased. But the Persians also took away from the Romans a great part of Armenia and left 'em but small share in it. Now therefore when the Truce was made upon these terms and confirmed by Instruments on both sides, the Romans thereby had opportunity to return home in quiet, so that the two Parties neither offered nor received any damage one to or from the other, by open force or Ambuscade.  
But now that I am come to this part of the History, it puts me in mind of looking back into former Ages, to inquire, whether the Romans ever gave away any of their Dominions to other Nations, or ever suffered any one to possess what they had once Conquered. For when Luc. Lucullus had defeated Tigranes and Mithridates, and had first made the whole Country even to the middle of Armenia, and Nisibis itself an addition to the Roman Empire, besides the adjacent Castles; then Pompey the Great to Crown all his great Deeds, established and confirmed the possession of them to the Romans by a Peace which he made. And when upon another Commotion in Persia, the Senate chose Crassus for their Plenipotentiary and General, who by his ill Conduct has left a blot ever since upon the Roman Name, because he was taken Prisoner and died in Persia, Antonius was made the General; but being in love with Cleopatra, he was very remiss and careless in all Warlike Affairs; insomuch that he also went off with some things charged upon him unworthy of the Roman Name. And yet though the Romans had all these mischances, and miscarriages they did not lose so much as one of those Provinces. Nay when their Republic was turned into a Monarchy, and Augustus made Tigris and Euphrates the limits of the Roman Empire, even that did not deprive them of this Country: But so far it was from that, as on the contrary, a great while after when Gordianus the Emperor fought against the Persians, and was killed in the middle of the Enemy's Country, the Persians were not able even after that Victory to gain any thing upon the Roman Dominions; no not when Philip was Emperor, who made a most dishonourable Peace with the Persians. And not long after, when the Persian Fire had inflamed all the East, and that great City Antioch was taken, so that the Persian Army marched as far as Cilicia, Valerianus the Emperor undertook an Expedition against 'em, and though he were taken by 'em yet they durst not pretend to be Masters of these countries'. Only the death of the Emperor Julian was cause enough for us to lose 'em, and that so irrevocably, that the Roman Emperors could never recover any part of 'em even to this day, but by degrees have lost more and more still, of which some have made themselves perfectly free, others have surrendered themselves to Barbarians, and others have been almost quite deserted: all which I will demonstrate in the progress of this History as they severally happened.  
But to return from whence I have digressed.— When this Peace was made with the Persians in the manner that I have told you, Jovianus the Emperor and his Army were coming home securely, but met with many difficulties through the roughness of the Way and want of Water, besides his loss of many Men in the Enemy's Country through which he passed; wherefore he sent Mauricius, a Tribune, and commanded him to bring Provisions for his Army from Nisibis, and meet 'em with it as far off as he could. He also sent others into Italy to tell of Julian's death and how he himself was declared Emperor. And when he was come with a great deal of pains and much ado near unto Nisibis, he would not go into the Town because it was surrendered to the Enemy, but lay all night in a Piazza before the Gate, and the next morning received the Crowns and Compliments that were offered to him, whilst all the Townsmen besought him, that he would not forsake them, and force 'em to degenerate into Barbarism, who for so many Ages had lived under the Roman Laws. Besides, they told him it was a dishonour to him, that Constantius, who had been engaged in three Persian Wars and was defeated in every one of 'em, had notwithstanding always protected Nisibis, and even when it was besieged and in extreme danger, done all he could to save it, and yet that he, when there was no such necessity for it, should give up the city to the Enemy, and show the Romans such a day, as they had never seen before, as being forced to suffer such a Town and such a Country to be surrendered to an Enemy. Which when the Emperor heard, he excused his not complying with their desires by telling 'em what Articles he had entered into: and then Sabinus, who was the chief Man of their Council [their Recorder] went on with what the People had said before by way of Petition, and told him farther, That they wanted neither Money to carry on a War against Persia, nor any foreign Aid, but that they were able with their own Bodies and their own Purses to defend themselves from any War that should be waged against 'em: and likewise assured him, that whenever they were Victorious and had regained their Liberty, they would again be subject to the Romans and obey their Commands as formerly they had done. To which when the Emperor replied, that he could not break his Covenants, the Townsmen begged of him a thousand times that he would not deprive the Roman Empire of such a Bulwark as that was. But all was in vain, and away the Emperor went in a fury; whilst the Persians desired to have possession of the Countries, Castles, and of that City according to the Conditions agreed upon. And thereupon the Inhabitants of some Countries and Castles, that could not privately escape, let the Persians do with them what they pleased; but the Nisibini, having gained some time to prepare for their removal, they went, most of 'em, to Amida, though some few inhabited in other Towns. But all places were full of lamentation and mourning, because they thought themselves exposed to the incursions of the Persians, now Nisibis was surrendered to them. And among others the Carreni were so sorry when they heard of Julian's death, that they stoned him to death who brought the news, and threw a great heap of Stones upon his Carcase; so great an alteration of Affairs was one man's death then able to create.  
But Jovianus therefore marched through the Towns with all speed, because they were so full of grief that they could not give him one pleasant look, (which is the custom and nature of those People) and along with him as many Soldiers as belonged to the Imperial Guard, he went to Antioch; whilst the whole Army attended upon Julian's Body, which was carried into Cilicia and buried in a Royal Sepulchre in the Suburbs of Tarsus; upon whose Tombstone there is this Inscription; 
Julian has Tigris left and here he lies  
A Warlike Prince, just, valiant, and wise.   
And now Jovian, being mindful of his Imperial Affairs, disposed of other matters, and among the rest sent Lucillianus his Father in law, Procopius, and Valentinian (who was afterward Emperor) to the Armies in Pannonia; to tell 'em of Julian's Death, and how that he was chosen Emperor. But the Batavi that were at Sirmium, and were left there for a Guard to it, as soon as they heard the news, they killed Lucillianus who brought 'em such ill tidings, without any regard to that Relation which he had to the Emperor. But they let Procopius go untouched, out of the respect they bore to Julian's Kindred; whilst Valentinian made his escape and delivered himself from that Death, which they intended to inflict upon him. But when Jovianus was going from Antioch toward Constantinople, he was taken sick of a sudden at Dadastana in Bythinia, and died after he had been Emperor only eight months; in which so short a time he was not able to do any signal Service to the public. And when he was dead, there was a Consultation proposed, concerning who should be his Successor, which occasioned a great variety of Discourse and of several Persons, among the Soldiers as well as Officers; till at length they all with one accord pitched upon Salustius, Perfect of the Court. But he pretending he was too old and therefore could not serve 'em in those their ill circumstances, they desired his Son might be Emperor in his stead. But he told 'em, that his Son was young, and upon that as well as other accounts unfit to undergo the weight of an Imperial Diadem; so that they miss the choice of such a Man, who was the best in that Age. Upon which reason they voted for Valentinian, who was born at Cibalis, in Pannonia, and an excellent Soldier but no Scholar at all. However they sent for him, being then at some distance; nor did the Commonwealth long want an Head. And when he came to the Army at Nicaea in Bythinia, he there took upon him the Imperial Authority, and marched forward.   

A New HISTORY. Written by Count ZOSIMUS, Sometime Advocate of the Treasury. The Fourth Book.  
HOW things were managed until Jovians death, after whom Valentinian was chosen Emperor, you may find in the foregoing Book; [but we have not yet informed you, that] whilst Valentinian was on his way toward Constantinople, he fell sick of a Distemper, which to his native, choleric humour added much cruelty and even madness it self; insomuch that he, though falsely, suspected the reason of his Illness to proceed from some Charm or Poison that Julian's friends had out of malice prepared. And upon that ground there were Accusations drawn up against some great Men, which the Perfect of the Court, who as yet was Salustius, by his discretion and prudence took off. But after his Distemper abated he left Nicaea and came to Constantinople. Where when the Army and his other friends advised him to choose himself a Partner in the Empire, that if there should be occasion, he might have some body to assist him, and not let them suffer as they did at Julian's death; he took their Counsel, and having considered of it, chose, among all that he could think of, his Brother Valens, who, he thought, would prove most faithful to him. Him, therefore he declared his Partner in the Empire. And whilst they both lived at Constantinople, all those who were Enemies to Julian's friends, continually gave out at Court, that such and such Persons had a Design upon the Emperors, and made the brutish Rabble also roar it out. Upon which the Emperors, who for other reasons hated all Julian's Acquaintance, were raised to a greater degree of animosity, and therefore invented such Charges against 'em, as had no show of reason in them. Particularly, Valentinian was very severe upon Maximus the Philosopher, who had formerly indicted him, in Julian's time, for profaning or neglecting holy things upon the score of Christianity. But their care and concernment for Affairs both Civil and Military at that time drew 'em off from these kind of things.  
Then did they apply themselves to making of Governors over the several Nations, and consulted who should have the charge of the Palace. By which means all who had been Governors of Countries, or in any other Office under Julian were turned out: among them, Salustius, Perfect of the Court. Only Arintheus and Victor continued in their Military Commands, which they had before, as Captains, whilst others who had a desire for this or that preferment, got it by mere chance. And this indeed was the only reasonable thing which they seemed to do: for if any of the Officers were found guilty upon just Informations against 'em, they suffered most certainly beyond all hopes of a pardon.  
When things were thus settled, Valentinian thought fit, since he and his Brother were Partners, to put the East Countries as far as Egypt, Bythinia, and Thrace under his care, and take charge of Illyricum himself. From whence he designed to go over into Italy, and to keep all the Cities there, together with the Nations beyond the Alps, all Spain, Britain, and Africa in his own hands. And when the Empire was thus divided Valentinian began to be more severe in his Government, correcting the Errors of the several Magistrates, being very rigorous in collecting the Taxes, and seeing that the Soldiers had their due out of 'em. But because he resolved likewise to set forth certain Laws, he began at home (as they say) and forbade the nocturnal Sacrifices: intending thereby to restrain and hinder a great many ill actions. And yet when Praetextatus, Proconsul of Greece, who was a person adorned with all Virtues, told him that the Greeks could never live under such a Law, whereby they were kept from performing those most Sacred Mysteries, that were the very bond of humane Society, he suffered 'em to be performed according to Order, without any regard to his own Law, and took care every thing should be done after the ancient custom of the Country.  
In the mean time the Barbarians beyond the Rhine, who as long as Julian lived, still feared the Roman Name, and were content to be quiet in their own Dominions, as soon as they heard of his Death, immediately marched out of their Country and were prepared for a War against the Romans. Which when Valentinian heard, he disposed of Forces both Horse and Foot with those also that wore light Armour, as it was fit he should, and put convenient Garrisons in all the several Towns upon the Rhine. But these things were thus ordered by Valentinian because he had some skill in Military Affairs: whilst Valens was beset with troubles on every side, who having lived an unactive life and come to the Empire of a sudden could not sustain the weight of business. For not only the Persians, who were proud of their condition which was much better since the Truce made by them and Jovian, and made inroads upon the Country without control, since Nisibis was subject to 'em, by disturbing the Eastern Towns constrained the Emperor to go against 'em, and at that very time when he parted from Constantinople did the Rebellion of Procopius break out. For him Julian had trusted with some part of his Forces, as being akin to him, and given him charge, that he and Sebastianus should go through Adiabene, and meet Julian who went against the Enemy another way: and gave him leave to wear an Imperial Robe for a reason that no body else knew of. But when it had pleased God to order things another way, and that Jovian had succeeded Julian in the Imperial Throne, Procopius ran immediately and delivered the Imperial Garment, that was given to him, to Jovian, confessing why he received it, and entreating the Emperor to absolve him from his Military Oath, and let him live at quiet, that he might mind nothing else but Husbandry and his own private business. Which having obtained he went to Caesarea, in Cappadocia, with his Wife and Children; because he resolved to live in that place, where he had a good Estate. But whilst he stayed there, Valentinian and Valens being chosen Emperors and having formerly had a suspicion of him, they sent immediately to take him. Nor was there any difficulty in that, for he surrendered himself up to 'em, and bad let 'em carry him whither they pleased, so they would but suffer him to speak with his Wife and see his Children first. Which they consenting to, he prepared a Feast for 'em, and when he saw they were Drunk, he and all his Family made their escape toward the Euxine Sea: whence he took shipping and went over into Cherronesus Tauriana. And having stayed there some time, he found the Inhabitants to be a faithless sort of people, which made him fear, lest one time or other they would deliver him up to those that sought for him; and therefore seeing a Merchant Ship sail by, he put himself and Family on board of it and in the Nighttime arrived at Constantinople. Where lodging at an old Acquaintant's House of his, and considering the State of the City since the Emperor's departure, he attempted to make himself Emperor, and this was the foundation of his Design.  
There was a certain Eunuch, called Eugenius, not long before turned out of the Court, who had no great love for the Emperors. Him therefore Procopius made his friend, because he found him very Rich, and told him who he was, why he came thither and how things ought to be managed. Whereupon, the Eunuch having promised him to bear a part in all Attempts whatever, and to lend him Money, if he wanted it; the first thing they undertook was, with Money to corrupt the City-Guards, which consisted of two Legions. And then arming the Slaves and mustering up with ease a vast multitude of Men, who were many of 'em Volunteers, they sent 'em, in the Night, into the City, and made a general disturbance; for that the people came every one out of their several Houses and gazed upon Procopius as if he had been a King made of a sudden in a Play. But the City being all in an uproar, and no Man in his right mind, or that could tell what to do by reason of the surprise, Procopius thought he was yet undiscovered by a great many, and that he might secure the Power to himself, if the business were but so far unrevealed. Then having taken Cesarius, whom the Emperors had made Perfect of the City, and Nebridius, to whom they had committed the Government of the Court after Salustius, he forced 'em to write to the Subjects of the Empire whatever he pleased. But he also kept 'em asunder, that they might not advise with one another. And when he had contrived things thus, he went toward the Court in a splendid manner, where getting up upon a Tribunal before the Gate, he filled all people with hopes and large promises, and then marched into the Palace to take care for the remaining part of his Affairs.  
And because the new Emperors had divided the Army between 'em, Procopius thought it requisite to send certain persons to the Soldiers, who were yet in Disorder, and went by the Emperor's Command, from place to place as they pleased, to bring over as many as they could to his Party. Nor did they fail with ease to accomplish their Design, by giving Money to them and their Officers: insomuch that they mustered up a considerable number, and made themselves ready openly to set upon the Enemy. After which Procopius sent Marcellus with an Army into Bythinia to take Serenianus and the Imperial Horse that he had with him, in hopes to destroy 'em. But they flying to a Town called Cyzicum, Marcellus took it, as being too strong for 'em both by Sea and Land; and having caught Serenianus who was fled into Lydia, he put him to Death. With which first lucky hit Procopius was so exalted that he raised more Men by degrees, and was able in the Opinion of many people to fight the Emperors; for both the Roman Legions, and the Barbarian Forces flocked to him. And then besides the very honour of being akin to Julian, and having been his Fellow-Soldier in all the Wars that he was ever engaged in, drew people to his Party. Nor was that all, but he likewise sent certain Noblemen to the Prince of Scythia which lies beyond Ister, who contributed ten thousand Men to fight in his service. So also did the other Barbarous Nations send in their Quota, to make themselves sharers in the Expedition. But yet Procopius considered that it was not fit for him to engage with both the Emperors together, and therefore thought it the best way to fight him first that was nearest, and then consult farther, what was to be done.  
And thus was Procopius employed: whilst the Emperor Valens, who heard of this Rebellion at Galatia in Phrygia was frighted at the news and filled with consternation. But Arbitio bade him have a good heart, and then he made those Men that he had, ready for the War; and sent likewise to his Brother, to let him know what Designs Procopius had in hand. But Valentinian did not think fit to send Auxiliaries to him who was not able to defend that Empire which was committed to him. So Valens was fain to prepare for a fight, and made Arbitio General of his Army against Procopius. But when the Armies were just ready to engage, Arbitio circumvented Procopius by a stratagem, and brought over a great number of his Men, from whom he learned beforehand whatever Procopius designed to do. And when the Emperor and Procopius came toward each other, the two Armies met near Thyatira: where Procopius had like to have had the better on't, and made him sole Lord of all, because Hormisdas (which was his Father's name too) seemed in the fight to be too many for the Enemy. But Gomarius, another of Procopius' Captains, imparting his intention to all Procopius' Soldiers that loved the Emperor, cried out in the midst of the fight, Augustus, with a shout, and gave the signal for all the rest to do the same; so that all Procopius' Men went over to Valens.  
And he as soon as he had gotten the Victory marched to Sardeis, and thence into Phrygia, where in a Town called Nacolia he found Procopius; and there again one Naplo, a Captain of Procopius, having ordered every thing for the Emperor's advantage, Valens had much the better of him; insomuch that he took the Traitor, and, not long after him, Marcellus, whom he put both to Death. But finding an Imperial Robe in Marcellus' possession that was given him by Procopius, he was so angry at it, that he fell foul upon all and inquired after not only those that were Actors in the Rebellion, but those also that were Counsellors in it, or so much as heard any thing of it, which they did not presently discover. By which means he was very severe upon all sorts of Men, without any justice; whilst all that either conspired or were but even kinsmen or friends of the Conspirators, though otherwise altogether innocent, were sacrificed to the Emperor's fury.  
Now this being the state of Affairs in that part of the Empire, which was allotted to Valens, the Emperor Valentinian, who dwelled in the Countries beyond the Alps, fell into very great and unexpected dangers. For all Germany recollecting what they had suffered in those Days when Julian was a Cesar, as soon as they heard of his Death, shook off all fear from their Souls, and resuming their natural audacity they went one and all and invaded the Countries that were subject to the Roman Empire. Where when the Emperor met 'em, they had a smart Battle, in which the Barbarians won the Day and put the Roman Army to a shameful flight. But Valentinian was resolved he would not run away to save his life; and therefore bore the fortune of the fight with seeming satisfaction, till he had found out who were the cause of their misfortune by beginning first to fly. And having made strict enquiry so as at last to prove the Batavian Legion guilty of it, he ordered all the Army to come together in all their habiliments of War, as if they had been to hear some Speech that might have been for their instruction in some matter of consequence. And when they came, he made such an Oration to 'em, as brought perpetual shame upon them that began to fly; and commanded that the Batavi should be stripped of their Arms and sold for fugitive slaves to any public Colony or Plantation. Whereupon they all fell flat upon the ground and begged of him not to inflict so shameful a punishment upon his Soldiers, promising that hereafter they would show themselves men and worthy of the Roman Name. To which he complied, and bid 'em show by their actions, they meant what they said; whilst they arose from the Earth, and arming themselves, as they ought to do, they renewed the fight, and going without the Trench showed such alacrity and courage, that of an infinite number of Barbarians there were but few went home again. And thus the War against all Germany ended at that time.  
But the Emperor Valens, having put many men to death after Procopius' death and confiscated the goods of many more, was hindered from his expedition into Persia by a party of Scythians, that live beyond the Ister, who infested the Roman Territories. Against whom he sent out a competent number of men and stopped their progress; nor only so, but forced 'em to surrender their Arms, and sent 'em to inhabit in several Towns of his, that lie upon the Ister: with Orders, that they should be kept in a Prison without Chains. Now these were the Men that the Scythian Prince had sent Procopius as Auxiliaries to him, and therefore when he desired of the Emperor that they might be dismissed, because they were sent at the request of Ambassadors from him who had then the power in his hands, the Emperor Valens would by no means hearken to it. For, he said, they were neither sent to him nor taken as friends, but as Enemies: which was the cause of the Scythian War. But when the Emperor perceived the Enemy had some thoughts of invading the Roman Dominions, and that upon the same account they were mustered up together with all speed, he drew his Army up along the bank of Ister, and lying himself at Marcianople (which is the biggest City in all Thrace) he took care both of his Armies being well exercised, and also that they wanted no provisions. At which time also he made Auxonius Perfect of the Court, Salustius having leave to lay down his Commission by reason of his Age, after he had been twice in that same Office. Auxonius therefore, though such a dangerous War was at hand, was not only just in collecting the Tributes, and seeing that no Man was oppressed beyond what was his right and due to pay; but he likewise got a great many Ships of burden, wherein he carried the Soldiers provisions through the Euxine Sea as far as the mouth of the Ister, and thence by Boats conveyed it to the several Towns upon the Riverside, so that the Army might easily be supplied.  
But after these things were thus transacted in the Wintertime, the Emperor in the beginning of the Spring marched out of Marcianople, and going over into the Enemy's Country with those Soldiers, that were engarisoned about the Ister, he attaqued the Barbarians. But they not daring to fight a pitched Battle, absconded themselves in the Fens, from whence they made secret sallies; and therefore he ordered his Men to stand their ground, whilst he mustered up all the Servants about the Camp, with all those that had the charge of the Carriages, and promised to give that Man such a sum of Money who brought him the head of a Barbarian. Whereupon they were all in hopes to get the Money; and going into the Fens and tge Woods killed all they met, and bringing the heads of those that were slain received the Sum appointed. By which means there were such a multitude destroyed, that the rest petitioned the Emperor for a Truce. Nor did he reject their desire, but a Peace was made between them, which was no dishonour to the Roman Name. For it was agreed that the Romans should enjoy with all security whatever they formerly had, and the Barbarians were forbid to pass the River or come at all into the Roman Dominions.  
Having made this Peace, he went to Constantinople, where seeing the Perfect of the Court was dead, he gave Modestus the Place; and when he had so done, made haste toward the War in Persia.  
But whilst he was employed in his preparations for that, the Emperor Valentinian, having put the Germane Affairs into a good posture, thought fit to make provision for the future security of the Celtic Countries. To which end he raised a vast multitude of young Men both of the Barbarians near the Rhine and of the Husbandmen that lived in Country's subject to the Romans; all whom he mustered among the Legionary Soldiers, and disciplined them so well, that out of mere dread of that skill and experience in military Affairs, there was not one of all those who live beyond the Rhine, who durst attempt the Cities which were under the Romans, for nine years together; About which time one Valentinian was banished for some misdemeanours into the Island of Britain, where whilst he endeavoured to make himself absolute, he lost his hopes and his life together. And Valentinian the Emperor also fell sick of a Distemper, which had like to have cost him his life: but yet he recovered, and then the Courtiers came about him, desiring that he would declare who should be his Successor, lest any thing should happen to befall him, and thereby the Commonwealth be endamaged. To whom the Emperor assented, and declared his Son Gratianus Emperor and his Partner in the Government, though he were young, and not yet ripe of Age.  
But the Affairs of the West being in this condition, the Emperor Valens prepared to go for the East against the Persians, whither he was first bound. And as he went gently onward, he assisted the Towns that sent Ambassadors to him as much as was convenient: besides his doing many other good actions, and easily granting their requests to all such as made just Demands. And when he came to Antioch he ordered all matters relating to the War with great caution and security; but having stayed the Winter-season in the Palace there, he went in the Spring to Hierapolis; from whence he led his Army against the Persians, and when Winter came again returned to Antioch. And thus was the War against the Persians protracted. But whilst the Emperor was at Antioch, there happened an unusual accident which was this. There was one Theodorus among the rest of the Imperial Notaries, a Person well born and bred, but very young and easily drawn into Vice by the glavering delusions of dissembling Knaves, as being in the heat and vigour of his Age. Him therefore did a parcel of such Fellows set upon, and persuaded him that they were excellent Scholars; particularly that, by their skill in Divination, which they very well understood, they could foretell things to come; and having enquired who should be Emperor after Valens, they had set up a Tripos, which in a secret manner revealed to them what was to come: and furthermore, that in that Tripos there appeared the Letters θ. ε ο and δ [i. e. Theod.] which did as good as say in plain terms that Theodorus should succeed Valens in the Empire.  
With these fooleries he was so taken, that he was mighty desirous to be continually conversant with Jugglers and Conjurers, consulting what was to be done; but was complained of to the Emperor, who made him suffer for it according to his desert. After which there was also another accident. One Fortunatianus, who was the Emperor's Treasurer, had sentenced one of his Soldiers to be whipped for Sorcery; who having been put to the Torture and forced to accuse some others that were his Accomplices, the Trial was removed before Modestus who was Perfect of the Court, because there were some persons brought in, that were not subject to the former Judge's jurisdiction. For Justice and Judgement take place among all sorts of Men; and the Emperor, who was extremely incensed, suspected all the most famous Philosophers, or any other persons that were bred up to Learning, besides some Men of Quality in the Court, who were accused as Conspirators against the Empire. And upon this score all places were full of weeping and lamentation; for all the Prisons were crammed with Men that did not deserve to be in them, and there were more Men upon the Roads, than were left in the Cities. Nay, the very Guards that were set to keep the Prisons where such poor Innocents' lay, confessed themselves unable to secure those that were under their charge, and were afraid lest they should one time or other escape from 'em by mere force, they were so many. And in this case the Informers went off without any danger, being only forced to accuse others; whilst the convicted were sometimes put to death without lawful proof, and some of 'em lost their Estates, insomuch that their Wives, Children, and other Relations were reduced to extreme necessity. For the Design was by these several wicked arts to raise a great sum of Money for the Treasury. Now the first great Philosopher that was taken off, was Maximus; and after him Hilarius of Phrygia, who had plainly interpreted some obscure Oracle, with Simonides, Patricius the Lydian, and Andronicus of Caria, who were all men of incomparable Learning, and condemned rather out of envy than by any just proceeding. Whereby all things were in so great a confusion, that the Informers and the Rabble along with 'em would go without control into any man's House, rifle all they met, and deliver 'em to those that were appointed to kill 'em all without hearing what they could say for themselves. And of these Rogues one Festus was the Ringleader, whom the Emperor, knowing to be very ready at all kind of cruelty, had sent Proconsul into Asia, that no learned Man might be left alive, but his Design might succeed. For Festus having made what search he could, killed all that he found without any trial of 'em, and forced the rest to fly their Country.  
