THE LIFE OF WILLIAM Now Lord Archbishop of CANTERBURY, EXAMINED.  
Wherein his principal Actions, or Deviations in matters of Doctrine and Discipline (since he came to that Sea of Canturbury) are traced, and set down, as they were taken from good hands, by Mr. Robert Bayley, a Learned Pastor of the Kirk of Scotland, and one of the late Commissioners sent from that Nation.  
Very fitting for all judicious men to read, and examine, that they may be the better able to censure him for those thing wherein he hath done amiss.  
Read and Judge.  
LONDON, Printed for N B in the Year of Grace. 1643.   

Summa Capitum.  
THE Preface showeth the unreasonableness of this new war, That we have committed nothing against the late pacification: That compasson, hope, and all reason call now for peace at home; that at 〈◊〉 we may get some order of our enemies abroad, That the Canterburian faction deserves not so well of England, that arms in their favour ought to be taken against Scotland: We offer to instruct their insupportable crimes by their own writs: If arms be needlessly taken in so evil a cause, they cannot but end in an untimous repentance: In this nick of time very poor wits without presumption may venture to speak even to Parliaments: The obstinate silence of the English Divines is prodigious.  

CHAP. I. The delineation of the whole subsequent Treatise.  
OUR Adversars decline to answer our first and chief challenge: The scope of this writ, All our plea is but one clear syllogism, the Major whereof is the sentence of our judge, the Minor, the confession of our party, the conclusion a clear and necessary consequence from these two premises.   

CHAP. II. The Canterburians avowed Arminianism.  
Arminianism, is a great and dangerous innovation of our Religion: King James his judgement thereof: the great increase of Arminianism in Scotland by Canterbury's means: King Charles his name stolen by Canterbury, to the defence of Arminianism: the Irish Church infected with Arminianism by Canterbury: the Canterburians in England teach the first and second article of Arminius: Why King James styled Arminians Atheists: they teach the third and fourth article: Also the fifth: the Arminians in England advanced: their opposites disgraced and persecuted: Canterbury and his fellows, contrare to the King's Proclamation, go on boldly to print, let be to preach Arminian tenets: A demonstration of Canterbury's Arminianism in the highest degree: they make Arminianism consonant to the articles of England, and so not contrare to the Proclamation.   

CHAP. III. The Canterburians professed affection towards the pope and popery in gross.  
ONce they were suspected of Lutheranism, but at last Popery was found their mark: To make way for their designs, they cry down the Pope's Antichristianisme: They are content to have the Pope's authority set up again in England: their mind to the Cardinalat: they affect much to be joined with the Church of Rome as she stands.   

CHAP. FOUR The Canterburians join with Rome in her grossest idolatries.  
IN the midst of their denials, yet they avow their giving of religious adoration, to the very stock or stone of the altar: As much adoration of the elements they grant as the Papists require: In the matter of images their full agreement with Rome. About relics they agree with Papists: they come near to the invocation of Saints.   

CHAP. V. The Canterburians avow their embracing of the popish heresies and grossest errors.  
THey join with Rome in setting up traditions in prejudice of Scripture: In the doctrine of faith, justification, fulfilling of the Law, merit, they are fully Popish: In the doctrine of the Sacraments behold their Popery: they are for the reerection of Monasteries, and placing of Monks and Nuns therein as of old: How near they approach to Purgatory and prayer for the dead.   

CHAP. VI Anent their Superstitions.  
FEW of all Rome's superstitions are against their stomach: They embrace the grossest not only of their private, but also of their public superstitions.   

CHAP. VII. The Canterburians embrace the Mess itself.  
THey cry down so far as they can all preaching: They approve the mass both for word and matter: The Scotish Liturgy is much worse than the English: Many alterations into the Scotish, specially about the 〈◊〉, the consecration, the Sacrifice, the Communion.   

CAP. ULT. The Canterburian maxims of Tyranny.  
THE tyrannous usurpation of the Canrerburians, are as many and heavy as these of the Romish Clergy: King Charles bats all tyranny the Canterburians flatter him in much more power than ever he will take: they enable the 〈◊〉 without advice of the church, to do in allEcclesiasticall affairs what he thinks meet: They give to the King power to do in the State what ever he will without the advice of his Parliament: In no imaginable case they will have the greatest tyrants resisted: What they give to Kings is not for any respect they have to Majesty, but for their own ambitious and covetous ends.    

The chief witnesses which in the following action are brought in to 〈◊〉.  
WIlliam Lad Archbishop of Canterbury in his speech before the 〈◊〉- 〈◊〉, in his relation of his conference with 〈◊〉 Fisher, is it was the last year amplified and reprinted by the King's direction: In Andrew's opuscula posthuma, set out by him, and dedicated to the King.  
B. Whit of Eli in his treatise upon the Sabbath, and his answer to the lawless Dialogue.  
B. Montagu of Chichester in his answer to the gagger, in his appeal, in his antidiatribae, in his apparatus, in his origines.  
B. Hall of Exeter, in his old Religion set out with his own apology, and the apology of his friends M. Chomley, and M. Butterfield: In his remedy of profaneness:  
Peter Heylen Chaplane in ordinar in his answer to Burton set out, as he says, by the command of authority, as a full and 〈◊〉 Reply to be expected, against all the exceptions which commonly are taken at my Lord of Canterbury his actions, in his antidotum Lincolinense subscribed by Canterbury's Chaplane.  
D. Pottar, Chaplane in ordinar, in his charity mistaken, as he prints, at the command of authority.  
D. Laurence chaplane in ordinar, in his sermon preached before the King, and printed at the command of authority.  
D. poklingtoun in his Sunday no Sabbath, in his altar Christianum, subscribed by Canterbury's Chaplane.  
Christopher Dow in his answer to Burton, subscribed by Canterbury's Chaplane.  
Couzine in his devotions, the fourth edition, subscribed by the B. of London his own hand. Chounaeus in his collectiones Thelogicae; dedicated to my L. of Canterbury, and subscribed by his Chaplane.  
Shelfoord in his five pious Sermons, printed at Cambridge, by the direction of the Vice-chanceler D. Beel, set out with a number of Epigrams Latin & English, by divers of the university fellows, defended yet still by Heylene, and 〈◊〉, in their books, which Canterbury hath approved.  
Anronie Stafford in his female glory, printed at London, and not withstanding of all the challenges, made against it, yet still defended by Heylene & Dow in their approved writs.  
William Wats in his sermon of apostolical mortification.  
Giles Widows in his schismatical Puritan.  
Edward Boughen in his Sermon of order and 〈◊〉.  
Mr. Sp. of Queen's College in Cambridge, in his Sermon of Confession.  
Samuel Hoards an his sermon at the Metropolitical visitation.  
Mr. Tedders in his sermon, at the visitation of the B. of Norwitch, all subscribed by the hands of my L. of Canterbury's Chaplane, Bray, Oliver-Baker, or some others.   

THE PREFACE  
IT is fallen out much beside our expectation 
We did expect nothing less than war.  that the storm of war should now again begin to blow, when we did esteem that the mercy of GOD, and justice of our Prince had settled our Land in a firm Peace for many generations, at least for many days, and ever while some appearance of provocation should have arisen from us, for the kindling of 〈◊〉 wrath of our enraged enemies; whose fury though we know well not to be quite extinguished, yet we did surely think itwould not break forth in haste in any public and open flame, till some new matter had been furnished, or some probable colour of a new quarrel could have been alleged against us.  
When we have scattered that cloud of calumnies, 
We have committed no 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 with any goodly colour 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the late 〈◊〉.  which bytheir 〈◊〉 and pens they had spread abroad of our rebellion, and many other odious crimes, when by our frequent supplications, informations, 〈◊〉, declarations, and other writs, we have cleared 〈◊〉 the justice of our cause, the innecency of our proceedings to all the ingenuous minds of the I'll, and to so many of our neighbour nations, as have been desirous to 〈◊〉 of our affairs; when our gracious and just Prince, in the very heat of his wrath 〈◊〉 alone by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, even while arms were in his hand, hath been moved with the unanimous consent of all his English Counsel, of all his Commanders & whole army, to acknowledge us good and loyal subjects: And after a full hearing of our cause in his camp to profess his satisfaction, to pronounce us free of those crimes which before were falsely blazed of us, to send us all home in peace, with the tokens of his favour, with the hearty embracements of that army which came against us for our ruin: When we in a general assembly of our Church, with the kwowledge & full consent of his Majesty's highCommissioner & whole 〈◊〉 have justified our opposition to the innovation of our Religion & Laws by the Prelates, our excommunication of them therefore, the renewing of our Covenant, and all the rest of our Ecclesiastical proceedings; when our States in Parliament were going on in a sweet harmony to confirm the weaknesses & set right the disorders of our Estate, and that no farther than clear equity, reason, law, yea the very words of the pacificatory edict did permit; when our whole people were minding nothing but quietness, having cast their 〈◊〉 under the feet of our reconciled King, put all their castles & canons in his hand, without any security, but the royal Word, & received heartily all those fugitives who had taken arms in the Prelate's cause, against theirCountry, having no other mind, but to sit down with joy, and go about our own long neglected business; praising God, & blessing the King: The martial minds among us, panting for languor to be employed over sea, for the honour of the crown; in spending their blood against the insolent enemies of his Majesty's house. While these are our only thoughts, It was more than marvellous to us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the dumb and obscure whisper, and at once the loud blasts, the open threats of a new more terrible & cruel war then before should come to our ears, that our Castles should be filled with strangers, be provided with extraordinary victuals and munition, 〈◊〉 against a present assault, or long siege: Many of our Nobles tempted to leave our cause; numbers of assays made to break the unity of all our Estates: And at last our Parliament commanded to arise, the commissioners thereof, after a long & wearisome journey to Court, for the clearing of some surmised mistakes about moods & forms of proceeding, refused presence: A 〈◊〉 in England indicted (as the rumour goeth) to 〈◊〉 that nation, our dearest neighbours, with whom our cause is common, to employ their means and arms against us, that so our old national and immort all wars may be renewed to make sport to Prelates, & a bridge for the Spaniard or French to come over sea and sit down masters of the whole I'll, when both nations by mutual wounds are disabled for defence against the force of 〈◊〉 enemy, so potent as either France or Spain are this day of themselves, without the assistance which too like shall be made them by the Papists of the I'll, and many more, who will not fail to join for their own ends with any apparent victor.  
We admire how it is possible that intestine arms 
Compassion, hope, and all reason call now for peace at home, 〈◊〉 at last we may get some order of our 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉.  without any necessity should be taken up at this season when all the forces the whole 〈◊〉 can spare are most earnestly called for, by the tears of his Majesty's only sister, by the blood and long desolation of her most miserable Subjects, by the captivity and banishment of all 〈◊〉 hopeful Children, Prince Charles, lying daily under the hazard of the French Kings mercy at 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 Prince Robert of the Emperors at Vienne, the rest of that royal blood lying so many years with their Mother; 〈◊〉 in a strange Country: Pity would command us to put up all our homeward quarrels, though they were both great and many, let be to 〈◊〉 any, where 〈◊〉 real can be sound: Yea, hope would allure us to try 〈◊〉, if ever, our Arms on those spiteful Nations, the hereditary enemies of our Religion and of our Isle, when 〈◊〉 hath made them contemptible by the clear success he giveth daily 〈◊〉 every one that riseth against them: Bannier with a wing of the Swedish Army, dwelling in spite of the Emperor all this year in the heart of his Countries, a part of Weymers forces with a little help from France triumphing on the Rhine, for all that Baviere, Culen, the Emperor or Spaniard can do against them: That very strong and great Armado all utterly crushed in our eyes by the Hollanders alone, without the assistance of any: The very French, not the best seamen, having lately beaten oftener than once the Spanish navies in the Mediterran, the Spanish Empire labouring of a dangerous fever both at home and abroad, the Portugallians in spite of Philip, crowning john of Braganza for their King, the Catalonians putting themselves in subjection to the French Crown, Naples and West-flanders brangling, the Fleet of the States almost domineering in the Westindian seas. Shall we alone sit still for ever? shall we send always 〈◊〉 but base contemptible & derided 〈◊〉 to these 〈◊〉 Princes? shall we feed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with their scornful promises, which so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have sound, to our great disgrace, 〈◊〉 false? yea, rather than to beat them by that abundance of power which we have, if God will give us an heart to employ it, rather than to pull down those tyrants who have shed rivers of Protestants blood, who have long trodden on the persons of our nearest friends, & in the, on our honour! Is it now meet we should choose to go kill one another, alone for the bearing up of Prelates tails, and that of Prelates as unworthy of respect as any that ever wore a mitre. Let our kindred, let our friends, let all the Protestant churches perish, let our own lives & estates run never so evident an hazard, yet the 〈◊〉 pride must be borne up, their furious desire of 〈◊〉 must be satiate; all their Mandamus in these dominions must be executed with greater severity & rigour then those of their brethren are this day in Italy or Spain, or those of their grandfather at Rome.  
To us surely it is a strange Paradox, that a Parliament 
The Canterburian faction 〈◊〉 veth not so well of England that arms in their favour ought to be taken against Scotland.  of England so wise, grave, equitable a Court, as inall bygon times it hathever proved, should be thought in danger at any time, let be now to be induced by any allurement, by any terror, to submit themselves as Valets and pages to the execution of the lusts, the furies and outrageous counsels of Canterbury and his dependers, for they know much better than we, that the main greevances both of their Church and state, have no other original, no other fountain, on Earth but those men. Who other but they have keeped our most gracious Prince at a distance from the country almost ever since he came to the Crown? For whose cause have Parliaments these many years been hindered to meet, and when they have met, been quickly raised, to the unspeakable grief and prejudice of the whole land, & of all our friends abroad. By whose connivance is it that the idolatrous chapels of both the Queens in the most conspicuous places of the Court are so gorgeous & much frequented? Whose tolerance is it that at London three masspriests are to be found for one Minister, that three hundreth of them reside in the city in ordinar, & six thousand at least in the country; If ye trust the jesuits Catalogues to Rome? Whence comes their immunity from the laws, who have set up cloisters for Monks and Nuns, let be houses for open Masses in divers cities of the King's dominions? Why is our correspondence with the Pope no more secret, but our Agents avowedly sent to Rome, & his holiness' Nuntios received here in state, & that such one's as in public writs have lately defamed with unspeakable reproaches the person and birth of that most sacred Q. Elizabeth. Such actions, or at least long permission of such abominations do they flow from any other but his Grace, the head and heart of the cabin Counsel? Did any other but he and his creatures, his legs and arms hinder always our effectual alliance with the Swedes & French, when their armies did most flourish in Germany for the relief of the oppressed churches? Why was that poor Prince the King of Boheme to his dying day kept from any considerable help from Britain? How was these young princes the other year permitted to take the fields with so small forces, that a very meanpower of a silly commander beat them both, took the 〈◊〉 captive, and put the other in his slight to an evide at hazard of his life: Who moved that innocent Prince, after his 〈◊〉, to take so straying a 〈◊〉 as the world now speaks of, and when he was engaged, who did betray both his purpose and person to the French King, could any without the Cabbine understand the convey of such matters, and within that 〈◊〉 does any come without his grace's permission? Is not that man the evident author of all the Scotish broils? Are not his letters extant, his holy hands 〈◊〉 of the Scotish service to be seen, his other writs also are in our hands, making manifest that the beginning and continuance of that cursed work hath no spring without his brain? When the King himself after ripe advisement and all about him both English and Scots had returned in peace, who incontinent did change the face of the Court and revive that fire, which in the heart of the Prince and all his good Subjects was once close dead.  
That a 〈◊〉 of England will not only let such 
We 〈◊〉 to instruct by the 〈◊〉 of our party their unsupportable crimes.  a man and his complices go free, but to serve his humour, will be content to engaged their lives and estates for the overthrow and enslaving of us their best neighbours, that over our carcases a pathway may be made for Bishops now, and at once for the Pope and Spaniard to tread on the neck both of their bodies & souls, we cannot believe. Yet if any such things should be propounded (for what darenot effronted impudence attempt) we would require that sage Senate before they pass any bloody sentence of war against us to consider a little the quality of that party for whose cause they take arms, we offer to instruct to the full satisfaction of the whole world offree & imprejudicate minds, not by fleeing reports, not by probable likelihoods, not by the sentences of the gravest and most solemn judicatories of this land, our two last general assemblies & late parliament, who at far greater length & with more mature advisement did cognosce of those causes, than ever any Assembly or Parliament amongst us, since the first founding of our Church and Kingdom did resolve upon any matter whatsoever: All those means of probation we shall set aside and take us alone to the mouth of our very adversaries. If by their own testimony we make it evident, that beside books, ceremonies, and Bishops which make the proper and particular quarrel of this national Kirk against them, they are guilty of gross Arminianism, plain Popery, and of setting up of barbarous tyranny, which is the common quarrel of the Kirk of England, of all the reformed Kirks, and of all men who delight not to live and die in the fetters of slavery. If we demonstrate, not so much by their preachings and practices amongst us, 〈◊〉 by their maxims printed with 〈◊〉 among yourselves, which to this day, though oft pressed thereto, they have never recanted. If we show that yet still they stiffly avow all the articles of Arminius, a number of the grossest abominations of Popery, specially the authority of the sea of Rome, that they urge conclusions which will 〈◊〉 you without any 〈◊〉, so much as by a verbal protestation, not only to give way unto any iniquity whatsoever, either in kirk or state, whereto they can get stolen the pretext of the King's name; but also to lay down your neck under the yoke of the King of Spain, if once he had any footting in this I'll, without any farther resistance; though in your church by force that Tyrant should set up the Latin Mess in place of the Bible, and in your state for your Magna Charta and acts of Parliament, the laws of Castille, though in your eyes he should destroy the whole race of the royal family, though the remainder of the Nobility and Gentry in the land should be sent over by him, some to work in fetters in his Mines of Peru, Others in chains to row all their days in his gallayes in the Mediterrane, for all these or any other imaginable acts of tyranny that could escape the wicked head of any mad Nero, of any monstrous Caligula; these men do openly take upon them to persuade that no kind of resistance for defence can be made by the whole States of a land, though sitting in Parliament, with a most harmonious consent, no more nor the Jews might have done against Nabuchadnezer, or the Christians of old against the pagan Emperors, or the Greek Church this day against the grand Signieur in Constantinople, that all our forbears both English and Scots in their manifold bicker against the misleaders of their Princes, against the tyrannising factions of Court, were ever Traitors and Rebels, and aught to have loosed their heads and lands for their presumption to defend their liberties, against the intolerable insolences of a pack of runigat Villains, and for their boldness, to fasten the tottering Crown upon the head of their Kings: all such Services of our Antecessours to King and Country, were treacherous insurrections.  
If for all these their crimes I make speak before you no 
Arm, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken in so evil a cause can not but end in an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  other witnesses then their 〈◊〉 tongues, I trust there shall not remain in your minds the least shadow of any scruple to believe my allegations, nor in your wills the least inclination to join with the counsels of so polluted and self- 〈◊〉 persons: And if to men whose open profession in their printed books, let be secret practices, leads to so wicked ends so far contrare to the glory of God, to the honour and safety of our King, to the well of us all, whether in Soul, body, 〈◊〉, children, or any thing that is dear to 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lead your arms against us; we believe the Lord of 〈◊〉, the righteous Judge would be 〈◊〉 to you, and make hundreds of your 〈◊〉 in so 〈◊〉 a cause 〈◊〉 before ten of ours: Or, if it were the profound and unsearchable pleasure of the God of Armi s, to make you for a time a scourge to beat us, for our manifold transgressions, yet when ye had obtained all the Prelates 〈◊〉, when we for our other sins were tread under your 〈◊〉, we would for all that hope to die with great comfort 〈◊〉 courage, as defenders of the truth of God, of the liberties and laws of our 〈◊〉, of the true good and honour of the 〈◊〉 and Royal Family: All which as we take it, one of the most wicked and unnatural 〈◊〉 that ever this Isle did 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 manifestly 〈◊〉: yet certainly, we could not but leave in our Testament to you our unjust oppressors the legacy of an untimous 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for when ye have killed thousands of us, and banished the rest out of the Isle, when on the back of our departure, your sweet 〈◊〉 the Bishops have brought the Pope upon you and your children; when a French or Spanish invasion doth threaten you with a slavish conquest; will ye not then all, and above all our gracious Prince regrate, that he hath been so evil advised, as to have put so many of his brave Subjects to the cruel sword, who were very able & most willing to have done him noble service against these foreign usurpers? Would not at such a time, that is too likely to be at hand, if our Prelates advises now be followed, both his Majesty, and all of you who shall 〈◊〉 in life, he most earnest recallers not only of your own Countrymen, (many thousands whereof ye know have lately by Episcopal tyranny been cast out from their 〈◊〉, as far as to the world's end, among the savage Americans) but also the relics of our ruin from their banishment, with as great diligence as in the time of Fergus the second, the inhabitants of this land did recall our ancestors, when by the fraud and force of a wicked faction they were the most part killed, and the rest sent over Sea in banishment. It were better by much, before the remediless stroke be given, to be well advised, then out of time to sigh, when the millions of lost lives, when the happiness of our true Religion, when the liberties of both the nations, once thrown away by our own hands, can not again be recovered.  
To the end therefore that such lamentable inconveniences 
In this 〈◊〉 of time very poor 〈◊〉 without presumption may venture to speak to Parliaments.  may be eshewed, and your Honours the more animate to deny your power to those, who now possibilie may crave to have it abused against us without cause, beside numbers of pressing reasons, wherewith I doubt not every wise man amongst you is come well enough 〈◊〉 from his own considerations, and which I trust shall be further presented in plenty by these of our Nation, who have ever been at the head of our affairs, whom God hath still enabled to clear the justice and necessity of all our proceedings hitherto, to the minds of all, save our infatuat adversaries, whom superstition and rage hath blinded. If it might be your Honour's pleasure when all the rest have ended, I could wish that even unto me, a little audience were given: my zeal to the truth of God, to the peace of this Isle, to the honour of our dear and gracious Sovereign, imboldeneth me to offer even my little mite of information. This is a period of time, when the obstinate silence of those who are most obliged by their places and gifts to speak, must open the mouths of sundry, who are not by much so able; very babes, yea stones must find a tongue when Pharisees deny their testimony to CHRIST: ` Dumb men will get words when a father, when a King, let be a whole kingdom, by the wickedness of a few, is put in extreme peril of ruin: An Ass will find 〈◊〉 when the devouring sword of an Angel if drawn against the Master. Nothing more common in the Roman Annals, than the speeches of very Oxen, before any calamity of the Commonwealth: The claiking of Geese did at a time preserve the 〈◊〉: Amiclae was lost by too much silence: The neglect of the voice of a Damosel, the contempt of Cassandra's warning, the casting of her in bands, for her true but unpleasant speech, did bring the Trojane horse within the walls, and with it the quick ruin both of the city and Kingdom.  
I hope then that the greatness of my undertaking 
An offer de. serving 〈◊〉 audience.  may 〈◊〉 me a little audience: for I offer to make you all see with your own eyes, and hear with your own ears the Canterburians to declare by their own tongues, and write down under their own hands their clear minds, to bring in our Church Arminianism, and compleet Popery, and in our State a slavery no less than Turkish. If ye find that I prove my offer, I trust I may be confident of your Wisdoms, that though Cicero himself, and with him Demosthenes as a second, and Orpheus with the 〈◊〉 of his tongue and harp, as a third marrow, should come to persuade, yet that none of you shall ever be moved by all their oratory, to espouse the quarrels of so unhappy men. If I fail in my fair undertaking, let me be condemned of temereity, and no hour of your leisure be ever again employed, in taking notice of any more of my complaints: But till my vanity be found, I will expect assuredly from your Honours one hearing, if it were but to waken many an able wit, and nimble pen, in that your venerable House of Convocation; Numbers there, if they would speak their knowledge, could tell other tales then ever I heard in an outcorner of the Isle, far from the secrets of State, and all possibility of intelligence how many affairs in the World do go.  
It is one of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the World, how many 
The silence of the 〈◊〉 Divines is 〈◊〉.  of the English Divines can at this time be so dumb, who could well, if they pleased, paint out before your eyes with a Sunbeam all the crimes Ispeake of 〈◊〉 that head and members. It is strange that the pilloring of some few, that the slitting of Bastwickes' and 〈◊〉 nose, the branding of Prinnes cheek, the cutting of Lightouns ears, the scourging of Lylburne through the City, the close keeping of Lincoln, and the murdering of others by famine, cold, vermin, stink, and other miseries in the caves and vaults of the Bishop's houses of inquisition, should bind up the mouths of all the rest of the learned. 〈◊〉 wont not in the days of hottest persecution, in the very Marian times, to be so scant of faithful witnesses to the truth of Christ, we can not now conjecture what is become of that zeal to the true Religion, which we are persivaded lies in the heart of many thousands in that gracious Kirk; we trust indeed that this long lurking, and too too long silence of the Saints there, shall break out at once in some hundreths of trumpets and lamps, shining and shouting, to the joy of all the reformed Churches, against the camp of these enemies to God, and the King; that quickly it may be so, behold I here first upon all hazards do break my pitcher, do hold out my lamp, and blow my trumpet before the Commissioners of the whole Kingdom, offering to convince that prevalent faction by their own mouth, of Arminianism, Popery, and tyranny.   