Now the calamity which befell the Cities upon the account of Theodorus was thus removed. Whilst Valentinian who thought he had pretty well managed the Germane War, was very severe upon his Subjects, in exacting of Tributes, and extorting from 'em much more than ever they used to pay. Though he pretended that the Military expenses forced him to lay out Money from the public Stock. And thus having caused every body to hate him, he was more bitter than before: nor would he either inquire whether the Magistrates kept themselves from bribery, but envied all that had the reputation of leading a blameless life. And, to speak plainly, he was quite another man from what he appeared to be at the beginning of his Reign. For which cause the Africans who could not endure the Avarice of that Roman who was the Magister Militum, [Master of the Soldiery or General] among the Moors, they gave the Purple Robe to Firmus and declared him to be Emperor. Which being told, no doubt but it troubled Valentinian: who immediately commanded certain Legions from the Garrisons in Pannonia and Mysia to sail into Africa. And thereupon the Sarmatians with the Quadi, who were long before offended with him that had the charge of those places (whose name was Celestius) when the Soldiers were gone over into Africa, invaded the Pannonians and the Mysians. For since Celestius had broken his Oath and not only deceived, but killed their Prince by treachery, before they risen from Table, the Barbarians very wisely took the opportunity of this Expedition and plundered all the Country about the Ister, carrying all away that they found out of the Cities, or Towns. By which means the Pannonians were exposed to the Barbarian cruelty, whilst the Soldiers were very negligent in defending their Towns, and did as much damage as the Barbarians themselves to all places within the River. But Mysia suffered no injury, because Theodosius, who was the Magister Militum, so valiantly withstood 'em and routed 'em when they came against him. And from that Victory he not only gained great Honour, but afterward came to be Emperor. But of that we shall speak in due time.  
But Valentinian, not able to endure the news which he heard, marched out of Celtica into Illyricum, with a Design to make War upon the Quadi and Sarmatians; and made Merobaudes, who seemed to have more experience in Military Affairs than any other, General of his whole Army. But seeing that the Winter weather lasted a little longer than ordinary, the Quadi sent Ambassadors to him with such instructions as were not modest or becoming: at which the Emperor was so angry, that being almost mad the blood came down from his head, into his mouth and stopped his breath, so that he died, after he had lived in Illyricum nine months wanting some few days, and in the twelfth year of his Reign.  
When he was dead a Thunderbolt fell upon Sirmium which burned both the Palace and the Marketplace, and seemed to such as are Critical Judges of those things to be an ill Omen concerning public Affairs. There also happened Earthquakes in some places; and Crete was shaken very much as likewise Peloponnesus and all Greece, so that many places were ruined by it, yea almost all tumbled down, except Athens and the Country of Attica, which they say were saved by this means. Nestorius, who at that time was the chief Sacrist there, saw a Vision that commanded him to pay public Honours to that Hero, Achilles: for it would be a safeguard to the City. But he having communicated this to the Magistrates of the City, they thought he was so old, as to dote, and regarded not what he said, wherefore he considered of it within himself, and receiving instructions from Divine Contemplations, he set up the Hero's Image which he made in a small House under the Statue of Minerva which was placed in the Virgin Chamber. And as often as he did sacrifice to the Goddess, he at the same time duly performed what belonged to the Hero. And by this means having satisfied the desire of the Vision, the Athenians were free from the Earthquake which fell upon every body else excepting only the Country of Attica which partook of the Hero's kindness. Now that this is true you may read in Syrianus the Philolosopher, who has written an Hymn upon this Hero. And these things I thought fit to add as not altogether impertinent to our present business.  
But now that Valentinian was dead, and Merobaudes and Equitius, two Tribunes, saw Valens and Gratian lived then at a great distance (for the one was in the East, and the other left by his Father in the West of Gaul) they feared lest it should so fall out, that the Barbarians beyond Ister might make some effort whilst the Country was without a Governor, and therefore sent for Valentinian's younger Son, whom he had by his Wife, that was Magnentius' Widow, and not far off with the Child. Whom when they had clothed in Purple they brought him into the Court, being scarce five years of Age. And when it came to pass that Gratian and this young Valentinian divided the Empire between 'em, according to their discretion who were their Guardians or Protectors (for they were not of age to manage their own Affairs) the Celtic Countries, all Spain and the Island of Britain was given to Gratianus, and Valentinian was to have all Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Whilst in the mean time many inundations of Wars oreflowed the Emperor Valens from all parts. Of which the first were, the Isauris (who are by some called Pisidae, by others Solymi, and by others Cilices montani or Mountain Cilicians, of whom we will speak more accurately when we come to the proper place for it) who plundered the Towns in Lycia and Pamphylia, and though they could not get possession of the Walls and Houses, yet they took away all that was in the Streets, or Fields. But the Emperor who was yet at Antioch, sent a sufficient number of Men (as he thought) against 'em, and then the Isauri fled with all their spoils into the craggy Mountains, where the Soldiers were either so lazy as not to follow 'em, or otherwise unable to remedy those misfortunes which the several Towns had undergone.  
But whilst these things were thus managed, a certain barbarous Nation, which was never known till then, but appeared all of a sudden, attaqued the Scythians beyond Ister. They are called Hunni, [and we know not] whether you may say, they were Scythians, that lived under a Kingly Government, or those whom Herodotus says lived near the Ister, and were a sort of flat-nosed, weak people, or whether they came out of Asia inro Europe. For I have read a Story that tells us, The Cimmerian Bosphorus was made firm ground by mud brought down the Tanais and afforded them a Land-passage over out of Asia into Europe. But however, there they were, with their Wives, Children, Horses and Carriages, and invaded the Scythians that live upon the Ister: and though they neither could nor understood how to fight on foot (for how should they? when they are not able to set their feet firm upon the earth, but live continually, nay sleep on Horseback) yet by their wheeling about upon their Horses, by their excursions, and timely retreats, and by shooting as they road, they made a great slaughter among the Scythians. And this they did so continually, that the surviving Scythians were forced to leave their Habitations to these Hunni, and passing over the Ister to go and beseech the Emperor to receive 'em, upon their promise to be his true and faithful Fellow-Soldiers. Which petition of theirs seeing the Officers of Garrison Towns near the Ister deliberated upon till the Emperor's pleasure was known, Valens permitted them to be received but without their Arms. In order whereunto the Tribunes, and other Commanders went over to fetch the Barbarians unarmed into the Roman Territories: but spent their time only in looking after handsome Wenches, hunting out pretty Boys for beastly uses, or making themselves masters of Slaves and Country hinds (for they minded nothing that concerned the public good) so that a great many passed over with their Arms, through mere negligence; who as soon as they were got into the Roman Dominions, remembered neither their Petitions nor their Oaths, but filled all Thrace, Pannonia and the whole Country as far as Macedonia and Thessaly, with Barbarians that pillaged all before 'em.  
When therefore they were in such extremity of danger, certain persons went to the Emperor and told him what had happened. Whereupon having settled his Affairs in Persia as well as he could, he made haste from Antioch and went for Constantinople: from whence he marched into Thrace to fight those fugitive Scythians. But as the Army and the Emperor himself were going forth, they saw a strange sight, which was this. There was the body of a Man lying in the Road, stone-still, that looked as if it had been whipped from head to heel, only its eyes were open, and stared upon all that came near it. Of whom when they had demanded, What he was, and whence he came, or who had slashed him so, and received no answer; they thought it some prodigious thing and showed him to the Emperor as he passed by. Who though he asked it the same questions, yet it remained speechless; nor could it be thought a living creature because it was void of all motion, or quite dead, because the Eyes were seemingly well. At last it vanished of a sudden. Which when the standers-by beheld they could not tell what to think; but those, that have skill in such things, said, it foretold the future State of the Empire, That the Commonwealth should look as if it were beaten and whipped, like those that are just expiring, till by the ill-management of Magistrates and Ministers it were quite dead. And indeed if we consider every thing, this prediction will appear to be true.  
But the Emperor Valens seeing the Scythians plunder all Thrace, resolved to send those men whom he had brought along with him out of the East, and knew to be very good at fight on Horse back, to make the first charge upon the Scythian Horse. They therefore having received the Word from the Emperor went in small numbers out of the Gates of Constantinople, and killing the straggling Scythians with their Spears, brought many of their Heads each day into the City. And because the nimbleness of their Horses, together with the force of their Spears made the Scythians think it hard to overcome them, they intended to circumvent the Saracens by a stratagem, which was thus: They planted Ambuscades in several places of three Scythians to one Saracen: but failed of their Design; for that the Saracens through the swiftness and agility of their Horses could get away whenever they saw any considerable number of them acoming. But if they came up to 'em softly, and hit 'em with their Spears, they commonly made such a slaughter among the Scythians, that at last they chose rather to pass the Ister, since they despaired of doing any good of it, and surrender themselves to the Hunni, than be all knocked on the head by the Saracens. When therefore they forsook all the places near Constantinople, and were gone farther into the Country, the Emperor had room to draw his Army forward. But whilst he stood considering how he should manage the War (when such a multitude of Barbarians were at hand, and the ill conduct of his own Officers gave him such trouble, that as he was afraid to cashier 'em in such tempestuous circumstances; so also he was doubtful who he should put in their places, since no one appeared that was fit for such employments) Sebastianus left the West (though the Emperors there did not understand how things went by reason of their nonage, but gave themselves wholly up to hearing of Calumnies from the Eunuches that attended in their Chambers) and came to Constantinople. Which when Valens heard of, and was satisfied how skilful a person he was both in military and civil Affairs, he made him General, and trusted him with the management of the whole War. Whereupon Sebastianus considering the effeminacy and sluggishness of the Tribunes as well as the Soldiers, how that they were bred and taught only to run away, and to desire things that were base and more fit for Women than Men to wish for. He begged that he might have but two thousand Men of his own choosing. For he knew it was a difficult matter to command a multitude of men that had been dissolutely governed, though it was easy enough to teach a small number, and reclaim 'em from their effeminacy into manhood: besides that it was more expedient to run the risk of a few than of all. By which Arguments having persuaded the Emperor and obtained his desire, He took not such who had been bred up in cowardice and used to run away, but a party of men that had been lately taken into the Army, who were lusty hale Fellows, and seemed to him who could judge of men, to be fit for any service. He therefore presently made trial of each one among 'em, and what was wanting he supplied by continual exercise, commending and rewarding all those that were obedient, but seeming severe and inexorable to all that were disobedient. And when he had by this means taught 'em all military Art, he took possession of certain walled Towns, as having a great regard to the safety of his Army. But from thence he attaqued the Barbarians by frequent Ambuscades as they came out to forage: and sometime when they were loaden with Spoils he killed 'em, and made himself Master of what they had; and at other times destroyed 'em whilst they were Drunk or washing in the River.  
But when he had taken off a great part of the Barbarians by these methods, and that the rest were so much afraid of him that they durst not come to forage, he was extraordinarily envied. And that envy began an hatred of him, till at length he was accused before the Emperor by those that had lost their Commands, and therefore set the Court Eunuches on to do him a diskindness. And by this means the Emperor being perverted into an unreasonable suspicion of him, Sebastianus sent the Emperor word, that he would have him stay where he was and not march forward: For that it was no easy matter to come to a pitched Battle with such a vast number of men; but it was better to protract the time by circumventions and Ambuscades till they despaired for want of necessaries, and either surrendered themselves, or departed out of the Roman Territories and put themselves under the Hunns rather than be exposed to all that misery and destruction which does attend a Famine. But whilst he advised the Emperor to this, the adverse party persuaded him, to march forth with his whole Army: for that the Barbarians were almost all destroyed, and the Emperor might gain a Victory without any trouble. And this counsel of theirs though it were the worse of the two so far prevailed, that (as ill fortune would have it) the Emperor drew forth his whole Army without any order at all. Which when the Barbarians boldly met they got the better of it by far and killed almost all of 'em, except some few, with whom the Emperor fled into an unwalled Village; about which the Barbarians piled Wood and setting fire to it burned all that ran thither together with the Inhabitants, in such a manner that no one could ever find the Emperor's body.  
Now when Affairs were reduced to this low ebb, Victor who commanded the Roman Horse, escaping the danger along with some of the Horse, went into Macedonia and Thessaly, and from thence making an excursion into Mysia and Pannonia, he told Gratian, who then lay thereabout, how things had fallen out, as also of the loss both of the Emperor and the Army. Which Gratian heard with patience, and was not much concerned for his Uncle's Death (for there had been a grudge between them two) but seeing himself unable to manage his Affairs, since Thrace was over run by the Barbarians, as likewise Mysia and Pannonia, and that the barbarous Nations upon the Rhine infested the Neighbouring Towns without control, he chose Theodosius to be his Partner in the Empire, who was born at a Town called Cauca, in that part of Spain called Hispania Callaecia, and had good skill as well as experience In Military Affairs. And having made him Governor of Thrace and of the East Countries, He went himself into the West of Gallia, to compose things there if it were possible.  
Whilst therefore the new Emperor Theodosius remained at Thessalonica, there was a great concourse of people from all parts that flocked thither both upon private and public business, and having obtained of him as much as it was fit for him to grant, went away again. But since a great multitude of the Scythians that lived beyond the Ister (I mean the Gotthi, and the Taiphali, and the rest of those Nations which formerly lived among 'em) had passed the River, and were forced to infest the Roman Dominions, because the Hunni had gotten into their Country, the Emperor Theodosius prepared for a War with all his Forces. But seeing all Thrace was in the hands of the aforesaid Nations, and those that guarded the Towns and Castles there durst not move out of their Walls, much less engage in the open field, Modares, who was of the Royal Family of Scythia, and had not long before come over to the Romans, who, for his fidelity to 'em, had made him Magister Militum [i. e. a General] having drawn the Soldiers to the top of an Hill which was even and plain like a Meadow, of a great length, with spacious fields at the bottom of it, he lay there unknown to the Barbarians. And understanding by his Scouts that all the Enemies were in the fields below, luxuriously wasting and destroying all the forage and provisions that they found either in the Fields or in the unwalled Villages, so that they lay there Drunk, he commanded his Soldiers so as not to be heard by the Enemy, to go with their Swords and Bucklers only, without their heavy Armour or joining of their Shields together, as they used, and set upon the Barbarians whilst they were drowned in pleasure. Which they accordingly having done, in one small part of a Day killed every one of 'em; among whom some were never sensible who hurt 'em, others just felt their Wound and died, and the rest were taken off by several sorts of Death. And afterward when they were all slain, they fell to risling the Dead, from whence they proceeded to the Women and Children and took four thousand Wagons and as many Captives as may probably ride in so many Carriages, besides them that went on foot and only road now and then (as 'tis usual) by turns, to ease themselves.  
Thus when the Army had made use of all that Fortune offered to it, the Affairs of Thrace, which had been upon the very brink of ruin, were then at rest, since the Barbarians there were destroyed beyond all hopes. But the Dominions of the East had like to have utterly been ruined by this means: After the Hunns had invaded the Nations beyond Ister (as I have told you) and that the Scythians could not withstand their incursions, they begged of the Emperor Valens who was then in being, that he would take 'em into Thrace, and they would do all the Duties of Follow-Soldiers and good Subjects, in perfect obedience to all his Commands. With which Promise of their Valens was so far persuaded as to admit 'em: and thinking it would be a sufficient caution for their fidelity if he caused all their Children who were yet very young to be brought up in another Country, he sent a great number of little Brats into the East, and made Julius the Overseer both of their Education and keeping, because he thought him sufficiently qualified with understanding for both those Offices. He therefore distributed them into several Towns, lest the Barbarian Youth, being such a vast number together, might have any opportunity to rebel or being out of their own Country, to form a Conspiracy. Now the news of what had befallen their Countrymen in Thrace was brought to them whilst they lived at the several Towns and were grown to Man's estate. At which they were much troubled, and met together, as many of 'em as lived in one City, who privately sent word to those that inhabited in other places, that they had a mind to set upon the Roman Towns in revenge for what their Parents and Countrymen had suffered. In the mean time Julius hearing of the Barbarians intention, and doubting what to do, though he at the same instant feared the expedite Attempts of the Barbarians when they were once set on, he resolved not to let Theodosius know of the Design, not only because he was then in Macedonia, but also because this Charge was committed to him by Valens and not by Theodosius, who was then Emperor, but yet hardly knew Julius: and therefore sent Letters privately to the Senate of Constantinople, from whom having Authority to do what he thought most conducing to the public good, he removed the danger that threatened the several Towns in this manner. He sent for all the Military Officers and gave 'em an Oath of secrecy before he told 'em his Design. Which when they understood and were instructed what to do, they spread a report among all the Barbarians of each Town, that the Emperor had a mind to present 'em with large gifts, and give 'em every one not only Money but Land too, to oblige 'em to love himself and the Roman Nation. In order whereunto they bade 'em all meet at their Metropolises or chief Cities upon a certain Day. With which news the Barbarians were so pleased, that they remitted something of their fury and the destruction which they intended to their several Cities: And upon the Day appointed they all flocked to the places where they were ordered to meet. Where when they arrived, the Soldiers who knew the signal, got up upon the tops of Houses that were near the several Market-places (where the throng of 'em was) and as the Barbarians came in did so pelt 'em with Stones and Darts that they killed 'em every man and freed the Eastern Cities from all their fears.  
And thus did the sagacity of their Officers put an end to those misfortunes which happened both in the East and Thrace. Whilst at the same time the Emperor Theodosius living in Thessalonica was very accessible to all that had a mind to see him; but having begun his Reign in pleasure and idleness, he put the Magistracy into disorder, and made the Military Officers more than they were before. For whereas there had been formerly but one General or Master of the Horse, and one other of the Foot, he distributed those Offices among above more than five, and thereby put the public to greater charges for provisions. For every one of those five or more had as much allowed him, as either of 'em had when there was but two: besides that it was oppression upon the Soldiers to be exposed to the avarice of so many Officers. For every one of 'em would get as much out of the Soldiers allowance as one of two should. But this was not all: for he increased the number of Captains, Lieutenants and Tribunes to such a degree, that he left 'em twice as many as he found 'em, nor had the Soldiers one farthing of their allowance out of the Treasury. All which was occasioned by the Emperor's negligence and excessive covetousness. Nay farther, it was He that introduced such a vast expense at the Imperial Table, that to serve in such a quantity of provisions and furnish a Table so richly, there were whole Legions of Cooks, Butlers, and other attendants, whom if a man would reckon up he must spend a great deal of time in taking down their names. For as ro the multitude of Eunuches about the Court employed in the Emperor's service, and how most of 'em, especially such as were more beautiful than others called any Magistrate or Officer to account whom they pleased, and how they had in effect the sole Government of the Empire, disposing of the Emperor as they thought fit, and changing his mind to whatsoever they desired. As to these things why should I speak much, I say, when I am to show the particular causes of that destruction which happened through such means. For as he would squander away the public Stock without any consideration and bestow it upon fellows that had no worth in 'em, till he was like enough to want Money; So he sold all Commands of Provinces to any one that would buy 'em, without any regard either to the reputation or conversation of the party, and thought him best qualified that brought him most Gold or Silver. So that you might see Goldsmiths and Bankers and others that are of the most sordid professions, with the Ensigns of Magistracy about 'em, and selling the Provinces to those that had most Money.  
And now since there was such a change in the State and so much for the worse, the Soldiery was soon lessened, and came even to nothing at all: besides that all the Money was gone out of the Towns, partly to pay excessive Taxes, and partly to satisfy the covetousness of the Magistrates. For whosoever did not endeavour to please and humour their insatiable desire, they suborned fellows to accuse him, and did as good as say, they must get up what they paid for their places. By which means those that lived in Towns led a very miserable life through their own poverty and the iniquity of the Magistrates, and only prayed to God to deliver 'em from such afflictions; for as yet they were permitted to go in to the Temples and worship the Gods after their Country fashion.  
But the Emperor Theodosius seeing the Army very much diminished, permitted the Barbarians beyond Ister, as many as would to come to him, and promised to make all the Fugitives, Soldiers. Upon which terms many of 'em went to him and were mustered among the Legions; conceiving within themselves when they were more of 'em together, they might easily attaque the Government and make themselves Lords of all. But the Emperor having taken a view of the Fugitives who were a great multitude, and more already than the other Soldiers that were there; and considering also how it were possible to curb 'em if they had a mind to break their promises of Obedience, he thought best to mingle some of 'em with those Legions that were in Egypt, and take a Detachment from thence to supply their places in his Army. Which when he had done, so that one party came and the other went according to the Emperor's Order, the Egyptians indeed marched through the several Towns very quietly and paid for what they had, but the Barbarians behaved themselves very rudely, and disposed of all that was in the several Markets as they pleased. But when they both met at Philadelphia, which is a Town in Lydia the Egyptians who were far fewer than the Barbarians observed their Officers Orders, whilst the Barbarians who exceeded them in number, pretended to a greater privilege. And therefore when a certain Tradesman in the Market place demanded his Money for Goods that he had sold to a Barbarian, but the Barbarian drew his sword and cut him, whereupon the man cried out, and there was another also hurt who came to assist him, the Egyptians being sorry to see such an ill action, they modestly admonished the Barbarians to refrain from such ununhandsom and unjust deeds; for that it did not become men that resolved to live under the Roman Laws. But they were never the better for their advice but drew upon them too, so long till the Egyptians giving way to their passion fell upon 'em, killed above two hundred, and wounding some of 'em compelled the rest to fly into Sinks where they died. But when the Egyptians had done thus to the Barbarians at Philadelphia, and persuaded them to be more modest, as being never like to want Enemies, they held on their way: and the Barbarians marched toward Egypt whither they were bound. Now their General was Hormisdas, a Persian, the Son of that Hormisdas, who was with the Emperor Julian in the Persian War. But when the Egyptians came into Macedonia and were joined with the Legions there, no Order was observed in the Camp, nor any distinction between a Roman and a Barbarian, but all conversed promiscuously together, neither was there so much as a Muster Roll kept of the Soldiers names. Nay farther, it was permitted that the Fugitives might go back into their own Country, though they were listed among the Legions and send others in their stead, and when they pleased come again and be Soldiers under the Romans.  
When the Barbarians saw such disorder in the A●my (for the Fugitives-informed 'em of it, ●●●des the tree access which they had to it) they thought this a fair opportunity to make an Attempt upon the Romans, who were so careless in the conduct of their Affairs. And therefore having passed the River with ease, and marched as far as Macedonia (for no body hindered 'em, being the Fugitives could let 'em pass without molestation as far as they pleased) when they found that the Emperor was coming to meet 'em with all his Forces, by a great fire which they saw at Midnight and guessed to be near the Emperor and his Retinue (which they also understood so to be from the Fugitives that came to 'em) they ran by the light of that fire up to the Emperor's Tent. Where being joined by the Fugitives, the Romans only (except some few fugitives that were on their side) opposed 'em. Yet being so few against so many, they made indeed a shift to give the Emperor time to escape, but themselves were all slain; not but that they fought bravely and killed a great multitude of the Barbarians. Upon which occasion if the Barbarians had followed their blow, and pursued those that fled away with the Emperor, they had certainly vanquished 'em every man upon the first attempt. But being satisfied with what they had won, and made themselves Masters of Macedonia and Thessaly, which no body guarded, they left the Towns to their own liberty, and did 'em no damage, out of hopes to have a Tribute from 'em.  
But the Emperor, when he heard they were marched home upon that account, secured the Castles and walled Towns with Guards, and went himself to Constantinople; having sent Letters to the Emperor Gratian to tell him what had happened, and that it was necessary with all speed to send Relief in such extremity of danger. And when he had dispatched away Couriers, Posts or Letter-Carriers upon that Message, he took notice of what Macedonia and Thessaly had suffered, but made such Collectors of Tribute, as were severe and rigid in their exactions of it: so that a Man might have seen all that which was left through the humanity of the Barbarians, gathered up for Tribute. For they paid not only Money, but gave in their women's Attire, and all their Clothes, even to that (I was going to say) which covered their nakedness, to satisfy Taxes. Insomuch that every Town and Country was full of lamentation and tears; whilst they all called out upon the Barbarians and desired their assistance.  
And this was the State of Macedonia and Thessaly: whilst at the same time the Emperor Theodosius made his entrance into Constantinople with splendour, as if he had Triumphed for some great Victory; without any regard to the public miseries, but making his luxuriant pleasures proportionable to the bigness of the City. 