The main scope and delineation of the subsequent Treatise. CHAP. I.  
OUr Adversaries are 
Our adversaries the cline to answer ou greatest challenge.  very unwilling to suffer to appear, that there is any further debate betwixt them and us, but what is proper unto our Church, & doth arise from the Service Book, Canons, & Episcopacy, which they have pressed upon us with violence, against all Order Ecclesiastical and Civil: In the mean time, lest they become the sacrifices of the public hatred of others, in a subtle Sophistication they labour to hide the 〈◊〉 wrongs and assronts which they have done openly to the Reformed Religion, to the Churches of ENGLAND, and all the Reformed Churches in the main and most material questions debated against the Papists ever since the reformation: for such as profess themselves our enemies, and are most busy to stir up our gracious Prince to arms against us, do wilfully dissemble their knowledge of any other controversy between them and us, but that which properly concerneth us, and rubbeth not upon any other Church. In this their doing the Judicious may perceive their manifold deceit, whereby they would delude the simple, and many witty worldlings do deceive themselves: First, they would have the world to think that we obstinately refuse to obey the Magistrate, in the point of things indifferent, And therefore unnecessarily, and in a foolish preciseness draw upon ourselves the wrath of the King. Secondly, when in our late Assemblies, the order of our Church is made known, and the seeds of superstition, heresy, idolatry and antichristian tyranny are discovered in the service Book and Canons, they wipe their mouth, they say, No such thing is meant; and that we may upon the like occasion blame the service Book of England. Thirdly, when by the occasion of the former quarrelings, their palpable Popery and Arminianism are set before their eyes, and their perverse intentions, desires, and endeavours, of the change of Religion and laws are upon other grounds then upon the service Book and Canons objected against them; they stop their ears, or at least shut their mouths, and answer nothing. This challenge they still decline and misken; they will not let it be heard, let be to answer to it; And for to make out their tergiversation, for to dash away allutterly this our process, they have been long plying their great engine; and at last have wrought their yondmost ours to that perfection, that it is now ready to spring under our walls. By their flattering calumnies they have drawn the Prince again to arms, for the overthrow of us their challengers, and for the affrighting by the terror of armies on foot all others elsewhere, from commencing any such action against them.  
As for us, truly it were the greatest happiness 
The scope of the treatise.  we do wish for out of Heaven, to live peaceably in all submission and obedience, under the wings of our gracious Sovereign, and it is to us a bitterness as gall, as wormwood, as death to be necessitate to any contest, to any contradictory terms, let be an armed defence, against any whom he is pleased to defend: Yea certainly, it were the great joy of our hearts, to receive these very men, our mortal enemies, into the arms of our affection, upon any probable signs in them, of their sincere grief, for the huge wrongs they have intended, and done to their Mother church and Country. But when this felicity is denied, and nothing in them doth yet appear but induration, and a malitions obstinacy; going on madly through a desperate desire of revenge, to move a very sweet Prince for their cause to shed his own blood, to rend his own bowels, to cut off his own members, what shall we do but complain to GOD, and 〈◊〉 to the World's eyes the true cause of our sufferings, the true grounds of this Episcopal war, or rather not Episcopal but Canterburian broil? for we judge sundry Bishops in the Isle to be very free of these mischiefs, and believe that divers of them would gladly demonstrate their innocency, if so be my Lord of Canterbury and his dependants, were in any way to receive from the King's justice some part of their deserveings.  
Howsoever, that we may give a testimony to the truth of GOD, which we are like at once to seal with our blood, we will offer to the view of all Reformed Churches, and above the rest to our nearest and sibbest sister of England, as it were in a Table, divers of these errors, which our party first by craft and subtlety, but now by extreme violence of fire and sword, are labouring to bring upon us; to the end that our dear brethren understanding our sufferings in the defence of such a cause, may be the more willing at this time to contribute for our assistance from God, the help of their earnest Prayers, and for ever hereafter to condole with the more hearty compassion, any misery which possibly may befall us, in such a quarrel.  
Albeit truly our hopes are yet greater than our 
All our 〈◊〉, but one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉, if we could become so happy as once to get our plea but entered before our Prince; for we can hardly conceive what in reason should hinder our full 〈◊〉 of a favourable decision from that Sacred mouth, whose natural equity the World knows in all causes whereof he is impartially informed, since our whole action is nought but one formal argument, whereof the Major is the verdict of our judge, the Minor shall be the open and avowed Testimony of our party, need we fear that either our Judge or party will be so irrational as to venture upon the denial of a conclusion, whereof both the premises is their own open profession?  
Our Major is this: Who ever in the King's Dominions 
The Major thereof.  spreads abroad Popery or any doctrine opposite to the Religion and Laws of the Land, now established, ought not to be countenanced, but severely punished by the King. This Major the King hath made certain to us in his frequent most solemn asseverations, not only at his Coronation both here and in England, in his Proclamations both here and there, 
a Neither shall We ever give way to the authorising of any thing, whereby any innovation may steal or 〈◊〉 into the Church, 〈◊〉 shall preserve that unity of doctrine and discipline, established in Queen 〈◊〉 Reign, whereby the Church of England have stood and flourished, since 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of England, 1628. and therefore once for all, we have thought sit to declare, and hereby to assure all our good people, that we neither were, are, nor ever (by the grace of God) shall be stained with Popish superstition, 〈◊〉 by the contrary, are resolved to maintain the true Protestant Religion, already professed within this our ancient Kingdom. We neither intent innovation in Religion or Laws, Proclam. 〈◊〉 8. 1638. 〈◊〉 all our good Subjects of the least suspicion of any intention in us, to innovate any thing either in Religion or Laws, and to satisfy not only their desires, but even their doubts. We have discharged, etc. Proclam. Septemb. 22. 1638. and to give all his Majesty's people full assurance, that he never intended to admit any alteration or change in the true Religion professed within this Kingdom, and that they may be truly and fully satisfied of the reality of his intentions, and integrity of the same, his Majesty hath been pleased to require and command all his good Subjects, to subscribe the Confession of Faith, formerly signed by his dear Father, in Anno 1580: and it is his Majesty's will that this be insert and registered in the Books of Assembly, as a testimony to posterity, not only of the sincerity of his intertions to the said true Religion, but also of his resolution to maintain and defend the same, and his Subjects in the profession thereof, Proclam. Decemb. 13. 1638.  but also in his late large Declaration, oftimes giving out his resolution to live and die in the reformed Protestant Religion, opposite to all Popery; to maintain his established Laws; and in nothing to permit the enervating of them: Yea, this resolution of the King is so peremptory, and publicly avowed, that Canterbury himself dare not but applaud thereto; 
b If any prelate would labour to bring in the superstitions of the Church of Rome, I do not only leave him to God's judgement, but if his irreligious 〈◊〉 can be discovered, also to shame and severe panishment from the State, and in any just way, no man's hands should be sooner against him than mine.  in his Star-chamber Speech, who can see me more forward than he for the great equity, to punish condignly all who would but mint to bring in any popery in this Isle, or assay to make any innovation in Religion or Laws? We believe indeed that the man doth but juggle with the World in his fair ambiguous generalities, being content to inveigh as much against popery and innovation as we could wish, upon hopes ever when it comes to any particular of the grossest popery we can name, by his subtle distinctions and disputations to slide out of our hands: But we are persuaded what ever may be the juggling of sophisticating Bishops, yet the magnanimous ingenuity, the Royal integrity of our gracious Sovereign is not compatible with such fraudulent equivocations, as to proclaim his detestation of popery in generals, and not thereby to give us a full assurance of his abhorring every particular, which all the orthodox Preachers of this Isle since the Reformation, by Queen Elisabet and King James allowance have ever condemned as popish errors. Our Major then we trust may be past as unquestionable.  
We subjoine our Minor, But so it is that Canterbury 
The Minor.  and his dependars, men raised, and yet maintained by him, have openly in their printed books, without any recantation or punishment to this day spread abroad in all the King's dominions, doctrines opposite to our Religion and laws, especially the most points of the grossest popery. In reason all our bickering ought to be here alone. This Minor I offer to instruct, and that by no other midst than the testimony of their own pens. If I do so to the full satisfaction of all, who know what are the particular heads of the reformed Religion, and what the tenets of Popery opposite thereto, what are the laws standing in all the three dominions, and what the contrary maxims of the Turkish empire, where with Machiavelists this day every where are labouring to poison the ears of all Christian Princes, for enervating the laws and liberties of their Kinngdomes: I hope that reason and justice which stand night and day attending on either side of King Charles throne will not fail to persuade the cheerful embracement of the conclusion, which 
The conclusion.  follows by a clear and natural necessity, from the forenamed premises, to wit, that Canterbury and his dependars in all the three dominions ought not to be countenanced by the King, but severely punished: Let be that for their pastime a bloody and hazardous war should be raised in so unseasonable a time, for the undoing of that country and Church which God hath honoured with the birth and baptism, both of his Majesties own person, and of his renowned father, and to the which both of them as all their hundreth and six glorious Predecessors, are indebted before God, and the World, all their Prerogatives both of nature, 〈◊〉, and estate, so much as any Princes were ever to their mother Church and native country.   

CHAP. II. The Canterburians avowed Arminianism.  
Arminianism how great and dangerous an innovation of the reformed Religion it is, 
〈◊〉 a great and dangerous innovation of 〈◊〉  we may learn by the late experiences of our neighbours, when that weed began to spread among them. The States of Holland have declared in many passages of their Dordracen Synod, that they found it a more ready mean to overthrow both their Church and State, than all the engines, policies, arms which the Pope, and Spaniard, in any bygone time had used against them. The Church of France the other year, when Amirot, and Testard, and some few of their Divines, were but surmised to incline a little towards some small twigs of one article of Arminius, was so affrighted, that they rested not till in a general Assembly at Alenzon, they did run together for the extinguishing of the first sparks as it were of a common fire. When P. Baro in Cambridge began to run a little on this rock, how careful was my Lord of Canterbury and the Bishops then in their meeting at Lambeth for the crushing of that Cockatrice in the 〈◊〉 when that serpent again in the same place began to set np the nose in the writs of Thomson, how careful was the Bishops then by the hand of their brother of Salisbury Doctor Abbots to cut of the head of that monster? But what speak we of the Churches reform? The very Synagogue of Rome whose conscience is enlarged as the Hell to swallow down the vilest morsels of the most lewd errors that Antichrist can present, yet did they stick much at this bone, when the Jesuit Molina began to draw out these dregs of Pelagianism from the long neglected pits of some obscure Schoolmen, what clamours were raised there, not only by Alvarez and his followers, but also by numbers of Prelates and some great Princes, till the credit of the Jesuits in the Court of Rome, and the wisdom of the Consistory prognosticating a new rent in their Church did procure from the Pope a peremptory injunction of silence to both sides, on all highest pains: hoping if the Dominicans mouths were once stopped, that the Jesuits by their 〈◊〉 arts, and silent policies would at last work out their intended point, which indeed since that time, they have well-near fully gained.  
But to King Charles eye no evidence useth to be 
King James judgement of 〈◊〉.  so demonstrative, as that which cometh from the learned hand of his blessed Father. Would we know how gracious a plant Arminianism and the dressers of it will prove in England, or any where else, advise with King James, who after full trial and long consultation about this emergent, with the Divines of his Court, especially the late Archbishop Abbots, gave out at last his Decree in print, and that in Latin, not only for a present declaration to the States of Holland, of his mind against Vorstius, and a clear confession of his Faith in those points to the Christian World, but above all to remain a perpetual Register for his Heirs and Succ essors, of his faithful advice, if after his death 〈◊〉 Kingdoms should be ever in danger to be 〈◊〉 with that wicked seed.  
In that Treatise, his Majesty doth first 
a Declarat. contra 〈…〉 p. 15. 〈…〉  avow all them to be gross Liars, who do not blush to affirm that any of the Arminian Articles, even that most plausible one of the Saints 〈◊〉 are consonant with the Doctrine or Articles of the Church of England. 
b Ibid. p. 12. 〈…〉  He styleth Bertius for such a slander, a very impudent and brazenfaced man. Secondly, 
c Ibid. pag. 18 〈…〉  He pronounceth these Doctrines of Arminius to be Heresies lately revived and damnable to the Hells from whence they come. Thirdly, 
d Ibid. pag. 12. 〈…〉  That Bertius for the very title of his book, The Saint's apostasy deserved burning Fourthly, 
e Ibid. pag. 14. 〈…〉  That Arminius and his Scholars were to be reputed pests, enemies to God, proud, 〈◊〉, heretical, Atheists. Fifthly, 
f Ibid. pag. 15. 〈…〉  He affirmeth that their toleration would not fail to bring upon the heads of their Tolerators let be favourers, God's malediction, an evil report, slander and infamy with all the Churches abroad, and certain Schism, Division and Tumults at home. Shall we then make any doubt of King Charles full contentment, that we avow Arminianism, to be such a dangerous innovation of our Religion as the reformed Churches abroad, and his Father at home hath taught us to count it where ever it is found.  