P. Diaconus says quite otherwise of him în his 12th Book. But (says he) those things, wherewith Theodosius is aspersed, to wit, that he was a Drunkard, and very ambitious to Triumph, he so much abhorred, that he waged none, though he found Wars; and prohibited by a Law all lascivious actions, as also Minstrels to be used at Feasts. But we must pardon Zosimus in this, because with him it was the greatest Crime merely to be a Christian.  But the Emperor Gratian being mightily troubled at the news sent forth a sufficient Army under the command of Baudo, accompanied by Arbogastes, who were both of 'em Franks, but loved the Romans very well, were free from all bribery, or covetousness and wise as well as stout Soldiers. Who when they came with the Army into Macedonia and Thessaly, the Scythians that were there a plundering all before 'em, as soon as they perceived the resolution and Design of these two Men, immediately left the Country and ran back into Thrace, which they had formerly pillaged. Where being in doubt what to do, they made use of such a stratagem as before, and endeavoured to cheat the Emperor Theodosius with the same trick again. For they sent unto him Fugitives of the meanest rank, to promise him all friendship and obedience; whom he believing entertained. And therefore, lest his former experience should have made him sensible of his own advantage; they were followed by a great many more, whom he in like manner received: till by the Emperor's folly the Fugitives had once more got the power into their own hands. And that folly of his was daily increased by his voluptuous way of living; for whatsoever contributes to the debauching of good Manners received such additions in his Reign, that every one who affected to be like the Emperor placed all humane happiness in such kind of things. For there were Mimichs, and those cursed Caitiffs the Dancers, with every thing else that conduces to obscenity or that lascivious and dissolute Music, which was in use both in his time and after; insomuch that the Empire was utterly ruined by those that imitated that fort of folly and madness. Nay more, they violated the Temples of the Gods in all places, nor was it safe for any one to profess there were any Gods, much less to look up to Heaven and adore what they saw there.  
But whilst Theodosius was thus employed, the Emperor Gratian sent Vitalianus to be General of the Illyrian Legions, who was a Man that could not any way relieve 'em in that their languishing condition. And whilst this Vitalianus was in Office there were two Regiments of Germans that lived beyond the Rhins, the one of which was commanded by Fritigerne, and the other by Allothus and Safraces, who lay so hard upon the Celtic Nations, that they forced the Emperor Gratian to give 'em leave that if they would quit the Celtic Countries they might cross the Ister and march into Pannonia and the upper Mysia: For his Design and endeavour was to be freed from their continual inroads. Whereupon they passed the Ister with an intention to go through Pannonia into Epirus, and crossing the River Achelous to attaque the Cities of Greece; but first thought fit to get good store of provisions, and remove Athanaricus who was the chief of all the Scythian royal Family, that no body might be left behind 'em to hinder or obstruct their Enterprise. Accordingly they set upon him and easily beat him out of the places where he lay: which made him betake himself with all speed to Theodosius who was just then recovered from a Disease that had like to have been the death of him. And Theodosius entertained very kindly both him and all his Barbarians that were come along with him, going out a good way from Constantinople to meet him. Nor was he less respectful to him afterward, but when he died (which was within a little while) he interred him in a regal Sepulchre; which was so sumptuous, that all the Barbarians stood amazed at the excessive richness of it, and went again into their own Country, without molesting the Romans any more, they so much admired the Emperor's goodness and magnificence. And as many of 'em as came along with the dead Prince, continually guarded the bank of the River, lest any incursions should be made upon the Romans.  
At the same time Theodosius had more good fortune still. For he beat off the Scyri and Carpodaces who were mixed with the Hunni, and so subdued 'em that he forced 'em to cross the Ister and return into their own Country. From which success of the Emperor his Soldiers reassumed their courage and seemed a little to recover out of their former calamities, and the Husbandmen also had free liberty to manure the Earth, as likewise the  fed without fear. And thus did Theodosius seem to make up their losses; whilst in the mean time Promotus, who was General of the Foot in Thrace, but at this time made use of Boats as well as Land-forces, met with Aedotheus, who had raised a mighty Army not only of the Nations that live upon the Ister, but such as live a great way off in places unknown, and was then just coming with 'em over the River; where Promotus (I say) met him and made such a slaughter among his men, that the very River was filled with the dead bodies, and those that fell upon the Land could scarce be numbered.  
The Affairs of Thrace being in this condition, made Gratian's circumstances very difficult: for he, taking the counsel of those Courtiers who use to corrupt though manners of Princes, received certain Fugitives called Alani, whom he not only listed among his Army, but honoured with large Presents, and trusted with his greatest secrets, not valuing his own Soldiers at all. And this begat in his Soldiers an hatred of him; which being inflamed, and augmented by degrees, incited them toward innovation, but most of all that part of 'em which was in the British Islands, as being the more resolute and surly fellows. To which also Maximus, a Spaniard, who had been the Emperor Theodosius' Fellow Soldier in Britain, gave 'em some farther encouragement. For he took it very ill that Theodosius should be thought worthy of being made Emperor, whilst he himself had no honourable Employment, and therefore incensed the Soldiers with greater animosity against the Emperor. Upon which they were easily persuaded and in a mutiny declared Maximus, Emperor. To whom having presented the Purple Robe and Diadem, they went by Sea as far as the mouth of the Rhine: Where seeing the Germane Army and all the rest that were in those parts approved the choice very well, Gratian prepapared to fight him with a considerable part of the Army which he yet had on his side. But when they came to engage, they only skirmished for five days; till Gratian perceiving that, first of all, the Moorish Horse forsook him and declared Maximus, Augustus; and than that the rest revolted to Maximus by little and little, he bad adieu to all good hopes, and taking along with him three hundred Horse, fled with them to the Alps as fast as he could. And finding those parts unguarded, he went toward Rhetia, Noricum, Pannonia and the upper Mysia. Which when Maximus understood, he neglected not his opportunity, but sent Andragathius General of the Horse, who was born near the Euxine Sea, and always seemed to be his Friend, with the stoutest Horses that he had, to pursue him. And he accordingly followed him with such speed, that he overtook him as he was just passing the Bridge at Sigidunus and killed him: by which means he strengthened Maximus' Dominion.  
Now it is worth while upon this occasion to tell you a Story, not altogether foreign from my present Narration. Among the Romans the Pontifices were the persons who had the chief management of holy things: whom we may term Gephyraei; if we translate the word Pontifices [which signifies Bridg-makers] out of Latin into Greek; and the reason of that appellation was this. When men as yet knew not how to worship by Statues, there were some Images of the Gods first made in Thessaly: but because there were then no Temples (for the use of them also was yet unknown) they set up those Pictures of the Gods upon a Bridge that went cross the River Peneus, and called those that sacrificed to the Gods, Gephyraei [Bridg Priests] from the place where the Images were first set up. From whence the Romans, who take it from the Greeks, called those that were the chief Priests, Pontifices, and made a Law that Kings, for their Honour's sake, should be reckoned among 'em. Of whom Numa Pompilius was the first that ever enjoyed this Dignity; but after him all had it, not only that were called Kings, but even Octavianus himself, and those who succeeded him in the Roman Empire. For when any one came to be Emperor the Pontifices [chief Priests] brought him the Priestly Habit, and presently he was styled [Pontifex Maximus] or chief Priest. And indeed all other Emperors seemed very well pleased with the Honour, and were willing to use the Appellation or Title, yea even Constantine himself when he was Emperor [admitted of it] though he were perverted from the right way in regard to holy matters, and embraced the Christian Faith. So likewise after him did all the rest in order, to Valentinian and Valens. But when the Pontifices [chief Priests] brought the holy Robe to Gratian (as it was the custom to do) he rejected their offer; as thinking it an unlawful Garb for a Christian to use. And when the Robe was given back to the Priests that brought it, they say, the chief Person among 'em said, If the Emperor will not be called Pontifex, we'll soon make one.  
And thus did Gratian's Reign come to an end: whilst Maximus, who now opposed himself to have sure footing in the Empire, sent an Embassy to the Emperor Theodosius, not to beg pardon for what he had done against Gratian, but rather to give a farther provocation. In which Negotiation, the Person sent was the Imperial Chamberlain; yet no Eunuch (for Maximus would not have an Eunuch to govern his Court) but a grave Person that had been his familiar Acquaintance ever since he was a Child. Now the business which he went about, was, to ask Theodosius if he would enter into a League, be friends, and make an Alliance against all common Enemies that should oppose the Romans, and if he would not, to declare against him open Hostility. Whereupon the Emperor Theodosius admitted Maximus to be Emperor with him, and to partake both of his Statues and his Imperial Title; though at the same time privately he levied War, and endeavoured to circumvent him by all manner of flattery and observance: insomuch that he commanded Cynegius, Perfect of his Court, whom he sent into Egypt, to prohibit all worship of the Gods there, and shut up their Temples, that he should show the Alexandrians Maximus' Image, and set it up in some public place, and declare to the people that he was to be his Partner in the Empire. In which Affair Cynegius did as he was commanded; shutting up the Temple-door throughout the East, all Egypt and Alexandria itself, and prohibiting all their ancient sacrifices together with their customary Rites. But now as to those things which from that time to this have befallen the Roman Empire, a particular account from matter of fact will be a Demonstration.  
About this time a cetain Nation of Scythians appeared from beyond the Ister, who were never before known to any of the inhabitants thereabout; though the Barbarians, of that Country called 'em, Prothingi. Who being a vast number of 'em, furnished with all convenient Arms, and very lusty men besides, they easily over-ran the midland Barbarians, came down as far as the banks of Ister, and desired leave to cross over the River. But Promotus, the General of the Armies that lay there, drew his men out in length as far as he could along the bank of the River and stopped the Barbarians passage. And whilst he was so doing he found out also another way, which was this. He called together some of his own Soldiers who understood their Language, and were such as he could trust in things of that nature, and sent 'em to treat with these Barbarians about betraying their own Party. But they that went, demanded a large Reward, to give up the Roman General with the whole Army into the Barbarians hands. And when the Barbarians told 'em they were not able to give so much, yet to create belief of what they had said, they stood upon their first Proposals, and would not abate one farthing of their price. At last being both sides agreed of the Sum, they made secret compacts concerning the Treachery: in which it was conserted, that part of the Money should be paid immediatey, and the rest when the Victory was obtained. But when they had ordered how the Signal should be given and the time when the Treason should be put in execution, they told the whole story to the General; how that in the Nighttime, the Barbarians were to go about the work and cross the River to attaque the Roman Army.  
The Barbarians therefore putting all their best men into a great many Wherries, commanded them to go over first and set upon the Soldiers whilst they were yet asleep. And next to them, they sent the middling sort, to assist the first when they had begun the Attaque, as likewise, after them, the useless multitude of all Ages, who would be sure to brag of a Victory when others had gotten it. But Promotus being informed of all this beforehand by those whom he sent to contrive this pretended Treachery, was prepared against the Barbarians Designs, and set his Ships with their Stems one against another no more than three deep, but ranged 'em as long as he could, even to twenty furlongs upon the Riverside. By which means he not only kept the Enemy from coming over, but sunk all the rest that he met coming over in the Wherries. But being a dark, Moonless Night, the Barbarians knew nothing of what preparations the Romans had made, and therefore going to work they went very silently on board their Wherries, supposing that the Romans were altogether strangers to their Designs. But when the Signal was given, those Men that devised the Treachery having forewarned the General of every particular intention, and made a preparation proportionable to that of the Enemy; they sailed up to 'em in great, strong Ships with stout Oars and sunk all they met, among whom there was not one man that was saved by leaping over board, their Arms were so heavy. And those Wherries, that escaped the Romans who sailed to and fro, if they fell into the hands of those that lay along the shore, were pelted so fast with any thing that came to hand, that they and the men in them were cast away at the same time, nor could any pass that Wall of Roman Ships.  
This caused a mighty slaughter among 'em, and such an one as was never seen in any Sea fight before, insomuch that the River was filled with dead Bodies and Arms which would naturally float upon the Water. And if any of 'em could swim over, they light upon those that lay by the River's side, and by them were destroyed. But when all the flower of the Barbarians were slain, the Soldiers betook themselves to plundering, and not only carried away their Children and Women, but made themselves Masters of all their provisions. And then the General, Promotus, sent for the Emperor Theodosius who was not far off, to be a witness of his brave Achievement. Who, when he saw the number of Captives, and the quantity of spoils, set the Captives at liberty and by gifts that he bestowed upon 'em, endeavoured to entice 'em over to his own side, because he knew their help would be of consequence to him in a War against Maximus.  
Thus did Promotus continue in his Duty as the Defender and Governor of Thrace, and put himself privately in readiness for a War. But it is worth while to tell you another thing that fell out at the same time. There is a Town in that part of Scythia, which lies in Thrace, called Tomi; where Gerontius, who was a very strong Man and an excellent Soldier, commanded a Garrison. And before this same Town there was planted a choice Company of Barbarians, who were not only very hale, well-timbered Men, but also mote courageous than any of the rest. But these Men though they were presented by the Emperor with greater allowance of Corn and other things, than any of the other Soldiers, yet they did not intent to requite those honours that were done to 'em with good will, but with contempt of the Governor and scorn of the Roman Soldiers. Which Design of theirs when Gerontius perceived; how they intended to attaque the Town, and put the Government into confusion, he advised with the wisest of his Soldiers about a way to revenge himself upon those insolent, and unjust Barbarians. But seeing them fearful and consequently flow to give their assent, as dreading the very motion of the Barbarians, he himself took his Arms and a few of his Guards along with him to fight the whole body of the Barbarians. And having opened the Gates he marched out to meet 'em, whilst his Soldiers were yet either asleep and fettered with fear as with a Chain, or got upon the Wall, to see what passed. In the mean time the Barbarians laughed at Gerontius' madness, and thinking him desirous of death, sent men against him who were extraordinary strong. Whereupon Gerontius engaging with the first that charged up to him, and presently catching hold of his Buckler fought very stoutly, till one of the Guards that were about him, who saw them closed, cut off the Barbarians Arm, and made him tumble from his Horse. And whilst the Barbarians stood amazed at the courage and audacity of the Man, Gerontius attaqued some others of the Enemy: insomuch, that when the Soldiers upon the Wall saw what their General did, they remembered they were Romans, and sallying out killed most of the Barbarians, who were astonished to see so sudden an eruption. Only some few escaped into an Edifice which was highly honoured by the Christians, and esteemed as an Asylum or Sanctuary.  
And now Gerontius having delivered Scythia from all impendent dangers and from the Barbarians that attempted it, but were subdued by his extraordinary valour and magnanimity, he expected some reward from the Emperor. But instead of that Theodosius was very angry, that the Barbarians whom he had honoured so much, were cut off, though they had been a very plague to the public weal; and therefore presently sent for Gerontius into custody, to give him an account for what he had so bravely performed upon the score of the Romans. Upon which occasion Gerontius accused the Barbarians of Rebellion against the Romans, with a relation of what spoil and ravage they had committed among the Inhabitants of that place: but the Emperor did not mind one word that he said, nor was he moved from his former Opinion, but persisted in his thoughts, that he did not remove them for the good of the public but for the lucre of what the Emperor had given 'em, that so when he had got their goods into his hands, there might be no body to accuse him. To which Gerontius replied, that he had sent them to the public Treasury even after their Death (now the things that he had taken from 'em were golden Necklaces which the Emperor gave 'em for Ornament) but notwithstanding that, he had much ado to escape the dangers which beset him, though he gave all he had among the Eunuches, and paid a Sum proportionable to his good will toward the Romans.  
When things had thus run to ruin under the Reign of Theodosius, in whose time no virtuous action was thought commendable, but all manner of luxury and wantonness increased every day beyond all measure (as they use to say) those that inhabited that great City of Antioch in Syria, not able to endure the continual addition of new Taxes which the Collectors invented, risen up in Arms, and shamefully pulling down the Statues both of the Emperor and Empress, gave out such words as were not unbefitting the actions that had passed, but were moreover mixed with Drollery and that kind of Raillery which is usually among them. But when the Emperor, who was displeased at what they had done, threatened to punish them for that fault according to their demerit, the Senate of the City, for fear of his anger, thought fit to send Ambassadors, to excuse what the people had done. So they chose Libanius, the Sophister or Professor (whose Writings that he left declare his praises) and Hilarius, a Man of a nobly Family, and excellently well versed in all kind of Learning. Of which two the Sophister made a Speech before the Emperor and Senate concerning the Insurrection, in which he so far prevailed as to appease the Emperor's anger which he had conceived against the Antiochians, and (which was more than he expected) made the Emperon, who was now altogether reconciled to their City, enjoin him to make a second Oration upon the same Subject. And Hilarius, who was highly commended for his great Virtue, was by the Emperor made Governor of all Palestine.  
But whilst the Affairs of the East, of Thrace and Illyricum were in this posture, Maximus, who thought things were not carried as he deserved, who was only Governor of those Countries which were formerly under Gratian, contrived how to depose the young Valentinian from the Empire, and that totally if he could; but if he failed in the whole, to make sure of some part at least, as much as he could get. And being overborne with this Resolution, he prepared to pass the Alps and go into Italy. But seeing that he must of necessity travel through a straight passage, and over craggy, pathless Mountains, with Marshes and Fens beyond 'em, which admit of no Passengers but such as travel very slowly, much lefs of such an Army, he deferred the enterprise till he had better Counsel in it. But when Valentinian sent Ambassadors from Aquileia, to desire a farther security of Peace, Maximus complied with his requests, and pretended that he also was very well pleased with it. Valentinian therefore sent Domninus upon that Negotiation, who though he was a Syrian born, yet he was the Emperor's very good Acquaintance, and Friend. For as he was the next Man to him in Power and Authority, so he seemed to excel all others in fidelity and experience; and besides, what the Emperor had a mind to do without any other body's knowledge, he resolved to impart to this person only. When therefore Domninus came to Maximus, and had told him the reasons of that Embassy, he received him with all respect and kindness imaginable. For he conferred such extraordinary honour upon him, and gave him such a load of Presents, that Domninus thought Valentinian would never have such an other friend. Nay so far did Maximus proceed to cheat Domninus, that he sent along with him some part of the Army which he had, to help the Emperor against the Barbarians; who oppressed the Pannonians that were under his Dominion. Thereupon Domninus took his leave, and being well pleased not only with the great quantity of Presents that he received, but the company of those Allies who were sent along with him, he, like an unwise Man, made the way over the Alps that led to his own home more pervious for Maximus. Which that he would do being Maximus foresaw, and therefore had prepared all things in a readiness, he followed him with all his Forces, and secretly sent out Guards before him, who took all the care they could lest any one should pass by that way, and tell Domninus' Retinue of Maximus' coming over into Italy. And indeed this Guard upon the pass was very easy to be made; for it was impossible that any one should go through the narrowest place upon the Alps but he must needs be seen. When therefore he understood that Domninus and his Attendants had passed the straits of the Alps, with all those envious Mountains, besides the Fenny places beyond the Alps, that are so difficult for an Army to march through, and did not fear meeting any Enemy in those cumbersome places, he immediately went into Italy without any resistance, and marched to Aquileia.  
At which Valentinian was so surprised, and in such a desperate condition, that his Courtiers were afraid, lest Maximus should take him Prisoner and kill him; for which reason he immediately took shipping and sailed to Thessalonica along with his Mother Justina, who had been Wife (as I told you before) to Magnentius, but, after his decease, was married to the Emperor Valentinian upon the account of her extraordinary beauty. But she did not go alone without any other Woman; for she carried her Daughter Galla along with her. And when they had passed so many Seas and were arrived at Thessalonica, they sent an Embassy to the Emperor Theodosius, to beg of him, that now at least he would revenge the insolent injuries done to all Valentinian's Family. Which when he heard, he was immediately astonished, and began a little to forget his extravagancy, laying some restraint upon his wild-inclination to pleasures: and having advised about it, 'twas thought fit that He with some of the Senate should go to Thessalonica. And so accordingly they did; and there consulted again what was to be done, till it was agreed as the unanimous consent of the Assembly, that Maximus should be punished for his offences. For they were of Opinion, that such a Man ought not to live, who had not only killed Gratian, and usurped his Empire, but having succeeded in that, had made some farther progress, and deprived his Brother also of that Dominion which was left him. But though Theodosius was very much displeased at these things, yet through his natural effeminacy, and the negligent manage of his former life, he was loath to undertake a War, and told 'em the inconveniences that arise from civil broils, and how the Cowmonwealth must of necessity receive some fatal Wounds from both sides. Wherefore he said, it was best first to send an Embassy; and, if Maximus would deliver up the Empire to Valentinian and be quiet, that the Empire should be divided amongst 'em all as it was before; but if he would suffer himself to be overcome by covetousness, they would fight him without any more ado. Now ne'er a Man in the Senate durst speak a word against all this, because it seemed advantageous to the public.  
In the mean while Justina, who was a Person of good experience in things, and knew how to conduct her Affairs to the best purpose, understanding that Theodosius was very much inclined to Love, brought her Daughter Galla, who was a very beautiful Lady, into his presence, and clasping the Emperor about the knees, most humbly beseeched him that he would not suffer either Gratian's Death (who gave him that Empire) to go unrevenged, nor let them lie neglected, and destitute of all hopes. And as she spoke those words, she showed him the Damsel, who was all in tears, bewailing her misfortunes. When Theodosius had heard this supplication of hers, and withal observed the beauty of the young Lady, he discovered by his eyes the Wound that she had made in his Heart; but notwithstanding deferred that business till another time; and in the mean while gave 'em some cause to hope the best. But being more and more each day inflamed with a desire to the Damsel, he went to Justina, and requested of her that he might have her Daughter, since Placilla his former Wife was Dead. To which Demand of his she made answer, That she would not let him have her, unless he would levy War against Maximus to revenge Gratian's Death, and restore Valentinian to his Father's Throne. He therefore resolving to get her consent by these means, made it his whole business to prepare for a War. And being incited by a Woman, he not only obliged the Soldiers by increasing their Allowances, but he likewise corrected his own remissness in other cases, since necessity forced him to it, resolving to take care of some things that would want looking after when he was gone. To which end, seeing Cynegius, the Perfect of the Court, had happened to die by the way as he was coming back from Egypt, he consulted who was fit to succeed him in that Office. And having taken frequent views of many Men, at length he found out one for his turn, called Tatianus, whom he sent for from Aquileia. For this Tatianus had born other Offices under Valens and was a good Man in all respects; wherefore Theodosius declared him Perfect of the Court all over the Country, and sending him the Ensigns of Magistracy made his Son Proclus Praetor or Governor of the City. And truly in this he did very well, in committing the greatest Offices to such good Men, who knew how to dispose of things very skilfully for the good of the Subjects when the Emperor was gone. He likewise took a care for the Army and made Promotus General of the Horse and Timasius of the Foot.  
But just when all things were ready for his Journey, he heard, the Barbarians, who were mixed among the Roman Legions, had been solicited by Maximus with promises of great Rewards if they would betray the Army. But they perceiving that the Design was discovered, fled into the Fens and Bogs of Macedonia, where they hide themselves in the Woods. But being pursued, and searched for with all diligence, they were most of them slain. So that the Emperor being freed from this fright, marched with all resolution and his whole Army against Maximus; having first put Justina, with her Son and Daughter on Shipboard, and committed 'em to the care of those, who would see 'em safe at Rome. For he believed that the Romans would receive 'em very gladly, because they were disaffected to Maximus. But he with his Army designed to march through the upper Pannonia, and over the Apennine Mountains to Aquileia, that he might surprise the Enemy before they were prepared.  
But whilst Theodosius was on his way, it happened that Maximus having heard that Valentinian's Mother with her Children, was like to cross the Ionian Bay, got together a convenient number of swift Chase-ships and gave 'em to Andragathius, whom he sent to hunt 'em out. But Andragathius, though he sailed to and fro to all places, yet missed of his aim (for they were passed the Ionian Streight before) and therefore getting together a competent Navy, he sailed to all the Coasts thereabout, because he thought Theodosius would attaque 'em in a Sea-fight.  
But whilst Andragathius was thus employed, Theodosius having passed through Pannonia and the straits of the Apennine Mountains, set upon Maximus' Army before they expected, or were provided for him. And when some part of his Army, who ran as fast as they could, had got to the Walls of Aquileia and forced their passage through the Gates (for the Guards or Sentinels were too few to resist 'em) Maximus was pulled down from his Imperial Throne, whilst he was beginning to distribute Money among his Soldiers, and being stripped of his Imperial Robes was brought to Theodosius: who having recounted some few of his Crimes against the Public by way of Reproach, delivered him to the common Hangman or Executioner, to suffer due punishment.  
Now this was the end of Maximus and his usurped Dominion; who when he had craftily conquered Valentinian, dreamed he should easily subdue the whole Roman Empire. But then the Emperor Theodosius having heard that when Maximus came over the Alps he left his Son Victor there, whom he had honoured with the Title of Caesar, he presently sent his General, called Arbogastes, who deprived the Youth not only of his Dignity but his life too. Which when it was told to Andragathius, who was then a cruising in the Ionian Bay, it made him so sensible of ten thousand dangers which were like to befall him that he never stayed to expect the Enemies coming, but was the Executioner of his own punishment; for he threw himself into the Sea, as choosing rather to trust the Waves than Men that were his greatest Enemies.  