The great increase of Arminians in Scotland, by Canterbury's mean.  Notwithstanding this bitter root amongst us was setting up the head of late very boldly in all the prime places of our Kingdom, we have had since the reformation many bicker about the Church Government and Ceremonies, but in matters of Doctrine neverany Controversy was known, till some years ago a favourable air from the mouth of Doctor Lad at Court began to blow upon these unhappy seeds of Arminius. No sooner was those Southwinds sensible in our climate, but at once in S. Andrews, Edinburg, Aberdeen, and about Glasgow, that weed began to spring amain. Doctor Wederburn in the new College of Saint Andrews did stuff his Dictates to the young Students in Divinity with these errors. This man upon the fears of our Church's censure, having fled the Country, was very tenderly embraced by his Grace at Court and well rewarded with a fair Benefice in England, for his labours: But to the end his talents should not lie hid, although a man very unmeet either for preaching or government, he was sent down tous, without the knowledge of our Church, by Canterbury's only favour, to be Bishop of Dumblane, for this purpose mainly, that in the Royal Chapel, whereof that Bishop is always Dean, he might in despite of all our Presbyteries wove out the web he had begun in Saint Andrews. So quickly there was erected a society of twenty four Royal Chaplains, who were thought fittest of the whole Clergy of the Kingdom, to be alured with hopes of favour from Court, to preach to the State the Deans Arminian tenets. In Edinburgh, Master Sydserfe did partly play his part, and for the reward of his boldness, had cast in his lap in a trace the Deanery of E. dinburgh, the Bishopric of Brechen, and last of 〈◊〉, with full hopes in a short time of an Archbishop's cloak. In the North, Doctor Forbes the only Father of the most of those who fell away from the Doctrine of our Church, came too good speed in his evil labours, and for his pains was honoured with the first seat in the new erected Chair of our principal City. Others about Glasgow made their preaching of the Arminian errors the pathway to their assured advancement. In our general Assembly we found that this cockle was coming up apace in very many furrows of our field: Some of it we were forced, albeit to our great grief, to draw up and cast 〈◊〉 the dyke, which at once was received and replanted in England, in too good a soil.  
We confess, that it happened not much beside 
The King's name stolen by 〈◊〉 to the defence of 〈◊〉.  our expectation, that our Arminians after the censure of our Church should at Court have been too graciously received and sheltered in the Sanctuary of his Grace at Lambeth; But, this indeed, did and doth still astonish us all, that any should have been so bold as to have stolen King Charles name to a printed Declaration, wherein not only our general Assembly is condemned for using any censure at all against any for the crime of Arminianism: 
g Large Declar. pag. 74. According to their weak and 〈◊〉 power they did determine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Predestination, Universal Grace, irresistibility of Grace, concurrence of Free Will with Grace, total and final perseverance in Grace, and other such like intricate points, that some men would be loath to live so long as they could make them understand them.  But also Arminius Articles are allutterly slighted and pronounced to be of so obscure & intricate a nature that both our Assembly was too pert to make any determination about them, and that many of our number were altogether unable by any teaching ever to win so much as to the understanding of the very questions: 
h P. 16. Some Ministers were deprived for 〈◊〉, a course never heard of in any place where any rule of justice was observed, that a Minister should be deprived for holding any Tenet which is not against the Doctrine of that Church wherein he liveth, and that before it be prohibited and condemned by that Church. Now there is nothing in the 〈◊〉 of that Church against these Tenets.  Yea, those Articles are avowed to be consonant, and in nothing to be opposite to the confession of our Church, and are freely absolved of all popery. 
i Pag. 303. They could make no answer when it was told them these Tenets could not be counted Popish, concerning which, or the chiefe of which as learned Papists as any in the World, the 〈◊〉 and Jesuits did differ as much as the Protestants, and that those which do adhere to the Augustan Confession did hold that side of those Tenets which the Arminians did hold, and yet they were very far from being Papists, being the first Protestants, and therefore it was against all sense to condemn that for Popery which was held by many Protestant Churches, and rejected by many learned Papists.  Because indeed (for this is the only reason) some learned papists find divers of Arminius points to be so absurd that their stomaches cannot away with them, and some of the Lutheran divines agree with the Arminians in certain parcels of some of their Articles: They must be strangers in these questions, who are ignorant in how many things the Dominicans and all Papists agree with Arminius, and in how many the Lutherans disagree from him. However we were and are amazed to see Canterbury so malapeart, as to proclaim in the King's name, beside many other strange things, the Articles of Arminius, to be so far above the capacity of our general Assembly, that it deserves a Royal reproof for minting to determine any thing in them, and that they are no ways contrary to the doctrine of our Church, neither any ways popish, and that for a reason, which will exeme from the note of Popery every error which is so grossly absurd, that some learned Papists are forced to contradict it; or some gross Lutheran can get his throat extended to swallow it down.  
This boldness cannot in any reason be imputed 
〈◊〉 is the author of this part of the Declaration  to our gracious Sovereign: For how is it possible that he upon any tolerable information, should ever have suffered himself to be induced to write, or speak in such a strain of these thing, which so lately by his learned Father was declared in print, and that in Latin to be no less than heresies worthy of burning; yea, damnable to the very infernal pit whence, as he says, they did first come up. Neither is it like that these sentences come from the heart of Doctor Balcanquel the penman of them; for he was a member of Dort Synod, and brought up in the Church of Scotland, the man is not unseen in the Popish Tenets; How is it possible that his conscience should absolve the Arminian errors of all Popery, and all contrariety to the Scottish confession. May any be so uncharitable, as to suspect his late promotion in Durham, hath altered so soon his mind? Sure not long since, both in England and Scotland, he did desire to be esteemed by his friends, one of those whom Canterbury did malign, and hold down for his certain and known resolutions, and reputed abilities to oppose his Graces Arminian, and Popish innovations. His Majesty being certainly clear of this imputation, and readily also Balcanquel, the Amanuense, on whom can the fault lie but Canterbury, the directors back? For the world knows, that on his shoulders for common alone, the King doth devolve the trust of all Bookish and Ecclesiastical affairs that concern him, that at his commandment 〈◊〉 hath written in the King's name that part at the least of the declaration, which patronizeth the Arminian persons and cause, we do not conjecture but demonstrate by the constant and avowed course of his Grace's carriage in advancing Arminianism at all occasions; in all the King's Dominions.  
That this may appear, consider his practices, 
The Irish Church infected with 〈◊〉 by Canterbury.  not so much amongst us, and in the Irish Church, where yet his hand is very nimble, to set these ungracious plants, and to nip off all the overspreading branches of any tree that may overtop them: For who else in a moment, hath advanced Doctor Bramble, not only to the sea of Derrie, but to the King's 〈◊〉 General? Who sent Doctor Chapel first to the University of Dublin, and then to his Episcopal chair? Who holds 〈◊〉 the head of that Orthodox Primate, and of all who kith any zeal there to the truth of God; Who caused not only refuse the confirmation of these Arminian Articles of Ireland, in the last Parliament, but threatened also to burn them by the hand of the Hangman? Whose invention are these privy Articles, which his creature Derry presents to divers, who take Orders from his holy hands? We will pass these and such other effects, which the remote rays of his Grace's countenance do produce in so great a distance; Only behold! How great an increase that unhappy plant hath made there in England, where his eye is nearer to view, and his hand to water it.  
In the 25 year, at the very instant of King James 
The Canterburians in England, teach the first and second Article of Arminianism.  death, Doctor Montague, with Doctor Whites approbation, did put to the Press all the Articles of Arminius in the same terms, with the same arguments and most injurious calumniations of the Orthodox Doctrine, as Spalleto and the Remonstrants had done a little before, but with this difference, that where those had dipped their pens in ink Doct. Montagu doth write with vinegar and gall, in every other line, casting out the venom of his bitter spirit, on all that cometh in his way, except they be fowls of his own feather; for oft when he speaks of Jesuits, Cardinals, Popes, he anoints his lips with the sweetest honey, and perfumes his breath with the most cordial tablets. If any do doubt of his full Arminianism, let them cast up his Appeal and see it clearly, 
k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 60 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 my through and sincere 〈◊〉 from the faction of novellizing 〈◊〉, but in no point 〈◊〉 then in the 〈◊〉 of desperate Predestination. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 70. I see no reason why any Divines of our 〈◊〉 present at the Syned of 〈◊〉, should take any 〈◊〉 at my 〈◊〉, who had no authority that I 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to conclude me, 〈◊〉 than I do at them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from me in their 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 71. I am sure the Church of England never 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in her 〈◊〉. Ibid pag 72, at the Conference of Hampton Court, before his Majesty, by Doctor 〈◊〉, that doctrine of irrespective Predestination was styled against the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, then urged by the 〈◊〉, a desperare doctrine without reproof or taxation of any. Ibid. 〈◊〉 50. your absolute, necessary, determined, irresistible, irrespective Decree of God to call, save, and 〈◊〉 Saint 〈◊〉, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, without any consideration had of, or regard unto his 〈◊〉, obedience, 〈◊〉: I say it truly, it is the fancy of some 〈◊〉 men.  in the first and second Article of Election and Redemption, he avoweth his averseness from the doctrine of Lambeth and Dort which teacheth, that God from eternity did elect us to grace and salvation, not for any consideration of our faith, works or any thing in us as causes, respects or conditions antecedent to that decree, but only of his mere mercy; And that from this Election all our faith, works, and perseverance do flow as effects. He calleth this the private fancy of the Divines of Dort, opposite to the doctrine of the Church of England: For this assertion he 〈◊〉 the Synod of Lambeth, as teachers of desperate doctrine, and would father this foul imputation; but very falsely on the conference at Hampton Court. 
l Ibid. 〈◊〉 61. 64. I shall as I can briefly set down what I conceive of this act of God's Decree of Predestination, setting by all execution of purpose: thus far we have gone, and no word yet of Predestination, for how could it be in a parity? There must be first conceived a disproportion, before there can be conceived 〈◊〉 election or dereliction: God had compassion of men in the mass of perdition, upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & genera 〈◊〉, and out of his mercy in his love motumero, no otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out to them deliverance, in a Mediator the Man jesus Christ, and drew them out that took hold of mercy, leaving them there that would none of him.  Again he avoweth positively that faith goeth before Election, and that to all the lost race of Adam alike, God's mercy in Christ is propounded till the party's freewill, by believing or misbelieving, make the disproportion antecedent to any divine either election, or reprobation.  
One of the reasous why King james styled Arminius 
Why King james styled them Atheists.  disciples atheists, was because their first article of conditional election did draw them by an inevitable necessity to the maintenance of Vorstian impiety: For make me once Gods Eternal decree posterior, and dependant from faith, repentance, perseverance, and such works, which they make slow from the free will of changeable men; that Decree of God will be changeable, it will be a separable accident in him; God will be a composed substance of subject, and true accidents, no more an absolute simple essence, and so no more God. Vorstius ingenuity in professing this composition is not misliked by the most learned of the Belgic Arminians, who use not as many of the English, to deny the clear consequences of their doctrine, if they be necessary, though never so absurd. However in this very place Montagu maintains very Vorstian atheism as expressly as any can do making the divine essence to be finite, his omni-presence not to be in substance, but in providence, 
m Appeal, pae. 49. the 〈◊〉 among others 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 of old, 〈◊〉 to . They meant it substantially, and so 〈◊〉: Christians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it too, but disposively in his providence.  and so making God to be no God. This thought long ago by learned Featly objected in print to Montagu, lies still upon him without any clearing. Certainly our Arminians in Scotland were begun both in word and writ to undertake the dispute for all that Vorstius had printed: I speak what I know, and have felt oft to my great pains.  
Arminianism is a chain, any one link whereof, 
They teach the third and 〈◊〉 Article.  but specially the first, will draw all the rest; yet see the other also expressed by Montagu. In the Articles of Grace and Freewill, not only he goes clear with the Arminians, teaching that Man's will hath ever a faculty to resist, and oft times according to the doctrine of the Church of England actually doth resist, reject, frustrate, and overcome the most powerful acts of the spirit and grace of God, even those which are employed about regeneration, sanctification, justification, perseverance. 
n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 89. St. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 hath the very word antipiptete, you resist, nay, fall cross with the holy Ghost, not suffering him to 〈◊〉 grace in you. If the Council meaned it , operante: I think no man will deny it, de gratia 〈◊〉, subsequent, cooperante; there is without question in the natural will of a regenerate man so much 〈◊〉 concupiscence, as may make him resist and rebel against the law of the Spirit. And if a man justified may fall away from grace, which is the doctrine of the Church of England, then without question, yourselves being judges, he may 〈◊〉 the grace of God offered.  Not only doth he thus far proceed, but also he avows that all the difference which is betwixt the Church of England and Rome, in this head of freewill, is in nothing material, 
o Ibid. 〈◊〉 95. Thus having with as great diligence as I could examined this question inter parts of freewill, I do ingenuously confess, that I cannot find any such material 〈◊〉 between the 〈◊〉, at least of better temper, and our Church.  and really long ago to be ended and agreed amongst the most judicious and sober of both the sides.  
For the fifth of perseverance he is as gross as any 
Also the fifth.  either Remonstrant or Molinean Jesuit, professing, that no man in this life can have more assurance not to fall away both totally and finally from all the grace he gets, than the devils 
p Antigag. p. 161 Man is not likely in the State of grace to be of an higher alloy than Angels were in the state of glory, than Adam was in the state of innocence: Now i Adam in Paradise, and 〈◊〉 in heaven did fall and lost their original estate, the one totally, 〈◊〉 and the other eternally, what greater assurance hath any man in the state of proficiency; not of consummation.  had once in Heaven, and Adam once in Paradise.  
Behold the Arminian ensign fairly now displayed 
Silence by proclamation enjoined to both sides.  in England by the hands of Montagu and White, under the conduct of Doctor Lad Bishop of Saint david's, even than the Precedent, the chief in Ecclesiastical affairs of the Duke of Buckingham's secret council. At the first sight of this black banner a number of brave Champions got to their arms; pulpits over all England rang, presses swate against the boldness of that but small handful then of courtizing Divines. Their crafty leader seeing the 'slud of opposition, and finding it meet for a little to hold in, and fold up his displayed colours, did by the Duke his patron persuade the expediency of that policy, which the Jesuits had immediately before, for that same very design moved the Roman consistory to practice. He obtained a Proclamation, commanding silence on both sides, discharging all preaching, all printing in these controversies, astricting to the clear, plain and very Grammatical sense of the Articles of England in these points, without all further deductions. By this means his intentions were much promoved, open avowers of Arminianism were by public authority so exempted from any censure, a real liberty was thus proclaimed over all the land, for any who pleased to embrace Arminianism without oppotion.  
Hereby in two or three years the infection spread 
The Arminians in England advanced.  so far and broad, that the Parliament was forced in the 28. to make the increase of Arminianism their chief grievance to his Majesty; But at that time Doctor Lad was grown greater. He had mounted up from the Bath to London, and to make a show there in Parliament of his power in the eye of all the complainers, he raised up Montagu to the Episcopal Chair of his own Diocesan, Doctor Carleton, who had lately chastised him in print for his Arminian appeal. D. White his other 〈◊〉, that all great spirits might be encouraged to run the ways which Doct. Lad pointed out to them, in despite of these Parliamentary Remonstrants, was advanced from Bishopric to Bishopric, till death at the step of Elie did interrupt the course of his promotion, that to Wren a third violent follower of his Arminian Tenets, way might be made for to climb up the remaining steps of the ladder of his Honours. Now to the end 〈◊〉 the world may know, that my Lord of Canterbury doth nothing blush at the advancement of such men, hear what a public testimony of huge worth and deserving, he causeth his Herald Peter 〈◊〉 to proclaim to that Triumvirate, not only at his own directions, (for that moderate answer of Heylens is the justo volumine which his G. did promise to the world in his Star-chamber speech) but also in name of authority, if Heylen lie not, who says, He writes that book at the commandment of the State: There, after the cryasse of Canterbury's own extraordinary praises 
q A moderate answer, pag. 78 you will be troubled to find Canterbury's equal in our Church, since King Edward's Reformation, whether ye look to his public or private demeanours.  the renoun of his three Underleaders, is loudly sounded as of plain Non-suches 
r Ibid pag. 84. White, Montagne, and 〈◊〉, whom you so abuse, are such, who for their endeavours for this Church's honour, fidelity in their service to the King, full abilities in Learning, have had no equals in this Church, since the Reformation. .  
All these his grace's favours to his followers would 
Their opposites disgraced and persecuted.  have been the more tolerable, if he would have permitted his Orthodox opposites to have had some share in their Prince's affection, or at least to have lived in peace in their own places. But behold, all that crosses his way must down, were they the greatest Bishops in the Dominions. For who else wrought the 〈◊〉 Archbishop so far out of the King's Grace, that he remained some years before his death well-near confined to his house at Lambeth? Who hath caused to cage up in the Tower that great and learned Bishop of Lincoln? what ever else may be in the man. What fray makes that worthy Primate Usher, to foretell oft to his friends his expectation, to be sent over Sea, to die a Pedant teaching boys for his bread, by the persecution of this faction whose ways he avows to many, doth tend to manifest Arminianism, and Popery. This their resolution to persecute with 
Albeit to this day fleshly fears have made him to let pass with silence in public the most wicked of their courses.  all extremity, every one who shall mint to print or preach any thing against Arminianism, they avow it openly not only by deeds (for why else was Master Butter the Stationer cast by Canterbury in the Fleet for printing Bishop Davenants letter to Bishop Hall against some passage of Arminianism at the Author's direction, as we see it set down by Huntley in his Breviat?) but even in open print, for when Master Burton complains to the King that he was silenced by Canterbury, for expounding of his ordinary text, Rom. 8 Whom God hath predestinate, those he hath called, and applying it to the present Pelagianisme and Popery of the Arminians, Christopher Dow 
s Chr. Dow. Answer to Master Burton, M. Burton did preach on the highest point of Predestination in a controverted way with disputes and clamorous invectives against those who dissented from him in opinion, his questioning and suspending for this cause, was nothing contrary to his Majestics Declarations. ibid. pag. 40. Be it so that the doctrine of election, effectual vocation, assurance of 〈◊〉, are by the Declaration suppressed, rather than the peace of the Church should be disturbed, we might truly say of that time when his 〈◊〉 Declaration was published, that men were uncapable of these doctrines, when men began to chide, and to count each other 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 it was with our neighbours, it began to be with us, was it not time to enjoin both sides silence? By this means you say, there is no Minister, not one among a thousand that dare clearly preach of these most comfortable doctrines, and so sound confute the 〈◊〉 heresy. Blessed be God, that there are so few who dare, and I with those few who dare, had showed more obedience to his Majesty.  approved by Canterbury's Chaplain, and Peter Helyn directed to speak by Canterbury himself doth not stand to affirm, that this was a cause well deserving all the sufferings he complained of.  
Could any here but expect of his Grace's wisdom 
Canterbury and his 〈◊〉 contrary to the Proclamation go on still to print, let be to preach their Tenets.  and loyalty, when his solicitude appeareth to disgrace and punish, without respect of persons, all who in contempt, as he saith, of the King's Proclamation will not desist from the public oppugning of Arminianism, that on the other hand the Preachers and Printers for Arminianism according to that same Proclamation should be put to some order? yet this is so far neglected, that all who are so affected, Cousins, Colines, Beal in CAMBRIDGE, Potter and Jackson in OXFORD, and many more prime Doctors in both Universities, in the City, in the Court, and over all the Land, boldly give out their mind to all they meet with for the advancement of the new way; yea boldness in running those paths hath been known to have been the high way in all the three Dominions these years bygone to certain promotion in many men, who to the World's eyes had no other singular eminency of any good parts.  
But that his Graces tramping upon the King's Proclamation may be yet the more evident, behold how he doth daily dispense both with his own pen and those also of his Friends to write and print for Arminianism, what they please. White being taxed by Master Burton for his subscription to Montagues Appeal, is so far from the least retractation, that the fifth Article of Apostasy and uncertainty of salvation which Master Burton did single out of all Montagues errors as most opposite to Christian comfort, he maintains it in his own Answer to the Dialogue; but as the custom now is under the covert of some Father's name, at great length with much bitterness, and casts out without provocation in his Treatise of the Sabbath, the first and second Article: 
t Pag 82. The benefit of redemption by the antecedent will of Christ is intended to all men living, though all men by reason of their own demerits do not actually receive the fruit of it. Voluntas antecedens est voluntas 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 Dei ex ejus nativa 〈◊〉 existens, 〈◊〉 sumens occasionem ex nobis.  Master Dow and Schelfoord use the same plainness. Yea, in the one and thirtieth year that Faction was so malepeart as to set out the Historical Narration by one Aileward wherein all the Articles of Arminius at length with these false and bitter Calumniations of our Doctrine, which are usually chanted and rechanted by the Remonstrants are not only set down as truths, but also fathered upon the first reformers and Martyrs of England. That Book when it had been out a while was called in, not because the doctrines were false, not because the story was forged, as that learned Knight Sir Vmphrey Line by the ocular inspection of that original manuscript did since demonstrate, but the only reason of the calling of it back, as his Grace makes Heylen declare to us, was, the din and clamour which Mr. Burton, than one of the Ministers of London, made against it. 
w Moderate answer, pag. 121. The historical narration was called in also for your pleasure.   
Conterbury himself is nothing afraid to lend his own hand to pull down any thing that seems cross to Arminianism. The certainty of Salvation, the assurance of Election, is such an eyesore, that to have it away, he stands not with his own hand to cut and mangle the very Liturgy of the Church, otherwise a sacred peace, and a noli me tangere in England in the smallest points, were they never so much by any censured of error: yet if any clause cross Arminianism or Popery, his grace doth not spare without din to expurge it, did it stand in the most eminent places thereof in the very morning prayers for the King's person. Here was this clause fixed since the reformation (who are the Father of thine elect and their seed) this seemed to be a public profession that it was not unlawful for King Charles to avow his certainty and persuasion that God was his Father, and he his adopted Child elected to salvation. His grace could not endure any longer such a scandalous speech to be uttered, but with his own hand scrapeth it out. Being challenged for it by Master Burton, and the outcries of the people, he confesseth the fact; only for excuse, bringeth three reasons of which you may judge: 
x Star-chamber, speech, p. 28. It was delet at the King, direction in my Predecessors time, when theKing had no children  First, he saith, It was done in his Predecessors time: Doth not this make his presumption the more intolerable, that any inferior Bishop living at the very ear of the Archbishop, should mint to expurge the Liturgy? Secondly, He pretends the King's command for his doing. Doth not this increase his guiltiness, that he and his followers are become so wicked and irrespective, as to make it an ordinary prank, to cast their own misdeeds upon the broad back of the Prince? Dare he say, that the King commanded any such thing motu proprio? Did he command that expunction without any information, without any man's advice? Did any King of England ever assay to expurge the public Books of the Church, without the advice of his Clergy? Did ever King Charles meddle in any Church matter of far less importance without Doctor Lads counsel? The third excuse, That the King then had no seed: How is this pertinent? May not a childless man say in his prayers, that God is the Father of the Elect, and of their seed, though himself as yet have no seed? But the true cause of his anger against this passage of the Liturgy, seemeth to have been none other then this Arminian conclusion; that all faith of election in particular, of personal adoption or salvation, is nought but presumption. That this is his Grace's faith, may appear by his Chaplains hand, at that base and false story of Ap-Evan by Studley, wherein are bitter invectives against all such persuasions as puritanick delusions, 
y Satan like an Angel of light stirring up in the heart of immort fied persons, a spiritual pride in a high conceit of their 〈◊〉, the assurance of their election, illumination, conversion, imaginary sense of their adoption, etc.  yea, he is contented that Chouneus should print over and over again his unworthy collections, not only subscribed by his chaplain, but dedicated to himself, wherein salvation is avowed to be a thing unknown, and whereof no man can have any further, or should wish for any more than a good hope. 
z Pag. 82. Salus 〈◊〉 satis certa quamvis ipsis ignota, ex gratia & 〈◊〉 sua misericordia det Deus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suavissimam & 〈◊〉 spei 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 non expectamus.  And if any desire a clear confession, behold himself in those opuscula posthuma of Andrew's, which he setteth out to the world after the man's death, and dedicates to the King; avowing that the Church of England doth maintain no personal persuasion of predestination, which Tenet Cardinal Peroun had objected as presumption. 
* Stricturae, we think it not safe for any man peremptorily to presume himself predestinate.  White also in his answer to the dialogue, makes man's election a mystery, which God hath so hid in his secret counsel that no man can in this life come to any knowledge, let be assurance of it, at great length from the ninety seventh page to the hundred and third, and that most plainly.  
But to close this Chapter passing a number of evidences, 
A demonstration of Canterbury's Arminianism in the highest degree.  I bring but one more which readily may be demonstrative, though all other were laid aside. By the Laws and practices of England, a Chaplains licensing of a book for the press is taken for his Lord the Bishop's deed: So Heylen approven by Canterbury teacheth in his Antidotum, 
a Pag. 3. 〈◊〉 if you be so 〈◊〉 as not to apprehend that, yet must the publishing of this libel 〈◊〉 in conclusion, on my Lord high treasurer the Bishop of London, at whose house the book was licentiat, which is so high a language against authority, against the practice of this Realm, for licentiating of books against the honour of the Star-chamber on whose decree that practice is founded, etc.  and for this there is reason, for the Laws give authority of licensing to no chaplain, but to their Lords alone, who are to be answerable for that which their servant doth in their name. Also the chaplain at the licensing receives the principal subscribed copy, which he delivereth to his Lord, to be laid up in his episcopal Register. William Bray, one of Canterbury's Chaplains, subscribed 〈◊〉 collectiones 〈◊〉, as consonant to the doctrine of the Church of England & meet for the press. The author dedicated the treatise to my L. of Canterbury, it was printed at London 1636. into this book, the first article, which by the confession of all sides, draws with it all the rest, is set down in more plain and foul terms than Molina or any Jesuit; sure I am then Arminius, Vorstius, or any their followers ever did deliver, 
b Pag. 18. Non video 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 quare cum quae est ex Deo per 〈◊〉 eandemque actionem bonitatis à seipso emanantem, recta 〈◊〉 fidei in Christum resipiscentiae, obedientiae, perseverantiae, sit causa salvationis, perversa quae 〈◊〉 hominibus est damnationis, in eadem unitatis ratione, electinis & reprobationis 〈◊〉 causae 〈◊〉.  teaching in one These those three gross errors. 1. That men's faith, repentance, perseverance, are the true causes of their Salvation; as Misbelief, Impenitency, Apostasy are of Damnation: Doth Bellarmine go so far in his Doctrine of justification and merit? 2. That those sins are no less the true causes of reprobation then of damnation. 3. That men's faith, repentance, perseverance are no less the true causes of their eternal election, than misbelief or other sins of their temporal damnation. Let charity suppone that his grace in the midst of his numerous and weighty employments hath been forced to neglect the reading of a book of this nature, though dedicate to himself, albeit it is well known that his watchful eye is fixed upon nothing more than Pamphlets which passes the press upon Doctrines now controverted, yet his grace being publicly upbraided, for countenancing of this book by Doctor Bastwick in the face of the Star-chamber, and being advertised of its dedication to himself, of the errors contained in it, yea of injuries against the King of the deepest stain, as these which struck at the very root of his supremacy, and that in favour of Bishops. When in such a place Canterbury was taxed for letting his name stand before a Book that wounded the King's Monarchical government at the very heart, and did transfer from the Crown to the Mitre one of its fairest diamonds which the King and his Father before him did ever love most dear, no Charity will longer permit us to believe, but his Grace would without further delay lend some two or three spare hours to the viewing of such a piece which did concern the King and himself so nearly. Having therefore without all doubt both seen & most narrowly sifted all the corners of that small Treatise, and yet been so far from reproving the Author, from censuring the licencer, his Chaplain, from calling in the book, from expurging any one jot that was in it, that the Treatise the second time is put to the press at London with the same licence, the same dedication, no letter of the points in question altered: May we not conclude with the favour of all reasonable men, that it is my Lord of Canterbury's express mind to have his own name prefixed, and his chaplains hand subjoined to the grossest errors of Arminius, and so to profess openly his contempt of the King's Proclamation, for the pretended violation where, of he causeth stigmatize, mutilat, fine excessively, imprison for time of life, very virtuous gentlemen, both Divines, Lawyers, Physicians, & of other faculties.  
What there can be said for his grace's apology 
Arminianism is consonant to the Articles of England, and not contrary to the Proclamation.  nothing cometh in my mind, except one alledgeance, that the point in hand crosseth not the proclamation, discharging toproceed in those questions beyond the Grammatical construction and literal sense of the articles of England. The Author indeed in the Epistle dedicatory avows to his grace that the These alleged, and all the rest of his Book doth perfectly agree with the English Articles, in the very first and literal sense, whereof the Proclamation speaketh, 
c Nec videantur sensum articulorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in literali & grammaticali nedum in 〈◊〉 verborum sensu transgredi.  And to this assertion the Licencers' hand is relative as to the rest of the book: but of this miserable apology, which yet is the only one which I can imagine possible, this will be the necessary issue, that the gross lie, which good King James put upon the bold brow of impudent Bertius, for his affirming that one article of the Saints apostasy, let be other more vile Arminian Tenets, was consonant with the Articles of England, must be thrown back from Bertius on the King's face, and that in as disgraceful a way as it was first given: Montague and White, with his grace's permission, did give that venerable Prince long ago the lie at home in English, affirming the perfect agreeance of the Arminian apostasy with the Doctrine of England. But this affront contents not his Grace except the barbarous medicine, under the shelter of his archiepiscopal name belie his Majesty over sea, and over the whole world, where the Latin is understood. Beside this shameful inconvenience, another dangerous evil will necessarily follow from this apology, to wit, that the Arminian doctrine may not only be tollerat in England, which yet if King James be trusted, cannot fail to draw down upon England a curse from God, shame from abroad, horrible schism at home, but also since their grossest Articles are declared in print and in Latin, under the shadow of Canterbury's name, to be fully consonant to the very literal sense of the Articles of England, all the members of that Church may be compelled presently without more delay to embrace those doctrines; and that any manis permitted in England, to believe in peace the Antiarminian Articles, wherein Queen Elisabet and King James did live and die, it is of mere favour and the Prince's mercy, who readily by the Archbishops intercession is diverted from pressing the profession of those articles; according to the first and most literal sense, which now is clearly avowed to be after Arminius; yea, Molina his mind.   

CHAP. III. The Canterburians professd affection towards the Pope and Popery in gross.  
IT was the opinion of many among us for a 
The faction once suspected of Luthcranisme.  long time, that the innovating faction did mind no more nor Arminianism, but at once, those who touched their pulse nearer, did find a more high humour working in their veins. With Arminius errors they began incontinent to publish other Tenets, which to all mere Arminians were ridiculous follies. The elements of the Lords Supper began by them to be magnified, above the common phrase of protestant Divines, a corporal presence of Christ's humanity in and about the elements to be glanced at, a kind of omnipresence of Christ's flesh to be preached, a number of adorations before those elements, and all that was near them, both the altar, basin, chalice, and chancel to be urged; many new ceremonies, which for many years had been out of use, to be taken in, a great bitterness of spirit, against all who ran not after these new guises to appear. This made us think they intended to step over from Arminius to Luther. In this conception we were somewhat confirmed, considering their earnest recommendation, to the reading of young Students the late Lutheran Divines, such as Hutter, Meisner, Gerard, with their crying down, both in private and public, of Calvine, Beza, Martyr, Bucer, and the rest of the famous Writers both ancient and late of the French and Belgic Churches. Their giving it out also that their martyred Reformers, Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, were of Luther's School, and from him had learned those things, wherein the English Church did differ from the other Reform of calvin's framing. But most of all, by my Lord of Canterbury's great diligence underhand, to promove and reward that late negotiation of Master Duries with the Churches over Sea, for the extenuating of the Lutheran errors, and procuring with their Churches, not only a syncretisme, which all good men did ever pant for, but also a full peace in terms so general, so ambiguous, so slippery, that are very suspicious to many, other ways very peaceable minds.  
This I speak without any intention of putting the least note of blame either upon the person or pains of Master Durie, or any of the Divines of either side, who have been ready to declare their inclination, and employ their labours towards that more desired then hoped for union of the Protestant Churches, whom evil instruments have keeped too too long asunder in a lamentable, dangerous, and disgraceful distraction. Master Duries labours in this kind were ever by me esteemed worthy of great praise, honour, and reward: I wished always in my heart to them a most happy success ever rejoicing when in any of his informations, I did perceive the lest step of advancement.  
My remark only is upon the malice of the Canterburians, who to their wicked design of reuniting to Rome, and so overthrowing all the Protestant Churches, do most perversely abuse as all, whatsoever at any time hath fall'n from the pen of any Reformed Writer, tending towards mutual peace or moderation, so especially the negotiations which of old or late, hath been in hand for the drawing of us and the Lutherans, into one body: These Treaties whether for a full agreement, or a friendly toleration, are laid by them as the principal ground-stones of their negotiation with Rome, for to them both the persons and doctrine of the Lutherans are more odious than these of the Papists, as you will see it hereafter demonstrate from the Writs of Forbes and Kellet; so that all the countenance they have shown hitherto towards the negotiations of our peace with the Lutherans did not proceed from any true affection, they carried either to the men or to their negotiation in itself: but their aim mainly was to have these Treaties abused as plausible means to advance their own greater design. This for a time, while their mysteries lay vailed, was not well perceived: the most of men did suspect no more in all their seeming favours towards the Lutheran party, then that a kind of Lutheranism had been there uttermost intention, hoping that the motion of their violent minds might have consisted here, without any further progress.  
But it was not long, while every common eye did 
But at last 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 to be their mark.  observe their bowl to roll much beyond that 〈◊〉. They published incontinent a number of the Romish errors, which to the Lutherans were ever esteemed deadly poison, the Popish Faith, the Trident'ne Justification, merit of Works, Works of Sup 〈◊〉, Doctrinal Traditions, Limbus Patrum, the sacrifice of the Mass, Adoration of Images, Monastic Vows, Abbeys and Nunneries, the authority of the Pope, a reunion with Rome as she stands. Finding it so, we were driven to this conclusion, that as ordinarily the spirit of defection doth not permit any Apostates to rest in any mid term, but carrieth them along to the extremes of some palpable madness, to some strong delusion for the recompense of the first degrees of their fall from the love of the Truth, so also our Faction was carried quite beyond the bounds both of Arminius and Luther, yea of their own so much once beloved Cassander and Spalleto, and all the Lists of that which they were wont to call moderation, to drink of the vilest abominations, and the lowest dregs of the golden Cup of that Romish Whore: For now Canterbury and his followers, are not ashamed to proclaim in print their affection to popery both in gross and retail. Let no man in this cast up to me any slander till he have heard and considered the probation of my allegiance.  