Then did Theodosius deliver to Valentinian as much of the Empire as ever his Father had; which was indeed but what a Man ought to do to those that have deserved well of him. And afterward having mingled all the choice of Maximus' Soldiers among his own, he sent Valentinian away into Italy, Celtica, and other parts to order such things as concerned his share in the Empire. His Mother also went along with him, to supply, as much as in a Woman lay, what prudence he through want of age might lack.  
But going himself back to Thessalonica, he found no small confusion in the Affairs of Macedonia. For all the Barbarians who had hid themselves in the Fens and the Woods lying near the Lakes, and had escaped the former incursion of the Romans, having got an opportunity when Theodosius was engaged in the Civil War, plundered all Macedonia and Thessaly without any opposition. But when they heard of the late Victory and that the Emperor was coming back again, they once more hid themselves in the Fens, and from thence stealing out privately at break of Day they carried off all that came in their way, and then they repaired to their usual places. Insomuch that the Emperor thought at last, that these, whoever they were, that sallied out thus to pillage the Country, were rather Devils than Men. Wherefore being very doubtful in his mind he told no body his Design; but taking along with him five Horsemen, whom he ordered, each of 'em to lead three or four Horses (that so if any Horse tired, the Rider might have another to get upon, and the Horses by that means be able to sustain the fatigue of that enterprise which he intended) he gave no ground for suspicion that he was the Emperor, but went about the Country like any ordinary person: and if he or his Retinue at any time wanted meat, he begged of the Country people. At last he came to a small Inn, where an old Woman lived, and desired that she would let him into her House and give him some Drink: both which she did; and by that time she had entertained him very kindly with Wine and other things that she then by chance had in the House, it was almost Night, and so he desired her to let him lie there; to which the old Woman likewise consented; and the Emperor lay in a certain Room, where he saw a Man that said ne'er a word, but looked as if he had not a mind to be known. At which the Emperor wondered, and calling the old Woman to him, demanded of her who he was and whence he came? To which she replied, that she could not tell him either that, or why he came thither: but this she said she knew, that since the Emperor Theodosius and his Army returned home, he had been her Guest and paid her every Day for his Diet, but had gone out every Day from Morning till Night and walked where he pleased, till Night, and then he used to come back again, as from some hard labour, and after he had eaten something, lay down in that posture which he now saw him in. When the Emperor had heard what the Woman said, he thought it convenient to make a farther enquiry into the business; and taking hold of the Fellow bade him tell, who he was. And being he would not answer so much as one word, he whipped him out of design to make him confess. But the Fellow not yielding to that torment, he commanded his Horsemen to prick him with their Swords, and told him withal, that he was the Emperor, Theodosius. Whereupon, when the Man said he was the Spy for those Barbarians who were hid in the Fens, and gave 'em notice where he was, as also what Men or places it was convenient for 'em to attaque, the Emperor immediately out off his Head.  
And after that going to his Army which lay encamped nor far off, he brought his Soldiers to the place where he knew the Barbarians lived, and falling upon 'em killed every one of what age soever, draging some out of the Fens where they were hid, and murdering others in the Water; so that there was a great slaughter of the Barbarians. Now the General, Timasius, who admired at the Emperor's Valour, desired of him that he would let the Soldiers who were by this time hungry and not able to toil any longer in the Fens, have time to refresh themselves; to which the Emperor consenting, the Trumpet sounded a Retreat, which made the Soldiers leave their work and persecuting of the Barbarians. But when they had eaten and drank very plentifully, they were so overcome with Wine and weariness, that they fell fast asleep. Which when the Barbarians that were yet left perceived, they took up Arms, and falling upon the Soldiers, who were already subdued by sleep and drunkenness, they punched 'em with Spears and Swords and every mortal Instrument, so long, till the Emperor himself had like to have been killed with all his Army, if some of those who had not yet Dined had not run to the Emperor's Tent, and told him what had happened. At which the Emperor being much troubled together with those that he had with him, resolved to avoid the approaching danger by a timely flight. But Promotus meeting 'em as they fled away (for the Emperor had sent for him) desired the Emperor to consult the safety both of himself and those that were about him; for that he would take care of the Barbarians and punish them for their obstinacy according to their deserts. Nor had he sooner said so, but he attaqued the Barbarians: and finding that they were still upon the sleeping Soldiers, made up to 'em with all speed, and killed so many of 'em, that few or none at all escaped safe into the Fens.  
Now these were the most remarkable accidents, that befell the Emperor Theodosius after his return from kill Maximus. But when he came back to Constantinople, he was very proud of his Victory over Maximus; though he was so much concerned for what the Barbarians in the Fens had done both to himself and all his Army, that he resolved to bid adieu to all Wars and fight. Wherefore committing the care of those things to Promotus, he himself began to recollect his former way of living, and in rich Banquets, exquisite Pleasures, Theatrical Shows, and Horseraces created to himself a great deal of delight. Which makes me wonder at this Man's inclination to both sides. For though he were by nature slothful, and given to all idleness, as well as other Vices, which I have told you of before, yet whensoever he had no sad accident, or formidable Object to molest him, he gave the lose to his Nature; but when he was in any stress, whereby the state of Affairs was like to be shaken, he laid aside his sluggishness, and bidding farewell to pleasures prepared himself for manly, hardy and troublesome enterprises. And notwithstanding that he was such a Man by what experience tells us, he would, when free from care, make himself a Slave to his natural Vices of ease and luxury.  
Now of those that were Magistrates under him, Rufinus was counted the chiefest, who was by Nation a Celtic, and Master of the Court Guards: for the Emperor trusted him with all manner of things, and had little esteem for any one else; which vexed Timasius and Promotus, who after so many dangers that they had undergone for the public good, were placed only in the second rank of Favourites. And this made Rufinus so proud and highminded, that in a public Assembly he cast forth very bold words against Promotus: Which Promotus being not able to endure gave him a swinging blow in the Face and wounded him. Whereupon Rufinus went immediately to the Emperor, and, showing him his Face, put him into such a fury, that he said, If they had not lad aside their envy to Rufinus, they should ere long see him Emperor. Which when Rufinus heard, who was upon other accounts also an Enemy to many more, through his excessive ambition to be above all, he persuaded the Emperor to command Promotus out of the Court to some place where he might live and exercise the Soldiers. And having obtained his desire, he set an Ambuscade of Barbarians to wait for him as he was going into Thrace: who as they were commanded, attaqued him on a sudden and killed him. Him, who was a Man above the love of Riches, and had behaved himself sincerely both to the Commonwealth and the Emperors; but had the just reward of his folly, for serving those who disposed of the public Affairs with so much sloth and impiety.  
When this Action was noised abroad, and got into every body's mouth, though every modest, sober Man was troubled at such enormities, yet at the same time Rufinus, as if he had done some glorious Deed, was made Consul. And then Tatianus, with his Son Proculus (who had offended Rufinus upon no other score, than that, being Prefects, the one of the Court, and the other of the City, they had discharged their Offices without any bribery and as much as possibly they could, according to their Duty) were called into question without any reason. And to effect what was designed against them, Tatianus being first put out of his Place, was brought to his Trial, whilst Rufinus was made Perfect of the Imperial Court. Now though in appearance there were others commissionated as Judges in this Trial besides Rufinus, yet he alone had Authority to pass the Sentence. But when Proculus had discovered the Design, he made his escape: upon which Rufinus, who thought him an industrious Man, and feared lest he might study some new way to give him disturbance, came to his Father Tatianus, and by deceitful Oaths made him believe whatever he said; nay, he persuaded the Emperor to give both the Father and the Son all hopes imaginable, till by this means he had cheated Tatianus out of a well grounded suspicion into vain dreams of safety and made him by Letters recall his Son. But as soon as Proculus came, he was laid hold on and put in Prison; and Tatianus being sent to live in his own Country, they had several Hear of Proculus' Cause, till at last the Judges, according to agreement between them and Rufinus, commanded him to be carried into the Suburbs, called Sycae, and there put to death. Which when the Emperor heard of, he seat, forsooth, to recall the Sword from his Throat; but the Messenger went so slowly, by the Order of Rufinus, that Proculus' head was cut off before he came to the place.  
Now whilst these things were in action, the news was brought that the Emperor Valentinian was dead, and this was the manner of his death: Arbogastes, a Frank, who was made Lieutenant to Baudo by the Emperor Gratian, had, upon Baudo's decease, in confidence of his own industry, made himself General, without the Emperor's leave. And being thought fit for the place by all the Soldiers under him, upon the account both of his Valour and knowledge in Military Affairs, as also his contempt of Riches, he grew into great Power; and was so very high, that he would speak his mind freely to the Emperor, and what he thought not well done, or as it ought to be, he would find fault with. Which Valentinian took so ill that he opposed him several times, and would have done him a diskindness but could not bring it about: for Arbogastes was fortified with the love of all the Soldiers. At length Valentinian who could no longer endure to be under his correction, seeing Arbogastes coming toward him as he sat in his Imperial Throne, looked sternly upon him and gave him an Instrument whereby he cashiered him from his Command; which when Arbogastes had read, he replied, Thou (said he) neither gavest me my Command, nor canst thou take it from me; and having so said, tore the Instrument in pieces, threw it down and went away. Now from that time they did not keep their suspicions to themselves, but their ill will to each other was publicly known: and Valentinian sent frequent Letters to the Emperor Theodosius, to acquaint him with the arrogant saucy behaviour of Arbogastes toward the Majesty of an Emperor, and desired him withal to send him very speedily some assistance, or he swore, he would suddenly come and visit him. In the mean time Arbogastes, being in debate what course to take, came at last to this resolution. There was in the Court a certain Person, called Eugenius, who was so excellent a Scholar, that he professed Rhetoric and kept a School. This Person Richomeris had commended to Arbogastes as a kind, civil Man, to his own knowledge, and desired him to make him his familiar, being one that would not be useless to him if any thing should happen where the assistance of a real Friend were needful. By which means, when Richomeris was gone to the Emperor Theodosius, the daily conversation of these two made Eugenius Arbogastes' very great Friend, nor had he any secret but he trusted him with it. At this juncture therefore remembering Eugenius, who by his extraordinary Learning and gravity of Conversation, seemed very fit to manage an Empire, he communicated to him his intentions. But seeing him not well pleased with what he proposed to him, he proceeded to induce him by all the Arts he could, and begged of him not to reject what Fortune had so favourably offered. And when he had persuaded him, he thought it best in the first place to remove Valentinian, and so to deliver up the sole Power to Eugenius. To which end he went to Vienna, a Town in Gaul where the Emperor was, and as he was playing at certain Sports near the Wall of the Town with some of the Soldiers, thinking nothing of it, he fell upon him, gave him a mortal wound and killed him. Which bold action of his the Soldiers said ne'er a word to, not only because he was so great a Person, and such a Warlike Hero, but because they loved him too for his contempt of Riches. Wherefore as soon as he had done the deed he declared Eugenius Emperor, and put 'em all in good hopes that he would prove a good Governor, because he was so extraordinarily qualified.  
When these things were related to the Emperor Theodosius, his Wise Galla put the whole Court into disorder by lamenting for the death of her Brother. And the Emperor also was full of grief and care, having not only lost his Partner in the Government, who was a young Man and so nearly related to him, but likewise fallen into the hands of Men that were both disaffected to him, and besides that, invincible; for Arbogasles was bold and valiant, as Eugenius was learned and virtuous. But though he said thus to himself and often revolved it in his mind, yet he resolved (as it were) at once to throw the Dice for all he had, and therefore made all manner of preparation for a War. And in pursuance of his Design, he intended to make Rictomeris Commander of the Horse, having had experience of his courage in many Wars, and to make other Officers for the Legions. But Rictomeris dying of a Disease whilst he was consulting about these Affairs, he was fain to make choice of other Men. But whilst the Emperor was considering of it, there was news brought of an Embassy from Eugenius, to know of the Emperor Theodosius, whether he would admit Eugenius to Reign, or declare his Election void. Now the Person sent upon that Embassy was one Rufinus, an Athenian, who neither brought any Letters from Arbogastes, nor made any other mention of him. But whilst the Emperor delayed the time to consult what he should do, or what Answer to make to the Ambassadors, it happened that another thing also intervened, which was this: When Theodosius first came to be Emperor, he received some Barbarians into his friendship and Alliance, whom he obliged both with hopes and large Presents; nor was he wanting by all civilities to endear the Officers of each Nation, but admitted 'em even to his Table with him. But there arose a debate among 'em in which they maintained two different Opinions. For some of 'em said, it was better break their Oaths, that they had taken, when they made themselves subject to the Romans; whilst others, on the contrary, said, they ought by no means to do any thing against their own agreement. Now he that was for trampling upon his Promise, and persuaded all his Countrymen to do the same, was one Priulfus; as on the other side, Fraustius maintained that they ought to stand by what they had sworn. But it was a long time before any one knew, that there was such a Controversy among 'em; till on a time when they were at the Emperor's Table, and had drank more than ordinary, they broke out into a quarrel with each other, and declared their Opinions; so that the Emperor, when he knew the mind of every particular Man, put an end to the Entertainment. But as they went from the Court, they grew into such an heat, that Fraustius, not able to endure it any longer, drew out his Sword and killed Priulfus. And seeing his Soldiers would have set upon Fraustius, the Emperor's Guards stood between and would not suffer the mutiny to proceed any farther: though when the Emperor heard of it, he did not much regard what they had done, but let the quarrelsome fools kill one another as they would. In the mean time having deceived the Ambassadors with Presents and fair words that seemed to have a great deal of moderation in them, he sent 'em home; and, as soon as they were gone, went on with his Warlike preparations. But thinking that his chief business was, the choice of Captains, as indeed it is, he made Timasius Commander of the Roman Army; and next to him, Stilico (who married Serena the Daughter of Theodosius the Emperor's Brother) putting his Allies the Barbarians under the conduct of Gaines and Saul, with whom also Bacurius was in the same Commission; who was of Armenian extract, but a Man free from all ill inclinations, besides his skill in military Affairs.  
When he had thus made choice of his grand Officers, and was making what haste he could toward his marching out, it happened that his Wife Galla died in Childbed, and was no sooner eased of her burden but she was deprived of her life also. Upon which occasion when the Emperor had mourned for her a whole Day (according to Homer's rule) he went away with his Army to the War; but left his Son Arcadius behind him, who was some time before made Emperor. But because he was young his Father thought fit to cure, as it were, the defects of his nonage, by leaving Rufinus with him, who was not only Perfect of the Court, and did what he pleased, but even as much as the power of Majesty enabled the Emperor himself to do. And having done thus, he took his younger Son Honorius along with him, son passed the intermediate Countries, and having beyond all hopes got over the Alps, he arrived where the Enemy lay, insomuch that Eugenius was amazed to see him there whom he so little expected. Now since he was there and consequently must fight, He thought it best to put his Barbarian Forces, in the Forelorn-Hope, and exposed them first, and therefore commanded Gaines with the Nations under his Command to make the first attaque, and that the other Captains should follow him as many as commanded Barbarian Soldiers, whether Horse, Horse Bowmen, or Foot. Then did Eugenius also draw out his Men, and when the two Armies were engaged, there was such an Eclipse of the Sun at the very time of the Fight, that above half the while it looked more like Night than Day. And therefore seeing they fought a kind of a nocturnal Battle, they made such a mighty slaughter, that the same Day the greater part of Theodosius' Allies were slain, and their Commander Bacurius also, who fought very stoutly in the head of 'em; whilst the remaining part of 'em escaped very narrowly with the rest. When therefore Night came on and the Armies had rallied their Forces, Eugenius was so proud of his Victory that he distributed Money among those that had behaved themselves best in the Battle, and gave 'em time to sup: as if, after such a Defeat there were like to be no fight. But whilst they wore at Meat, the Emperor Theodosius, who saw it was almost break of Day, fell upon the Enemies with all his Forces, whilst they were yet lying down upon the ground, and killed 'em before they could tell who hurt 'em. And then going on even to Eugenius' Tent, where he set upon those that were about him, killing many of 'em, he also took some of 'em that were running away for fear; among whom Eugenius was one: whom when they had gotten into their hands, they cut off his Head and carried it upon a long Spear about all the Camp, to show those who were yet his Friends, how they ought, as Romans, to be reconciled to the Emperor, especially now, since the Usurper was removed. Whereupon almost all those that were left after the Victory ran over to the Emperor, and shouting called him Augustus, beseeching him likewise to pardon 'em for what they had been guilty of: to which the Emperor very easily assented. But Arbogastes who had no mind to try the Emperor's good nature fled up into the most craggy Mountains; where when he perceived that they went about in all places to search for him, he stabbed himself, as choosing rather to die a voluntary death than to be taken by the Enemy.  
When things had thus succeeded to the Emperor Theodosius, he went to Rome, where he declared his Son Honorius Emperor, made Stilico General of all the Forces there, and left him as Tutor to his Son. But before he went away he called the Senate together, (who stuck close to their ancient Country Rites and Customs, nor could be persuaded to join with them, that seemed any way to incline toward a contempt of the Gods) and in an Oration exhorted 'em to relinquish their former Error (as he called it) and embrace the Christian faith, which promises remission of all sins and impieties. But seeing ne'er a Man of 'em would be persuaded to it, nor recede from their ancient Ceremonies which had been delivered down to 'em ever since their City was built, and prefer an irrational assent before 'em (for they said, they had lived almost one thousand two hundred years in the observation of 'em, in all which time their City was never conquered, and therefore if they should change them for others, they could not tell what might come of it) Theodosius told 'em, that the Treasury was too much drained by the expenses that were occasioned in holy Rites and Sacrifices, and that he would therefore abolish them, because he neither thought what they did there commendable, nor could the Soldiers necessities spare so much Money. To which though the Senate replied, that Sactifices were not rightly performed unless the Charges were from the public Stock, yet for this reason the Law for performance of holy Rites and Sacrifices was repealed and is out of date, besides other things that lay neglected which they received from their Forefathers; insomuch that the Roman Empire being wasted by degrees is become the habitation of Barbarians, or rather having quite lost all its Inhabitants is reduced to such a form, that a Man cannot tell where the Cities formerly stood. Now that things were brought into such a sad condition will appear by a particular account of them. But the Emperor Theodosius having delivered up Italy, Spain, the Celti, and all Libya to Honorius his Son, died of a Distemper in his return to Constantinople: but his Body was embalmed and buried in the Imperial Sepulchers at that City.   

A New HISTORY Written by Count ZOSIMUS, Sometime Advocate of the Treasury. The Fifth Book.  
NOW when the whole Empire was in the hands of Arcadius and Honorius, they seemed indeed by their Style and Title to be invested with Power, though in reality the universal administration of Affairs was managed, in the East, by Rufinus, and in the West, by Stilico. And by them were all Causes determined, even as they pleased; for he that bribed lustily, or by any other means of friendship or Relation could make the Judge his Advocate was sure to carry the day. From whence it came to pass, that all those great Estates, which made the Possessors of 'em so generally accounted happy Men, devolved unto these two; since some by reconciling gifts sought to avoid false accusations, and others parted with all they had to get an Office, or any other way to purchase the ruin of such and such Cities. Whilst therefore all sort of iniquity reigned in the several Cities, the Money flowed from every quarter into the Houses of Rufinus and Stilico: as, on the contrary, Poverty still preyed upon the habitations of them who had been formermerly Rich. Nor did the Emperors know of any thing that was done, but thought all that Rufinus and Stilico commanded, was done as it were by virtue of some unwritten Law. But after that they had gathered upon an infinite mass of Wealth, Rufinus began to dream of getting to be Emperor by a design which he had of making his own Daughter, who was now marriageable, the Emperor's Wife: for that he thought would be a good ground for his pretensions to the Government. In order whereunto he privately mentioned the thing through some of those that waited upon the Emperor, supposing himself that no body saw what he aimed at, though the report of it was spread all over the Town. For all Men guessed at his intentions by his pride and arrogance, which swelled and increased every day so much, that he was generally hated more and more. Yet he notwithstanding, as though he had a mind industriously to disguise small faults with greater enormities, was so bold as to do another thing, which was this:  
Florentius, who had been Perfect of the Court in the Countries beyond the Alps, when the great Julian was Caefar, had a Son called Lucianus, who had made use of Rufinus as his Patron, and given him the best part of his Estate. For which Rufinus upon all occasions professed a great deal of kindness to the young Gentleman, and was always a commending him to the Emperor Arcadius: who made him Count [or Earl] of the East; which is a Dignity that empowers every one on whom it is conferred, to govern all Prefects of Provinces through the East, and to correct whatever is done amiss. Lucianus therefore showing all that virtue which becomes a Governor toward those that are under him, was famous for his Justice, temperance, and all other endowments that can adorn a good Magistrate; having neither respect to persons, or any other thoughts but what the Law suggested to him. And this was the reason that when Eucherius the Emperor's Uncle desired him to do a thing which was not fitting for him to comply with, he gave him a repulse, and thereby vexed him to such a degree that he traduced him to the Emperor. Whereupon seeing the Emperor said, Rufinus was the cause of it, who had bestowed so much power upon such a Person, Rufinus took an occasion (as if forsooth he had mightily resented the blame which the Emperor laid upon him) and without telling any body what his design was, went with a very small Retinne to Antioch: where having entered the City at midnight he laid hold upon Lucianus and without any accusation at all, brought him to his Trial. After which he commanded him to be drubbed in the Neck with leaden balls till he fainted; and then caused him to be carried in a Litter, all covered over, to make people think that he was not yet dead, and should receive some real act of humanity. But the City was so very much disgusted at the unusual manner of his proceeding, that he was fain to sweeten the people by building an Imperial Portico, than which there is no finer structure in the whole City. And when he had so done he returned to Constantinople, where he solicited his Affairs in order to an affinity between him and the Emperor, to whom he endeavoured now more than ever to give his Daughter in marriage. But Fortune ordered the matter another way, Rufinus failed of his expectation by this means. Promotus had two Sons, who whilst Theodosius was yet alive, were brought up along with his Children. Now the one of these Persons had a Damsel in his House who was extraordinary beautiful; whom Eutrepius one of the Eunuches that waited upon the Emperor, advised him to make his Wife, not without great commendations of her beauty. And seeing that the Emperor took what he said with some kind of relish, he showed him the Damsels Picture; whereby he inflamed Arcadius with a passion so much greater for the Lady that at last he persuaded him into a resolution to marry her: whilst Rufinus, in the mean time, knew nothing of the matter, but thought his own Daughter would very shortly be Empress, and that he himself should ere long be a Partner in the Empire. But the Eunuch as soon as he saw than he had made up the match which he himsel'f designed, commanded the people to dance about and carry Garlands in their hands, as they used to do upon their Emperor's Wedding-days; and having gotten an Imperial Robe with other Attire fit for an Empress out of the Palace, which he gave to the Emperor's Servants to carry, he went through the City with the people before him. And whereas they all supposed that those things were to be presented to Rufinus' Daughter, and ran along with those that carried 'em, yet when they were come to Promotus' House, they went in there with the nuptial Presents, and delivering them to the Damsel, that lived there with Promotus' Son, they showed who was like to be the Emperor's Wife. By which means Rufinus being frustrated of all his hopes, when he saw another Woman Empress, made it his business to find out a way how to remove Eutropius.  
And thus did things stand in that part of oath Empire which was under the Government of Arcadius; whilst Stilico, who was Governor of the Western Empire, gave his Daughter, that he had by Serena, in marriage to the Emperor Honerius. Now this Serena was the Daughter of Honorius, who was Brother to Theodosius, the Father of the two Emperors. by which Relation to the Emperor Stilico having strengthened his Authority, he had likewise almost all the Roman Army under his Command. For Theodosius dying in Italy after he had taken off Eugenius, this Stilico was general of the whole Army, out of which he selected all the strongest and most Warlike Soldiers, whom he kept with him, sending all the weaker part and the very refuse into the East. Which when he had done, being very angry with Rufinus, who had a mind to be invested with a Power in the East, that might balance his in the West, he resolved to go to Arcadius, desiring to have the disposal of all his Affairs too according to his own will and pleasure. For he said, That when Theodosius was upon his Death bed, he gave him charge to take a special care of all the Affairs belonging to both the Emperors. Which when Rufinus understood, he endeavoured by all the art he could to hinder Stilico's expedition into the East; as likewise to disperse and weaken the Military power of Arcadius. And indeed whilst he was a contriving all this, he found Men for his turn more wicked than he desired, by whose assistance he was the cause of great calamities to the Romans: As how, I'll tell you.  
Musonius, a Grecian, who was an incomparable Scholar, had three Sons, whose names were Musonius, Antiochus, and Axiochus: of whom Musonius and Axiochus endeavoured to out do their Father's Virtues both in their Learning and integrity. But Antiochus was pleased with all the contrary courses, being an instrument of wickedness only. Wherefore Rufinus finding him fit for his purpose, made him Proconsul of Greece, because he had a mind that the Barbarians when they came in should have no great trouble in laying of it waste; and committed the Garrison at Thermopylae to the care of Gerontius, who would be serviceable in all his Designs against the Commonwealth. And when Rufinus had devised these wicked projects, seeing Alarichus grew seditious and disobedient to the Laws (for he took it very ill, that he was not made Captain of some other Military Forces, besides those Barbarians which Theodosius gave him, when he helped to remove the Tyrant Eugenius) he gave him private notice, that he would have him bring forth his Barbarians, and all other assistance of what Nation soever they were for that he might easily make himself Master of all that Country. Whereupon Alarichus marched out of Thrace into Macedonia and Thessaly, destroying all things by the way. But when he came near to Thermopylae, he sent a private Message to Antiochus the Pro Consul, and Gerontius the Governor of the Garrison at Thermopylae, to inform 'em of his approach. Which news Gerontius no sooner heard, but he and his Guards marched off, and left a free passage for the Barbarians into Greece. Where when they were arrived, they immediately fell to plunder the Country, and sack all the Towns, killing all the Men both young and old, and carrying away all the Women and Children (together with all the Money) in whole ldroves. In which expedition all Boeotia, and whatsoever Greek Countries the Barbarians passed through after their entrance at Thermopylae, were so depopulated, that the ruins are to be seen even to this day, excepting only Thebes, which was saved partly by its own strength and partly by the haste which Alarichus was in to go and take Athens, and therefore would not stay to besiege this City. Wherefore the Thebans having, thus escaped him, he went to Athens, supposing he should easily take that City, which by reason of its largeness could not well be defended; nor being contiguous to the Pyraeeus, could it long hold out for want of necessaries before it would surrender.  
Thus did Alarichus hope: but the Antiquity of the City, even amidst all these impious designs, was able to call forth the very Divine Providence to its aid, and thereby preserve it. Concerning which it is worth ones while to give you an account of the cause whereby the City was saved, as being supernatural, godlike, and apt to excite all those that hear it to Devotion: [and thus it happened.] When Alarichus came with all his Forces to the City, He saw Minerva, their Tutelar Goddess walking about the Wall in that very shape that you may see her among the Statues of the Deities, [which is] armed, and ready to attaque all those that oppose her: and before the Walls [he saw] Achilles standing in such an Heroic posture, as Homer showed him to the Trojans when he fought against them so furiously to revenge the death of Patroclus. Which Sight Alarichus being not able to endure, desisted from all attempts upon the City, and sent out Heralds to offer terms of peace: which they receiving, and having mutually given their Oaths to each other, Alarichus entered Athens with a small number of Men. Where being entertained with all kind of civility, he washed himself, and was treated by the best of the City; after which also he received certain Presents and went away, leaving the City and all Attica unhurt, untouched. Now the City of Athens was the only place which was saved in the Earthquake that happened under the Reign of Valens, and shook all Greece, as I told you in the precedent Book; and escaped also at this time, though it was in such extremity of danger.  
Alarichus therefore having left all Attica unwasted, for fear of the Apparitions which he saw, passed on to Megaris; which he took upon the first attempt, and so went toward Peloponnesus, having no body in his way that would resist him. And when Gerontius had given him leave to pass over the Isthmus, all the Towns beyond that were capable of being taken without the trouble of a fight, because they were unwalled, and confided only in the security which they received from the Isthmus. For which reason Corinth was first stormed and immediately taken, with the small Towns adjacent: and after that, Argos, with all the places between that and Lacedaemon. Nay even Sparta itself came in for a share in the common captivity of all Greece, as being no longer fenced either with Arms, or Warlike Men (though the covetousness of the Romans) but exposed to Magistrates who were treacherous, and would readily serve their governor's voluptuous inclination in all things that conduced to public ruin, and destruction.  
Rufinus, when he heard of the calamities which had befallen Greece, was still more desirous to be Emperor. For now that the Commonwealth was in an uproar, he thought there would be nothing in the way to hinder such an enterprise. But Stilico, having put a considerable number of Soldiers on board a convenient number of Ships, made haste to assist the Achaians in their Affliction. And being arrived at Peloponnesus, he forced the Barbarians to fly into Pholoe, where he had easily cut 'em all off for want of provisions, had he not given himself to luxury, mimickry, and lewd Women; and permitted his Soldiers not only to plunder what the Barbarians left, but thereby also to give the Enemy time to departed out of Peloponnesus, and marching with all their Spoils into Epirus to pillage all the Towns in that Country. Which when Stilico heard that they had done, he sailed away into Italy without doing any execution, save only, that he brought upon the Grecians much greater and more grievous calamities by means of the Soldiers that he took thither along with him.  
And when he came into Italy, he immediately resolved to contrive Rufinus' death, and that in this manner. He told the Emperor Honorius that it was convenient for him to sent some Auxiliary Legions to his Brother Arcadius, to defend the miserable Nations under his Dominion, And being by the Emperor ordered to do as he thought fitting, he gave command what Men should be sent in that Affair; making Gains their General, to whom he told what his Design was upon Rufinus, When therefore the Soldiers were come near to Constantinople, Gaines went before and told the Emperor Arcadius of their approach, and how they came with a desire to assist him in his necessity. Whereupon the Emperor being pleased at their coming, Gains advised him to go and meet 'em as they were just entering the City: for he said, it was a customary honour which was usually bestowed upon the Soldiers in such a case. Insomuch that the Emperor was persuaded to it, and going out to meet 'em before the City they all paid their obeisance to him, which he on the other side as graciously received; till at last, when Gaines gave the Signal, they all sell upon Rufinus, and getting him among 'em so slashed him with their Swords that one cut off his right hand, another his left, a third divided his head from his shoulders and went his way singing Triumphant Songs. Nay they reproached him so much even after he was dead, as to carry his hand all about the City, and ask all they met to give something to an insatiable Miser.  
And thus Rufinus, who was the cause of many intolerable calamities to private persons, as well as author of public mischief, suffered the just punishment due to his wicked Deeds. Whilst in the mean time Eutropius, who was an Instrument in all Stilico's Designs against Rufinus, was Overseer and Ruler of all things that were done in the Court. Who though he made Rufinus' Estate for the most part his own, yet he permitted others also to take as much of it as it was fit for them to have. But Rufinus' Wife with her Daughter ran into a Church belonging to the Christians, for fear of perishing with her Husband; till Eutropius promised 'em that they should sail unmolested to Jerusalem, which was once a receptacle and habitation for Jews, but since the Reign of Constantine has been adorned with Structures built by the Christians. And here did they two spend the rest of their days. Whilst in the mean time Eutropius having a mind to remove all persons who were of any account, that no Man else might be so great with the Emperor as himself, he laid a Plot against Timasius, who had been a General ever since the Reign of Valens and in many a Battle, without any reason of it: and the false Accusation was this:  
One Bargus, a Native of Laodicea in Syria, who sold Sauceages, being caught in some misdemeanours there fled from Laodicea to Sardeis: where seeing he appeared in his own colours, he was famous for his Roguery. Timasius therefore, coming to Sardeis, and seeing this Fellow, who was a witty Villain and cunning enough to flatter any body into a kindness for him, he made him his familiar, and in a short time gave him the Command of a Company. Nor only so, but took him also along with him to Constantinople: where though the Magistrates did not approve of his so doing, (for Bargus had been formerly banished Constantinople upon the account of some Villainies which he had committed) yet Eutropius [was well enough pleased that] he had found a Man fit for him to make use of in his false Accusation against Timasius, and therefore set him up for the Informer, with a Libel in his Hand, to impeach Timasius of Treason for aiming and desiring to be Emperor. Now in this case the Emperor sat as Precedent of the Court; but Eutropius stood by him, who was the Imperial Chamberlain, and had full Authority to pass the Sentence. But seeing all the people were displeased, that a Sauceage-monger should accuse a Person who had been so great, and honourable, the Emperor went out of the Court, and left the whole matter to Saturninus and Procopius. Of whom the former was very old and had born several Offices of great importance, though not without flattery, and being used even in judicial Cases to humour them who were the emperor's chief Creatures. But Procopius, on the other hand, who was Father-in-law to the Emperor Valens, was a morose, stubborn Man, and in some things seemed to speak the truth boldly: insomuch that upon this occasion being brought in for a Judge in the case of Timasius, he objected to Saturninus, That Bargus was not a fit person to accuse Timasius, or that a person who had born so many great Offices and a Man of so much honour should be destroyed upon the false accusation of such a pitiful, base Fellow, or (which was the greatest absurdity of all) that a Benefactor should suffer by him that he had been kind to. But Procopius got nothing by taking this freedom to speak; since Saturninus' Opinion prevailed and was commended.  
Timasius therefore was sentenced to live in Oasis, and sent thither with the common Guard upon him. Now this Oasis was a sad barren place, from whence no Man could ever return that was once carried into it. For the way thither being sandy, desert, and uninhabited, makes people who go to Oasis that they cannot tell which way they travel, or where the Road is; because the Wind fills the tracts of people's feet with sand, nor is there any Tree or House to direct 'em. Yet there was a common report that Timasius was rescued by his Son Syagrius, who having escaped from those that were sent to search for him, made use of certain Robbers to rescue his Father. But whether that be true, or whether they spread such a rumour abroad to gratific Eutropius, no body certainly knows; save only thus much, that neither Timasius nor Syagrius have ever been seen from that time to this. In the mean time Bargus, who had freed Eutropius from all suspicion, or fear of Timasius, was made Colonel of a Legion, which brought him in a good sum of Money, though he was so foolish to hope for more still by way of Present. For he did not consider, that Eutropius, who had found him to be such a Rascal to his Benefactor Timasius, expected him to be no less toward him also. When therefore Bargus was gone from home about the Affairs relating to his Office, Eutropius persuaded his Wife, who was fallen out with him about something or other, to present an Information to the Emperor, with many Accusations in it, to impeach Bargus of the greatest Crimes imaginable. Which when Eutropius heard [read over before the Emperor] he immediately brought Bargus to his Trial, and upon conviction, delivered him over to be punished according as he deserved. Whereupon all Men both admired and praised the Eye of Adrastia [i. e. the All seeing Justice of God] which no wicked Man can escape [as the word Adrastia signifies.]  
But whilst Eutropius was, as it were, drunk with Riches and seemed in his own conceit to be elevated even above the Clouds, he had his Spies in almost all Countries to make enquiry how things were carried, and what every particular Man's condition was; nor was there any thing at all but brought him in some profit, or other. Wherefore his envy and his covetousness together set him against Abundantius also; who was born in that part of Scythia which lies in Thrace, but had been a Soldier even since the Reign of Gratian, received great Honours under Theodosius, and was at that time chosen General and Consful But Eutropius having a mind to deprive him at once both of his Estate and Honour, the Emperor commanded at least by Writing that it should be so; and Abundantius being presently banished the Court, was ordered to live at Sidon in Phoenicia all the rest of his days. By which means though Eutropius had no body at Constantinople that durst so much as look at him; yet he remembered that Stilico was Lord of all things in the West, and therefore contrived how to prevent his coming to Constantinople. To which purpose he persuaded the Emperor, to call a Senate, and by a public Decree declare Stilico an Enemy to the Empire. Which being done, he immediately made Gildo (who was Governor of all that part of Africa that belongs to Carthage) his Friend, and by his assistance dividing that Country from the Dominions of Honorius he added it to the Empire of Arcadius. Whereat when Stilico was mightily troubled, and could not tell what in the World to do, there happened an extraordinary accident. For Gildo had a Brother, called Masceldelus, against whom through the barbarous fury of his disposition he had laid a design, and thereby forced him to sail into Italy to Stilico, to complain of his Brother's severity. Which he no sooner had done, but Stilico gave him a good competent number of Men and Ships and sent him to fight Gildo. And when he came to the place where he heard his Brother lay, he set upon him with his whole Forces before he was ready for the Battle; and after a sharp Engagement, defeated him to such a degree, that Gildo hanged himself; as choosing rather to do so, than come into the hands of his Enemics. Now by means of this Victory Gildo's Brother restored Africa to Honorius and sailed back into Italy: where though Stilico envied him for his great Achievement, yet he pretended a kindness for him, of which he at least gave him good hopes. But as he was afterward going one day into some place in the Suburbs, and was got upon the Bridge that is over the River there, where among others Masceldelus also attended upon him, the Guards, in obedience to the Signal which Stilico gave 'em, thrust Masc●●delus into the River, whilst the former laughed, and the later was choked by the violence of the stream.  
Now from this time forward the enmity between Eutropius and Stilico was very manifest, and in every body's mouth. But though they were disaffected to each other, yet in this agreed, to insult with all security over the miseries of the Subject; whilst the one [that is, Stilico] had married his Daughter Mary to the Emperor Honorius, and the other ruled Arcadius, as if he had been a Sheep, [or any other the like tame Creature.] For whether any of the Subjects had a finer Seat than ordinary, to be sure one of them was Master of it, or whether there were any Silver or Gold stirring, it all slowed from the former possessors of it, into their Coffers: for there were great numbers of Sycophants [i. e. false Accusers] in all places, who were ordered to give notice of such things.  
But seeing the Emperor on both sides in this condition, all those of the Senatorian Order were sorry that things were in such bad circumstances, especially Gains, who had neither Honour enough for a Commander of his age, nor would be satisfied with all the gifts that were or could be bestowed upon him, his barbarous Avarice was so insatiable. But that which stung him more than all the rest, was that all the Money flowed into Eutropius' House. For these reasons being very much enraged he made Tribigildus partner in his Design: who was a Man very daring and ready to undertake any hazardous Exploit; but he commanded Barbarians (not Romans) who were posted in Phrygia, where he had the care of 'em committed to him by the Emperor. Now this same Tribigildus pretending he would go into Phrygia to take a view of the Barbarians who were under his command, went out from Consiantinople upon that account. And having taken those Barbarians whom he commanded along with him, he attaqued all places or persons that he met with by the way, nor did he contain himself from the murder of Men, Women, and Children, but destroyed all before him, and in a little time got together such a multitude of Slaves and other abject Fellows, that he put all Asia into extreme danger. For not only all Lydia was full of Tumults, seeing all the Inhabitants (in a manner) were fled to the Sea coasts, from whence they and their Families sailed all into the Islands or elsewhere; but even all Asia that lay upon the Sea expected to see such approaching danger as they had never yet beheld Nor when these things were told the Emperor did he take any pity on the common calamity (for indeed he was not capable of understanding what was fit to be done, being so extremely foolish as he was) but gave Eutropius the whole administration of the Empire. Which when he had obtained, he chose Gaines and Leo to be his Generals, with a design to send the one of 'em into Asia to attaque the Barbarians, or other promiscuous people that had taken possession of it; but to send Gains through Thrace, and the straits of the Hellespont, to meet the Enemy if he saw that they were troublesome in those places.  
But Leo, who was appointed to assist in the emergencies of Asia, was a Man of no military conduct at all, nor endued with any other qualification, that might deserve to have raised him to his present fortune, save only that he was Eutropius' familiar Friend. But however he upon that only reason was employed; and Gaines was sent into Thrace, to obstruct Tribigildus and his men from passing over the Hellespont, and to fight 'em by Sea if occasion were. Now when these Commanders were thus instructed, they led away their Forces to their several Posts: whilst Gaines remembering the compact betwixt him and Tribigildus, and that the time was at hand wherein he was to put the design in execution, commanded Tribigildus to draw his Army toward the Hellespont. And [I believe [had he concealed what he intended against the Commonwealth, and gone quietly out of Constantinople with his Barbarians, his whole design had taken effect; nor was there any thing to hinder but that all Asia might have been seized by him and even the whole East at the same time destroyed. But seeing Fortune at that time was pleased to preserve those Cities to the Roman Government, this Gains was overborne by his hot furious nature as a Barbarian, and went from Constantinople, with almost all his Warlike Power. And when he came almost to Heraclea, he advertised Tribigildus what to do. But he resolved not to go toward Hellespont by any means, for fear of lighting upon the Forces that were posted thereabout; and therefore when he had destroyed all Phrygia, he set upon Pisidia; where meeting with no obstacle he pillaged all the Country and went away.  
Which news though Gains heard, he was not any way concerned for the ravage which had been committed, because he remembered the agreement betwixt him and Tribigildus. But Leo in the mean time stayed in the parts adjacent to the Hellespont, and not only durst not fight Tribigildus, but said likewise, He was afraid, lest Tribigildus should send out some part of his Army another way and waste all the Country near the Hellespont before they were ware of him. By which means it so happened, that Tribigildus took all the Towns without any let or hindrance, and killed all the Inhabitants together with the Soldiers; nor was there ever a Barbarian that fought for the Romans. For they mingled themselves in the several conflicts among those of their own Nation, and opposed the Roman Subjects.  
In the mean while Gaines, though he seemed to be sorry for the misfortunes of the Romans, yet he pretended to admire the Stratagems and Prowess of Tribigildus, declaring him to be invincible upon the account of his prudence, and that he overcame them more by his conduct than his strength. And therefore when he was got over into Asia, he made no attempt upon any one, but slighted and neglected the ruin of the Towns and Countries. Nor did he do any more than just follow the Enemy, and behave himself somewhat like a bare Spectator of the action, expecting when Tribigildus would go into the East, and sending forces to him privately to assist him in his enterprises, having not yet discovered his Opinion as to the present state of Affairs. Now if Tribigildus had gone into Phrygia and so, not into Pisidia, but straight into Lydia, he could have met with no obstacle, but, when he had made himself Master of that, might have destroyed jonia too. And from thence passing by Sea into the Isles where he might have got what shipping he had pleased, it had been easy for him to have over run all the East, and pillaged every Country betwixt that and Egypt, seeing there was no Army able to cope with him. But he not thinking of these things, and resolving to march into Pamphilia which borders upon Pisidia, litt into cumbersome ways, where his Horse could by no means pass. But seeing that no Army withstood them, one Valentine, of Selga (which is a little Town in Pamphilia, standing upon an Hill) who was a pretty good Scholar, and not altogether unskilful in military Affairs, gathered together a company of Slaves and Country fellows, who had been used continually to fight against the Robbers thereabouts, and posted them upon the Hills above those places through which Tribigildus was to march; in such a manner that they could see every one who passed that way, but no body could see them, though the Enemy marched by in the daytime. Tribigildus therefore with his Barbarians, taking the plainer way into the lower parts of Pamphylia, and coming in the Nighttime into the Fields under Selga, the Barbarians were severely pelted with Slings that threw stones down upon 'em as much as a Man can grasp and bigger: For from that higher ground it was ea●y to cast stones a little bigger than ordinary. Now therefore seeing there was no way to escape (for on the one side of the way there was a deep Lake and Fens, and on the other a steep, narrow pass, that would scarce admit two Men a breast (which ascent because it is roundish and winding, the Natives call, The Snail, from the similitude it bears to that Animal) where one Florentius was planted with Men enough to hinder all such as should attempt to come that way) the Barbarians being penned up in these places, and continually pelted with abundance of huge stones, were most of them knocked on the head. For, being they were so streighten'd for room, the stones that fell from above could not miss of killing one or other of 'em. And therefore not knowing what in the earth to do, most of 'em threw themselves and their Horses into the Lake, and to avoid Death by the stones, perished in the Fens: whilst Tribigildus with three hundred Men got up upon the Snail, where he corrupted Florentius and the Guards that were with him for a vast Sum of Money to let them pass: and when he by this means had escaped, he suffered all the rest to be utterly destroyed. But though Tribigildus thought that he hereby had freed himself from all the danger which Valentine brought upon him, yet he fell headlong presently into far greater perils than the former. For almost all the Inhabitants of the several Towns, arming themselves with what came next to hand, enclosed him and the three hundred Men who escaped along with him between the Rivers Melanes and Eurymedon, of which the one runs above Sida, and the other through Aspendus. Wherefore being thus straightened and not knowing what to do, he sent to Gaines. But Gaines though he were sorry for what had happened, yet having not yet revealed his mind as to the Rebellion, he sent Leo, the next Commander to himself, to assist the Pamphylians, and to join with Valentine against Tribigildus, so as not to suffer him and his Men to cross the Rivers. Whereupon Leo, though he were a Man naturally of a low spirit, and devoted all his life-time to pleasure, yet he obeyed his Orders. And this made Gains afraid, lest Tribigildus, being beset on every side, and not having strength enough to fight the Enemy, might be totally destroyed. Wherefore he sent other Troops of Barbarians that he had with him, into the Roman Camp, not only by degrees to waste it, but to make way for Tribigildus' escape. So the Barbarians whom Gains gave to Leo, as Auxiliaries, fell upon all the Romans which they met with, spoiled the Country, and killed the Soldiers; nor did they cease to attaque all places, till they had cut off Leo with all his Army, and made almost the whole Country like a Desert: so that by this means Gaines' design took effect. For Tribigildus being escaped out of Pamphylia, laid greater afflictions than the former upon the Cities of Phrygia. From whence Gaines took occasion to extol his Achievements very highly to the Emperor, and put the Senate together with the whole Court into such a fear of him, that he threatened and told 'em, he would come to the very Hellespont, and go near to turn all things topsy-turvy if the Emperor would not vouchsafe to take some care in satisfying his requests.  
But Gaines did this out of policy, at once to conceal his inclinations from the Emperor, and by those respects which were shown to Tribigildus to get an occasion of putting his own project in execution. For it did not vex him so much that he himself was slighted, as that Eutropius was advanced to the highest pitch of Power, so as to be reckoned among the Consuls, called by their Style for a great while together, and honoured with the dignity of a Patrician. For these were the things that most moved Gains to Sedition: and therefore when he was ready for it, he first thought fit to contrive Eutropius' death. To which end whilst he was yet in Phrygia, he sent to the Emperor, and told him that he despaired of any good success, since Tribigildus was so subtle a Warrior, and besides that, that it was impossible to sustain his fury or deliver Asia from the present extremities, unless the Emperor would be pleased to comply with his request, which was this: That Eutropius who was the greatest cause of all the mischief that had happened, might be delivered into his hands, to be disposed on as he thought fit.  
Which when the Emperor Arcadius heard, he presently sent for Eutropius, degraded him from his Honours, and dismissed him. Whereupon he immediately ran into a Church of the Christians which by him was made a Sanctuary or Place of Refuge. But because Gaines was so urgent, and said that Tribigildus would never be quiet till Eutropius was removed, they took him by force (even against the Law for making Churches Sanctuaries,) and sent him into Cyprus, with a strict Guard upon him. But Gaines being still very instant and urging the Emperor Arcadius on still to take him off, the emperor's Attendants made an equivocating evasion upon the Oath which was Sworn to Eutropius when he was dragged out of the Church, and caused him to be sent for back out of Cyprus; and then, as if they had only sworn not to kill him as long as he was at Constantinople, they sent him to Charcedon and there murdered him. Thus did Fortune deal very strangely with Eutropius on both hands, in raising him first to such an height as no Eunuch before had attained to, and then exposing him to death through the hatred which they who were Enemies to the Commonwealth professed against him.  
But Gaines though he were now apparently inclined to innovation, yet thought himself undiscovered: and therefore being absolute Master of Tribigildus' Soul, for that he was much above him in Power and Authority, he personated him and made a Peace with the Emperor; and after having mutually both taken and given their Oaths, he returned again through Phrygia and Lydia. And that way Tribigildus followed him, marching through the upper Lydia in such a manner that he never set sight upon Sardeis, which is the Metropolis of Lydia. But when they were joined into one body at Thyatira, Tribigildus repent that he had left Sardeis unsacked, since it was so easy a matter to take a City, as that was, quite destitute of all defence. Wherefore he resolved to return thither along with Gains and storm that City. And their design had certainly taken effect, if a great deal of Rain had not fallen which made a Flood upon the Land, and raised the Rivers so high that they were unpassable; whereby their journey was stopped. Whereupon they divided the Country between 'em, and led their Forces, Gains toward Bythinia, and the other toward the Hellespont, permitting the Barbarians that followed 'em to plunder all before 'em. And by that time the one came to Chalcedon, the other had gotten possession of all the places near to Lampsacus; so that Constantinople and even the whole Roman Empire was in extreme danger. And then did Gaines desire the Emperor would come to him, being resolved to parley with no body but him himself in Person. To which the Emperor submitted and they met in a place near Chalcedon, where there is a Church dedicated to the holy Martyr Euphemia, who is honoured for her devotion to Christ. And there it was agreed, that Gains and Tribigildus should come over out of Asia into Europe, and that the most eminent Men in all the Commonwealth should be delivered into their hands to be put to death. Of which number were Aurelianus, who was that year Consul, and Saturninus, who had been a Consul, and John, whom the Emperor trusted with all his secrets, and who, many people said, was the Father of Arcadius' Son.  
And this request did the Emperor grant though it was so tyrannical. But when Gaines had gotten these Men in his clutches, he laid his Sword no more than just upon the skin of their Bodies, and was content to let them suffer banishment only. After which he crossed over into Thrace, whither he commanded Tribigildus to follow him, leaving Asia, that was now beginning to breath again, and like to be delivered from all those dangers which beset it. But whilst he lived at Constantinople, he dispersed his Soldiers into several quarters; insomuch, that he bereavest the City even of the very Court-Guards; giving the Barbarians certain private Signals, with a charge, that when they saw the Soldiers were gone out of the City, they should immediately invade it, being now destitute of all defence, and deliver up the sole Power to him alone.  