f His fifth Sermon through the whole.  Popery is a body of parts, if not innumerable, 
To make way for their designs, they cry down the Pope. Antichristianisme.  yet exceeding many. Their is scarce any member great or small in this monster, whereto the faction hath not kithed too passionate a love. But for shortness, I will show first their affection to the whole mass of Popish errors, their respect to the Church of Rome, and to the Pope the head thereof, than in particular to the most principal and abominable parts of that Chaos. As for the whole of that confused lump, that they may win the more easily to the embracement of it, they cast down in the entry the chief wall, they remove the main impediment, whereby Protestants were ever keeped there from. What ever we speak of some very few private men, yet all Protestant Churches without exception made ever the Pope's Antichristianisme, their chief bulwark to keep all their people from looking back towards that Babylonish Whore. No Church did make greater state of that Fort than the English, and no man in that Church more than King Charles blessed Father. He was not content himself to believe and avow the Pope that great Antichrist, but also with Arguments invincible drawn mainly from some passages of the Revelation, cleared now as light, by the Commentary of the Pope's practices, to demonstrate to all Neighbour Princes and States of Christendom in a monitory Treatise this belief, for that express end, that from this truth clearly proved, they might not only see the necessity he had to keep himself and his Subjects for evermore from returning to Rome, but they also by this one argument might be forced to cast off the yoke of the Pope, when they saw him clothed with the garments of Antichrist. It was the the continual song of all the Bishops and Clergy in England, till Doctor Lad got absolute credit with the Duke of Buckingham, that the Pope's Antichristianisme was an engine of such efficacy as was able of itself alone, if well manadged to overthrow the walls of Rome. For this I give but two witnesses, two late English Bishops both of them deponing before all England to King James and he accepting their testimony, 
a Caeterum agendo quam nihil agent, & 〈…〉 disputatione ista de antichristo, liquido constare poterit; quia si causam hanc obtinuerimus esse romanum pontificem antichristum, de reliqua controversii dubitandi no erit 〈◊〉 locus, quia de Antichristo Doctrina quin perniciosa sit et impia dubitari non potest.  Abbots of Salisbury in his dedicatory Epistle to King James before his treatise of Antichrist, and Downame of Derry in the first paragraph 
b Illa mihi imprimis quaestio, quae est de antichristo, dignissima semper est 〈◊〉, in qua docti determinanda omnes tum ingenii, tum industriae nervos contenderent: illa enim de veritate quam nos in hac causa singulari Dei beneficio tenemus, si inter omnes semel conveniret, de reliquis statim controversiis actum esset, debillatumque, neque aliquid in posterum periculi foret, quemquam omnino Christianum, cui sua cara esset salus, detecto jam antichristo, agnitoque 〈◊〉.  of his book dedicated also to K. James upon that same subject. Notwithstanding my Lord of Canterburyi For making the way to Rome more smooth, spareth not to cause raze down to the earth this fort. Montague and White his non-such Divines, as we heard them styled at his Grace's direction by his Herald Heylene, will have the King's unanswerable arguments proponed by him even to sorreine Princes; not only counted-weak but 〈◊〉 frenzies. This word doth featly cite from their Appeal. 
c Pelag. rediu. 2. tab. pag. 39 As for the Protestant arguments taken out of the Apocalypse, to prove the Pope to be the Antichrist. 〈◊〉 calleth them deliramenta, dotages: And the Appealer to show more zeal to the Pope's cause straineth further, and termeth them apocalyptical frenzies.  Christopher Dow is licentiat by Canterbury, to affirm that howsoever our Divines at the beginning of the Reformation in the heat of dispute did upbraid the Pope with antichristianism, yet now that heat being cooled, the matter to men in their sober blood appears doubtful, 
d P. 53. Many 〈◊〉 in our Church especially when the greatest heat was stricken between us and Rome, have affirmed the Pope to be the Antichrist, yet to them that calmly & seriously consider it, it may not without good reason be disputed as doubtful.  his Grace's Herald appointed to speak for his Lord by the State, doth correct this simple dough and puts the matter out of all doubt, assuring by good scriptural proof, by a text miserably abused, that the pope is not, was not, and cannot be Antichrist. 
e Pag. 128. I have yet one thing more to say to you in this point, St. john hath given it for a rule, that every spirit that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is not of God, but is that spirit of Antichrist, whereof ye have heard. So that unless you can make good (as I think you cannot) that the Pope of Rome confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, you have no reason to conclude that he is that Antichrist.  And that in this matter there may hereafter betwix the Canterburians and Rome remain no shadow of Controversy, their man Shelfoord, comes home to Bellarmine, well ne'er in omnibus: making Antichrist one single man; a Jew preaching formal blasphemies against Christ's natures and person three years and an half, killing by his hands Enoch and Elias, and lest any footstep of this belief should ever appear in the Church of England; Canterbury confesseth that the place of the public liturgy wherein it was imported, was changed by his own hand. 
g Star-chamber speech, pag. 32. the first place is changed thus, from, Root out that Babylonish and Antichristian Sect, which say of Jerusalem, into this form of words, Root out that Romish and Babylonish Sect, of them, which say, This alteration is of sosmall consequence that it is, not worthy the speaking. or if there be any thing of moment in it, it is answered in the next, where the chief thing he says, is, that he was commanded to alter it by the King for to remove scandal from the Papists.   
This scarecrow being set aside, at once the 
They are content to have the .  Pope, the Cardinals and all their Religion began to look with a new face. Anent the Pope they tell us first, 
h 〈…〉  that the reformers did him pitiful wrong in spoiling him, not only of those things he had usurped, but of many privileges which were his own by due right, and should have been left to him untouched. Again they will have us to believe, that the See of Rome was truly Peter's Apostolic Chair, that Peter was truly a Prince among the Apostles, that the Pope is 
i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 pag. 183. A primacy of order was never denied to St. Peter, that Rome had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 other Churches: the Protestants grant, and that not only, because the Roman 〈◊〉 was ordine primus, first in order and degree, which some one must be to avoid confusion, but also, etc. Ibid. pag. 154. 〈◊〉 saith indeed, that in the Church of Rome there did ever 〈◊〉 the principality of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, this no man denies. Ibid. pag. 133. No man of learning doubts but the Church of 〈◊〉 had a powerful 〈◊〉 within its own 〈◊〉. Montag. Antid. p. 51. Damus à 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉. Augustini in 〈◊〉 Romana Apostolicae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 princ patum. Ibid. pag. 57 Quae ratio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 singulorum in suis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ep scoporum, cadem erat in provinciis 〈◊〉, in , recte autem (quis negat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & cautum per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut 〈◊〉 ille 〈◊〉 (nec hoc 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉, cui tot per occidentem , ubi fides universalis, at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in rebus ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & quicquid 〈◊〉 suo 〈◊〉 confirmaret, 〈◊〉 ratum 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 legis vim & essicaciam per 〈◊〉 un versal mobtincret. Ibid. pag. 80. Monarchae sunt 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Monarchae in suis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Metropolitae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 augustiores, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per unam 〈◊〉 Catholicam: Praecipuae 〈◊〉 parti Christiani orbis hoc est, cunctis ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum 〈◊〉 quadam non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praesuit Pontisex, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obstaret illa 〈◊〉 ambitio etiam hedie 〈◊〉.  Peter's only successor, that within the bounds of his own Patriarchat he is a Prince, he is a Monarch. Thirdly, that order and unity do necessarily require one Bishop to have the inspection and superiority over all Bishops, and that this prerogative by good Ecclesiastical right is due to the Pope. 
k Cant. relat. pag. 183. The Roman Prelate was ordine primus, first in order or degree, which some one must be to avoid confusion. 〈◊〉. antid. p. 116. Certum est ratione vinculi 〈◊〉 inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inter Patriarchas universalis 〈◊〉 curam ad 〈◊〉 sed m con 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 51 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordinata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constitu a. 〈◊〉; multi & 〈◊〉, ut 〈◊〉 eluceat, & harmonia conservetur ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est origo 〈◊〉. Vnde ab , & illum ord 〈◊〉, & beat, si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pontiser. Inter 〈◊〉 sacerdotes 〈◊〉 & societas quoad 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 executionem non fieri & 〈◊〉; Ind 〈◊〉 per consensum 〈◊〉 ani orbis 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, à Romano 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 158 Illi 〈◊〉 principatum 〈◊〉, super 〈◊〉 anti quitas tribui, .  Fourthly, that all the authority which the English Bishops have this day, specially his Grace of Canterbury, is derived to them from the Pope and Peter's Chair, That if this derivation could not be clearly demonstrate, the Clergy of England might justly refuse all obedience to their Bishop's jurisdiction. 
l Pokling. 〈◊〉 p. 50. Miserable were we, if he that now 〈◊〉 Archbishop of Canterbury, could not derive his succession from St. 〈◊〉, St. Augustine 〈◊〉 St Gregory, St. Gregory from St. 〈◊〉. What a comfort is it to his Grace, that he can say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apostolorum, ay, and my preducessours have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. Sunday at the beginning. Our Diocesan can derive himself the Successor of an Apostle, otherwise we should have taken his call for the voice of a stranger, and not have here appeared. It is St. 〈◊〉 resolution, 〈◊〉 Episcoporum ab ipsa sede Petri, is that which among other things by 〈◊〉 named, keep, us in the bosom of the Church, and subjects us to our Bishop's jurisdiction  Fifthly, that divers of the late Popes have been very good men, yea, among the best of men, that those of them who have been very monsters of men, yet for that veneration which their high and eminent place in the Church of God, doth require all the styles of Honour in Justice is due to them, even holiness itself in abstracto, that to refuse them this, or their other titles is but brainsick puritanism. 
m Montag orig Eccles. pag. 114. Patrum nostrorum vel avorum memoria duo summi Pontisices viri 〈◊〉 & doct 〈◊〉, Hadrianus sextu, & Bellarmini avunculus Marcellus secundus. An id. pag. 47. 〈 ◊〉 〈◊〉 Pontisex Maximus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, scio vocatum 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 Papam & Pastorem 〈◊〉, quid si hec . Orig. p. 417 Certis quibusdam titulis, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viri 〈◊〉 etiam & 〈◊〉 honorarunt, isto honorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed nec 〈◊〉 reprehendere, aut 〈◊〉 derogare id quod solent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, indigitare certissimus est character 〈◊〉 adorator, cum 〈◊〉 portan Paulo all cui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sexto, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & caeteris, si qui sunt .   
Sixthly, That the dignity of the Episcopal office specially the Bishop of Rome his eminency was as far above the dignity of the Emperors and Kings, as the soul is above the body, or God above the creature, yea, that the stile of GOD was but the Pope's due: 
n Montag. 〈◊〉. pag. 166. Est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut recte observat Philo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 itaque ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jesu Christi ut Dei atque hominum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 summus à Christianis omnibus, Divino instituto debetur honour & reverentia singusaris, ibid. p. 40. Fatetur ultro 〈◊〉 aliquo modo in 〈◊〉 supra regiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cum vetusti & orthodoxis 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (inquit Chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 prius 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & Nazian. in apologia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. pag. 161. Allusum est a pussimo rege ad illud Exodi, Constitui te Deum Pharaonis, communicate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu Pontificio, seu Civili, sui ipsi is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dii 〈◊〉 quis vingatur ob hanc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & merito quos locum ille suum 〈◊〉 inter 〈◊〉 sustinere.  Seventhly, that Emperors and Kings dld but their duty in giving reverence; yea, adoration unto the Pope with great sums of money by way of tribute: 
o Montag. antid. pag. 40. Non est mirum si Constantinus, olim 〈◊〉, Carolus, & alii 〈◊〉, de equis descenderint, venientes exceperint, religionis antistites Christianae venerationemque exhibuerint. Quid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non ita pridem lot Sultanoes tautam observantiam exhibuisse tam ampla 〈◊〉 persolvi se: Non minora quondam principes & populi Christiani Christianis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ramanis 〈◊〉 exhibuerunt, exhibebunt 〈◊〉 ad pristinos illos mores, si tantum revertatur, & exempla pietatis 〈◊〉. ibid. pag. 158. Adoravit Johannem Justinus, sic & Constantinus inferiores Joanne sacerdotes, adoravit autem, dicit autor ille tuus dans gloriam Deo.  Eighthly, that the temporal Principalities which the Pope enjoyeth this Day in Italy, or elsewhere are buthiss just possessions, which none ought to envy him: 
p Montag. antid. pag. 95. Habeat ille suas sibi opes & facultates, fundos habeat & latisundia principatum & dom nium per Ecclesiae terras, & Petri possessiones obtineat, dummodo contentus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 liberalitate, alienam non invadat possessionem.  Ninthly, that the restitution of the Pope's ancient authority in England, and yielding unto him all the power that this day he hath in Spain or France, would be many ways advantageous, and in nothing prejudicial to the King: 
q Cant. relat. pag. 202. He that is not blind may see, if he will, of what little value the Pope's power in France and Spain is this day further than to serve the turns of their Kings therewith, which they do to their great advantage.  10 The old constitution of the Emperor, whereby all the western clergy is so far subjected to the Bishop of Rome, that without him they are disabled to make any Ecclesiastical law, and obliged to receive for laws what he doth enjoin, was very reasonable: yea, if the King would be pleased to command all the Church men in his dominions to be that far subject to the Pope, they would be unreasonable to refuse present obedience: 
r Montagantid. pag. 156. Quod è codice allegatur Theodosiano decernimus ne quid tam 〈◊〉 Gallicanis quam alierum 〈◊〉, contra 〈◊〉 veterem liceat 〈◊〉 viri venerabilis 〈◊〉 urbis 〈◊〉 authoritate tentare, sed illis omnibusque legis loco sit, quisquid sanxit sanxeritve sedis 〈◊〉 authoritas. Quicquid 〈◊〉 pontifici (saith Montagow) arrogatur id totum edicto debetur Theodofiano vel vetustae consuetudini, quicquid autem per rescriptum 〈◊〉 imperatoris ad occidentales 〈◊〉 solos pertinebat, & nec 〈◊〉 quibus juxta veterem 〈◊〉 Pontifex, praesidebat ut 〈◊〉: Decernat imperator de 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉, Rex Angliae de 〈◊〉 suis, Francorum de Gallicanis, quod olim Theodosius decrivit, dicto 〈◊〉 omnes obediantes.  Only by all means my Lord of Canterbury's prerogative behoved to be secured, his ancient right to the patriarchat of the whole Isle of Britain behoved to be made clear, that to his rod the whole clergy of the Isle might submit their shoulders, as to their spiritual head and Monarch, from whom to Rome there could be no appeal, 
s Cant. relat. pag. 171. It is 〈◊〉, that in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 times, in the Church government, Britain was never subject to the Sea of Rome; for it was one of the six dioceses of the West Empire, and had a Primate of its own: Nay 〈◊〉 Capgraw, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tell us, that Pope 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 in the Council at Bari in 〈◊〉, accounted my worthy 〈◊〉 S 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and said, He was as the 〈◊〉 and Apostolic of the other world, 〈◊〉 comparem, & veluti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 orbis & Patriarcham. Now the Britain's having a Primate of their 〈◊〉, which is greater than a Metropolitan; yea, a Patriarch, if ye will, he could not be 〈◊〉 from to Rome.  in any cause which concerned only the Churches of the King's dominions; for in causes more universal of the whole Catholic Church, willingly they are contented that the Patriarch of Britain and all others should submit to their grand Apostollcke father of Rome. 
t 〈…〉  Every one of these pontifical positions since the midst of Henry the eights reign, would have been counted in England great paradoxes, yet now all of them are avowed by Canterbury himself, in that very book which the last 〈◊〉 at the King's direction he set 〈◊〉, for to satisfy the world anent their suspicion of his Popery, or else by D. Montagu in his books yet unrepealed, and cleanged of all suspicion of Popery by M. Dow, under the seal of his Graces licensing servant.  
This much for the Pope. About the Cardinals they tell us that their office is an high and eminent 
Their mind to the Cardinalat.  dignity in the Church of God; for the which their persons are to be handled with great reverence and honour, 
w Montag. ap. pag. 56. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potuit $$Para$$.  that their office is a 〈◊〉 due to high graces and 〈◊〉, that some of them though the greatest enemies that ever the reformed Churches have felt, such as 〈◊〉 that spent all his time in opposing the truth and advancing Antichristianisme, and Barromaeus 
x 〈◊〉. Alt. p 34. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his jeering 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cardinal Baromaeus, whereas, if he 〈◊〉 to read his life, he may not be 〈◊〉 that the Cardinal was a man of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and spent the greatest part of his life in fasting, prayer, 〈◊〉, preaching, 〈◊〉, and doctrine, and did 〈◊〉 both impiety and vanity both in word and deed. Me thinks his 〈◊〉 should check him for his scornful usage of a man who had the report of so virtuous and pious a Bishop.  a bloody persecutor of our religion and one of the fathers of Trent, that even such men are so full of grace and piety, that it is a great fault in any Protestant to break so much as a jest on their rid hats.  
Where the head and shoulders are so much affected it is hard to restrain charity from the 
They affect much to be joined with the Church of Rome, as she stands.  〈◊〉 of the body. These good men vent their passion no less towards the body of the present Church of Rome, then towards the Pope and the Cardinails. For first his grace avows over and over again that the Papists and we are of one and the same religion, that to speak otherways, as the Liturgy of England did all King james days, were a matter of very dangerous consequent, and therefore he confesseth his helping that part of the liturgy which puts a note of infamy upon the Popish religion, lest that note should fall upon our own religion which with the Popish is but all one. 
y Cant. relat. p. 36. the Church of Rome & Protestants set not up a different Religion, for the Christian Religion is the same to both, but they differ in the same Religion, and the difference is in certain gross corruptions to the very endangering of salvation, which each side saith the other is guilty of. Star chamber speech. p. 36. My second reason is, That the learned make but three Religions to have been of old in the world, Paganism, Judaisme, and 〈◊〉, and now they have added a fourth which is 〈◊〉. Now if this ground of theirs be true, as it is generally received, perhaps it will be of dangerous consequence sadly to 〈◊〉 that the 〈◊〉 religion is rebellion, though 〈◊〉 clause passed in the 〈◊〉 through 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, this reason well 〈◊〉 is taken from the very foundation of Religion itself. ibid. page 34. His Majesty 〈◊〉 commanded 〈◊〉 to make the alteration, and to see it printed.  2. They will have us to understand though we and the Papists differ in some things, yet that this very day there is no schism betwixt Papists and Protestants, that Protestants keep union and communion with the Church of Rome in all things required for the essence of a true Church and necessary for salvation, that though they communicate not with some of her doctrines and practices, yet this mars not the true union and communion of the two Churches both in faith and 〈◊〉. That these who pass harder censures upon Rome are but zealots in whom too much zeal hath burnt up all wisdom and charity. 
z 〈◊〉. pag. 3. 06. We dare not communicate with Rome, either in her public 〈◊〉 which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with gross superstition, or in these corrupt and ungrounded opinions, which she hath added to the faith. These make up the 〈◊〉, but not the Church of Rome. In them our communion is dissolved, but 〈◊〉 have still a true and real union with that and all other members of the Church universal in faith and charity. ibid. p. 74. To depart from the Church of Rome in some 〈◊〉 and practices, we had just and necessary cause though the Church of Rome 〈◊〉 nothing necessary to salvation. There is great difference betwixt shisme from them and reformation of ourself. It is one thing to leave communion with the Church of Rome, and another to leave communicating with her errors, whosoever professeth himself to forsake the communion of any one member of Christ's body, must confess himself consequently to forsake the whole. And therefore we forsake not Rome's communion more nor the body of Christ whereof we acknowledge the Church of Rome to be a member, though corrupted. If any Zelots 〈◊〉 proceeded among us to heavier censures, their zeal may be excused, but their charity and wisdom cannot be justified. Cant. relat. p. 192. The Protestants have not lest the Church of Rome in her essence, but in her errors, not in the things which constitute a Church, but only in such abuses and corruptions which work toward the dissolution of a Church.  3. That the points wherein the two Churches do differ are such as prejudge not the Salvation of either party, that they are not foundamentall, and albeit they were so: yet the truths that the Papists do maintain are of force to hinder all the evil that can come from their errors. 
& Can. 〈◊〉. 1. p. 249. The foundation is & 〈◊〉 whole in the midst of their superstitions. 〈◊〉 answer, p. 124. Suppose a great Prelate in the high Commission Court had said openly, That we and the Church of Rome differed not in fundamentalibus, yet how cometh this to be an innovation in the doctrine of England for that Church telleth us in the 19 article, That Rome doth 〈◊〉 in matters of Faith, but it hath not told us that she doth err in fundamentalibus. 〈◊〉 old religion after the beginning: It is the charitable profession of zealous 〈◊〉, that under the Popery there is much Christian good, yea, all, that under the Papacy there is true Christianity, yea, the kernel of Christianity? Neither do we censure that Church for what it hath not, but for what it hath. Fundamental truth is like the 〈◊〉 wine, which if it be mixed with twenty times so much water, 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉. Rome as it is Babylon, we must come out of it, but as it is an outward visible Church, we 〈◊〉 did nor would, 〈◊〉 Maskel. Popery is 〈◊〉, but fundamental truth is an antidote. A little quantity of antidote that is sovereign, will destroy much poison. Pottar. p. 62. The most necessary and fundamental truths which constitute a Church, are on both sides unquestioned, ibid. By fundamental points of 〈◊〉 we understand these prime and capital doctrines of Religion, which 〈◊〉 up the holy Catholic Faith, which 〈◊〉 constitutes a true Church and a 〈◊〉 Christian. The Apostles 〈◊〉 taken in a Catholic sense that is as it was 〈◊〉 opened in some parts by occasion of emergent 〈◊〉 in the other Catholic creeds of Nice, 〈◊〉, Epbesus, Chalcedon and 〈◊〉 is said generally by the Schoolmen and Fathers to comprehend a perfect 〈◊〉 of fundamental truths and to imply a full rejection of fundamental 〈◊〉. ib. p. 109. It seemed to some men of great learning and judgement, such as Hooker and 〈◊〉, that all who profess to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord 〈◊〉, are 〈◊〉, and may be 〈◊〉, though with errors, even fundamental. Heretics do embrace the principles of 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 only by misconstruction. Whereupon 〈◊〉 opinions, albeit repugnant indeed to Faith, yet are held otherwise by them, and maintainedas consonant to the Faith.  4. That the Popish errors, let be to be fundamental, are of so small importance as they do not prejudge either faith, hope, or charity, let be salvation.  