Having given these Orders to the Barbarians under his Command, he went out of the City, pretending that the fatigue of War had made him sick, and that he therefore wanted some refreshment, which he should never have, if he did not live some time without care. Wherefore he left the Barbarians in the City, who were a great many more in number than the Court-Guards, and retired to a Villa or Countryhouse, some forty furlongs from the City: whence he expected an opportunity of invading it, as soon as the Barbarians there should have made their attempt. And as Gaines was filled with these hopes; so had he not been carried away with the heat of a Barbarian, and anticipated the proper season for it, the Barbarians must of necessity have made themselves Masters of the City. But he not staying for the Signal drew his Soldiers to the Wall, and thereby made the Sentinels who were affrighted at the sight, give an Alarm. And thereupon immediately there was a general tumult, with lamentation of the Women, and such promiscuous cries, as if the City had been already taken; till at length they ran all together and fell upon the Barbarians that were in the City. And when they had killed 'em with Swords, Stones, and other Weapons whatever came to their hands, they ran up upon the Wall, and with the assistance of the Guards so pelted Gaines' Men, that they beat 'em off from coming into the City with every thing that fell in their way.  
But when the City had thus escaped their danger, the Barbarians being enclosed by those within, and more than seven thousand got into a Church belonging to the Christians, that stands near the Palace, making that their Sanctuary to preserve 'em; the Emperor commanded 'em to be slain even in that place, nor would he let it be a sufficient refuge for 'em, whereby to avoid the just penalty which was due to their bold actions. But though the Emperor commanded it so to be, yet no Man durst lay hands upon them, to pull 'em out of the Sanctuaries, for fear lest they should attempt to defend themselves. They therefore thought it best to take off the roof of the Church over the Altar (as they call it) and that those who were appointed for the purpose, should throw down firebrands upon on 'em so long till they had burnt 'em every man to death. And by this means were the Barbarians destroyed; which to some that were very zealous for Christianity seemed a most abominable crime to be committed in the midst of such a great City.  
Now therefore when Gaines was disappointed in this his great Attempt, he openly made preparation for a War against the Commonwealth. But setting first upon the Countries in Thrace, he found their Cities well fenced with Walls, and guarded by the Magistrates and Inhabitants. For they having been used to Wars and taught by former incursions how to take care of themselves, were ready to fight with all their souls: wherefore Gaines, seeing nothing left without their Walls but Grass (for they had gathered up all kind of Fruits,  and other provisions) he resolved to leave Thrace and make haste into Cherronesus, with an intention to return through the straits of the Hellespont into Asia. But whilst he was deliberating upon these matters, the Emperor and Senate with one accord chose Fraiutus General for the War against Gaines; who though he were a Barbarian born, yet he was a Grecian in all other respects, and that not only in his manner of living, but in his Mind and Religion. And therefore to him (who had been a famous Leader in many Wars and freed all the East from Cilicia to Phenice and Palestine, from the plague of Robbers) did they commit the conduct of their Army. Which when he had received, he opposed Gaines, not suffering the Barbarians to pass over the Hellespont into Asia. But whilst that Gaines was a preparing for their fight, Fraiutus could not endure his Men should be idle, and therefore kept 'em to continual exercise; by which he made 'em so fit for service, that, instead of their former sloth and laziness, they were discontented that Gains delayed the War so long.  
Thus was Fraiutus employed in Asia, viewing not only his own Camp both Night and Day, but observing also the motions of the Enemy: Besides which, he likewise took care of the shipping. For he had a Fleet enough to maintain a Sea fight, of Ships called [Liburnae] from a Town in Italy [called Libarnia] where that sort of Ships werefirst built. And these Ships seemed to have been as swiftsailers as those with fifty Oars, though they were much inferior to them of three Oars to each bank, and have not been built of a long time. Yet Polybius the Historian seems to tell us the proportions of Six Oared Ships, which the Romans and the Carthaginians seem to have used in their fights against one another. But in the mean time Gaines having forced his way through the Long-Wall into Cherronesus, had ranged his Men all along that rising shore in Thrace, that reaches from over against Parium as far as Lampsacus, Abydus, and those places that make that straight Sea. Whilst, on the other hand, the Roman General sailed all about Asia, both Night and Day to pry into the Enemy's designs. But Gaines, for want of necessary provisions, being troubled that the time was so protracted, cut down a quantity of Timber Trees out of a Wood in Cherronesus, which he fastened together very accurately, and making them fit to receive both Men and Horses, set his Men and their Horses upon them and so let 'em swim with the Stream, or Tide. For they could not be either managed with Oars, or any otherwise admit of the Pilot's Skill, being made so in haste without any Art at all, by the rude contrivance of Barbarians. But he himself stayed upon the shore, in hopes that he should quickly get the Victory, for that the Romans could not be any way strong enough to grapple with his Men in this engagement. Nor was the wise Roman General unaware of that truth; and therefore giving a guess what was to be done, commanded his Ships to put a little off from the Land: and seeing the Tumultuary Vessels of the Barbarians carried down with the stream wheresoever it drove them, he first attaqued one that came in the foremost range of Timber, and having a Ship with a brazen Stem, was much too strong for it; for he not only bore hard upon it with his Ship, but so pelted the Men that were upon it with Darts that he sunk both that and them together. Which when the rest of his Ships Crews saw, and imitated, they killed some with Darts, whilst some fell off the Timbers and were drowned, nor could any one of 'em hardly escape death. At which great Overthrow Gaines being much concerned, and knowing not what to do, since he had lost so many of his Fellow-Soldiers, he removed a little out of Cherronesus into that part of Thrace that lies beyond it. But Fraiutus at that time did not think fit to follow Gains in his flight, but mustered up his Men in the same place, and was content with the Victory that Fortune had bestowed upon him. And when almost all People accused Fraiutus for not pursuing Gaines, but sparing him, because Gaines and those that fled away with him, were Fraiutus' Countrymen, yet he, who was conscious of no such thing, returned to the Emperor, very proud of his Victory, which he freely and boldly imputed to the favour of the Gods whom he worshipped. For he was not ashamed, even in the Emperor's presence, to profess, that he worshipped and honoured the Gods after the ●●●ent way of his 〈…〉 not follow the vul●●●● 〈…〉 case. So the Emperor received him very kindly and made him Consul. But Gain. in the mean while, having lost most part of his Army, as I told you, ran away with the rest to the River Ister: where seeing Thrace laid waste by the former inroads into it, he plundered every thing that came to his hand. but fearing, lest another Roman Army should follow him and attaque his Barbarians, who were but few, and besides that, suspecting those Romans who went along with him, he killed 'em every Man, before they knew any thing of his intention, and afterward with his Barbarians crossed the Ister with a design to go into his own Country and there spend the rest of his days.  
But whilst Gaines was doing this, one Vldes, who at that time was Prince of the Hunns, believing it unsafe for him to suffer a Barbarian with an Army of his own at his heels, to have any habitation beyond the Ister; and at the same time supposing that he should gratify the Emperor if he expelled him out of the Country, provided to fight him, and having mustered up a considerable number of Men put 'em into Battalia against the Enemy. So likewise Gains on the other side, seeing he could neither return to the Romans, nor otherwise escape the shock that Vldes had threatened, armed those Men whom he had with him, and met the Hunns. And after several Engagements between the two Armies, in some of which Gaines' party bore up very stoutly, at last, after many of his Men were slain, even Gains himself also was killed, though he fought with great courage and bravery.  
And now the War being ended by the death of Gaines, that Vldes, the Prince of the Hunns sent his Head to Arcadius the Emperor, and was rewarded for sodoing: Whereupon he made a League with the Romans. But Affairs being carried without any conduct, because the Emperor had no Prudence at all, the Estate of Thrace was again disturbed. For there were a company of Fugitive Slaves, and others that had run away from their ranks, pretending themselves to be Hunns, pillaged all the Fields and took whatever they found without doors; till such time as Fraiutus went against 'em and killing all he litt upon, put the Inhabitants out of fear.— Here is a Chasm, which 'tis in vain for any one to think of filling up, unless he gives himself the liberty of only guessing at it. The sense therefore, such as may be deduced from the precedent passages, is this. Gains formerly required that Aurelianus, Saturninus, and Johannes should be delivered into his hands, that he might punish 'em as he pleased; and therefore, 'tis probable, he committed 'em to Custody till he should think fit to inflict some punishment upon them. But when Fraiutus pursued the remaining part of Gaines' Army, who was now killed, the Keepers gave their Prisoners free leave to escape, for fear lest they should far but very hardly if they fell into Fraiutus' hands. Hence does Sylburgius conjecture that [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] i. e. in Latin Characters [liam] is the latter end of the word [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] [Thessaliam] or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Paraliam] which signifies, near the Sea-Coast; into which Country Fraiutus designed to go over, to catch the Traitors and punish 'em according to their demerits, and then you must suppose that the next words relate to them when it is said— fearing lest they should be but roughly dealt withal. But meeting with him they landed in Epirus, where consulting how to save themselves, (for they were in great danger upon the account of their extraordinary Offence) they gave their Prisoners an opportunity to escape: though others say, they gave Money to be dismissed. But howsoever they got away, they came back to Constantinople beyond all expectation, where they appeared before the Emperor, the Senate and all other People.  
Now from this time was the hatred which the Empress had conceived against John (who was a Christian Bishop) very much increased; for though she had been displeased at him formerly, for being somewhat sharp upon her in his public Homilies before the People, yet at this juncture, when he and the other two were come home again, she broke out into an open abhorrence of him. Wherefore to satisfy her passion, she did both what she pleased, and what she could to make the Bishops in all places consent to John's removal; of whom the first and chiefest was Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria in Egypt, who was the first that opposed the ancient holy Rites and Ceremonies. And though indeed there was a Debate proposed to be held about it, yet John seeing that things did not proceed with such equity as they ought to have done, went out of Constantinople of his own accord. At which the People being disturbed (for he was excellent good at obliging the brutish common People) the City was in a Tumult, and the Christian Church was filled with them, that they call Monks. Now these are a sort of Men that abstain from lawful marriage, and furnish populous Colleges, in several Cities and Villages, with unmarried Men, who are not fit for War, nor any other service in the Commonwealth: save only, that by going on in their way, from that time to this, they have gotten a great deal of Land into their possession, and under pretence of charity to the Poor, have made (I had almost said) all other Men, Beggars. And these Men having gotten into the Churches, hindered the People from coming to their usual Devotion. At which the People and the Soldiers too were so vexed, that they desired to correct, and lop off (as it were) the luxuriant boldness of the Monks. And having the Signal given 'em for the same purpose, they marched out boldly and without any trial or examination put 'em all to the Sword, till they filled the Church with dead bodies, and pursuing those that ran away wounded every Man that they met in black Clothes. Among whom many died by mistake, who either were in mourning, or upon any other occasion were in such a habit.  
But by this time John being returned attempted the same things over again, and stirred up the like troubles in the City: where the number of Sycophants being now greater than ever they had been, and always attending upon the Court-eunuches, if any rich Man died, they brought an account of his Estate, as if he had had no Children or Relations. Whereupon the Emperor's Letters were issued out, to command that John do should have Richard Roes Estate. Nay, men's Inheritances were disposed of to any that begged 'em, though the Children of the Party stood by lamenting and calling upon their Parents. In fine, there was nothing but filled the Cities and Towns with sorrow, and did the Inhabitants an unreasonable deal of injury. For the Emperor being a mere Fool, his Wife, who was arrogant above all the rest of Woman kind, and devoted both to the insatiable avarice of Eunuches and the Women who were about her, and ruled her most, made every body weary of their life; insomuch that to modest People nothing was more eligible than Death.  
And as if these things were not sufficient, there was misfortune that fell upon Constantinople much greater than can be expressed, in this manner. John, as I told you, coming home again after his banishment, and instigating the People against the Empress in his usual Homilies or Sermons, and seeing himself expelled both from the Sea Episcopal as also from the City, took shipping and left the Town. But those that were of his Party, endeavouring to procure that no Man should be Bishop after, resolved to destroy the City by Fire. And to that end having privately set fire to a Church in the Nighttime, and got them out of the City at break of Day (whereby they prevented the discovery of who they were) as soon as it was broad day they showed all the People in what extremity of danger the City was. For not only that Church was burned to the ground, but the contiguous Houses also were consumed, especially those upon whom the violence of the Wind drove the fire. But besides them, the fire caught in the Senate-House, which stood before the Palace, and was a most beautiful, magnificent Structure. For it was adorned with the Statues of famous Artists, that looked very gloriously, and with such colours in Marble, as are not now to be found in any Mines. Nay, they say, that those Images, which were formerly consecrated in Helicon to the Muses, and in the time of Constantine were sufferers by that universal Sacrilege, being set up and dedicated in this place were burned at the same time, to signify that disaffection which all Men should one day bear to the Muses.  
But because there was a kind of Miracle wrought at that time, I think it worth the relating. This Temple of the Senate, for the sake of which I tell you this Story, had the Statues of Jupiter and Minerva before the doors of it, standing upon two stone Pedestals, as they do to this day. Now they say, that of Jupiter is Jupiter Dodonaeus, and the other, of Minerva, the same which was formerly consecrated in Lindus. When therefore the fire had consumed all the Temple, the Lead upon the roof also being melted ran down upon the Statues, as likewise all the stones that could not resist the force of the fire fell upon them, till at last when the beauty of the building was all turned into one heap of rubblish, it was the common Opinion that these two Statues also were reduced to ashes. But when the place was cleansed and ready to be rebuilt, upon it showed the Statues of those two Deities only, which had escaped the universal ruin. Which Accident gave all those who were above the ordinary rank of Men some better hopes of the City, as if these Deities resolved to take continual care of it.  
But let these things go as God will have 'em; [whilst I return thither from whence I digressed.] Now all People being sorry for this calamity of the City, though they found no reason for it but blind Chance (as the saying is) the Emperor's Attendants were intent upon the rebuilding of the ruinated Houses. But at the same time it was reported at Court, that a great number of Isaurians, who live above Pamphylia and Cilicia continually in the craggy inaccessible Mountains of Taurus, being divided into several Bands of Robbers, invaded the adjacent Champaign Country. And though they were not strong enough to attack the walled Towns, yet they over-ran all the unwalled Villages and plundered all before 'em. For the former ravage which was committed there by Tribigildus and his Barbarians, made their present incursions the more easy. But when this news was brought, Arbazacius was sent out as General, to assist the oppressed Pamphylians. Who having got a good competent Army along with him, and pursued the Robbers up into the Mountains, he took most of their Villages, and killed abundance of Men. And indeed he might easily have perfectly subdued 'em, and put the Towns in absolute security, had he not remitted great part of his vigour by giving himself up to luxury and filthy pleasures, or through his covetousness preferred Riches before the public good. For which his treacherous behaviour being summoned to appear before the Emperor, he expected to be tried, but by giving part of that which he took from the Isaurians to the Empress, he not only escaped the Law, but spent the rest of his Money in such pleasures as that City afforded.  
Thus did the Isaurians content themselves with private Robberies, and were not yet broken out into an open invasion upon the neighbouring Nations. But in the mean time Alarichus, being departed (as I told you before) out of Peloponnesus, and all that Country which the River Achelous passes through, he made an Halt in Epirus, where the Molossians, the Thesprotians, and other People live, as far as Epidamnus and the Taulantians Country, to wait till Stilico had brought about what they had agreed upon, which was this: Stilico seeing that Arcadius' Ministers of State were disaffected to him, intended, by the assistance of Alarichus, to add all the Illyrian Countries to the Empire of Honorius. And having made a compact with Alarichus to that purpose, he expected shortly to put his design in execution. But whilst Alarichus waited his Commands, one Rhodogaisus having mustered up four hundred thousand of the Celtic and the Germane People that live beyond the Ister, and the Rhine, made preparations to pass over into Italy. Which News when it was first told put all People into a consternation; and yet though the several Towns were fallen into despair, and even Rome itself very apprehensive of its extreme danger, Stilico took all the Forces with him which were at Ticinum in Liguria (which were some thirty Companies) with all the Auxiliaries that he could get of the Alani and the Hunni, and without staying for the Enemies coming, crossed the Ister with his whole Army. By which means setting upon the Barbarians before they were ware, he utterly destroyed their whole Forces, insomuch that none of 'em escaped except some few that he added to the Roman Auxiliaries. Now Stilico being, as you may guests, very proud of this Victory, he returned with his Army and had Garlands given him by almost all People, as having so strangely delivered Italy from the dangers that she so much feared or expected. But at Ravenna (which is the Metropolis of Flaminia [Romagna] an ancient City, and a Colony of the Thessalians, called Rhine, because the Water runs round it [as the word Rhine imports] and not as Olympiodorus of Thebes says, that it was so called from Remus, Brother to Romulus, who was the builder of it; for he must leave that to Quadratus, who hath mentioned this very matter in his History of the Emperor Marcus) at this same Ravenna, I say, Stilico being intent upon his preparations to attaque the Illyrian Cities, and by the help of Alarichus not only to draw 'em off from Arcadius, but to join 'em to the Empire of Honorius, there happened two impediments to fall at once in his way: which were, a report that Alarichus was dead, and Letters of the Emperor Honorius from Rome, that gave him account how Constantine was turned Rebel and come out of the Island of Britain into the Countries beyond the Alps where he carried himself in their Cities like an Emperor. But the discourse concerning Alarichus' death seemed to be doubtful, before certain Persons came and assured him how it really was. But what was said of Constantine's setting up for the Empire was believed by all Men. By which means Stilico being hindered from his intended expedition against the Illyrians came to Rome, to consult with others concerning the present State of Affairs.  
But after Autumn, when Winter was come on (Bassus and Philippus being chosen Consuls) the Emperor Honorius, who had long lost his Wife Maria, desired to have her Sister Thermantia. But Stilico seemed not to approve of that Proposal, though Serena promoted it, as having a mind it should be a Match, upon this score: When Mary was to be married to Honorius, her Mother seeing the Damsel too young for an Husband, and yet being unwilling to defer the Marriage, though she thought that, to let a Man lie with such a tender Creature, was to offer violence to Nature, she got a certain Woman who knew how to manage such Affairs, and, by her means contrived it so, that Maria should live with the Emperor, and be his Bedfellow, but that he neither should nor could do Family duty to her. But, in the mean time the Damsel died a pure Virgin, and so Serena, who, you may well imagine, was desirous to be Grandmother to a young Emperor or Empress, for fear of having her great Power lessened, did what she could to marry her other Daughter to Honorius. Which being brought to pass, the Girl not long after died, in the same manner as the former did. And about the same time Stilico was informed, that Alarichus having left Epirus, and got through those straits that obstruct the passage from Pannonia to Venice, had pitched his Camp at a Town called Emo, which lies between the upper Pannonia and Noricum. Now it is worth while to remark, what is observable concerning this same Town, and how it came first to be built. They say, that the Argonauts being pursued by Aeetas, arrived at the mouth of the Ister where it disembogues itself into the Pontus, and thought it the best way for 'em to go up this River against the stream with the help of Oars, and a convenient gale of Wind together till they came nearer to the Sea. And when they had so done, and were arrived at this Place, they left a memorial of their coming to it, which was the building of this Town, and afterward putting their Ship, the Argo, upon Machine's or Engines for the purpose, they drew it four hundred furlongs off, even to the Sea side and so arrived at the Thessalian shore, as Pisander the Poet says, who has comprehended almost the whole Story in a Poem, called The Heroic marriages of the Gods. But Alarichus having marched out of Emo, and, crossing the River Aquilis, got over the Apennine Mountains, came into Noricum. Now the Apennine Mountains lie just upon the borders of Pannonia, and make the way to Noricum very narrow; and therefore though the Pass be kept by a small Guard, a great number must labour hard to get through it. But notwithstanding the difficulty, Alarichus marched through into Noricum and from thence an Embassy to Stilico, to desire a supply of Money not only upon the account of his stay in Epirus, which he said was made by the persuasions of Stilico, but also to defray his Journey into Noricum and Italy. But Stilico, though he received the Embassy, left the Ambassadors at Ravenna and went himself to Rome, with a design to consult the Emperor and the Senate in the Affair. But when the Senate met at the Imperial Palace, and proposed to debate whether they should proclaim a War or no, they were most of 'em for fight. Only Stilico and some few others, who complied with him out of pure fear, were of a contrary Opinion, and voted for a Peace with Alarichus. Now therefore when those that were for a War, desired to know of Stilico, why he was more for Peace than War; nay, to the dishonour of the Roman Name and glory, would meanly purchase it with Money. He replied; Alarichus has stayed thus long in Epirus, that he may join with me in a War against the Emperor of the West, and drawing the Illyrians from under that Dominion, make them additional Subjects to Honorius. And this had been done before that time [he said] if the Emperor Honorius' Letters had not come in the mean while and stopped his Journey into the East, in expectation whereof Alarichus had spent so much time in that Country. And as Stilico said these words, he produced an Epistle from the Emperor, and said, Serena was the cause of all, as being minded to preserve an inviolable friendship between the two Emperors.  
Since therefore they all thought Stilico spoke nothing but reason, the Senate was pleased to order that Alarichus should have three thousand pounds upon the account of a Peace, though most of 'em gave their Votes more out of fear to Stilico than their own judgement or inclination. For that was the reason that Lampadius, a Person of great Birth and Quality, having uttered this Latin Sentence [Non est ista Pax, sed Pactio Servitutis] which in English is thus [This is not the bond of Peace but of Slavery] was fain, as soon as the Senate was dismissed, to fly into a neighbouring Church belonging to the Christians, for fear of suffering for the freedom, that he took in so saying.  
When therefore Stilico had made the Peace with Alarichus after this manner, he prepared himself very earnestly for his Journey, to put his designs in execution. But the Emperor said that he would go also from Rome to Ravenna, to view and congratulate the Army, especially since such and so great an Enemy was come into Italy: though he did not say so of his own inclination but was persuaded to it by Serena. For she had a mind to have him live in a securer City, so that if Alarichus should break the Peace and invade Rome, he might not take the Emperor too: but she was the more zealous to preserve him, since her own safety depended upon his. But Stilico, being much against the Emperor's going to Ravenna, contrived many Obstacles to hinder it. To which seeing the Emperor for all that would not give way, but was still intent upon his Journey, one Sarus, a Barbarian, and Captain of a Company of Barbarians at Ravenna, made a mutiny before the City at the instigation of Stilico: not that he really designed to put things into a confusion, but to frighten the Emperor out of his intention of coming to Ravenna. But seeing the Emperor persisted in his resolution, Justinianus, an excellent Lawyer at Rome, whom Stilico made his Assistant and Counsellor, through the sagacity of his judgement, seemed to give a shrewd guess at what the Design was upon which the Emperor took that Journey; and that the Soldiers who were in Ticinum, and disaffected to Stilico (when the Emperor came thither) would reduce him into very dangerous circumstances. Wherefore he continually advised him to persuade the Emperor out of his present intentions. But when he saw the Emperor would not hearken to Stilico's Counsel, he went away from him, lest he through his familiarity with Stilico should have suffered under the same misfortune.  
But before this time there had been a report at Rome. that the Emperor Arcadius was dead, which was confirmed after the Emperor Honorius went for Ravenna: and therefore seeing Stilico was at Ravenna, whilst the Emperor was at a City in Aemilia, called Bononia, some seventy Miles (as they call 'em [in Latin, Septuaginta Millarium spatio] he sent for Stilico to chastise the Soldiers who mutinyed by the way among themselves. Whereupon when Stilico had gathered the mutinous Soldiers together, and told 'em that the Emperor had not only commanded him to correct 'em for it, but to make a Decumation or Tithing, among 'em, and punish all the most guilty with death [by picking out every tenth Man] he put 'em into such a fright, that they all burst out into tears, and desiring him to take pity on them, made him promise them the Emperor's Pardon. And when the Emperor had performed what he had promised they applied themselves to public business. For Stilico was desirous to go into the East, or manage Affairs for Theodosius (Son to Arcadius) who was very young and wanted a Governor. And Honorius himself also was a thinking to go the same Journey, with a design to secure that young Emperor's Dominions. But Stilico, being disgusted upon that account, and showing him by computation what a vast Sum of Money it would cost him to defray such an expedition, deterred the Emperor from that enterprise. But he told him likewise that Constantine's Rebellion would not permit him to go so far off as not to take care of Italy and Rome itself, since that Usurper Constantine had over-ran all Gallia and lived then at Orleans. Nay more, that, though what he had said was enough to deserve the Emperor's care and Presence, Alarichus also was acoming with such a vast Army of Barbarians; who as he was a Barbarian and a faithless Fellow, so when he found Italy destitute of all assistance, would certainly invade it. Wherefore he thought it the best Counsel, and most conducing to public good, for Alarichus to undertake the Expedition against that Rebel Constantine, along with part of his Barbarians, some Roman Legions and their Officers, who should be sharers with him in the War; and then, for Stilico himself to go into the East, if the Emperor commanded it, and would give him instructions what to do there.  
The Emperor, who thought that Stilico said nothing but what was right, gave him Letters both to the Emperor of the East and to Alarichus, and so departed from Bononia. But Stilico stayed there, and went neither into the East, nor did any thing else that was designed. Nay he did not so much as send over any of those Soldiers, that were in Ticinum, to Ravenna, or any other place, lest they should meet the Emperor by the way and set him upon doing something to his prejudice.  
But Stilico being in these circumstances, though he were conscious of no ill intention either against the Emperor or Soldiers, one 
* When Stilico did what he could to put the Court into Confusion, as Sozomen says, b. 9 c. 4. Olympius, discovering his design, acquainted Honorius, that Stilico endeavoured to get the Empire into his own hands, and make his Son Eucherius his Partner in it, who was no doubt a Gentile and an Enemy to the Christians. And therefore we may the less admire why he is painted in such colours by Z●simus, with whom it is equivolent to all other Crimes, merely to be a Christian.  Olympius, who was born near the Euxine Sea, and a great Officer in the Court Guards, concealing a great deal of wickedness in his heart under the disguise of Christian Religion, and being used to have frequent Discourses with the Emperor upon the account of his pretended modesty and good carriage, said many a stabbing word (to speak Poetically) against Stilico, and that he desired to go into the East for no other reason but to get an opportunity of removing young Theodosius, and putting the Empire into the hands of his own Son, Eucherius. And these things he told the Emperor as they traveled along, having a good occasion then to do it. But when the Emperor was at Ticinum, Olympius, using to visit the sick Soldiers (which was the very Masterpiece of all his hypocritical virtue) he dispersed such incantations [or false insinuating Stories] among them too. But when the Emperor had been four days at Ticinum, all the Soldiers being called together into the Court, the Emperor appeared before 'em, and encouraged 'em to a War against the Rebel, Constantine. And seeing no body was moved at any thing concerning Stilico, Olympius was observed to nod toward the Soldiers, as if he would have put them in mind of what he had said to 'em in private. At which they were almost mad, and killed Limenius, who was Perfect of the Court in the Nations beyond the Alps, and with him one Chariobaudes, who was General of the Legions in those parts. For these two had by chance escaped the Tyrant's hands and were come to the Emperor at Ticinum. But besides these two there were slain, Vincentius and Salvius, the one General of the Horse, and the other Commander of the Domestic Forces. But seeing the Tumult increased, the Emperor retired into the Palace, and some of the Magistrates escaped, and then the Soldiers dispersing themselves about the City, killed as many of the Magistrates as they could, pulling them out of the Houses into which they had fled: and plundered all the Town: Insomuch that when the Disease was past all cure, the Emperor put on a short Coat, without either his long Robe or his Diadem; and coming forth into the midst of the City, had very much ado to restrain and curb the fury of the People. For those Magistrates also, who were taken even after their flight, were cut off; as Naemorius, Master of the Court-bands, and Petronius, the Treasurer and Stewart of the Emperor's private Patrimony; besides Salvius, whose Office it was to declare what the Emperor thought fit to do [upon any occasion] and was called Quaestor ever since the time of Constantine. Nor could this Man escape Death, though he embraced and hugged the Emperor's feet. But the Tumult continuing till late at Night, and the Emperor fearing lest any thing should be committed against his own Person also, (for which reason he withdrew) they happening to find Loaginianus. who was Perfect of the Court in Italy, killed him. Now all these Magistrates were slain by the mad Soldiers: but there perished of promiscuous people also so great a number as cannot easily be computed.  
When this news came to Stilico, who was then at Bononia, a City of Aemilia (as I told you) it troubled him extremely. And therefore calling together all the Commanders of his Confederate Barbarians who were with him, he proposed a Consultation concerning what was most fit to be done. And there it was agreed by common consent, that if the Emperor were slain (which was yet doubtful) all the Confederate Barbarians at one time should join together and fall upon the Roman Soldiers, and by that means make all others more modest and civil. But if the Emperor appeared to be safe, though the Magistrates were taken off, that then the Authors of the Tumult should be brought to condign punishment. And this was the result of that Consultation into which Stilico entered with his Barbarians. But when they knew that there was no indignity offered to the Emperor's Person, Stilico resolved to proceed no farther in punishing or correcting of the Soldiers, but to return to Ravenna. For he considered both the number of the Soldiers, and saw likewise that the Emperor was not steadfastly his Friend; not did he think it either honest or safe to set Barbarians upon the Roman Army.  
Now therefore Stilico being very anxious about these things, the Barbarians that were about him were very desirous to make their former resolutions valid, and therefore endeavoured to persuade him from those things that he afterwards thought fit to be done. But being not able to persuade him, all the rest determined to stay in some place or other till they were better informed what the Emperor's Opinion was of Stilico; only Sarus, who excelled all the other Confederates in strength and dignity, together with those Barbarians that were under him, having killed all the Hunns that were Stilico's Lifeguard (whilst they were asleep) and taken all his Carriages that followed him, went into his Tent, in which he stayed to expect what would be the issue [of such actions.] Whereupon Stilico seeing his Barbarians fell out among one another, went away to Ravenna, and engaged the Cities, in which there were any Women or Children belonging to the Barbarians, to receive ne'er a Soul of the Barbarians, if they came to 'em [for shelter.] But in the mean time Olympius being now grown Master of the King's Will, sent the Imperial Letters to the Soldiers at Ravenna, to command 'em presently to apprehend Stilico and keep him in Prison without Fetters. Which when Stilico heard of, he got into a Church of the Christians which was near, whilst it was yet Night; and his Barbarians, as also his other familiars, who, with his Servants were all armed, seeing that, expected what would follow. And when it was Day, the Soldiers going into the Church and swearing before the Bishop, that they were commanded by the Emperor not to kill him, but only to keep him in custody. But when he was got out of the Church and in the Soldiers custody, there were other Letters delivered by him that brought the former, wherein the penalty of Death was inflicted upon Stilico for his offences against the Commonwealth; insomuch that whilst Eucherius his Son fled away at this juncture toward Rome, Stilico was led to execution. But when the Barbarians about him, with his Servants and other Friends or Relations (of whom there were a vast number) were prepared and resolved to rescue him from the blow, Stilico deterred 'em from the enterprise with all fearful menaces imaginable, and in a manner submitted his Neck to the Sword, being the most modest and justest Person of almost all those that were Men of great Authority, in his time. For though he married Theodosius the elder Brother's Daughter [or Theodosius the elder's Niece by his Brother's side] and was entrusted with both the Empires of his two Sons, yea, had been a Commander twenty three years, yet he never appeared to make military Officers for Money, or to convert the Soldiers allowance to his own use. And being the Father of one Son only he proposed a dignity, or preferment to him, which was to be Tribune of the Notaries (as they call that Officer) and limited him that he should never desire or seek after any other Power or Authority. Now therefore that studious Men or Astrologers may not be ignorant when he died, it was under the Consulship of Bassus and Philippus, in which also the Emperor Arcadius submitted to Fate, upon the 22d of August.  
When Stilico was dead, all the Affairs of the Court were managed by Olympius, according to his own will and pleasure; and Olympius too had the Office of Magister, i. e. Master of the Court, whilst the Emperor distributed the rest to those whom Olympius thought fit to recommend. But in the mean while not only all his Friends, but even all others that had any kindness for Stilico were sought out; and of that number Deuterius who was Captain of the Guard of the Imperial Bedchamber was called in question, as also Petrus, Tribune of the Company of Notaries: and when they had been put to the public Torture, to make 'em confess something concerning Stilico, yet, they having nothing to say either against him or themselves either, Olympius failed of his desire, but caused them to be drubbed to Death with Cudgels. And though many others that were suspected to be Stilico's Friends and conscious of his Designs, were called to question and put to the Torture, to make 'em confess whether they knew of his Ambition to be Emperor, yet seeing ne'er a man of 'em would say any such thing, the curious enquirers into such matters desisted from their enterprise, But in the mean time Honorius the Emperor commanded his Wife Thermantia to be taken from the Imperial Throne and restored to her Mother, who for all that was not at all suspicacious: and ordered Eucherius, Stilico's Son, to be searched for and put to death. Whom when they had found in a Church at Rome, into which he had fled, they let him alone out of respect to the place. Whilst at the same time and in the same City of Rome one Heliocrates, who was the Treasurer, produced the Emperor's Letter, commanding that all who had born any Office in the time of Stilico, should be confiscated, and thereby was totally employed in gathering Money into the Treasury. But as if these things were not enough to satisfy that evil Genius that captivated mankind in Chains of Wickedness and confounded all things by a neglect of holy Rites, there was an addition made to all their former misfortunes, which was thus:  
The Soldiers that were in the City, when they heard of Stilico's death, ●ell upon all the Women and Children, that were in the City, belonging to the Barbarians: and having, as it were by a Signal, destroyed 'em every Soul, they plundered 'em of all they had. Which when the Relations of those that were slain came to hear, they met together from all quarters; and being mightily incensed at the Remans' for such an impious breach of their words which they had passed in the presence of the Gods, they all resolved to join themselves to Alarichus, and be his assistants in the War against Rome. Whereupon having mustered up something more than thirty thousand Men, they Rendezvouzed where they pleased. But Alarichus was not sufficiently excited even by these Men to undertake a War, but still preferred Peace, remembering the League which he made with Stilico. He therefore sent Ambassadors and desired to purchase a Peace, though with a small sum of Money, as likewise to have Aetius and Jason, the former, Son to Jovius, and the latter, to Gaudentius, for Hostages: and therewithal told 'em, that he would send them two under the like circumstances out of his Nobility, and having made peace upon such terms would lead his Army out of Noricum into Pannonia. But Alarichus demanding Peace upon these conditions, the Emperor refused him his Request, although he must have of necessity done one thing or other of two that were before him, if he would have disposed of his Affairs the right way. For he must either have deferred the War, and procured a Peace for some small sum, or if he would rather fight, he ought to have mustered up all the Legions that he could, and posted them in the Enemy's way to obstruct the Barbarians from coming any further on. Besides which, he should have chosen a fit Man to lead 'em and made Sarus General of the War, who in his own person was sufficient to strike a terror into the Enemies, upon the account both of his courage and his experience in Warlike Affairs, and had also a number of Barbarians under him enough to make a good defence. But he, on the contrary, neither embracing the offers of Peace, not making Sarus his Friend, nor mustering up the Roman Army, but placing all his hopes in the desires and wishes of Olympius, was the cause of so many calamities to the Commonwealth. For he made such Men Commanders as were contemptible in the esteem of the Enemy; to wit, Turpilio, whom he made General of the Horse, Varanes of the Foot, Vigilantius of the Domestics, and so of all other things accordingly. Upon which account all Men despaired and seemed to have the utter ruin of Italy even then before their Eyes.  
Now seeing these things were thus ordered, Alarichus began his expedition against Rome, and laughed at the preparations made by Honorius. And because he would not go about such a weighty business with only equal but rather far greater Forces than his Enemy, he sent for his Wife's Brother, called Ataulphus, out of the upper Pannonia, to be his Partner in the Action, as having a very considerable number of Gotths and Hunns to bring along with him. Yet nevertheless he did not stay for his Brother-in law's coming, but marching forward in haste, passed by Aquileia and all the other Cities in order that lie beyond the River Po, I mean Concordia, Altinum, and Cremona. And when he had crossed the River, being as it were at some Festival, and having no Enemy to stop him, he came into a certain Castle of Bononia, which they call Oecubaria. From whence passing by all Aemilia, and leaving Ravenna behind him he ●arne to Ariminum, a great City of Fla●●nia. But moving by that also with ●●eed, as he did by all the rest that were in that Province, he came into Picenum, which is a Nation lying in the extremity of the Ionian Bay. And from thence marching towards Rome, he sacked all the Castles and Towns that were in his way; insomuch that if Arsacius and Tarentius, the two Eunuches, had not made haste and so prevented the coming of the Barbarians into those parts as to bring Eucherius, Stilico's Son, before that time to Rome, to die according to the Emperor's Order, and executed what the Emperor commanded, the Youth had certainly fallen into the hands of Alarichus and been saved. But the Eunuches having fulfilled what was enjoined 'em upon that score, and delivered Thermantia, Honorius' Wife, to her Mother, they took shipping and went over to the Emperor in Gallia Celtica, where he than lived, because they could not go unto him the same way they came. Now upon this account the Emperor thinking he should do good service to the Commonwealth, if he rewarded these two Eunuches for their great exploits in restoring Thermantia to her Mother, and killing Eucherius, he made Tarentius Imperial Chamberlain, and gave Arsacius the next Place under him. Then having taken oft Bathanarius, who was Master of the Soldiers [Militum Magister, General] in the greater Libya, and Husband to Stilico's Sister, he gave that Command to Heraclianus who was the Man that killed Stilico, and received his Honour as the reward of that Action.  
But when Alarichus was near Rome, besieging those within, the Senate suspected Serena for bringing the Barbarians against their City. And therefore both the whole Senate and Placidia, who was the Emperor's own Sister by the Mother's side thought fit that she should die for it, as being the cause of all the present mischief. For Alarichus, said they, when Serena is removed, will draw off from the City, because there will be no body left from whom he can hope to have the City betrayed into his hands. But this suspicion was really ; for Serena never thought of any such thing. However she suffered justly for her impieties toward the Gods, as I am now going to tell you. When Theodosius the Elder, having defeated the Rebel Eugenius, came to Rome, and created in all people a Contempt or neglect of divine Worship, denying to defray the charge of holy things out of the public Stock, the Priests of both Sexes were turned out and banished, and the Temples bereft of all their Sacrifices. Whereupon Serena, scoffing at 'em, would needs see the Temple dedicated to the Mother of the Gods. In which when she saw certain [Bracelets and] attire about the neck of Rhea's Statue, suitable to the divine Worship which was paid to her, She took it off of the Statue and put it about her own Neck. And when a certain old Maid, that was the only person left of all the Vestal Virgins, upbraided her with such a wicked Action even to her Teeth, she not only gave her very ill Language, but commanded her Attendants to carry or drive her away. But notwithstanding, the old Woman, as she was going from the place, prayed that whatsoever was due ro such impiety, might fall upon Serena, her Husband and Children. But Serena took no notice of what she said, and went out of the Temple well pleased with the Attire that she had gotten; though afterward there often appeared to her something not only fantastic, in a Dream, but real, when she was awake, which did foretell her Death. But others too, besides her, saw the like things: and so far did that just Vengeance, which uses to punish the wicked, discharge its duty, that though Serena knew what would happen, she took no care of herself, but submitted that Neck about which she had put the Goddesses Attire, even to 
* What Death Serena died I cannot learn from those Authors that I have by me. But I should wonder, if Zosimus did not refer such accidents to these to a contempt of the Gods, for there is no fit defence for false worship than what is derived from Tables. But it is indeed credible that Serena hanged herself, though upon far different occasions, as, the frustration of her ambitious hopes, and the unexpected diverce of her Daughter, who being now sent home again, Serena had no hopes left of being an Empress, nor any reason to cherish her exalted thoughts. He likewise in the same Comma or paragraph tells you such an other Story of Stilico, though we may easily demonstrate the cause of his Death. For he had raised the Alemans', Suevians, Vandals, and Burgundians to extort the Empire from his Son-in-law to his Son. For he is noted with this Character in Paul. Diac. l. 13. He gave the blood of all mankind to purchase a Purple Garment for one Boy.  an Halter. It is likewise said, that Stilico, for another impiety not much unlike this of Serena, did not escape the secret hand of Vengeance. For he also is said to have commanded the Doors of the Capitol at Rome, that were covered with a great quantity of of Gold, to be uncased; and that those who were employed in that Affair, found upon some part of the Doors, this Inscription, [These things] are kept for a wretched Prince. And so it proved, even as the Inscription foretold, for he died most wretchedly and most miserably too.  
Yet notwithstanding Serenas death did not remove Alarichus from the Siege, but he blocked up the Gates all round, and having possessed himself of the River Tiber, obstructed the supply of necessaries from the Port to the City. Which when the Romans saw, they resolved yet still to persevere, because they expected almost every day to have Auxiliaries sent 'em from Ravenna. But when they found no body came, and that they were disappointed of their hopes, they thought good to retrench the measure of the allowance of Corn [or other provisions] and to order that there should not be dressed [or prepared for eating] above one half of what was formerly for each day; and afterward, when their scarcity increased upon them, a third part only. And seeing there was no remedy for their Relief, but that all their Belly timber [Succours of the Belly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] was spent, a Plague, as was probable it would, succeeded their famine, and all places were full of dead bodies. And because the dead could not be buried without the City (for the Enemies kept all the Passes or Avenues) the City was their Sepulchre. So that it was like to be dispeopled upon another account, and, though there had been no want of Victuals, yet the very stench arising from the dead bodies was enough to infect and corrupt their bodies. But Laeta, Wife to Gratian, who had been sometime Emperor, and her Mother Pissamena supplied a great many with necessary food for some time. For, since the Treasury allowed them the Provisions of an Imperial Table, through the generosity of Theodosius who gave 'em that privilege, a great many received the kindness of those two Women, and from their House got that which fortified 'em against a Famine. But the malady was come to that extremity, as that they were in danger to eat one another, they tried all ways which are abominable in the eyes of mankind, and then resolved to send an Embassy to the Enemy, and acquaint them, that they were ready to accept of any reasonable conditions of Peace, and at the same time more ready for War, since the Roman People had taken up Arms, and through their continual exercise in Military Affairs were grown very much inclinable to fight. Now Basilius being chosen their Ambassador, who was a Spaniard, and Governor of a Province, Johnannes went out along with him (who was the chief of the Imperial Notaries, called Tribunes) because he was acquainted with Alarichus, and [might be] a means to reconcile them. For the Romans did not certainly know, whether Alarichus himself were come thither or no, or whether it were he that besieged Rome. For they were cheated with a former Report that it was another Person who had been Stilico's Friend, and brought him to the City.  
When therefore the Ambassadors came to him, they were ashamed of that ignorance in which the Romans had been so long kept, but delivered the Senate's Message. Which when Alarichus heard, and that the people having been used to Arms were ready for a War; The thickest grass, says he, is more easily cut than the thinnest: and having so said, he laughed at the Ambassadors most excessively. But when they came to talk of Peace, he used such expressions as were beyond all barbarous Arrogance, or insolence. For he said, He would not relinquish the Siege upon any other Condition, than that he should have all the Gold and Silver in the City, together with all the Household goods in it, besides the Barbarian Slaves. Whereupon when one of the Ambassadors said, If you take all these things, what will you leave for the Citizens? He replied, Their Souls. So when the Ambassadors had received this Answer, they desired time to communicate it to the Citizens and advise with them what was to be done. Which leave having obtained, they related all the Discourse that had passed in that Embassy. Whereupon the Romans being persuaded that it was really Alarichus who fought against 'em, and despairing of all things that conduce to humane strength, they called to mind that help which the City had formerly found in insurrections; and that they, by transgressing their ancient Ceremonies were left destitute of it.  
But whilst they were considering of these things, Pompeianus the Perfect of the City, litt by chance upon some Men, that came out of Tuscany to Rome, and said, That a certain Town, called Neveia, had freed itself from imminent dangers, inasmuch as it had beaten off the Barbarians, who beset it, by Thunder and Lightning which was caused through their Devotion to the Gods in the ancient manner of Worship. And therefore when he had discoursed with these Men, he did what he well could do out of the Books belonging to the Chief Priests or Pontifies. But when he remembered what Opinion was then prevalent, he resolved to go about his business with more security, and proposed the whole matter to the Bishop of the City, whose Name was Innocentius. And he truly preferring the safety of the City before his own Opinion, permitted 'em privately to do whatever they knew how to do. But they pretending that what they could do would do no good unless the public and usual Sacrifices were performed, the Senate went up into the Capitol, and there, as also in the several Markets of the City, did all that was to be performed; but no body daring to communicate in their Religious, ancient Worship, they dismissed those Men who came out of Thuscany, and applied themselves to reconcile the Barbarian as well as they could. To which end they again sent Ambassadors; and after they had made long Speeches on both sides, they agreed that the City should give five thousand pound of Gold, and thirty thousand of Silver, with four thousand Silk Coats, three thousand Fleeces or Fells of a Scarlet die, and three thousand pounds of Pepper. But because the City had no public Stock, there was a necessity for those Senators who had Estates, to undertake the collection of it by way of Assessment. Now Palladius being impower'd to rate every one according to his Estate, but not able to make up the whole sum out of all, either upon the account that some concealed part of their goods, or because the City was otherwise impoverished through the continual covetousness and exactions of the Emperor's Magistrates; that wicked Daemon or Genius, who at that time presided over mankind, and stirred up the Persons employed in this Affair to the highest pitch of all wickedness. For they resolved to supply what was wanting, out of the Attire that was about the Statues [of the Gods]: which was in effect no other, than to render those Images (that had been set up, and dedicated to holy Rites and Ceremonies, and were adorned with decent Attire, for that they had kept the City in perpetual happiness) when that ceremonious Worship should be in any degree diminished) inanimate and inefficacious. And because all things must then needs conspire to ruin the City, they not only robbed the Statues of their Ornaments, but also melted some of 'em down that were made of Gold and Silver: among which was that of Fortitude, or Valour, which the Romans call, Virtus. Which being destroyed, all the Roman Valour and Courage that remained, was quite extinguished; according to that which Men who were conversant about holy Rites and ancient Ceremonies from that time foretold.  
Now the Money being raised in this manner, they thought fit to send an Embassy to the Emperor, to confer with him about the ensuing Peace [and to inform him) that Alarichus did not require Money only, but certain Nobleman's Sons likewise for Hostages: upon which Condition also he would not only make a Peace, but enter into an Alliance with the Emperor and assist the Romans against all those who had a mind to oppose 'em. Whereupon the Emperor resolving to conclude the Peace, the Money was paid to the Barbarians. Which being done, Alarichus gave the Citizens the Freedom of a Market for three days together, and leave to go securely out at certain Gates of the City, as also to bring up their Corn from the Port. By which means when the Citizens had taken breath again, by selling all the remaining part of their goods, or exchanging one thing for another, to buy them necessaries, the Barbarians departed from Rome, and pitched their Camp in certain places about Tuscany. And then almost all the Slaves that were in Rome, flying daily out of the City enroled themselves among the Barbarians, to the number of forty thousand. But some of the Barbarians who were straggling up and down attaqued the Romans as they were going down to the Port, and bringing up their provisions. Which when Alarichus understood, he used his utmost endeavour to hinder such proceed, as being done without his knowledge or consent. And now they seemed to have some small respite from their misfortunes. Whilst the Emperor Honorius at Ravenna was just entering upon the Consulship, having had that Honour eight times, and the Emperor Theodosius, in the East, three times. At which juncture the Rebel Constantine sent Eunuches to Honorius, to beg his pardon for having received the Empire. For he did not take it of his own choice, but by compulsion from the Soldiers. Which Petition of his when the Emperor heard, and saw it was not easy for him, since Alarichus and his Barbarians were so near, to prepare for other Wars; besides the care that he took of his Kinsmen who were in the Rebel's custody (as, Verenianus and Didymius, by name) he not only granted their Request; but sent him also an Imperial Robe. But indeed his care for his Kinsmen was all in vain and frustrate, they being killed before this Embassy. When therefore he had so done, he sent the Eunuch's home.  
But the Peace with Alarichus being not yet confirmed, because the Emperor had neither given him the Hostages, nor fulfilled all his desires, there were Ambassadors sent from the Senate to Ravenna, [whose names were] Cecilianus, Attalus, and Maximianus. Who though they lamented the sad misfortunes that had befallen Rome, and tragically described the multitude of them that perished there; yet they gained nothing by it, by reason that Olympius confounded all Affairs and put a stop to those things that seemed to go in their due course. Upon which account the Emperor dismissing the Ambassadors without their Errand for which they came, he turned out Theodorus from being Perfect of the City and gave the place to Cecicilianus, commanding that Attalus should be Treasurer. But seeing Olympius made it his whole business to search in all places for those that were reported to know any thing of Stilico's Affairs, there were several Persons called in question upon that false Accusation, as Marcellianus and Salonius, two Brothers, belonging to the Regiment of the Imperial Notaries. And these two did Olympius deliver to the Perfect of the Court; by whose Order though their bodies were beaten or drubbed with all sorts of severities in that kind, yet they discovered no tittle of what Olympius would fain have known.  
Now the Affairs of Rome being in no better a condition than before, the Emperor thought fit to send for five Regiments of Soldiers out of Dalmatia from their own Quarters there, to guard the City of Rome. Which Regimenrs were made up of six thousand Men, who for carriage and strength were the chief of all the Roman Army: and their General's Name was Valens, a Person ready to attempt the greatest and most hazardous enterprise. He therefore would not seem so much a Coward as to go that way which the Enemy did not guard; so that Alarichus expecting till he came by and falling upon him with his whole Army, subdued all those that were with him, excepting only an hundred that with much ado escaped, together with their Commander. For he arrived safe at Rome, along with Attalus, who was sent by the Senate to the Emperor. But seeing more mischiefs were still added to the present ones, this Attalus when he came to Rome, turned Heliocrates out of his Office, which the Emperor had given him by the persuasions of Olympius. For Heliocrates was employed to search into the Estates of them that were banished upon the account of their Acquaintance or Relation to Stilico, and return 'em into the Treasury. But he being a moderate, good-natured Man, looked upon it as an impiety to insult upon the unfortunate; and therefore did not make any strict enquiry into things, but on the contrary sent many of the Parties notice by a private Messenger to hid what they could, insomuch that being reckoned a vile Fellow upon this score, he was brought to Ravenna, to suffer for his humanity toward those Men that were under such misfortunes. And he had certainly died for it, through the cruelty that then obtained, if he had not got into a Church belonging to the Christians. But Maximillianus who fell into the hands of the Enemy, was sold to his Father Marinianus for thirty thousand pieces of Gold. For since the Emperor deferred the Peace, and did not fulfil or perform what was agreed upon, the Romans could not any longer pass freely out of the City. Wherefore the Senate sent Ambassadors a second time to the Emperor about the Peace, along with whom the Bishop of Rome also went. There were also some Barbarians in their Retinue, sent by Alarichus, to protect 'em from their Enemies who infested the several Roads.  