a Cant. relat. pag. 361. Holcat. Non omnes error in his quae fidei sunt est aut 〈◊〉, aut 〈◊〉, In things not necessary, though they be divine truths if about them men differ, it is no more than they have done, more or less in all ages, and they may differ and yet preserve that one necessary Faith entire, and charity also, if they be so well 〈◊〉, for opinions which fluttereth about that one souls saving Faith, there are dangerous differences this day. Pottar. pag. 38. It is a great vanity to hope or expect that all learned men in this life should absolutely consent in all the 〈◊〉 of the divine truth, so long as the faith once delivered to the Saints, and that common faith containing all necessary verities is keeped. So long as men walk charitably according to this rule, though in other things they be otherwise minded, the unity of the Church is no wise violated: for it doth consist in the unity of faith, not of opinions, in the union of men's hearts by true charity, which easily tolerateth unnecessary differences. Some points of religion are 〈◊〉 articles essential in the object of Faith. Dissension in these is pernicious, and destroyeth unity. Other, are secundary probable obscure and accidental points: 〈◊〉 in these are tolerable. Unity in these is very contingent and variable. As in musical consort, a discord now and then, so it be in the discant, and depart not from the ground sweetens the harmony: so the variety of opinions and rites in divers parts of the Church, doth rather commend then prejudice the unity of the whole. Montag. Antigag pag. 14. Truth is of two sorts among men, manifest and confessed truth, or more obscure and involved truth. Plainly delivered in Scripture are all these points which belong unto Faith, and manners, hope and charity. I know none of these controverted inter parts. The articles of our creedare confessed on both sides, and held plain 〈◊〉. The controverted points are of a larger and inferior alloy. Of them a man may be ignorant without any danger of his 〈◊〉 at all. A this way or that way without 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cant. 〈◊〉. about the 〈◊〉. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Rome 〈◊〉, and in the very kind and nature, are 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, hay, and stubble, yet the Bishop thought that 〈◊〉 as were 〈◊〉 by education, or long custom, or overvaluing the Sovereignty of the 〈◊〉 Church, and did in 〈◊〉 of heart embrace 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 by their general 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 of Christ, attended with charity and other virtue's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at God's hand. 〈◊〉 pag. 235. Though there be some difference among us in ceremonies and 〈◊〉, which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, yet still our head Christ by 〈◊〉 stands upon our body, and the substance of the Gospel is entire and whole among us by 〈◊〉 the articles of the Faith, the volume of the New-Testament, and the practice thereof by Faith and good works. ibid. 239. There be 〈◊〉 which 〈◊〉 our agreement. What then? Among the greeks there were divers 〈◊〉, and yet 〈◊〉 but one language, they 〈◊〉 together in the main. So though Papists have a letter more than we, and we one letter for another, yet we hold together in the 〈◊〉. Paul could bear 〈◊〉 differences, expecting God's reformation. 〈◊〉 you be otherwise minded God shall 〈◊〉. For the present let us be patient, and after 〈◊〉 God will show where the 〈◊〉 heath. Why should we presume so 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we are in our none-age, and know 〈◊〉 in part? Have not better men than we 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Have not 〈◊〉 Fathers and sliding Schoolists been always borne with in 〈◊〉 of Religion?  Fistly, That a general repentance for all unknown sins is sufficient to secure the salvation not only of these who have lived and died in the Popish tenets before the Council of Trent, but even to this day not only their people, but their most learned Clergy, Popes, Cardinals, Jesuits, living and dying in their bitter oppositions and persecutions of Protestants, are in no hazard of damnation, though they never come to any particular acknowledgement of their sinful opinions or practices following thereupon. 
b Pottar pag. 77. We hope well of these holy 〈◊〉, who 〈◊〉 ages lived and 〈◊〉 in the Church of Rome, for though they 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 sinful 〈◊〉, yet because they did it ignorantly through 〈◊〉, not knowing them either to be 〈◊〉 or sins, and repent in general for all 〈◊〉 known 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 doubt not, but they obtained pardon of all their ignorances'. Nay, our charity 〈◊〉 further to all these this day, who in 〈◊〉 of heart 〈◊〉 the Roman 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 it. But we understand only them who either have no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 such as after the use 〈◊〉 the best means they can have, 〈◊〉 things 〈◊〉, find no sufficient motives to Hall, I dare be bold to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Church of Rome had years before the council of 〈◊〉, to good a 〈◊〉 of doth 〈◊〉.  Sixtly, They teach us that Papists may not in reason be styled either idolaters, or heretics, or shismaticks. His grace in that great large folio set our the last year, to declare to the world the farthest that his mind could be drawn for to oppose Popery, is not pleased to my memory, in his most vehement oppositions to lay to then charge any of these three crimes, neither do I remember in all the search my poor lecture hath made, that any of his favourits in their writs these twelve years bygone hath laid to the charge of Rome in earnest, either idolatry heresy or shisme, but by the contrary hath absolved them clearly in formal terms all those three crimes. 
c 〈◊〉, page 300. I am not in the 〈◊〉 that all images are idols, but only when they are 〈◊〉 for gods. This the the 〈◊〉 shipping of 〈◊〉, with 〈◊〉, that is divine worship, as it is used by 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. p. 299 They keep close to that which is superstition, and in the case of images come 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 79. Et 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 palam non 〈◊〉: à pretate & moribus in 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 quam milvus & corvus 〈◊〉 animalierant in area 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 singulari, At nullus in area erat idololatres, quia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quatenus Christianam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Montag. Orig. p. 309. 〈◊〉 cultum latriam quam appellant , nec debemus sive 〈◊〉 sive 〈◊〉 quamvis excellentissimae impend re. Pontificius & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, modo 〈◊〉 creaturae 〈◊〉 ne . Montag. Antigag. p. 319 Yousay, that images must not have 〈◊〉 so we: let your practice and doctrine 〈◊〉 together, and we agree. Dow against Burton. p. 142. When Burton objecteth that 〈◊〉 did 〈◊〉 out of the public 〈◊〉 of fasts, this sentence, Thou hast delivered us from superstition and 〈◊〉 wherein we were 〈◊〉 drowned, his chief answer is, That men may be good Protestants, and yet not 〈◊〉 all their sorefathers, who lived before the reformation, as he must do, who saith of them, they were wholly drowned in idolatry, which though M. 〈◊〉 perhaps will not, yet some men may think it to be a reason sufficient for the leaving out of that sentence.  Of idolatry because they teach not the giving of 〈◊〉 to any image or any creature, 
d 〈◊〉. page 306. Non omnis error in his quae insidelitas aut heresis. Pottar. p 102. Every so passionately in love with their own opinions that they condemn all other differing from them to be heretical, so there 〈◊〉 not a 〈◊〉 on earth who in the judgement of many other is not an 〈◊〉, ibid. page The Giant in Gath was a true man, though much deformed with 〈◊〉 sing is and toes, but if one lose any vital part, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man no longer, there is not so much danger in adding supper 〈◊〉, as is in 〈◊〉, what is essential and 〈◊〉, that the Church shall never be robbed of any 〈◊〉, necessary to the being of the Church, the promises of Christ assureth us, but that she 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no 〈◊〉 truth we have no warrant  Of heresy, because their errors taketh no part of the foundation away, but are only excesses and additions consisting with all 〈◊〉 truth. 
e Cant relat. page 316. If any will be a leader and teaching 〈◊〉, and add 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉, and be 〈◊〉 in both, 〈◊〉 without repentance must needs be lost, while many that succeed him in the error only, and notobstinacy may be saved: I say, those, howsoever 〈◊〉, are neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor heretics before God and are therefore in a state of salvation. Montag Apar. p. 283. 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui constanter retinent doctrinam 〈◊〉, necenim ille haereticus dicetur, qui per omnia Romanam fidem integerrimè prositetur. ibid. p. 389. Schismatici & singularitate rapti in transversum quales Scaliger, 〈◊〉, Pareus, & 〈◊〉 opinatores, quaero autem an quis ferendus fit homo novus terrae filius, 〈◊〉 contempto spretoque consensu majorum suas phreneticas observationes 〈◊〉 serit  Of shisme, because they go on in the practice of their forbears without introducing any late novations. 7. They declare it were very good we had present peace with Rome as she stands, her errors being but in opinions which charity ought to tolerate, that the Church of England would gladly embrace this peace, that Cassander and the like who further this reconciliation are the men of the world most worthy of praise, that the Jesuits and Calvinists both puritanes who hinder this peace are the most flagitious and intolerable 
f Shelford p. 238. Let us Christians leave off our divisions, the Papists and we call upon one God our Father, upon one Christ our Sav our, 〈◊〉 holy Ghost our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and we have but one mean to unite us to this holy 〈◊〉, which is baptism, How then should we not be brethren? O blessed 〈◊〉 raise up one to bid the people return, blessed be that peacemaker among men, Nulla 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pacem te 〈◊〉 omnes. ibid. p. 296. Why judge we so eagerly others for holding of errors, are any without them? Some errors we may bear with, charity 〈◊〉 me to judge that errors of Christians are not of intention but ignorance. For I believe that 〈◊〉, and willingly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Protestant nor Lutheran would wrong their head Christ, whom daily they profess. Montag 〈◊〉. p 45 Citius inter bono, quam inter Protestants & Papistas inaudita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 nuper inauspicato 〈◊〉 controversis inter 〈◊〉 questionibus conveniet, sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 istis quae penè 〈◊〉 sani, 〈◊〉, in vita & 〈◊〉 bus nobis 〈◊〉, cum prophani homines & politici sub 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 religionis suas 〈◊〉 actiones, enormiz desideria soleant 〈◊〉. Post mota 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inter 〈◊〉 odiis decertatum vatinianis, atque eo 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & excessus ut ferre eos nequeant zelota & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ay heologi qui non una cum ipsis velint 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cassander vir usque ad miraculum eruditus 〈◊〉 modestia & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab importunis utrinque censoribus, Calvino nimirum propter editum 〈◊〉 aureum libellum de officio viri pii, & 〈◊〉 inter 〈◊〉 propter consultationem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nemo, quam fortunae 〈◊〉 subeite 〈◊〉 Fricius 〈◊〉 qui impudenter noluerunt esse 〈◊〉. ibid. pag. 78. Hoc tempore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 protestantium & papistarum variantibus de fide ac pietate sententiis distraxerunt in diversum Christianum otbem, si qui 〈◊〉 qui bellum malint 〈◊〉, qui velint odia exerceri im nortalia traducant illi nostram quae solet odiosius exagitari tepeditatem vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Ego filius illius pacifici & 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 utraque unum 〈◊〉 materie separationis; neque certè arbitror ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 abhorret nostrae Anglicanae Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 & voluntas, quod nonnulli 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 contendunt, ibid. p. 245. In Pharisaeis ad vivum depictas imagines intueamur corum 〈◊〉 qui Pharisaica nobis institu ta in Christianismum retulere, 〈◊〉 intelligo & Jesuitas, sive ut verius dicam utrinque puritanos honestatis etiam civilis reduvias, pietatis carcinomata, & Christianismi dehonestamenta pacis & concordiae alastoras & pernities.  persons of this age. All this and much more of such stuff you may see printed not only with allowance but with applause by the chief of that faction his Grace himself, Montagow the first of the three nonesuches, Pottar in that his much beloved piece put out as he saith at the command of authority. 
g Pottars' Epistle to the King, it was undertaken in obedience to your Majesty's particular commandment.  Shelfoord in his pious sermons printed by the university of Cambridge Press at the direction of the Vicechancellor, D. Beel dedicated to the Lord Keeper of England, adorned with many triumphing Epigrams both Latin and English by a number of the Fellows, and although called in, yet no censure to this day for all the eomplaints against it, to our hearing hath been put either on the Author or Printer, or Licencer, or Adorners or any Doctrine contained therein, but the worst that Burton could pick out of it, is all defended by Dow and Heylen, at his Grace's special direction, and subscribed licence, as we shall hear anon.  
I hope now that all true Protestants pondering the passages I have brought, besides many more, wherewith themselves from their own readings are acquainted, will not only absolve my alledgeances of rashness and slander, but also wonder at the incredible boldness of those men, who in these times wherein the Prince and State are by so many and deep ties obliged, and according to their obligations hath so oft declared themselves passionately zealous for the maintenance of Protestant orthodoxy, that yet they should be so pert as to print in the royal city, and that after the long and great grumble of the people and formal challenges of divers of the learned to reprint their clear affection to the Pope and Cardinals, and the whole Romish religion, albeit truly this their ventorious boldness seems not more marvellous than their ingenuity commendable: For they have said nothing for the Pope, or Rome, but that which conscience would pouse any man upon all hazards to avow, who was so persuaded in the particular heeds of controversies betwixt Papists and Protestants, as they confess themselves to be; to the end therefore that we may see the former strange enough passages not to have dropped from their pens by any inadvertance, but upon plain design and deliberate purpose, we will set down in the next room the affection they profess to the special heads of Popery, very consonant to that which they have already said of that which we count the whole lump and universal mass 〈◊〉 Antichristianisme. The special heads of Popery are more than I have leisure to relate, or you can have patience to hear enumerate. Take notice therefore but of some prime articles which Protestants use most to detest in Papists, four by name; their idolatries, their heresies, their superstitions, their abomination of desolation the mass. If from their own mouths I make clear that in these four they join with Rome against us, it is like none hereafter shall wonder of any thing that yet they have done or said for the advancement of the popish party, and the subverting of the Protestant Churches either at home, or over sea, but rather embrace their sobriety and moderation, who being minded, as they profess, do not break out in many moe both words and deeds, for the destroying of the Protestant schism, and bringing all back to the Catholic Apostolic mother Church of Rome, and unto the feet of his Holiness the vicar of Christ, the successor of Peter, under whose obedience our holy and blessed antecestors did live and die.   

CHAP. FOUR The Canterburians join with Rome in her grossest idolatries.  
THE acts of Rome's Idolarry be many and various: None more open to the eye of beholders than these five, their adorations of altars, 
In the midst of their denial, yet they avow their giving of religious adoration to the very stock or stone of the altar.  images, relics, sacramental bread, and Saints departed: For the first, their worshipping of the stock or stone of the altar; if we would impute it unto the Canterburians, they will deny it alluterly, and avow, that they may well worship God before the altar, but to worship the altar itself, to give to it that worship which is done before it, to give to it any religious worship any 〈◊〉, any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any adoration, they dodetest it, as palpable idolatry. So his Grace, so Pocklingtoune, so Heylene, so Laurence, so 〈◊〉 do oft profess: But that you may see how little faith those men's prorestations do deserve, and that all may know either their desperate equivocating, or else their spirit of giddiness, which makes them say and unsay the same things in the same pages; consider all of the five named authors, for all their denial, printing with approbation and applause as much worshipping and adoration even of the altar, as any Papists this day living will require.  
Begin with his Grace, you shall find him in his Star-chamber speech, for all his denial, yet avowing within the bounds of two pages, once, twice, thrice, 
a Pag. 47. A great 〈◊〉 is due to the body, and so to the throne where his body is usually present. Ibid. pag. 49. Do mino & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the Lord your God, and to his altar, for there is a 〈◊〉 due to that too. ibid. pag. 45. Therefore according to the Service book of the Church of England, the Priest and the people are called upon, for external and bodily worship of God in his Church; Therefore they which do it not, innovat, and yet the government is so moderate, God grant it be not too loose, that no man is constrained, no man questioned, only religiously called upon, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the giving of worship to the altar, and that such worship, which is grounded upon that place of Scripture, Venite 〈◊〉, which we suppose none will deny to be divine adoration: But we must understand, that the King, and the Church of England here, as in all things must bear the blame of his grace's faults, that the King and his most noble Knights of the Garter must be patrons to this practice, and the English Liturgy the enjoiner of it: But his Grace and those that have the government of the Church must be praised for their moderation, in not urging this practice upon all their brethren. 
b Pockling altar p. 160. I shall entreat the pious and 〈◊〉 Reader, to consider with meet reverence, what is recorded among the statutes of that most noble order; , in his Sunday no Sabbath at the end, if we do not only bend or bow our body to his blessed board, or holy altar, but fall flat in our faces before his footstooll so soon as ever we come in sight thereof, what Apostle or Father would condemn us for it, and not rather be delighted to see the Lord so honoured.  D. Pocklingtoune with his Grace's licence, 〈◊〉 the bending of the body and the prostration even to it. 〈◊〉 comes up at last to his Master's back, and tells us that the adoration before the altar, is the honour of the altar itself, and that falling down and kissing of the altar; for the honouring of the altar was a very commendable practice. 
c Antidote. 〈◊〉 preface to the King, altars were 〈◊〉 so sacred that even the barbarous soldiers honoured them with affectionate kisses. Ibid pag. 86. The altar being thought to be 〈◊〉 sacred, had a far greater measure of reverence and devotion conferred upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a reverend salutation of the table, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both pag. 142. commends that exhortation of the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 in the fifth council, Ado emus primum 〈◊〉 altar. Idem, in his answer to 〈◊〉, pag. 〈◊〉. If you look 〈◊〉 unto the use and practice of the ancient Church, you 〈◊〉 raisse a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an honour to the altar, a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an ad .  Laurence as he prints with Canterbury's licence, but undoubtedly by an impudent lie, at the King's special commandment, doth maintain not only veneration, but religious worshipping adoration, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and all, 
d pag. 25. we find in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a honour due to the altar: and in Tertullian ad geniculariaris a kneeling to the altar: and in the fifth council, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an adoration of the altar; and in the synoldals of Odo 〈◊〉 altaribus 〈◊〉, & in 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in another, divine altaria; and in the life of 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, casting myself to the earth, and worshipping the 〈◊〉 ground, & the Grecians triple prostrations tria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before the altar in the old 〈◊〉.  not only by a relative and transient worship as he speaks, 
e Ibid. Although they gave a religious reverence to these places, yet they determine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reverence in God not in the place: the throne is honoured for the King; he that 〈◊〉 cts the house for the owner's sake, respects not the house but him.  but also, which is a degree of madness, beyond any thing that ever I have marked in any 〈◊〉, he will have a Divine adoration given to the altar itself without any relation, or mental abstraction; because of the union of Christ's body with it, which sits there as in a chair of Estate even as without scruple or relations, or mental abstractions we give to the humane nature of Christ, for that personal union of the Godhead with it, Divine adoration whereof in itself it is not capable. 
f ibid. pag 30. So much they said, but to justify the practice of our Church, I need not say so much: for as although the humane nature of Christ receive all from the 〈◊〉, yet we adore the whole suppositum in gross, which consists of the humane as well as of the Divine. So because of God's personal presence in the place, we 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without abstraction of his person, from the place, to wit, the altar. 153. Altars have been in all ages so greatly honoured, because they are the seats and chairs of Estate, where the Lord 〈◊〉 to place himself amongst us. Quid est enim altar (as Optatus speaks) nisi sedes 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 Christi?   
For the adoration of the communion elements, 
As much adoration of the elements they grant as the Papists require.  which Protestants count an Idolatry so horrible, that for it alone they would not fail to separate from the Church of Rome, though she had no other fault, 
g apology des 〈◊〉 reforms par loan Daille chap. 20.  their mind is plain by the practice which his Grace maketh 〈◊〉 in his State answer to defend, we do pass their adoration in the act of communicating, 〈◊〉 we think it strange to see men who once were counted moderate and wise, by the touch of his Graces panton, to become so insolent, as to hiss and hout at the doctrine and practice of the best reformed Churches, as vile and monstruous, 
h 〈◊〉 remedy of profaneness, pag. 1 2 8. away with these monsters of opinion and practice in this sacrament, Christ Jesus is here really tendered to us, and who can, who 〈◊〉 take him but on his knees?  who in the act of receiving hath thought meet to sit or stand, rather than to kneel. We speak only of these their new adorations, which against the constant practice of the English Church they are now begun to use, without the act of receiving a number of low cringes towards these elements, when they take the paten in their hand, a low inclinabo before the bread, when they set it down, another; when they take up the chalice, a third; when they setit down a fourth. 
i 〈◊〉 moderate answer, p. 137. 〈◊〉 bowing towards the communion table be offensive to you at the administration of the Sacrament, I would 〈◊〉 know upon what reasons 〈◊〉 stomach, that men should use their greatest reverence in so great an action, think you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Priest should take into his hands the holy 〈◊〉 without lowly reverence, or that it is an innovation so to do?  That these avowed adorations before the elements, without the act of receiving, are directed by them, not only as they say to the person of Christ, whom they make there essentially present, but also unto the elements themselves; we prove it by no other reason but their former confession. Their adoration before the altar is done as they confess unto the altar, much more their adoration before the elements, without the act of receiving must be unto the elements: For I hope they will be loath to affirm, that there is in the altar any worthiness or aptitude, or any other cause imaginable, which can make it capable of adoration, but the same causes are in the elements in a far higher degree: The relation to Christ's Body and Person, which they make the only foundation of those worships being much more true, more near, more clear in the elements, then in the altar, howsoever the Popish prostrations, and adorations, before the hostie, which to all Protestants are so abominable idolatries, are absolved by these men; not only by the clearing of Papists of all idolatry every where, but particularly by their impatience, to have the adoration of the elements to be called Popish. For in our book of Canons when in the copy sent up to the King, the adoration of the bread, Chap. 6. was styled by our Bishops the Popish adoration, my Lord of Canterbury on the margin with his own hand directeth to scrape out the word Popish, as we can show in the authentic manuscript of that book now in our hands.  
Concerning images, behold their assertions, first 
In the matter of images their full agreeance with Rome.  they tell us that the pullers down of images, out of their Churches, were but lowns and knaves, pretending only religion to their profane covetousness, that they were truly iconoclasticke and iconomachian heretics. 
k Montag. orig. 〈◊〉. 162. Imagines illae per ecclesias constitutae quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, iconoclastarum, ibid. p. 174. sub praetextu reformatae 〈◊〉, Deum, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eversis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, templis, sa 〈◊〉, & redactis infiscum lones, etc.  2. That those who do pull down or break, or offereth any indignity to a cross, to a crucifix, to a Saints image, are but madfooles, that those injures reflect upon Christ and the Saints; and are revenged sundry times with plagues from heaven. 
l 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. p 28. 〈◊〉 est omnino quod affirmas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 Caesaris imago in numilmate, 〈◊〉 meletii character in pala annuli, quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Caesarem in 〈◊〉 suo & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in archerypum transit ea 〈◊〉, quo modo si quis sancti 〈◊〉 imaginem 〈◊〉 afficiat, illum ego & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, & suae temeritatis peaenas dare. Studley in his glass for 〈◊〉 about the end, tells us, that he knew a Churchwarden for the taking down of a 〈◊〉 which he conceived to have been by his neighbours idolised, to have had his swine 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉, and thereafter the man in desperation to have drowned himself Whence he exhorts all men to beware so much as to censure their antecessors of idolatry, for 〈◊〉 such monuments of their devotion  3. That the Church of England, (they take that Church commonly by a huge mistake, for their own prevalent faction therein) doth not only keep innumerable images of Christ, and the Saints in the most eminent and conspicuous places of their Sanctuaries, but also daily erect a number of new long and large ones, very curiously dressed, and that herein they have reason to rejoice and glory, above all other reformed Churches. 
m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 24. debemus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, asservamus enim diligenter, & cum cura 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 virgins, sanctorum 〈◊〉 innumeras imagines, praesertim vero Jesus etiam in templorum cryptis, & 〈◊〉 in parietibus, & non adoramus. Ib. p. 26 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sunt apud nos quod aliquoties dicendum 〈◊〉 imagines in 〈◊〉 per stallos, ut vocant, Canonicorum, per fenestras, ambones, vasa, vestimenta, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pocking. 〈◊〉 pag. 87. In my Lord of 〈◊〉 private Chapel, are to be seen 〈◊〉 the altar, most richly furnished close to the wall under the East window, many goodly pictures which cannot but strike the beholders with thoughts of piety, and devotion at their entrance into so holy a place, as the picture of the 〈◊〉, and likewise of the holy Apostles, together with a fair crucifix, and our blessed 〈◊〉, and S. john set up in painted glass in the east window, just over the holy table, or sacred altar; So that I must say, That who so lives in this Diocie, must be condemned of great impiety, that will desert his Lord, and not follow him giving a precedent of such devotion, so conformable to the rubric of our Church. Heylens answer, pag. 174. For your particular instances in the Cathedrals of Durham, Bristol, Paul's, &c. the most that you except against, are things of ornament, which you are greeved to see now more rich or costly, nor they have been formerly. 〈◊〉 altar page 24. Our Churches (by God's mercy) are a glory to our religion, beautified with goodly glass windows. ibid. page 87. A fair Crucifix, and our blessed Lady, and St. john set up in painted glass in the East window, just over the sacred altar.  4. That these their manifold images they use not only for ornament, but also to be books to the Laics, both for their instruction and kindling of their affections to piety, zeal, charity, imitation of the Saints; 
n Widow's schismatical puritan, page 10. Church pictures are an external beauty, of the Church, a memory of honour to the dead, and Saint Gregory calls them 〈◊〉 men's books. Pockling. altar page 87. There are to be seen many goodly pictures, which cannot but strike the beholders with thoughts of piety and devotion. Montag. Antig. page 318. The pictures of Christ, of the blessed Virgin, and Saints, may be made, had in houses, set up in Churches, respect and honour may be given to them the 〈◊〉 do it, and use them for helps of piery, in rememoration, and effectual representing of the prototyp. Ibid. page 300. Imager have three uses, assigned by our Schools instruction of the rude, commonefaction of story, and 〈◊〉 up of devotion, these you and we also give unto them.  5. That towards the Images of Christ and the Saints, the hearts of the Godly aught to be affected with a pious devotion, with a religious reverence, and that this reverence may very lawfully be expressed, with an outward religious adoration; yea, prostration before the Image, as well as before the altar, with the eyes of the adorer fixed upon the Image; 
o Montag. antid. page 30. Christiani omnes adoramus Christum imagini & simulachro, non prosternimur coram imagine forsan, quid ad rem vero? Invitatio est mensam Dominicam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in genua procumbimus, venerationem 〈◊〉, .  6. That the Popish distinction of duleia and latreia is good, and well grounded, that the only abuse of Images is the worshipping of them with latreia; that the Papists are free of this fault, that all their practice here is but iconoduly, not idolatry, that all our controversy with them about the worshipping of relics, and so much more of images, (for to images, they profess a far less respect than to relics) is but the toying of children, the striving about shadows, that long ago both sides, are really agreed, though some for their own pride and greed delight to keep this controversy about ambiguous words still upon foot. 
p Montag. antid. p. 16. 〈◊〉, illum cultum solens 〈◊〉, neque ego nomen a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rationem, vel subjectum improbavero, eum à 〈◊〉 soletis 〈◊〉 re, non also 〈◊〉, quam quod 〈◊〉 subjectarum 〈◊〉, secundum 〈◊〉 & minus 〈◊〉 se distinguantur. pag. 27. Tantummodo taxamus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, usum & 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 ullo pacto. p. 24. 〈◊〉 ad Ecclesiae Romanae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Montag. 〈◊〉 p. 40. Nolunt illi quovis pacto 〈◊〉 cuicunque 〈◊〉 ne 〈◊〉 cultu relativo exhiberi, sed non constat quis Deo 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 debitus, quibus terminis 〈◊〉, quis ille qui solus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quis ejus modus, gradus, mensura, pats, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nec illud agitur ut constare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est in hac questione & nempe vel contendendi vel , & 〈◊〉 conveniet 〈◊〉 nos. Magnam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 Christi, & 〈◊〉 inter se contendentibus 〈◊〉, qui in hoc 〈◊〉 cultu, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possumus sine justo 〈◊〉, animae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
Concerning relics they teach first that the 
About relics they agree with 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 of them about in clothes by devout people is tolerable. 
q Andrew stri 〈◊〉 For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉 sure they were true we would carry to them the regard 〈◊〉 becomes. It was 〈◊〉 and un discreetly done of Vigilantius so to 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 co 〈◊〉 them, had they power of doing miracles we would have esteemed them so much the more but in their 〈◊〉 degree: yet the carrying of them about in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did object, if he did it 〈◊〉, we would 〈◊〉 bear with it, and excuse it as 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 devotion which will end it.  Next that those bones or that dust of the deceased Saints ought justly to be put in a casse of silk or of gold that they may be well hung about our neck and oft kissed, that they may be laid up amongst our most precious jewels. 
r Montag. antid. p. 17. vase convolvebant Ego certe cum 〈◊〉 illas reliquias fascus , admovebo .  3. That in those relics there is 〈◊〉 found so much grace, holiness, virtue, that all who touches them are sanctified by that touch. 
s 〈◊〉 antid. p. 16. 〈◊〉 corpori insidentem, fit quandam tenus particeps sanctificationis.  4. That to these relics a great honour yea a relative worship is due albeit not a latria or divine adoration. 
t Monta. antid. p. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veterem sanctorum 〈◊〉 & cineribus 〈◊〉 honorem detulisse & veneratione quadam relativa 〈◊〉.  Fifthly, That pilgramages to the places where those relics stand are very expedient, that Protestants do reprove only these pilgramages towards the Churches of the Saints which are made for greed or superstition, that Papists do disallow all such as well as we 
w Montag. antid. p. 44. 〈◊〉 peregrinationem religiosam ad loca ut appellant 〈◊〉 quisquam 〈◊〉 qui in rebus Ecclesiae Christianae veteris non est hospes: improbat Molinaeus & merito peregrinationes ut appellant malas, inventas vel ad superstitionem, vel ad questum, vel ad tyrannidem, quas & ipsas nemo sanus inter catholicos Romanos non improbaverit.  6. That all the controversy which here remains betwixt Papists and Protestants is about just nothing even about goats wool and the shadow of an Ass. 
x Montag. orig.. p. 45. Ut de lana caprina, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hic 〈◊〉 videantur contendentes. 〈◊〉 come very near to the invocation of Saints.   
About the invocation of Saints whereof the learned of the Papists are so ashamed that they disavow their own practice thereof 
y Andrews stricturae p. 57 The 〈◊〉 freely confessed to M. Causabon that he had never prayed to a Saint in all his life save only when 〈◊〉 happened to follow the 〈◊〉, and that then he sung ora pro 〈◊〉 with the Clerks but else not.  yet our men tell us first that the Saints in heaven are truly our mediators with God of intercession, as Chtist is of redemption. 
z Montag. 〈◊〉. p 20. Non 〈◊〉 sanctos esse orationis & 〈◊〉 ut 〈◊〉 soletis mediatores sed 〈◊〉 universis: precibus suis apud Deum 〈◊〉 & orationibus mediantur. Christus 〈◊〉 & absque aliis 〈◊〉 mediator redemptionis & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intercessionis 〈◊〉.  Again, that we ought carefully to keep the Saints festivals, to this end, that we may be partakers of their intercession. 
a Andrews 〈◊〉 pa. 8. We agree with Saint Augustine, we celebrate the memories and hold the feasts of the blessed Martyrs as well for imitation, as that we may be 〈◊〉 of their intercession. Shelfords' first sermon page 44. Upon the Saints days the Saints in Heaven 〈◊〉 with us, now if the Saints in Heaven 〈◊〉 their manner 〈◊〉 us with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, shall we be so base minded as not to 〈◊〉 with them? Ibid 〈◊〉 27. In and in dedicating tem bless to God in their names these who neglect this holy fellowship have a great loss, which none can see but they who have spiritual eyes  3. That albeit for common their intercession be universal, yet that sundry times they descend to particulars: They remember the estates of their friends and acquaintance as they left at it their death, they are informed of many new particulars by the Angels which hath been upon earth, and by the Saints which after their death hath newly come to the heaven, and that according to their particular informations they frame their intercession. 
a Andrews answer to Cardinal Pirron. 20. Chap. We will hope well that Theodosius might interceded with God for his children, we see no cause to the contrary. They Idolise the blessed Virgin as much as any Papist. Montag. antid. p. 22. Meminerunt amicorum suorum & rerum à se quondam in terris gesta tum quocirca ad Christum in coelo recollecti poterint de via ordinaria per Jesum Christum apud Deum patrem amicos, familiares 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, precibus commendare & adjuvare.   
4. 
o M. Dow p. 54. In all these 〈◊〉 strains of Rhetoric (for such for the most part they seem rather than positive 〈◊〉) Stafford hath not deviat so much to the one extreme as M Bortouns marginal hath to the other in 〈◊〉 and calling her the new great goddess 〈◊〉. And if it be true that he hath not digressed in any particular from D. 〈◊〉 the Bishop of 〈◊〉 as M. Burtoun makes him affirm, I dare boldly say M Burtoun will never be able to find the least point of Popery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For it is well known, that Bishop hath approved himself such a champion against Rome, that they who have tried his strength durst never yet come to a second encounter.  If we were certain that the Saints in heaven knew our estate it were no fault at all but very expedient to make our prayers to them that they might interceded with Christ for us. And though we be not certain of their knowledge, yet all the fault that is in our prayers to them is only some idleness and curiosity but no impiety at all. 
b Montag. antid. p. 229. Save all other labour in this point. Prove only their knowledge of any thing ordinarily I promise you straight I will say holy S. Marry pray for me. Ib. antid. p. 23. Tu 〈◊〉 proba & demonstra posse me certum esse de scientia sanctorum particulari quocunque tandem modo acquisita ego certe quod ad me ipsum attinet sanctos defunctos beatam puta 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 Apostolos gloriosissimos Martyres non verebor adire interpellare, alloqui, 〈◊〉 precibus deprecari habeant me commendatum & adjutum suis 〈◊〉 apud Deum patrem per filium. Idem antid. p. 200. Perhaps there is no such great impiety in saying holy S. Laurence pray for me.  5. That none ought to reprove our prayers unto our Angel keeper. 
c Montag. invocation of Saints p. 99 If thus myself resolved to do infer (holy Angel keeper pray for me) I see no reason to be taxed with point of Popery or superstition much less of absurdity or impiety. Ib. ant. p. 203. The case of Angels keepers in point of advocation is much different from other Angels not guardians, as being continually attendants always at hand though invisible, and therefore though we may say S. Angel keeper pray for me, it followeth nor, we may say S. Gabriel pray for me.   
The Saint in heaven which the Papists do most idolise is our blessed Virgin to whom it is well known they give much more false worship, then true to the whole Trinity, concerning her the Canterburians affirm first, that she is created in another way then any of the race of Adam, that God did meditate fifty ages upon the work of her perfect creation, that she did live all her days without mortal sin yea without all actual sin, yea without all original. 
d Anthony Stafford Female glory. p. 3. Others of these first and purer times not without admiration observe that God was almost fifty ages in the meditation of the structure of this stately Palace. Mon. 〈◊〉. p. 301. Magno procul dubio opere templum illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aparabatur, nec ut unade multis mater Domini in hune mundum processit è materno utero. Ibid. p. 338. Utcunque conceptum in originali peccato ', vixisse tamen immunem à mortali peccato cum 〈◊〉 putaverim. Staffords Female glory in his proemial verses, for Eves offence ', not hers she did begin, to learn repentance ere she knew to sin. Idem p. 20. She sent forth many a sigh for sin not having committed any, and bewailed that of which she was utterly ignorant. Idem p. 8. The Apostles sometimes were obscured with the fog of fin, but her brightness nothing vicious could lessen, much less alutterly extinguish.  That she is now advanced above all the Angels to the highest created perfection that is possible to be daughter, mother, and spouse of God, and that her very body is already translated to the heavens. 
e Female glory. p. 28. Nothing in her was wanting but the 〈◊〉 itself. Idem in the preface, Whether we regard her person or her divine gifts, she is in dignity next to God himself. Ib. Great Queen of Queens, daughter, and mother, and the spouse of God. Idem p. 210. Her assumption by many of the Fathers, by all the Romish Church, and some of the reformed is held for an undoubted truth.  3. That God hath made her to be true Lady and Empress of the Catholic Church, of all the earth, and of the heaven, and that all these honours she hath obtained by her due deservings and merits. 
f Montag. apar. p. 212. Dominum profecto indicat 〈◊〉 nomen, nam revera facta est domina omnium creaturarum, 〈◊〉 ait, cum conditoris omnium effecta fuerit mater. Ibid. p. 302. Certe nulli sanctorum dedi Deus plura, nulli majora, 〈◊〉 ne omnibus quidem ne sanctis, tanta, hoc est elogia matris Dei Deus 〈◊〉 qui titulus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, omnes omnium creaturarum dignitates illud unicum privilegium supergreditur Recte ait B. Thomas, beata virgo ex hoc quod est mater Dei habet quandam dignitatem infinitam. Ex his licet colligere (inquit Baradas) sanctissimam virginem infinitam 〈◊〉 quondam dignitatem ex Deo, qui & 〈◊〉 bonaventura recitat, majorem mundum Deus facere potest, majus coelum Deus facere potest majorem autem matrem quam est mater Dei 〈◊〉 facere non potest. Fem. gl. p. 21. She undoubtedly deserved to be rapt up, if it were possible, a story higher than was S. Paul. Ib. p. 80. Certainly all the ancient Fathers with one consent affirm that she deserves to be Empress of all others who humbled herself below them all.  4. That all the Angels and Saints in Heaven, let be men upon earth are obliged to adore her, and bow their souls unto her. 
g Female glory. In the Panegyric, to whom do bow the souls of all the just, whose place is next to Gods, to whom the Hierarchy do throng, and for whom heaven is all one 〈◊〉, Ib. p. 3. Truly our belief may easily digest this 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 would 〈◊〉 her fit to be 〈◊〉 of this lower world. Ib. pa. 17 There were no doubt some of 〈◊〉 children who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. page 32. The 〈◊〉 glorious 〈◊〉.  5. That she knoweth all things perfectly here beneath upon the earth: For in the face of God in the glass of the Trinity she doth behold all creatures. 
h Female 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whose place is next to God, and in his face all creatures and delights do see as 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉.  6. That it is but profane puritans who refuse to say the Ave mary's and to follow the example of their pious predecessors who want so to pray. 
i Ibid. p. 220. The 〈◊〉 of this land are 〈◊〉 I mean, they reject all testimonies of her worth as hail Mary full of 〈◊〉, etc. They abhor to hear her called Domina, because forsooth they challenge to themselves a greater measure of knowledge but a lesser of piety, than did their 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 words and 〈◊〉 familiar to antiquity. Of one thing I will assure them till they be good 〈◊〉 they shall never be good Christians.  7. That the devotions of the present Monks, Nuns, and Princes, who have enroled their names in the sodality of the Virgin Mary is worthy of imitation. 
k page 23. My arithmetic will not serve me to number all those who have registrate their name 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉, of 〈◊〉 our blessed Lady. The Princes of this 〈◊〉 have not been defective in doing her all possible honour, and in consecrating Chapels and Temples to her memory. 〈◊〉 holy Orders also are of this 〈◊〉 as the 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉, the Franciscans, the Cartusians, and many others. If all those testimonies and examples of great worthy and pious people will not move us to honour her, we shall be judged both unworthy of this life, and ignorant of that better to come.  8. That the old pious ceremony of burning of wax candles in all the Churches of England through the whole clear day of her purification ought to be renewed. 
l Ib. p 153. This day the celebration whereof is institute by the Church is called Candlemes, as much as to say, the day of lights, on which while mass was singing very many tapers were burning in the Church. Montag. orig. p. 157. Diem ab illa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cant 〈◊〉 vel purificationis: nos anglue the purification of our Lady, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Candlemes day à distributione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Couzins' did put all this in practice in the Cathedral of Durham made burn in day light some hundreths of wax candles. Peter Smart for preaching against him was deposed and 〈◊〉, but Ousins for his devotion advanced from a Prebend to a Provest of a College and a royal Chaplane in ordinary.  9 That the Christians obtained that famous victory over the Turks in Lepanto by her intercession at their prayers with Christ her son. 
m Female glory p. 226. The original of the sodality of the blessed virgin is derived from the battle of Naupactum gained by John of Austria and the Christians, which victory was attributed to her intercession with her Son.  All this his Grace hath permitted under his eye to be printed at London without any censure, and when this doctrine was challenged by Burton, he was rewarded with the loss of his ears and perpetual prison. The book which he inveighed against let be to be recalled, is openly excused in Print at his Grace's direction as containing no evil but only innocent retorications. 
n 〈◊〉 answer. p. 123. As for 〈◊〉 book entitled the Female glory you find not in it that I see by your collections any thing positively or 〈◊〉 delivered contrary unto any point of doctrine established and received in the Church of England. Some swelling language there is into it and some Apostrophees I perceive by you to the Virgin Mary which if you take for invocations you mistake his meaning, no innovation hitherto 〈◊〉 of doctrine.  Yea M. Dow with his Grace's licence pronounceth that book to be free of all Popery, and that upon this reason, because the author professeth his tracing the steps of Doctor Montagu whom all England must know to be above all suspicion of Popery.   

CHAP. V. The Canterburians avow their embracing of the Popish heresies and grossest errors.  
THE nature of heresy is so subtilised by our faction, that so far as in them lies, it is now quite evanished in the air, and no more heresies are to be found on the earth. With the Socinian Remonstrants, they exeme all 〈◊〉 controverted this day among any Christians, from being the Subject of heresy: For they tell us, that the belief of the doctrines uncontroverted by all is sufficient for salvation. 
a 〈◊〉 citys from Causabon these words: Put by controversies these things wherein all sects universally do agree, are sufficient for salvation.  And howsoever some of them will be content to count the Socinian Arianisme and Macedonianisme to be true heresies; yet, as we show before, and all of them do clearethe Popish errors of this imputation. Always not to strive for words, our assertion is, that the grossest of the Roman errors which in the common stile of Protestants, wont to go for heresies, are maintained by the Canterburians for Catholic truths. For to 〈◊〉 this, cast over the books of Bellarmine, and see if his grossest tenets be not by them embraced. In his first tome, his errors about the Scriptures imperfection, and doctrinal traditions, seems to be most weighty. In his second, besides these already named, his defence of the monastic vows of Limbus Patrum and Purgatory are very palpable. In the third, his ascribing too little to the Sacraments of the old Testament, and too much to the Sacraments of the new, his making all infants in baptism to be regenerate, and all nonbaptised to be damned, his corporal presence of Christ's body on the altar, his sacrifice of the Mass, auricular confession, extreme unction, are very gross corruptions. In the last tome, his errors about faith, justification, merit, freewill, are among the chief. In all those, consider how far our party is long ago declined to the left hand.  
Begin with Scripture and traditions: The reformed 
They join with Rome in 〈◊〉 up traditions in prejudice of Scripture.  Churches in the harmony of their confessions lay all down one common ground, for their mutual consent; the Scriptures absolute perfection, without the help of any doctrinal tradition: Hogh me once this pillar, the whole edifice of the reformation must fall. To batter down this fort, the Papists plant two Engines: One that there is divers Apostolic and ancient traditions, both ritual and dogmatic, which beside Scripture with a divine faith must be firmly believed: An other, that Scripture must not be taken in any sense by us, but 〈◊〉 wherein the ancient Fathers of the Church have understood it, or the present Church do take it. In both these very dangerous corruptions our party joins with Rome: They glory 
b 〈◊〉 anti. d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. sect. 2. Things that have been generally received in the Church of Christ are 〈◊〉 to have been derived from Apostolical tradition, without any special mandat left in Scripture for the doing of them. Praying directly towards the East is conceived to be of 〈◊〉 condition, why may we not conclude the like of 〈◊〉 up the 〈◊〉 along the 〈◊〉? Many things come into our mind by a successional tradition, for which we cannot find an 〈◊〉 command, which yet 〈◊〉 ought to entertain, ; of which traditions there are many, which 〈◊〉 retain their force among us in England. This Church (the Lord 〈◊〉 thanked for it) hath stood more firm for Apostolical 〈◊〉, than any other whatsoever of the reformation. Samuel 〈◊〉 sermon, p. 15. We yield that there are Apostolical traditions ritual and dogmatic, which are no where mentioned or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Scriptures, but delivered by word of mouth, by the Apostles to their followers; for some of which these are reputed the number of Canonical books, the Apostles creed the baptism of 〈◊〉, the fast of Lent, the Lords day, the great festivals of Easter and Whitsun day, beside these we 〈◊〉, there are and have been many ancient 〈◊〉 traditions, from which as foundations grew those noted practices of not fasting on the Sunday, of adoring towards the East, 〈◊〉 before the altar, of signing the baptised with the cross, of exorcising the party baptised, and putting a white garment upon them, of receiving the 〈◊〉 fasting, of mixing water with the wine, of sending it to such as were absent, of eating the confecrate bread in the Church, or carrying it home, of crossing themselves when they went out, or when 〈◊〉 went in, when they went to bed, or when they rose, when they sat down to meat, when they lighted candles, or had any business of moment to do, that ceremonies and rites of this nature are 〈◊〉 the power of the Church to ordain, we generally grant to our adversaries. White on the Sabbath, page 97. The reformed Churches reject not all traditions, but such as are spurious, 〈◊〉, and no consonant to the holy Scripture, but genuine traditions agreeable to the rule of faith, derived from the Apostolical times by a successive current, and which have the uniform testimony of pious antiquity, are received and honoured by us. Now such are these which follow the historical tradition, concerning the number, integrity, dignity, and perfection of the books of Canonical Scripture, the Catholic exposition of many sentences of Scripture, the Apostles creed, the baptism of infants, the observation of the Lords day, and some other 〈◊〉, as Easter, 〈◊〉, etc. baptising and administration of the Supper in holy assemblies, the service of the Church in a known language, the delivering of the Communion to the people in both kinds, the superiority of Bishops over Priests and Deacons in jurisdiction, and power of ordination.  and triumph above all other reformed Churches, that they do embrace doctrinal traditions, for which in Scripture there is no ground; And of this kind they reckon out some of great importance; such as are, the baptism of infants, the sanctifying of the Sabbath, the Apostles Creed, the giving of the cup to the people, praying in a known tongue, our knowledge of Scripture to be Scripture, the names and number of the Canonical books and their distinction from Apocrypha, of this kind they maintain large as many as Rome. For at the first word they speak to us of six hundreth. 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 396. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tur in Scriptures infants batizari, aut in coena Domini sub utraque specie communicantes participare. 600. sunt ejusmodi in rebus sacris à Deo institutis, 〈◊〉 mandatis & usurpatis ab Ecclesia, de quibus possumus pro 〈◊〉, nihil tale docet Scriptura, Scriptura haec non aedicat.  Among these traditions, which we must embrace with an undoubted faith: They reckon up the authority of Bishops above Priests, prostration before the altars, worshipping towards the East, cross in Baptism, crossing of our faces at all occasions, the standing of a crucifix upon the altar, and what else they please to urge, for which they can get no Scripture warrant. To this head they refer the very customs of the Popish Church in latter times, for which they have no syllable in any writer let be in any Father: 
d Mon. orig.. p. 276. Nihil est memoriae proditum, quod ego quidem sciam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud vetustiores, sive historicos five 〈◊〉, probabile tamen est 〈◊〉 receptam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de traditione vetustiore, aut scriptis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vetustioribus nunc deperditis dimanasse. Montag. apar. 389. Add me quod attinet, si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sanctis patribus per illa tempora inventum, primo & 〈◊〉, nulla traditione priore commendatum, nullo usu veterum, ne quidem vestigiis leviter 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 annorum decursum ad nostra usque tempora sine contradictione 〈◊〉, non video cur non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vim suam obtineat & authoritatem. Absit enim ut 〈◊〉 Ecclesia vel in rebus de facto, & Ecclesiasticis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diu aberraverit. Ibid. p. 382. Meminerimus 〈◊〉 olim statuisse cum applausu de hujusmodi consuetudinibus, si legem expostules scriptam, nullam invenies, sed traditio praetenditur autrix, consuetudo 〈◊〉, & fides observatrix. Et Irenaeus, quid autem si neque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nobis Scripturas, nun oporteret 〈◊〉 traditionis. Idem antig. p. 42. That author says no more than is justifiable touching traditions: for thus he 〈◊〉, the doctrine of the Church is two ways delivered unto us; first by writing, then by tradition from hand to hand. Both are of alike value or force unto piety.  Yea, all the injunctions of the Bishops must be Ecclesiastic traditions, whereto the conscience must submit no less then to the precepts of God. 
e White in his examination of the dialogue 〈◊〉 not only this testimony of 〈◊〉, Etiamsi Scripturae authoritas non subesset, totius tamen orbis in hanc partem consensus, instar praecepti obtinet, 〈◊〉 & alia multa quae per traditionem in 〈◊〉 observantur, authoritatem sibi scriptae legis 〈◊〉, but also that of Eusebius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in sanctis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decernitur, id universum divinae voluntati debet attribui: And this of Bernard's. Sive 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 homo vicarius Dei mandatum quodcunque tradiderit, pari profecto obsequendum est cura, pari reverentia 〈◊〉, ubi tamen Deo contraria non praecipit homo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 31. Sensum Scripturarum ex patribus & doctoribus Ecclesiae 〈◊〉, traditum & conservatum in Ecclesia, & approbatum, quidni pro tali traditione agnoscamus, in 〈◊〉 veritate acquiescendum, & à qua minimè 〈◊〉 sit.  In the mean time Scripture must be styled the book of heretics, 
f Montag orig.. p. 353. Eusebius de Severianis hereticis loquens, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 Prophetis & 〈◊〉 utuntur sacrarum Scripturarum sensus & sententias, ut nostri solent puritanis & novatores pro suo arbitratu interpretantur. Mon. orig.. p. 318. Neque enim insanire solent sine Scripturis haeretici & mir 〈◊〉 casdem ad suos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, solent applicare defendendos persusdendosque.  a Lesbian 〈◊〉 
g Mont apar. 382. Non ut nostri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quibus 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 resipit & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & ideo 〈◊〉 est vel ut amant 〈◊〉 reformandum ad Dei verbum, hoc est ad Lesbiam plane regulam ipsorum cerebrositatem amussitandum.  In no controversies no not in Sermons any use may be made of it, except so far as we can back our deductions from Scripture, by consent of the ancient Fathers, or present Church. 
h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 129. The godly and learned Fathers of our Church, give strike charge to private preachers, that they preach nothing in their preachings which they would have the people 〈◊〉 to believe and observe, but that which is agreeable to the doctrine of the old and new Testament, and that which the Catholic Fathers, and ancient Bishops have formerly taught and collected from thence. White upon the 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 12. The holy Scripture is the fountain and living spting, containing in all 〈◊〉 and abundance whatsoever is necessary to make God's people wise unto salvation. The 〈◊〉 and unanimous 〈◊〉 of the true Church of Christ 〈◊〉 the primitive ages thereof is the 〈◊〉, or a 〈◊〉 pipe to derive and convoy to 〈◊〉 generations the 〈◊〉 water 〈◊〉 in the holy Scripture. Ibid. From 〈◊〉 he saith, Injuriam nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nos 〈◊〉 solam 〈◊〉 esse 〈◊〉 & judicem 〈◊〉 siarum 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Spiritum 〈◊〉, p. 14. The Ecclesiastical 〈◊〉 reporteth of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉, that in their studying the holy Scriptures 〈◊〉 collected the sense of them, not from their own judgement or presumption, but from the testimony and authority of the ancients, who had received the rule of the true intelligence of Scripture from the holy Apostles by succession.   
In our most important controversies anent faith, 
In the doctrine of faith, justification, fulfilling of the Law, merit, they are fully Popish.  justification, fulfilling of the Law, merit, etc. they teach first, that faith is no more but a bare knowledge, and naked assent, that in the nature of it there is no confidence, no application at all, that the soul's confidence and application of God's promises, are the acts only of hope and charity, that justifying faith is the Catholic faith, a general assent to the articles of the Apostolic Creed, that particular personal applying faith, is but presumption and fantasy. 
i 〈◊〉 pag. 46. This one faith is called by Divines the Catholic faith, contained in the three Creeds of the Apostles, Nice and 〈◊〉. The false faith is contrary to this, the private faith, or fancy rather, by which men believe to be saved by themselves that which is the mother and nurse to vice, an enemy to all good life; & that this is not the Catholic faith, shall appear, because that faith hath not a special object, as a man's self, or Gods special favour to this or that particular man, which is hopes object, but Catholic object, which is the whole first truth, and every member of God's book, as the school teacheth, this faith goeth but to the truth and esse of divine things. Faith giveth these truths a being & substance in our mind, but after hope layeth hold on them in the will and affections, and applieth them to ourselves, & charity goeth in unto them. The Apostle saith, that he who cometh to God must believe that he is a rewarder of them that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him, not a 〈◊〉 of me or thee, as if the article of 〈◊〉 were personal. Idem pag. 106. In the love of the heart lieth the greatest apprehension. The greatest means of our apprehending of him, is by charity, which lays hold on him in the will and reasonable affections. 〈◊〉 Collect. 82. Applicatio ex parte hominis; non ex alia ratione procedit, quam ex amplexu amoris & desiderii. Ibid. pag. 97. 〈◊〉 Deus hanc spem, & 〈◊〉 hujus spei 〈◊〉.  Again, they teach that justification is ascribed by the Apostle to faith only, by way of beginning inchoative, because assent to the truth of God, is that first virtue which the chain of all other virtues, whereby we are completely justified, for common, doth follow. 
k 〈◊〉 collect. p. 69. Inchoative per 〈◊〉 justicfiat Deus, dat 〈◊〉. propter Christum cognitionem, ex cognitione fidem, ex fide spem sive 〈◊〉, ex fiduciacharitatem, ex chatitate adhae sionem, obediendi & complacendi desiderium, ex isto desiderio meritorum 〈◊〉 salubrium applicationem, ex 〈◊〉 applicatione sanctificationem, seu observantiam mandatorum, ex istis omnibus in actu scilicet consummato just 〈◊〉, ex illa salvationem quae omnia quum 〈◊〉 per canalem Dei gratiae, ex fide tanquam ex principio seu radice, per connaturalitatem omnium ad fidem, & adse invicem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quaecunque ab aliquibus 〈◊〉 ad fidem, tanquam ad omnium originem referenda sunt, & in hoc sensu arbitramur Apostolum. 3. ad Rom. vers. 28. locutum fide homines justificatum 〈◊〉 scilicet per fi lem 〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉 suis operationem.  3. That Charity is the form of Faith, and that to it, the act of Justification is much more reasonably ascribed then to faith. 
l Shelfoord pag 〈◊〉. Charity is called of School Divines grace itself. It is that law of the Spirit which freeth from death and sin. It is the main refuge of a distressed conscience. It covereth a multitude of sins, It will not suffer them to appear: Without 〈◊〉 works are dead, as well as faith and other virtues. Hence the School 〈◊〉 charity the form of virtues. Ibid pag. 106. Faith converteth the mind to God, but it is love that converts the heart and will to God, which is the greatest and last conversion; for we never sack anything till we desire it. 〈◊〉 conversion is begun in the mind by faith, but it is only half conversion, yea no conversion of the whole man, except the love of the heart (where heath the greatest apprehension) follow it. we see salvation by faith, but we obtain it not, till we seek it by 〈◊〉 desire. Wherefore I conclude, that for as much as charity is the most near and immediate cause of our conversion, that it is also the most precious grace of God for our good, and the greatest mean of our 〈◊〉 him is by charity, which layeth hold on him in the will and reasonable affections, 〈◊〉 his must be the greatest means of our justification. Ibid. p. 109. The sulfilling of the law justifieth, but charity is the fulfilling of the law, where the Apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to justifying faith, he compareth them in the most excellent way and it is most manifest that the most excellent way, is the way of our justification & conversion to God.  4. That Saint Paul's justification whereby we stand before the bar of God is nought, but our conversion and sanctification by our inherent righteousness. 
m Shelsoord pag. 107. Justification & conversion to God is all one. Idem. 〈◊〉. 102. Charity is the main refuge of a distressed conscience. Montag. 〈◊〉. pag. 142. A sinner is then justified when he is made just, when he is transformed in mind, tenewed in soul, 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 answer for Hall to Burtoun, is not only content to exeme the 〈◊〉 justification from all blot of a fundamental error, but 〈◊〉 also to make all our 〈◊〉 in this point to be but a juggling about words; yea, at last he seems to 〈◊〉 with the Counsel of Trent in anathematising our doctrine: For thus, if I remember well, doth he speak. If any man shall 〈◊〉 that men are so justified by the sole imputation of Christ's righteousness, or by sole remission of sins, 〈◊〉 they are not also 〈◊〉 fied by inherent grace or charity, or also that the grace whereby we are justified is only the favour of God, let him be accursed, and let him be so indeed for me. You will say this is nothing but mere juggling, I grant it, 〈◊〉 yet it is not the direct deny all of the foundation, for here is both remission of sins, and imputation of Christ's righteousness included, which though it be sufficient to justification in the Protestant sense, yet in the Popish sense, wherein 〈◊〉 is also required, it is not sufficient.  5. That the fulfilling of God's Law to us in this life is both possible and easy, that if God did command us any thing which were impossible, he should be both unjust and a tyrant. 
n 〈◊〉 pag. 121. That there is a fulfilling of the Law in this life: james teacheth, if you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 law, you do will. Were God's Law no possible to be 〈◊〉, the supposition should be idle, 〈◊〉 fit for God's word, a caption unbeseeming a man 〈◊〉 by divine inspiration. To the keeping of this we must strain our soul, we must not flee to a naked 〈◊〉, where is required our conformation. He hath predestinate us to be conform to the image of his Son. He hath fulfilled the Law and so must we too. Ibid. pag. 127. Christ hath merited, that the righteousness of the Law should be fulfilled in us, not by faith only, or by sole imputation, as the ignorant understand it, but by our actual walking in the divine precepts. Ibid. pag. 136. To bind a man to things impossible, were a wrong both to nature and grace, therefore the school verse 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viri non 〈◊〉 Deus ulla 〈◊〉.  God can no more in 〈◊〉 now require impossibilities at our hands, than he could at first at 〈◊〉: Neither doth he, if we believe S. 〈◊〉, who saith, I can do 〈◊〉 things by Christ, who hath loved me. Ibid. pag 139. If God should command things impossible, then should he be more cruel than a tyrant, who 〈◊〉 not offer to exact of his Subjects such a tribute which he knows cannot be 〈◊〉: It is tyrannical and cruel, and therefore impossible to God to require the ability which he himself took away, and of those too that are his friends, and in league with him. Ibid. pag. 147. To say that the very best works of the Saints are unclean, 〈◊〉, mortal sins, is extreme blasphemy. Can the works of the holy Ghost be impure? The least addition of evil in a good work makes it sinful, because Bonum est ex integracausa, malum ex 〈◊〉 defectu. White on the Sabbath, pag. 157. 〈◊〉 those sayings, as from S. Austin, Neque impossible aliquid 〈◊〉 potuit Deus 〈◊〉 justus est; neque damnaturus est hominem pro eo quod vitare non potest, quia 〈◊〉 est. Execramur blasphemiam eorum, qui dicunt aliquid impossibile homini à Deo esse praeceptum.   
6. That not only manyidoelfulfill the Law without all mortal sin, but sundry also do supererogat by doing more than is commanded, by performing the counsels of perfection, of chastity, poverty, and obedience: 
o 〈◊〉 pag. 184 By his 〈◊〉 he informeth us of all the means that leads toward life eternal by his counsels, which go beyond his 〈◊〉 (because G O D hath given man freewill to get what he can in the state of grace for the state of glory) he shows some exceeding means to grow to this life's perfection, and to improve the common reward of glory for the next life, as sell what thou hast and give it to the peore, and 〈◊〉 shalt have 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉; here we have counsel to change temporal riches for eternal, which are better. 2. We are counselled to change permitted fleshly pleasures for heavenly pleasures, where it is said, qui 〈◊〉 capere 〈◊〉. 3. We are counselled to deny ourselves and our lawful liberty, to follow Christ through the world's difficulties; these are Gods counsels which in the primitive church were put in practice, but in our times they are put off with a non placet. Ibid. p. 129. Of the counsels of the gospel which go beyond the counsels of the Law. S. 〈◊〉. says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christ hath commanded nothing impossible yea, many have gone above his commandments.  7. That our good works do truly deserve and merit eternal life: 
p 〈◊〉. appeal. p. 233. The wicked go to enduring of torments 〈◊〉, the good to enjoying of happiness without end; thus is their estate diversified to their deserving, 〈◊〉 p. 120. setteth down the comitial verses of Cambridge which in merit goeth as far as 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & speciosa 〈◊〉, salutem divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dabunt. 〈◊〉 p. 18. goes yet further, that our works are as true efficent causes of our salvation, as our wickedness can be of our damnation, as we heard before. Montag. 〈◊〉. pag. 153. That a work may be said to be meritorious, ex 〈◊〉, these conditions are required, that it be morally good, that it be freely wrought by a man in this life in the estate of grace and friendship with God, that it have annexed God's promise of reward. All which conditions I cannot conceive that any Protestants doth deny to good works.  8. That our obeying the counsels of perfection do purchase a degree of glory above the ordinary happiness, 
q 〈◊〉 p. 198. In that blessed estate there are degrees of joy and glory, a star differs from another in glory, some ground bringeth forth thirty, some sixty, some a hundred fold. To this agreeth S. Gregory, Quia in hac vita est discretio operum, erit procul dubio in illa discretio dignitatum, ut quo hic alius alium merito superat, illic alius alium retributione transcendat. And S. Cyprian, in pace coronam vincentibus candidam pro operibus dabit in persecutio ne purpuream pro passione geminabit; Certent nune sin guli ad utriusque honoris amplissimam dignitatem, accipiant coronas vel de operibus candidas, vel de sanguine purpureas. Here shineth God's justice in distributing rewards according to the variety of his own grace in this life bestowed, and Christians works by their own free will to the best end employed, and because there are certain excellencies of works in overcoming the greatest difficulties, therefore the school after the former demonstration argueth privileged crowns which they call 〈◊〉 to be due to them which have conavered best to Martyes for overcoming persecutions, to virgins for conquering the 〈◊〉, qnd to Doctors for putting the Devil to flight from their flocks:  All this lately is printed by the faction, neither that only, but (which to us seemeth marvellous) when great popular grumble and sundry public challenges hath been made against the authors of such writs. These whom Canterbury hath employed to apologise for the world's full satisfaction, hath not yet been pleased to disavow any of those writers, nor to express the least sign of their indignation against any of their abominations, 
r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 127. For Shelsoords book whatever is in that mentioned should not trouble you, if he ascribe a special eminency unto charity in some cerraine things, it is no more than 〈◊〉 taught to him by S. Paul, who doth prefer it, as you cannot but choose to know, before faith and hope: nor doth he attribute our justification 〈◊〉 in any other sense than was taught him by S. james M Dow p 52. And I believe if M. Shelsoords justification by 〈◊〉 be well examined, it will prove no other than that which S. james says, ye see how that by works a man is justified and not by faith only, and I would demand of any reasonable man, whether the express words of that 〈◊〉 may not without aspersion of popery be even openly and publicly maintained, if there be no sense obtruded upon them which may cross S. Paul's doctrine, which M Burtoun can never prove that they did whom he charged with that assertion.  but rather by sweetening all with excuses seem to vent their desire to have all swallowed down.  
In the doctrine of the Sacraments, from Beauties 
In the doctrine of the sacraments see their Popery.  third tomb, they tell us first, that the sacraments of the old testamenr differ from the new, that the one confers grace, the other foresignes grace to be conferred, that the same distinction must be holden betwixt john's and Christ's baptimse. 
s Montag. orig. p. 72. de circumcisione quaeritur quamgratiam 〈◊〉 & primo ponitur non 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 verum sacramentum veteris politiae in statu legis & 〈◊〉, ideo esse operativun illius gratiae qua ab. luuntur 〈◊〉 ut fit in baptismo novae legis. 2. Si quaeratur an ut baptismus 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 quae figurat 〈◊〉 olim peccata visua sacramentali ex institutione divino opere operato, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 operantis aut alio quovis modo abolere & mundare poterit, qua de re sunt diversae sententiae. Hereafter he hath brought at length the Fathers, to prove that Sacramenta veteris testamenti non causabant gratiam sed cam solum per 〈◊〉 Christi 〈◊〉 esse significabant, nostra vero & gratiam continent & digne suscipientibus conferunt, 〈◊〉 closes, inanes 〈◊〉 illae disputationes & acerbae contentiones 〈◊〉 lorum, quae apud scholasticos & doctores nonnullos ventilantur, quas sopitas optamus nos. Ibid. p. Baptismus Joannis rudimentarius ait Damascenus: imperfectus, & isagogicus, 〈◊〉: ut & lex vetus, 〈◊〉 novum baptisma post illud necessarium inquit Augustinus, post Johannem baptizabat Paulus, post hereticos non baptizat Ecclesia, Christi baptismo actu remittebantur peccata, non remittebantur actu post johannis. Then in his own words, quid ergo? An dabat gratiam baptismus ille; 〈◊〉 visum non nullis perperam omnino, nam ubi tum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 baptismatis Christi & Sacramentorum novi faederis, quibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gratiam 〈◊〉 quam significant, preparatoriè hoc agebat non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in spe tantum cum re ipsa in Domini baptismo illud 〈◊〉, ab 〈◊〉 sententia quae est 〈◊〉 omnium antiquorum, si Calvinus recesserit cum sequacibus, aetatem habent, ipsi respondeant, privati cujuscunque hominis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non est communi protestantium sententiae ascribendum. Obtineat ergo per me Tridentinae synodi canon primus sessionis septimae: Si quis dixerit baptismum Iohannis habuisse eandem vim cum baptismo Christi anathema sit.  2. They tell us that all baptised infants as well reprobat as elect are in baptism truly regenerate, sanctified, justified, and put in that state wherein if those who are reprobate and thereafter damned should die, they would be infallibly saved. 