But when these Ambassadors were come to the Emperor, Ataulphus, whom Alarichus sent for (as I told you before) was come over the Alps, that lie as you go from Pannonia to Venice. Which when the Emperor heard, and that he had no great Army with him, he ordered all his Soldiers both Horse and Foot, as many as were in the several Cities, to go with their own Officers and meet him. But to Olympius, who was Captain of the Court-guards he gave the Hunns that were in Ravenna, to the number of three hundred. Who when they saw those that came— [Here is a Chasm or Balk,] which may be supplied with these words [were arrived] at a City after the word [came] and then it runs thus, Who wen they saw those that came, were arrived at a City called Pisa, they made an attaque and engaging with 'em, killed eleven hundred Gotths, and returned safe to Ravenna with the loss of only seventeen Men.  
But the Eunuches about the Court made such informations to the Emperor against Olympius, as the cause of all the ill accidents that had befallen the Commonwealth, that they procured his removal out of his present Office. Whereupon he, fearing lest he might suffer some greater misfortune, fled away into Dalmatia; whilst in the mean time the Emperor sent Attalus, Perfect of the City, to Rome, and being very solicitous that nothing belonging to the Treasury should be concealed, he sent Demetrius also to assist Attalus, and make a diligent enquiry into the public Stock. And when he had made many innovations as to the Magistracy and other matters also; turning out those that were formerly in great Authority and conferring their Offices upon others, he appointed Generidus likewise to be Commander of all the Forces in Dalmatia, who was already Captain General of all the rest that were posted or engarrisoned in the upper Pannonia, Noricum and Rhaetia, even as far as the Alps. Now this Generidus though he were of a Barbarian extract, was, in his disposition inclined to all sorts of Virtues and the freest from covetousness of any Man living. But whilst he adhered to ancient Rites and could not endure to relinquish the old way of worshipping the Gods, there was a Law promulgated, that prohibited all who were not Christians from wearing a Girdle in the Court. Which Law being established, Generidus who was a Military Officer at that time in Rome, laid down his Girdle and kept at home in his own House. And when the Emperor required him as being enroled among the Officers, to come to Court in his due course; He replied, There was a Law that forbade him the use of a Girdle, or that any one at all should be reckoned among the Officers who did not reverence the Christian Religion. To which when the Emperor answered, That the Law [he cited] did indeed oblige all others, excepting him alone, who had undertaken such dangerous enterprises upon the score of the Commonwealth; He made him this return, That he could not suffer himself to accept of such an Honour that seemed to affront all the rest who upon the account of that Law had been put out of Commission. Nor did he execute his Office, till the Emperor being forced both by necessity and shame together, had utterly abolished the Law; and gave all people leave to enjoy their own Opinions in all Places or Offices whether they were Military or Civil.  
Now Generidus, having begun with this piece of Gallantry, employed and instructed the Soldiers with continual labours and exercises; distributing Corn among 'em, and suffering no body to take any thing of it away from them, as they were formerly used to do; besides that he himself out of his public Allowance, gave those that took most pains convenient encouragement. Since therefore he appeared so great, he was not only a Terror to the adjacent Barbarians, but a security also to all those Nations which he had under his care. But when the Soldiers mutinied at Ravenna, they took possession of the Port there, crying out in a rude manner, and demanding that the Emperor would come before 'em. But he, for fear of the insurrection, being got into some private place, one Jovius came out among 'em, who was the Perfect of the Court and honoured with the Dignity of a Patrician; and making as if he knew not the reason why they mutinied (although himself was said to be the cause of it, together with Illebichus, who was Captain of the Domestic Horse) He asked them what ground they had to be so violent? But as soon as he heard the Soldiers say, that by all means they must have Turpillio, and Vigilantius the two Generals with Terentius the Imperial Chamberlain and Arsacius, next to him in Dignity, delivered to 'em; the Emperor fearing lest the Soldiers should revolt, condemned the two Generals to perpetual Exile: and they thereupon being put on board a Ship were killed by those that should have carried 'em [to the place of Banishment.] For so indeed Jovius had commanded them to do; as fearing lest if they ever came back again, and discovered the intrigue that was laid against 'em, they might excite the Emperor to punish him for it. But Terentius was sent into the East, whilst Arsacius was ordered to live at Milan. And when the Emperor had made Eusebius Chamberlain in the room of Terentius, given Valens, Turpillio's Command, and chosen Ellebichus Perfect instead of Vigilatius, he seemed in some measure to assuage the fury of the Soldiers.  
But Jovius, who was Prosect of the Court, having transferred all the Power of managing the Emperor into his own hands, resolved to send Ambassadors to Alarichus, to desire him to come even to Ravenna, and [to tell him] that there they would conclude the Peace. Whereupon Alarichus being persuaded by the Letters that he received both from the Emperor and Jovius too, and being come as far as Ariminum, thirty miles from Ravenna, Jovius made haste thither also, as having been Alarichus' Friend and familiar Acquaintance in Epirus, to treat concerning the League. Now Alarichus made these following Demands: That he would have so much Gold every year, and such a quantity of Corn; as likewise that he and the Barbarians that were with him might inhabit both the Venetias, Noricum and Dalmatia. Which Demands of his when Jovius had written out in the presence of Alarichus, he sent 'em to the Emperor, with others Letters which he privately conveyed to him, to advise him that he would make Alarichus General of both his Armies; for that he might thereby induce him to remit something of the severity in his Conditions, and make a Peace upon pretty tolerable and moderate terms. But when the Emperor received that Epistle, he condemned Jovius for his forward rashness, and sent him a Letter, wherein he told him, It was fit that he indeed, as being Perfect of the Court, and understanding the strength of the public Revenues, should assign the quantity of Corn and Gold, but that he would never confer any Dignity or Command either upon Alarichus or any of his Family.  
Which Epistle as soon as Jovius received, he opened and read it, not only to himself but in Alarichus' hearing: who though he bore all other things very patiently, yet when he saw the Generalship denied not only to himself, but to all his Family also, he was so enraged, that immediately he commanded his Barbarians to march for Rome with all speed, to revenge the Affront, offered both to him and all his Family. But Jovius being put to a stand when he saw the emperor's unexpected Letter, went back to Ravenna. And being desirous to acquit himself of all blame, he bond Honorius under several Oaths, never to make Peace with Alarichus, but to wage War against him continually: as he himself likewise swore, by touching the Emperor's Head, and made all others, that were in any Office, do the same.  
Affairs being thus conserted, the Emperor, who was to make War against Alarichus, called ten thousand Hunns to his assistance. And being willing to have Provision ready for 'em against they came, he commanded the Dalmatians to bring in Corn, and Sheep and Oxen; sending his Scouts also to inquire, how Alarichus intended to march to Rome, and mustering up his Forces from all quarters. But Alarichus in the mean time repent of his intended Voyage to Rome, and sent the Bishops of each City, not only by way of Ambassadors, but also to advise the Emperor, not to suffer such a City as that, which had commanded a great part of the World for above thousand years, to be delivered up and destroyed by the Barbarian, not such magnificent Structures to be demolished by Hostile flames, but that he would rather make a Peace upon some reasonable Conditions. For the Barbarian [he would have 'em tell the Emperor] neither wanted preferment, nor would he desire those Provinces now, which formerly he had a mind to dwell in, only the two Norici, that lie upon the extreme parts of Ister, harassed with continual incursions, and bring in but a small Revenue to the Treasury. Besides which he would have only so much Corn every year, as the Emperor should think fit, and would remit the Gold: so that there should be a Friendship and Alliance betwixt him and the Romans against every one that took up Arms, or rise in opposition to the Empire. Which when Alarichus had modestly and soberly proposed, (whilst all People admired his moderation) Jovius and those that were the emperor's greatest Ministers, said his Demands could not be possibly granted, since all Men that were in any Commission had sworn not to make Peace with Alarichus. For if their Oath had been given to God, they might indeed have probably broke it, and left it to the Deities Goodness to pardon 'em, for their impiety, but since they had sworn by the Emperor's Head, it was by no means lawful for 'em to offend against so great a Vow: So cautious were they that then had the management of public Affairs, as being bereavest of God's Care and Protection.   

A New HISTORY Written by Count ZOSIMUS, Sometime Advocate of the Treasury. The Sixth Book.  
ALARICHUS therefore being thus affronted for these his reasonable Demands, made haste towards Rome with all his Army, designing to lay close Siege to that City. But at the same time there came one J●vius. a Man of great Learning and Virtue, from Constantine, who had usurped the Government of Gallia Celtica, to Honerius by way of an Ambassador, desiring that the former Peace, which they had agreed upon, might be confirmed, and begging pardon for the kill of Verenianus and Didymius, who were kinsmen to the Emperor Honorius. For he made an Apology and said, that they were not taken off by Constantine's good will. But seeing Honorius much troubled, he said it was convenient for him, since he was so embarassed with the Affairs of Italy, to make some small concessions: and that if he would suffer him to go back to Constantine, and tell him what circumstances Italy was then in, that he himself would shortly return thither with all the Forces in Celtica, Spain, and Britain, to relieve both Italy and Rome. Upon which Conditions Jovius was permitted to departed.  
But since I have not given you a just Account concerning the state of Celtica, 'tis fit I should tell you particularly how things were carried there formerly. When Arcadius was Emperor (Honorius being the seventh time, and Theodosius the second time Consuls) the Soldiers in Britain made an insurrection, and promoted Marcus to the Imperial Throne, paying all obedience to him as their chief Lord in those parts. But some time after when they had killed him, for not complying with their humours, they set up Gratian, whom they presented with a Purple Robe and Diadem, and attended upon like an Emperor. But being disgusted at him likewise, they in four months after deposed and murdered him, delivering the Empire up into the hands of Constantine. Who, having made Justinianus and Nevigastes Commanders of the Celtic Soldiery, left Britain and went over; but coming to Bononia (which is the nearest City to the Seaside, lying in the lower Germany) and having stayed there some days, he made all the Armies betwixt that and the Alps, which part Gallia and Italy, his Friends, so that he now seemed secure of the Empire. But at the same time Stilico sent Sarus, as General, with an Army against Constantine; who meeting the General Justinianus with all the Forces which he had, slew him and most of his Soldiers: and, having made himself Master of great Spoils, went to besiege Valentia, where he understood that Constantine had taken up his Quarters, as being a City well guarded and secure for him to reside at. Whilst Nevigastes the surviving Commander making some overtures of Peace to Sarus, he received him as his Friend; but Sarus, though he mutually both gave and took an Oath to the contrary, immediately killed him, without any regard to what he had sworn.  
But when Constantine had made Edobinchus, a Frank by extract, but born in Britain, and Gerontius, a Britain, his Commanders [in the room of Justinian and Nevigastes] Sarus, who was afraid of these two upon the account of their Military experience and Courage, raised the Siege from before Valentia when he had lain there seven days. But Constantine's Officers attaqued him so briskly with their greatest vigour that he had much ado to escape alive, and was fain to give all his Spoils to the Bacaudae, to let him pass into Italy. 
Bacaudae, vel Robbers, ●t memini.  Now therefore when Sarus was thus got safe into Italy, Constantine, who had mustered up all his Forces, resolved to set a sufficient guard upon the Alps, in three places, which obstruct the passage out of Celtica into Italy and so onward, commonly called the Cottian, the Paenine, and the Maritime Alps. And the reason why he took such care was this:  
Some years before, when Arcadius was in his sixth Consulate and Probus was his Colleague, the Vandals mixing with the Alanes and Suevians came over these places, and plundered the Countries beyond the Alps. Where when they had made a great slaughter, they became so formidable even to the Armies in Britain also, that they forced 'em (for fear lest they might proceed as far as their Country) to choose several Usurpers, as Marcus, Gratianus, and after them Constantinus: Against whom there was a sharp engagement; but the Romans overcame, and killed most part of the Barbarians: and yet, because they did not pursue those that ran away (or otherwise they might certainly have killed 'em every Man) they gave 'em time to recruit, and by mustering up a great number of Barbarians, to put themselves once more into a fight posture. Now upon this account did Constantine set Guards upon these places, that those People might not have so free a passage into Gallia. He likewise secured the Rhine, which had been neglected since the Emperor Julian's time. And having thus ordered Affairs throughout all Gallia, he put his eldest Son Constans into the Habit of a Caesar and sent him into Spain. For he had a mind to be absolute Lord of all the Countries there, not only out of a desire to enlarge his own Dominions, but to retrench the Power of Honorius' Kinsmen. For he was afraid, lest when they had gathered together an Army of the Soldiers that were in those parts, they might, one time or other, cross over the Pyrenian Mountains and set upon him, whilst Honorius, [probably] might send an Army out of Italy and by environing of him on every side, depose him from his [usurped] Throne. So Constans went over into Spain, having Terentius for his General, and Apollinarius Perfect of his Court. And when he had appointed all the Officers about his Court both Military and Civil; He sent his Army under their Conduct against those who were akin to the Emperor Theodosius and disturbed all Spain at that time. Who when they had made the first Onset against Constans with their Lusitanian [or Portugueze] Soldier and found themselves overpowered, they mustered up a vast company of Slaves and Country Fellows, by whose assistance they had like to have reduced him into most dangerous circumstances; but even in this case too they failed of their expectation, whilst they and their Wives were taken Prisoners by Constans. Which accident being told to their Brothers, Theodosius and Lagodius, the one of 'em ran into Italy, and the other escaped safe into the East. Now when Constans had done these exploits in Spain, he returned to his Father Constantine, carrying Verenianus and Didymius along with him, but leaving his General, Gerontius, there, with the  Soldiers, to guard the Pass from Celtica into Spain: although the Spanish Soldiers did desire that they might be trusted with that Affair, as they had been formerly, and that the safety of their Country might not be committed to the care of Strangers. So Verenianus and Didymius being brought to Constantine, were immediately put to Death.  
But after that, Constans was a second time sent into Spain, and had Justus for his General. At which Gerontius being disgusted, and having obliged the Soldiers in those parts, he incited the Barbarians that were in Gallia Celtica to rise in opposition against Constantine. Whom seeing Constantine was not able to withstand, for that the greater part of his Army was in Spain, the Barbarians beyond the Rhine did so licentiously over run all places, and reduced not only the Britain's but some of the Celtic Nations also to such necessity, that they revolted from the Empire, and lived no longer under the Roman Laws but as they pleased themselves. The Britain's therefore took up Arms and ventured upon any dangerous enterprise upon the account of their own safety, till they had freed their Cities from the Barbarians that besieged ' 'em. In like manner did all the Armorichan Country [Brittaigne in France] with the other Provinces in Gallia, who, in imitation of Britain, delivered themselves the same way; by turning out the Roman Magistrates or Officers, and setting up a Government, such as they pleased, of their own.  
This Revolt or Defection therefore of Britain and the Celtic Nations, happened when Constantine usurped the Empire, by whose neglect of Government the Barbarians were emboldened to commit such Ravage. But in the mean time Alarichus in Italy, seeing he could not gain a Peace upon the Conditions that he proposed, nor had received any Hostages, invaded Rome once more, and threatened to storm it, if the Citizens would not take his part and go along with him against the Emperor Honorius. To which proposal they so long deferred their Answer, that he besieged the City; and marching to the Port, though he was some days before he could take it, yet at last he made himself Master of it. And finding that all the City Stores lay there, he threatened to distribute them among his own Men, unless the Romans would forthwith consent to his Proposals. Wherefore the whole Senate met, and having consulted what they should do, complied with all that Alarichus commanded of 'em. For there was no avoiding Death, since no relief of Provisions was brought in from the Port to the City. Accordingly they received Alarichus' Embassy, invited him to their City, and, as they were commanded, set Attalus, Perfect of the City, upon an Imperial Throne, with a Purple Robe and Crown: who presently declared Lampadius Perfect of the Court, and Marcianus, of the City, but gave the Generalships to Alarichus and Valens (who formerly commanded the Dalmatian Legions) distributing the other Offices to others in order. Then with an Imperial Guard about him he went toward the Court, though many ill Omens attended him by the way. The next day going into the Senate he made a Speech, full of Arrogance; wherein he told 'em with great Ostentation that he would subdue the whole World to the Romans, and do things greater than that too. For which perhaps the Gods were angry and designed soon after to remove him.  
But the Romans therefore were overjoyed, having not only gotten other Magistrates that knew how to manage things very well, but Tertullus also, at whose promotion to the Consulship they were exceedingly pleased. Nor was any body troubled at these things that all Men thought conduced to public good, but only the Family of the Anicii; because they alone having almost all the Money in the City, were sorry to see things go so well. But when Alarichus wisely advised Attalus to send a convenient Army into Africa and to Carthage, thereby to depose Heraclianus from his Dignity, lest he, who was Honorius' Friend, should obstruct their Designs, Attalus would not hearken to his Admonitions, but being possessed with those hopes which the Soothsayers gave him, and persuaded that he should conquer all Africa and Carthage too without fight, he would not send forth Drumas, who with those Barbarians that he had with him, might easily have turned Heraclianus out of his Office; but neglecting Alarichus' Advice, gave the Command of all the Soldiers in Africa to one Constantine, yet sent no good fight Men along with him. But in the mean time, whilst the Affairs of Africa were at an uncertainty, he undertook an expedition against the Emperor, who was at Ravenna. Whereupon the Emperor was so troubled and frighted, that he sent out Ambassadors to desire that the Empire might be divided between them. But Jovius whom Attalus had made Perfect of the Court, said that Attalus should not leave Honorius so much as the Title of an Emperor, no not a whole body: for that he would send him to live in an Island, and maim him in some part of his body. At which haughty expressions all Men were affrighted, and Honorius was just ready to take his flight; but when, for that purpose, he had gotten together a vast number of Ships into the Port at Ravenna, six Regiments of Auxiliary Soldiers arrived there, which were expected whilst Stilico was alive, but came not out of the East till that time; being in number six thousand. At whose arrival Honorius being awaked (as it were) out of a dead sleep, he entrusted the keeping of the Walls to them that came out of the East, and resolved to stay at Ravenna, till he had better intelligence concerning the Affairs of Africa. And if Heraclianus got the upperhand, that then, when things were settled and secure in those parts, he would make War with his whole Army against Alarichus and Attalus: but if, on the contrary, those that he sent into Africa, were worsted, that then he would sail away into the East to Theodosius with those Ships which he had in readiness and relinquish the Western Empire.  
And thus it was with Honorius. But Jovius, who was sent Ambassador to Honorius (as I told you before) began to think of treasonable Designs, being corrupted by Honorius through other Men. He therefore told the Senate that he would be no longer an Ambassador, and withal spoke some unhandsome words before them, as, that they ought, since those whom they had sent into Africa had failed of good success, to send Barbarians into the War against Heraclianus. For since that Constantine was slain, their hopes, from that part of the World, were in a wavering condition. But Attalus being enraged, and having employed others to give Orders what he would have done, there were others sent with Money into Africa, to assist in the present juncture there. Which when Alarichus understood he was displeased at it, and began to despair of Attalus' concerns, who went about things so rashly as if he were a Fool, without either reason or prospect of advantage. And therefore when he had considered of these things, he resolved to draw off from Ravenna, although he [formerly] determined to prosecute the Siege, till he took it. For Jovius had persuaded him so to do; who when he heard that the General sent by Attabus into Africa had utterly missed of his aim, he applied himself wholly to the Affairs of Honorius, and was always speaking ill of Attalus to Alarichus, out of a Design that he had to make him believe, that as soon as Attalus had secured the Empire into his own hands, he would first contrive the death of Alarichus and all that were akin to him. But whilst Alarichus continued constant to the Oath which he had given to Attalus, Valens, General of the Horse or Cavalry, was taken off upon suspicion of Treason: and Alarichus in the mean time went with his Army to all the Cities of Aemilia, that had denied very easily to receive Attalus as their Governor. And some of them he quickly reduced; but having besieged Bononia which held out many days, without being able to take it, he went toward Liguria, to force that Country also into an acknowledgement of Attalus for their Emperor.  
But Honorius having sent Letters to the Cities in Britain, by way of advice for them to look to themselves, and rewarded the Soldiers with the Money sent from Heraclianus, he lived at all ease imaginable, since he had contracted the love of the Soldiers in all places. And Heraclianus having seized and guarded all the Ports in Africa with all security, so that neither Corn, nor Oil, nor any other provision could be carried into the Port of Rome, there fell a Famine upon the City, more grievous than the former; and the Market-men [or those that sold things in the Market] concealed all their goods, 
I●●gr●ssers, Forestallers.  out of hopes to get all the Money to themselves, by setting what price they pleased upon their Commodities. By which means the City was reduced to such extremities, that those who hoped that Man's flesh would be eaten, cried out in the Hippodrome, or place for Horseraces, Lay a certain Rate upon Man's f●●sh.  
Upon which occasion Attalus went to Rome, and called the Senate together, who, after some Debate, were, most of 'em of Opinion, that the Barbarians and the Roman Soldiers, aught to be sent into Africa and that Drumas should be their General, as being a Person that had given great testimonies of his fidelity and good will already. Only Attalus and a few more did not agree in judgement with the majority of the House, nor was he willing to send out any Barbarian as General of a Roman Army. Now this was the first time that Alarichus had an Eye upon Attalus to take him off or depose him, though Jovius had formerly by continual Calumnies and false Accusations instigated him thereunto. Wherefore to put his Design in execution, he brought Attalus out before the City Ariminum, where he than lived, and taking off his Diadem, and stripping him of his Purple Rope, he sent 'em to the Emperor Honorius. But though he reduced Attalus to the condition of a private Person before all the People, yet he kept him and his Son Ampelius at his own House, till he had made Peace with Honorius; and then he procured their Pardon. Placida also, the Emperor's Sister was with Alarichus, in the nature of an Hostage, but had all the Honour and Attendance belonging to the Quality of a Princess.  
And this was the State of Italy, whilst Constantine gave his Son Constans a Diadem, and from a Caesar made him Emperor: after he had deprived Apollinarius of his Office, and made another Person Perfect of the Court in his room. In the mean time Alarichus went to Ravenna, to confirm the Peace with Honorius, but Fortune found out another Obstacle beyond all expectation, and pointed out, as it were, what should befall the Commonwealth. For whilst that Sarus lay with a few Barbarians in Picenum, and joined neither with the Emperor, nor Alarichus neither, Ataulphus who had a grudge against him, upon the score of some former difference, came with his whole Army to that place where Sarus chanced to be. But as soon as Sarus saw him coming, he, finding himself not able to fight him (as having only three hundred Men) resolved to fly to Honorius and be his Ally in the War against Alarichus.—   

A Supplement of those things, that are wanting in Zosimus:  
SOmething is wanting, but Photius in his Bibliotheca says, That the History of Zosimus ended with the taking of Rome by Alarichus. Now seeing Zosimus is deficient in this Point, and that no particular History of things relating to the Sacking of Rome, is any where else to be found, I thought fit to give you the following Account out of Baptista Egnatius.  
Alarichus had besieged Rome for two years together, nor had Honorius, who then lay idle at Ravenna, either Courage or Power to relieve it. For being concerned for nothing less than for the safety of the City; now Stilico was dead, he had constituted no General over the Army, to manage the War against the Gotths. And that put the Gotths upon besieging the City, seeing the Roman Soldiers were either run away or very slothful in their business. But the Barbarian Enemy having in vain besieged it, nor being able to take it by Storm, was fain to make use of Stratagems and Policy. They pretended a Journey into their own Country, and therefore chose out three hundred young Fellows of great strength and courage, whom they would bestow upon the Roman Nobility as a Present, but instructed 'em beforehand to oblige their Masters with all observance imaginable, and that upon a certain day prefixed, about Noon, when the Nobility were either asleep or otherwise unmindful of business, they should meet of a sudden at the Gate called Porta Avinaria, where having surprised and killed the Guards, they should open the Gate for them who would be there at hand. In the mean time the Gotths delayed the time of returning home, upon a pretence that they wanted one thing one or another still, till the three hundred Youths making good use of their opportunity, upon the day appointed, opened the Gate to their Countrymen; and the Gotths when they were let in fell a plundering all the City, though they did more dishonour than damage to the Citizens. Now there are some who think, the Gate was opened by the contrivance of Proba a Woman of Quality and great Wealth, who pitied the Roman People that died of the Famine and several Distempers, like rotten Sheep. But two things upon this occasion, are worth our Observation: the one, That there was an Edict made by Alarichus, that whosoever fled into the Churches of the Saints, especially of Peter and Paul, should have no violence offered to 'em; which was accordingly observed with great care. The other was, That when the news was brought to Honorius at Ravenna that [Roma, i.e. Rome] was destroyed; He thought they had meant a certain stout Gaul, whose name was Roma, and admired very much that he should be so soon gone, with whom he had a little before so merrily diverted himself.   
THE END.