t Mon. opeal p. 35. We 〈◊〉 aught in the Liturgy earnestly to believe, lest it should be left to men's 〈◊〉, that 〈◊〉 hath received favourably these infants that are baptised. And to make this doctrine 〈◊〉 more sure against our novelists, it is again repeated in the 〈◊〉, that it is certainly true by the word of God, that children being baptised have all things necessary forsalvation, and if they die before actual sin, shall be undoubtedly saved, according whereunto all antiquity hath also taught us Let this therefore be acknowledged to be the doctrine of our Church. White against the 〈◊〉 p. 95. avows it as the doctrine of England, that all infants baptised have the holy spirit, & are made the children of God by adoption, pressing that of S. 〈◊〉 of all infants baptised. Quid dicturus est de infantibus parvulis qui plerique accepto in illa aetate gratiae sacramento, qut 〈◊〉 dubio pertinerent ad vitam aeternam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, si continuo ex hac vita 〈◊〉, sinuntur crescere & nonnulli etiam apostatae sunt. Albeit this same White makes this tenet in his conserence with Fisher to be the judgement only of Papists and Lutherans pag. 176. They differ from Lutherans and 〈◊〉 first, in that they 〈◊〉 the grace of sanctification only to the elect. 2. In that they deny external baptism to be always effectual at the very 〈◊〉 time when it is administrate.  And on other her hand they avow that all those who die in their infancy without baptism, by whatsoever miss, by whosoevers fault, are certainly damned so far as men can judge: For baptism is the only ordinary means which God hath appointed for their salvation, which failing, salvation must be lost, except we would dream of extraordinary miracles of the which we have no warrant. 
w Cant. relat. p. 56. That baptism is necessary to the salvation of infants in the ordinare way of the Church (without binding GOD to the use and means of that Sacrament to which he hath bound us) it is express in Saint John, Chap. 3. Except a man be born again by water he cannot enter, no baptism, no entrance, nor can infants creep in any other ordinare way. And this is the 〈◊〉 opinion of all the ancient Church infants are to be baptised that their salvation may be certain, for they which cannot help themselves must not be left only to extraordinare helps of which we have no assurance, and for which we have no warrant at all in Scripture, 〈◊〉. p. 66. I can show you of none saved ordinarily without the sacraments in regard of our Saviour's exception in the 3. of john, Except a man be born again of the water and the spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven. Montag. orig.. p. 397. Adeo huic usui inserviunt aquae ut si tollatur lavacrū aquae alieni a Deo & soedere promissionis aeternae excludantur illi in tenebras exteriores, cum edicto divino 〈◊〉 sit nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua & spiritu sancto non introibit in regnum coelorum. 〈◊〉 hoc elusum a novatoribus, sed & Christi divinitatem ab haereticis negatam 〈◊〉 utrumque in contemptum Dei & dispendium animarum.  3. That the manifold ceremonies of Papists in baptism and all other sacraments are either to be embraced as pious ancient rites, or no to be stood upon as being only ceremonial toys. 
x Samuel Hoards sermon supra, puts cross in baptism and sindry other ceremonies of it among his ritual traditions. Montag. 〈◊〉. pag. 16. vestis alba oleum, sal, lac, chrisma, additamenta quaedam sunt ornatus causa. Ib. p. 15. Cum concilio quodam nupero non veremur profiteri ceremonias à majoribus hominibus religiosissimis usurpatas quod ad varios pietatis usus valeant & exercitia quaedam fint quibus mens externarū rerum sensu & significatione ad divinum cultum 〈◊〉 Deum attrahitur in Ecclesia retinendas & ubi abrogatae fuerant restituendas esse statuimus. Andrews stricturae, p. 13. Chrism, salt, candles, 〈◊〉, sign of the cross 〈◊〉, and the consecration of the water, those being all matter of ceremony, are therefore in the Church power on good reasons either to retain or to alter,  For their tenets in the sacrament of the supper, we shall speak anon of them in the head of the mass. 4. They tell us that our dispute about the five bastard sacraments is a plain logomachy. 
y Andrews 〈◊〉. p. 11. The whole matter about the five Sacraments is a mere, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  5. They tell us that not only infants after their baptism but even men baptised in perfect age who before baptism gave a sufficient count of their faith, yet they may not be esteemed full Christians while they have received confirmation by the imposition of hands, and that alone by a Bishop. 
z Pokling altar p. 65. And because the competents were persons of full age they received also confirmation by imposition of hands 〈◊〉 pleni 〈◊〉 inveniantar.  About the orders, they tell us that they agree with Papists in their number, that the reason why they want their Acolits, subdeacons and the rest, is but their Church's poverty: 
zz Andrew's 〈◊〉. pag. 12. The five orders is a point not 〈◊〉 the standing on, while the revenues of the Church were able to maintain so many degrees it cannot be denied but that there were so many, but by the Churches own order neither by commandment nor example of Scripture, but what is this to the present estate of the Church scarce able to maintain two?  Which can scarce well maintain the two orders of Priests and Deacons. But which in their questions is worst of all, they side here with the Papists in giving to all the Protestant Churches a wound which our enemies proclaim to be mortal, fatal, incurable. They tie the conferring of ordours by a full divine right to the office of Bishops, they avow that the lawful use of all ordination and outward ecclesiastic jurisdiction is by God put in the hands of their persons alone. Other reform Kirkes' therefore wanting Bishops, their Ministers must preach, celebrate the Sacraments, administer discipline not only without a lawful warrant, but also against the ordinance of God. When they are put in mind of this great wound given by them to all other reformed Churches, they either strive to cover it with the figtree leaves of an imagined case of necessity which never was, or else plainly to pass over it as immedicable. No marvel if the Bishops of England refuse to admit without a new ordination, these who has been ordained in Holland or France, and they make no scruple to admit without new orders, these who has been ordained at Rome. 
&c. 〈◊〉 antid. sect. 3. p8. Let the Bishops stand alone on Apostolical right and no more than so, and doubt it not but some will take it on your word & then plead accordingly, that thingsof Apostolical institution may be laid aside. When Bishop Andrews had learnedly asserted the 〈◊〉 order to be of Christ's institution I have heard that some who were then in place did secretly interceded with King 〈◊〉 to have had it altered, for fear forsooth of offending our neighbour Churches. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. 〈◊〉. p. 195. Dixi abesse ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquid quod de jure divino sit, culpa 〈◊〉 vestra non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 injuria temporum, non enim tam propitios habuisse Reges Galliam vestram in Ecclesia reformanda quam habuit Britannia nostra: Interim ubi dabit meliora Deus, & hoc quoque quod jam abest per Dei gratiam suppletum iri. Relatum inter hereticos Aerium qui Epiphanio credat vel Augustino necesse est fateatur, & tu qui 〈◊〉 Aerium quo nomine damnas? An quod se 〈◊〉 consensui universalis Ecclesiae. Idem qui sentit an non itidem se opponit ac eo nomine damnandus erit Montag. 〈◊〉. p. 138. 〈◊〉 jus & autoritatem ita credimus annexam Episcoporum personis ut a nemine non episcopo ordinato & consecrato possit aut debeat adhiberi, 〈◊〉 ordinationem vel 〈◊〉 omnem pronunciamus quae non a legitimo & canonico more 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 se 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & non missi ingerant caelesti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, viderint 〈◊〉 quid sint responsuri olim summo sacerdoti cujus partes usurpant, 〈◊〉 nostros non aliorum 〈◊〉 vocationes. Yea, not only they tie ordination and jurisdict on to the person of Bishops, but of such Bishops who must of necessity show the derivation of all their power, from the Pope as was shown before.  6. In Matrimony they will keep not only the Popish Sacramental words and signs, the Popish times of Lent and other dismal days, except the Bishops give their dispensation, but also they will have the whole matrimonial causes ruled by the Pope's 〈◊〉, yea, which is more, they avow that the Cannon-law by Acts of Parliament yet unrepealled stands in vigour amongst them. 
a Dew p. 184. By his favour I must tell him that neither the law of God nor of the King disallows the use of the old Canons and Constitutions, though made in the time of Popery and by the Pope or Popish Prelates, which are not contrary to the law of God or the King: If he desire proof of this, let him consider whether the Statute 25. Hen. 8 19 do not say as much as I affirm, which having regulated divers things touching the exercise of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction. At last the statute concludes with this 〈◊〉 Provided also that such Canon's constitutions, ordinances, and synodals provincial being already made not repugnant to the laws and customs of this Realm, nor to the hurt of the King's prerogative royal, shall now still be used and executed as they were before the making of this Act, till such time as they be viewed, searched, or otherwise ordered by the said two and thirty persons or the more part of them according to the tenor of this present Act. It follows then that till these thirty two persons determine otherwise, old Canons may be still executed and retain their ancient vigour and authority, and when that will be I know not but as yet I am sure it hath not been done.   
Except in some few things which are directly opposite to some late laws of the land and that Cannon-law they will have extendit as far down as the very Council of Basile. 
b Female glory, pag. 128. With this pious and grateful ordinance, I conclude the visitation of our incomparable Lady, 〈◊〉 means the act of the late Council of Basile, which ordained a festival for that visitation.  And as far up as the constitutions of the first Popes. 
c 〈◊〉 altar pag. 52. There is mention madeof the dedication of Churches unde 〈◊〉, An. 〈◊〉 12. and under 〈◊〉, 154. under Calixtus 221. And before them all in Saint Clemence his Epistles. These testimonies of Roman Bishops the Centurists do suspect: Where the doctrine and decrees of Popes, and those in the first and best times are confirmed by the doctrine and constant practice of the holy Catholic Church, it 〈◊〉 great boldness in three or four men to condemn and to brand their authority with the ministry of iniquity.  Which divers of the Papists themselves acknowledge to be supposititious, yet our men will defend them all, and with them the Canons of the Apostles, the constitutions of Clemence and all such trash. 
d Laurence, Sermon, pag. 18. the Apostles in their Canons, and these too, which are undoubtedly theirs. Montag. apart. pag. 390 Ex antiquissimis illum 〈◊〉 principem & primariae authoritatis, 〈◊〉 erat Apostolorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 nimerum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non preteribo, quem licet delicatuli nescio qui, ex 〈◊〉 parte contendentium falsi postulant, & tanquam falsarium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nos tamen ipsius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quosvis suscipere patrocinium audemus, doctissimum post virum Turrianum.   
In the sacrament of penance they 〈◊〉 first, that auricular confession was evil abolished, and is very expedient to be restored. 
e White on the Sabbath in the preface. There might also my reverend good Lord, be a very profitable use of some private of pastoral collation with their 〈◊〉, for their direct on and information in 〈◊〉 spiritual duties, such as was, private confestion in the ancient Church: Now the Presbyterian censures by their paralogism taken from abuse have with such loud and impetuous declamations, filled the cares and possessed the minds of many people that they are exceeding averse from this sovereign and ancient medicine of consolation, prevention, and curing of the 〈◊〉 of the soul. He approveth that of Gerardus, Privata coram Ecclesiae ministro confessio, quam auricularem vocant, quamv is non habeat expressum & peculiar mandatum 〈◊〉 non fit absolutae necessitatis, tamen cum plurimas praester utilitates & disciplinae Ecclesiasticae 〈◊〉 sit non postrema publico Ecclesiae consensu recepta, ideo nequaquam timere vel negligenda vel abolenda, 〈◊〉 piè & in vero Dei timore, praesertim ab 〈◊〉 qui ad sacram synoxin accedunt usurpanda. M. Sp. Sermon printed with approbation. p. 18. Confess as the Church directs, confess to God, confess also to the Priest, if not privately in the 〈◊〉 since that is out of use. 〈◊〉 saith a devout Bishop, it is almost quite lost, the more pity.  2. That God hath given a judicial power of absolution to every Priest, which every one of the people is obliged to make use of, especially before the communion by confessing to the Priest all their sins without the concilement of any. 
f Dew p. 35. It cannot be denied, but that the Church of England did ever allow the private confession of sins to the Priest, it were very strange, if our Church ordaining Priests and giving them power of absolution, and prescribing the form to be used for the exercise of that power upon confession, should not allow of the private confession. M. Sp. Sermon page. 16. Since the Priest can in the name of God forgive us our sins, good reason we should make our confession to him: Surely God never give the Priest this power in vain, he expects we should make the best use of it we can. He requires we should use the means we can to obtain that blessing; now the only means to obtain this absolution is our confession to him 〈◊〉. p. 19 If we confess in humility with grief and sorrow for them, if we confess them faithfully not concealing any (Ibid) p. 15. There is another confession that would not be neglected. He that would be sure of pardon, let him seek out a Priest, and make his humble confession to him: for God who alone hath the prime and original right of forgiving sins hath delegat the Priests here upon earth his judges, and hath given them the power of absolution, so that they can in God's name forgive the sins of those that confess to them. But is not this Popery, would some say, Now take the counsel that is given in the eight of job, Ask the Fathers, and they shall tell thee: ask then S. 〈◊〉 on Esay, and he will tell thee, that heaven waits and expects the Priest's sentence here on earth: For the Priest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on earth, and the Lord follows the servant, and when the servant binds or loses here on earth, clavae non errante, the Lord confirms it in heaven, words, says he, so clear for the judicial and formal absolution of the Priest, that nothing can be said more plain.  3. That God in the Heaven will certainly follow the sentence of the Priest absolving on earth. g 4. Beside a private confessor, it were very expedient to have in every congregation a public penitentiary, who in the beginning of Lent on ashe-wednesday might in the Kirk sit in his reclinatory, and sprinkling dust on the head of every parishioner, enjoin them their Lent-pennance, whereby they may truly satisfy God's judgement for their sins, and in the end of lent or Shrif-thursday before Pasche give his absolution to those who have fully satisfied. 
h Pockl. alt. pag. 57 The Bishops made an addition to the Ecclesiastic canon, that in every Church a penitentiary should be appointed to admit penetents in the Church, after they have done public penance. This kind of confession 〈◊〉 abolished in the Church of 〈◊〉, how beit the confession, whereof Tertullian and Cyprian speaks, was never abolished, but did ever continue in the Greek Church, and in the Latin likewise: And to this purpose a solemn day was set apart for taking of public penance, for open faults, by imposition of hands, and sprinkling of ashes, namely Ash-wednesday. This is the godly discipline whereof out Church speaketh, and wisheth that it might be restored. And as Ash-wednesday was appointed for penetents to receive absolution. This absolution they took upon their knees by the imposition of the Priests hands. Ibid. p. 63. and 67. The Competents beginning on Ash-wednesday in sackcloth and ashes to humble themselves, they were all Lent long purged with fasting and prayer: They were to stand barefoot on sackcloth, and watch on good Friday all night. How found a thing it is, saith 〈◊〉, to think to carry away with us the 〈◊〉 of sin, and not first of all to pay for our commodity. The Merchant before he deliver his wares will look to your coin, 〈◊〉 soulptilis, ne rasus, that it be neither washed nor shaved; and do not think but the Lord will look well to your repentances and turn it over and over, before ye receive . The Church caused those to take so strict penance, that by their great humiliation they might make some amends for that liberty which some took to sin. Ibid. p. 24. Our Churches are a glory to our religion. To the 〈◊〉 elongeth the 〈◊〉 lavaiorie and 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 heating confessions. Shalfoord p. 126. If the Just shall transgress while they are within the law they are bound to make satisfaction by penance, which is, Ibid. pag. 〈◊〉. The law is oft broken by sins of omission and commission. I answer, as it is oft broken of us, so it is as oft repaired and satisfied, and so all is made whole again, and so he is, 〈◊〉 quo 〈◊〉: he riseth again so oft as he falleth; either in number or virtue our sins of commission are repaired by repentance, our sins of omission are supplied by prayer.  Extreme unction, if reports may be trusted, is already in practice among them, but howsoever, they avow in Print their satisfaction with the Papists in this point, if so be the ceremony be no made absolutely necessary. 
i Montag. antig. pag. 267. That sacramental unction is not to be used to the sick, use it if you will, we hinder you not, nor much care or inquire what effects ensue upon it, but obtrude it not upon us as in 〈◊〉 of the Sacraments in the time of grace.   
Anent the Monastic life, consider how far our 
They are for the recrection of monasteries, and placing of Monks, and Nuns therein as of old.  men are from Popery, they tell us first, that the putting down of the Monasteries in England by Henry the eight, let be by other Protestant Princes elsewhere, was a work exceeding impious, and very prejudicial both to the Church and Crown: 
k Montag. orig.. p. 303. In Ecclesia anglicana sacerdotes 〈◊〉 magis gaudere, & soleant & debeant immunitatibus, tamen & frequentius & exuberantius, & libentius quam laici decimarum decimas, subsidia, annatas primitias, solvunt principi, ut vel inde 〈◊〉 discerni possit quantum detrimenti regiis accesserit 〈◊〉 per illam desolationem monasteriis invectam per importunum Henrici octavi rigorem, & per parliamentarias impropriationes. Ibid. p. 384. Quales quales reformare potius, & ad normam veterum reducere debebant, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non quod factum facinore flagitioso, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuerunt ad haras, altaria ad lupanaria transferenda, sed reprimam 〈◊〉. Ibid. p. 174. Sub pretextu reformatae pietatis. Deum, Ecclesiam, pietatem, per nefandistima sacrilegia, eversis ubicunque monasteriis, etc.  2. That the Monks for the pattern of their orders have the Prophets and the Apostles, and specially john the Baptist: 
l Montag. orig.. p, 370. 〈◊〉 primus hanc viam insistebat, illum 〈◊〉 ut in aliis sequebantur 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉. Ibid. p. 382. Ejusmodi vitae genere 〈◊〉 jecisse fundamenta monasticae vitae, cum illustrissimo Barono non abnuerim.  3. That their habits to their very tree-shoones hath Scripture warrant: 
m Montag. orig.. p 369. 〈◊〉 & interula & tunica, & quocunque amictu vestiebatur, de camelorum pilis id gestabat vestimentum, ut ipsa asperitas ad virtutem patientiae animum exerceret, nec princeps hoc institutum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: ab omni retro antiquitate Prophetarum filii Elias, 〈◊〉 alii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ute bantur, quin & positum in more qui rem quamcunque persuadere vellent, habitu ipso se componerent ad 〈◊〉 rem efficacius insinuandam. William 〈◊〉 sermon p. 20. The sackcloth and ashes they received from Daniel and the Ninivites, and to live according to a 〈◊〉 rule, and order from S. Mark and other Apostles. so saith Cossian Ibidem p. 28. Those if you censure for will-worship or superstition take heed ye condemn not the authors of them, even our blessed Saviour, with his Prophets and Apostles. Ibid. pag. 44. Whereas our blessed Saviour hath forbidden shoes to his Disciples, he was herein obeyed by the Primitive mortifiers, sandals were mere sol tied with strings:  4. That the Virgin Mary was truly a Nun, and that the Nuns this day are much to be commended for the following of her pattern: 
n Female glory page 22. The same author affirms that there she lived a 〈◊〉 Nun. Ibid. 23. Let us then imagine that this holy 〈◊〉 confined her body to this sacred solitude, that she might the more freely enjoy the inconceivable pleasure she took in her 〈◊〉 Virginity. Ibid. page She was a votary never to know man. Ibid. page 148. You who ply your sacred Arithmetic and have thoughts cold and clear as the Crystal beeds you pray by. You who have vowed virginity, mental and corporal, approach with comfort, and kneel down before the grand white immaculate 〈◊〉 of your snowy Nunneries, and present the alsaving babe in her arms with due veneration:  5. That the present Carthusians, Franciscans, and the rest of the Fraternities are very good and holy people, worthy in their very orders of Monastic life of our imitation: 
o Ibid. page 236. Many holy orders also are of this sodality as the 〈◊〉, the 〈◊〉, the Franciscans, 〈◊〉, and many other. If these examples of pious and worthy people will not move us, etc.  6. That their barefooted processions through the streets, that their Canonical hours of devotion, at midnight in their Cloisters, that in great festival Eves, their going at Midnight, with confluence of people to Towne-churches is all commendable service. 
p William Wat's sermon. page 3. 〈◊〉 Bishop of Vienne did not uncannonically, to appoint a solemn 〈◊〉 of three days fast, and to make a Litany to be sung in a barefooted procession. 〈◊〉. page 20. To go barefooted, they received from David and Esaias. 〈◊〉. page 45. 〈◊〉 maketh goers barefoot to be imitators of Apostolic spirited people. Ibid. page 48. In the third, fourth, and fifth ages, are examples plentiful of the nightly processions of the Christians; yea, they went from their houses in the Cities to some of their Churches in the fields, singing Psalms all the way through the streets in the hearing of the Gentiles. Ibid. Minutius Felix mentioneth necturna & 〈◊〉 sacra. For this purpose the night was divided into Canonical hours or certain times of rising to prayer, whereof midnight was one, the morning watch was another Canonical hour. I 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notwithstanding our devotion serveth us not 〈◊〉 the Prophets and Apostles, and the Primitives, yet we will forbear to take part with the old Heretics in reprehending them. Ibid. Before a greater Festival all the devouter sort of Christians constantly repaired to their Churches at midnight.   
In the head of Purgatory and prayer for the 
How near they approach to Purgatory, and 〈◊〉 for the dead.  dead, thus far long ago are they proceeded, first, they avow openly Limbus Patrum, telling us, that the Saints before Christ were not only not in heaven, but truly in an infernal place, even in a lake, where in one nook the godly were in peace, and the wicked in torments, that Abraham's bosom was here, between which and hell a certain gulf made but a tolerable distance, that jacob, Samuel, and David, and other of the ancients were mourned for at their death, because their souls went not to heaven, but truly to a kind of hell: their mind in these things, as their custom is, they propone in the words of some Father, that by the shelter of their authority they may keep off their own head the indignation of the people: 
q Montag. orig. pag. 286. His qui in carcere erant spiritibus, hoc est defunct is, suo fato & inferno addict is praedicavit, quo in loco Puritani, & novatores spiritum, non animam Christi intelligunt Ibid. apar. p. 476. Communem esse patrum sententiam, 〈◊〉 doctissimorum scriptorum nostrae aetatis & confessionis, sanctorum animas ante Christi resurrectionem non fuisse in Coelo. Olim (inquit Chrysostomus) ad infernum deducebat mors, sed nunc assumit ad Christum. Ideo dicebat olim jacob, Deducet is senectutem meam ad infernum cum lachrymis Ideo olim lugebantur mortui, at nunc cum Psalmis & hymnis efferuntur. Hieronymi testimonia sunt innumera, ante adventum Christi omnes ad inferos ducebantur; inde Iacob ad inferos discensurum se dicit, & job pios & impios in inferno queritur 〈◊〉, & Euangelium docet magnum chaos interpositum apud inferos, & revera antequamflammeam illam rotam, & igneam rompheam ad 〈◊〉 fores Christ us 〈◊〉 one reseraret, clausa erant caelestia, Nota quoque ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quoque in inferno fuisse credas, & ante adventum Christi, quamvis sanctos 〈◊〉 lege detentos: locum esse ait, qui lacus 〈◊〉 & abyssus, in qua non erant aquae in qua animae 〈◊〉, sive ad poenas.  Again they tell us that Christ before he opened heavens gate to any soul, he went first down, and loosed the souls in prison: yea, if ye believe M. Maxwell (who hath written much for the drawing of our Church the factions way) he went down to the lowest hells, and delivered thence a number of Pagans such as Aristotle, Plato, Socrates, and a world of more: 
r Montag. a par. pag. 476. Postquam eo descendit, Christus, inferorum claustra perfodit, diripuit, vastavit, spoliavit, vinctas inde animas liberando. M. Maxwels demonstration, pag. 9 Whether the places of Scripture wherein mention is made of our Saviour's spoiling of hell, and leading captivity captive, may perhaps be understood of his powerful & merciful delivering from hell, of some of the souls of virtuous Pagans, as of their Philosophers, lawgivers, governors, kings, queens, & other private persons renowned for their wisdom, prudence, fortitude, temperance, bounty, chastity, justice, mercy; and generally for their civil carriage, & moral conversation, 〈◊〉 as were Hermes Trismegistus, Zoroaster, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Pythagoras, Homer, Phocyllides, Theognis, Epictetus, Cicero; and such as were Hercules, Thesem, Cyrus, Solon, Lycurgus, Aristides, Simon, 〈◊〉, Epaminondas, Tarrina, Camilla, 〈◊〉, Panthea, Penelope, Artemisia, and others the like: for my own part, I do profess such love to those virtuous wights, for their virtue's sake, as I had rather condemn twenty such opinions as that of Limbus patrum, than to damn eternally the soul of one Socrates, of one Cyrus. . Our main pillars against purgatory they hue down with the popish axes: when we reason that Scripture makes no mention of any third place betwixt Hell and Heaven; they reply, that there are many things whereof Scripture makes no mention. When we reason that Scripture makes mention expressly of two places for souls after death, they use the popish distinction, that after the resurrection there is but two eternal places, but that before the resurrection there may be three temporal: 
s Montag. apar. 〈◊〉. 135 Objiciunt, nullus tertius 〈◊〉 indicatur in Scriptura praeter infernum damnatorum & coelum. Resp. Licet non indicaretur in 〈◊〉 esse alium locum tertium, non tamen inde sequeretur non fuisse tertium, quia multa sunt quae non indicantur in Scriptures. Locus ille Matthaei 25. Loquitur non de loco aut statu animarum ante Christum, sed de statu & loco finali post finem saeculi, cum 〈◊〉 tantum erunt absque dubio hominum societates sempiternae.  4. When papists urge upon us prayer for the dead, they will not contradict them; yea, they commend oblations in the Lord's Supper, and prayers there for the dead in particular. 
t Andreus stricturae, pag. 56. Anent offering and prayer for the dead, there is little to be said against it, it cannot be denied but it is ancient. Dow. pag. 56. That the ancient Church had commemorations, oblations, and prayers for the dead, the testimonies of the Fathers, ecclesiastical stories & ancient Liturgies do put out of all question. Pokling. alt. p. 83. Commends that Canon whereby a Priest after his death was ordained to be punished, for making another Priest his Executor, with this pain, that at the altar for such an one, non offerretur, nee sacrificium 〈◊〉 dormitione ejus 〈◊〉.    

CHAP. 6. Anent their Superstitions.  
IN the Church of Rome, the Canterburians use to profess corruptions of two kinds, errors and 
Few of all Rome's superstitions are against their stomach.  superstitions; as for heresies or Idolatries, they are loath that any such crimes should be laid to the charge of their mother church, how many, and how grievous errors they find Rome guilty of, they had need to declare; for in the most of those wherein the protestants place the chief of the Romish errors, you have heard them plainly take their part, readily it will prove no otherwise when we come down to try them in the particular heads, wherein papists are reputed most superstitious.  
The superstitions which in papists are most remarked in their private carriage are these four: In their frequent saining of themselves with the sign of the cross: In wearing about their neck a crucifix or some such toy of an image or relic: In saying their prayers on their beads: In abstaining from flesh on friday, wednesday, lent, or some great festivals Eve; Our men are far from disproving of any of these practices. For the first, they avow that saining with the sign of the cross at rising or lying down, at going out or coming in, at lighting of candles, closing of windows, or any such action is not only a pious and profitable ceremony, but a very Apostolic tradition. 
a Samuel Hoards Sermon, pag. 15: Reckons out among his traditions the crossing of themselves when they went out, or when they came in, when they went to bed, or 〈◊〉 they rose, 〈◊〉 they sat down to meat, or lighted candles, or had any business of moment to do. Montag. apeal. p. 268. What hinders but that I may sign myself with the 〈◊〉 of the cross in any part of my body, at any time when I go to bed, in the morning when I rise, at my going out, at my returning home, the ancient Church so used it, and so may we (for aught I know) without just scandal or superstition.  2. They avow expressly the carrying of these holy trincats about their neck, in cases of silver or gold. 
b Montag. antid. p. 17. Ego certe illas 〈◊〉 fasciis involvam; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, admovebo labiis ac collo suspensas 〈◊〉 oculisque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 pag. 24. Imagines praesertim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diligenter & cum cura: sunt apud nos per fenestras, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉.  3. The saying of their prayers; yea, their Ave mary's upon their beeds is to them an holy 〈◊〉 worthy of praise and imitation. 
c Female glory, pag. 148. Among the other praises of his holy Nuns, this is one, You who ply your sacred Arithmetic, and have your thoughts cold and clear as the crystal beeds you pray by: And in his proemials, 〈◊〉 terra revibrat ave.  4. Wednesday, Friday, and Lent-fasts, are to them not only laudable practices of the ancient Church, but also traditions come from Christ and the Apostles, which for Religion's cause all are obliged to embrace. 
d Montag. antid. pag. 164. Quadragesimale jejunium libenter ego concesserim ab Apostolis constitutum, & apud vetustissimos 〈◊〉 proceres usurpatum. Ibid. p. 9 Doceatur esse aliquid ab ipsis Apostolis institutum, utpote jejunium quadragesimale; Causam non dicam quin haereseos accuser, si non ut ab Apostolica authoritate sancitumpropugnavero. William Wat's sermon, p. 50. Most precise and severe observers were they of Lent-fast, which the whole primitive Church did believe to be of Apostolical institution, so that they had their Saviour's and his Apostles example for that strictness. I pass their observation of Wednesdays and Fridays fast weekly, which Epiphanius among many others assureth to be of Apostolical 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 devotion: It hath also been an ancient and religious custom, to fast all the Fridays in the year, except those which fall within the twelve days of Christmas. The Lent which now is, and ever hath been reputed an Apostolical constitution, and we add out of Chrysologus that it is not an humane invention, as they call it, but it comes from divine authority that we fast our forty days in Lent, pag 221.   
The popish public superstitions are very many, 
They embrace the grossest not only of their private, but also of their public 〈◊〉,  but of these which that whole Church doth allow, very few comes to my mind which stand much against the stomach of our men: Those that come first to my thoughts are all pleasantly digested; Protestants want to deride the popish conceits of their holy ground, of their consecrate walls, and the sanctuary of their Chancels, their turnings towards the East, their manifold toys in Baptism, and the Lords supper joined with the sacramental Elements, their gesticulations in time of public service, their hallowing above the Sabbath a multitude of Festivals, their pilgrimages, their processions, and many such their practices. In this behold the mind of our men, they tell us first that Kirk-yards by prayers, and conspersion of holy water must be made holy ground; that before these episcopal consecrations, no Christian burial may be made therein, but after that the Bishop hath used the pontifical ceremonies thereupon, no Heretic, no Schismatic, no Excommunicate person may be brought there, no worldly, no common action there performed without the profanation of the holy place. 
e Laurence sermon p 9 Christians distinguished their oratory's into an atrium, a Church yard, a sanctum, a Church a sanctum sanctorum, a Chancel, they did conceive a greater degree of 〈◊〉 in one of them, than in another, and in one place of them than another, Churchyards they thought profaned by sports, the whole circuit both before and after Christ was 〈◊〉 ledged for refuge, none out of the communion of the Kirk permitted to 〈◊〉 there, any 〈◊〉 ground 〈◊〉 for interment before that which was not 〈◊〉, and that in an higher esteem which was in a higher degree of consecration, and that in the highest which was nearest the altar. Hall's sermon at the consecration of a burial place, p. 38. Out of the consideration of the holy designation of these peculiar places came both the title and practice of consecration of 〈◊〉, which they say is no less ancient than the days of Calixtus the first who dedicated the first Cemiteries, albeit it was decreed by the Council of Arles, that if any Church were consecrated, the Churchyard of it should require no other hallowing but by simple conspersion, p. 40. It is meet & necessary that those places should be set aside to this holy use by a due & religious dedication, by prayers & holy actions tending thereunto, if the Jews used these dedications, how much more we Ib. in the preface, an act worthy both of this common celebration & of that episcopal service of mine.  Again they show us that the church by the bishops anointing some stones thereof with oil and sprinkling others with water, and using from the Roman pontifical some more prayers, some more ceremonies upon it, becomes a ground more holy: That before these consecrations though the people of God for many years have met into a Church for divine service, yet it is no more holy than a 〈◊〉, a 〈◊〉, a tolbooth; but after these consecrations there is such holiness in the walls, that even when there is no divine service, men at their coming in, and going out must adore and all the time of their presence stand discovered, and never so much as sit down were the service never so long, except upon great infirmity. 
f Tedders sermon, p. 8. It is the consecration that makes them holy & makes God esteem them so, which though they be not capable of grace, yet receive by their consecration a spiritual power, whereby they are made fit for divine service, and being consecrate, there is no danger in ascribing holiness unto them, if we believe S. Bernard, quis parietes istos sanctos dicere vereatur, quos manus sacratae Pontificum 〈◊〉 sanctificavere mysteriis. When we come to Church, say the holy Fathers of the devotion of those primitive times, corpora humi 〈◊〉, they that showed the least devotion did bow, all the time that they were there none presumed so much as to sit, as being too 〈◊〉 & lazy a posture in God's house, but only for infirmity or some other cause were 〈◊〉 with. There were some that would not have their shoes on their feet in the temple, a shame to them that have their hats on in God's house. Shelf p. 51. Some profane God's house by going out with headscovered, as if God were not present, & it were not his house when service was ended. Pokling. 〈◊〉. p. 141. hurches when they were made they were consecrate, for a man may as lawfully and Christianly administer the sacrament in a barn or town hall as in any place that is not consecrate to such holy uses, Queen school p. 223. S. Giles Church in the fields being newly repaired after two years' service, sermon & sacraments in it in D. Montary B. of London's time, was required to be consecrate by his successor D. Laud, the parochin refusing, the Bishop caused sequester, & 〈◊〉 up the house for a month, & forces the parish after 50 pound fine to put up a 〈◊〉 upon the East window, & receive the other orders of consecration. The foundation stones of there air of Paul's were solemnly blessed by the Bishop, his main reason for urging of the visitation of Cambridge was, that two chapels there was not yet consecrate, notwithstanding of divine service in them for some score of years past.  3. That the Chancel and the Altar must not only be dedicated with prayers and unctuous, but with lighted Candles, burning Incense, and many other such toys; that it must be divided from the Church with veils to keep not only the bodies, but the eyes of the Laics from beholding the ark and throne wherein the body of the Son of God doth sit, as in a chair of state, that none but Priests must enter there, & that with their triple low adorations at their approaching: That it is a favour for the King or the Emperor to win near that place for the short time of his offering. 
g Pokl alt p. 141. Was not the altar the chiefest place which with most ceremony & devotion was hallowed? was there not a feast annual kept in joyful remembrance of the dedication of every Church. Doth not S. Austin say, Novit sanctitas vestra fratres, corsecrationem altaris celebrareus in quo unctus vel benedictus est lapis, as he citys the place in his Sunday. Quenscoole, p. 198. In the collegiat Church of Wolverhampton in the country of Stafford, the altar & clothes thereof were consecrate 11. Octob. 1635. As soon as the Priests come to the Church, each of them made a low congee at their first entering in at the church door, & after that three congees a piece towards the altar, so they went unto the chancel, where a basin with water & a towel was provided for the Priests to wash in, where also was incense burning; after they returned making three 〈◊〉 a piece. After the sermon every one of them had a paper in his hand, which they termed a censer, & so they went up again to the altar: as they went they made 〈◊〉 congees a piece, the Communion being ended they washed their hands, and returned giving three congees as before. Ib. 220. There are divers high 〈◊〉 solemnly dedicated of late in divers 〈◊〉 of Cambridge and Oxford, adorned with tapers, candlesticks, Crucifixes, basons, crosses, rich altarclothes, crimson cushions, rich hangings. Pokl. alt. p. 24. Optatus saith that Erant Ecclesiae ex auro & argento quam plurtma ornamenta. ib p 80. At the upper end of the Chancel was a place railed in, whereunto none were permitted to enter but the Priests. The Canon is clear, Nulli omnium qui sit in Laicorum numeroliceat intra sacram altare ingredi. A dispensation indeed there was for the Emperor to enter inhither when he would Creatori dona afferre, but stay there he might not. Laurence, p. 10. Beyond these rails duo cancelli, which distinguished the body of the Church from the Oracle, none out of orders came. A more awful reverence was commanded to this part being barred from common view. Ib. p 29 We have the Grecians triple prostrations from their Liturgies, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ib. p. 12. The same God is thorough all the parts of the Church, but not in the same manner thorough all the parts thereof, for as they are different degrees of sanctity in them, so is there a different dispensation of his presence in them. Ib. p. 15. This follows upon the consecration, as there was a greater communication of the divine presence in those places than in others, so was there a greater communication of the same presence in some part of the temple of Solomon than in others. And as that distinction in holy places continued after Christ, so did the reason of that distinction too. The whole indeed is the house of God, for albeit the Lord be without these walls, yet is he more within, as we are not presumed to be so much abroad as at home, though the Church conceived him to be present in all parts of this house, yet it concerved him to be present more in one part of it than another, in respect of that 〈◊〉 dispensation of his presence to that place of the Church, as of old to that place of the temple which was within the 〈◊〉, we having an altar here answerable to a mercy 〈◊〉 there, as also in respect of that union 〈◊〉 this place and 〈◊〉 humane nature. 〈◊〉. Star-Chamber speech, p. 47. The altar is the greatest place of God's residence upon 〈◊〉, I say the greatest, 〈◊〉 greater than the pulpit, for 〈◊〉 it is hoc est corpus meum, but in the pulpit is is 〈◊〉 hoc est verbum meum, and a greater reverence no doubt is due to the body than to the word, and so in 〈◊〉 answerable to the 〈◊〉 where his body is usually 〈◊〉 then to the seat whence his word uses to be proclaimed.  4. That none of the ceremonies of the popish baptism, neither their salt, their spittle, nor exsufflation are superstitious. 
h Vide supra cap. 5. (〈◊〉)  5. That a number of the Mass toys, which yet are not in practice in England, yea all the guises of the Mass, which can be proven to be ancient are all to be embraced. 
i 〈…〉 I was showed a Latin determination 〈◊〉 in one of our universities 〈◊〉 to prove, that look what ceremonies were used about the altar before the reformation by power and force of any general custom, though passed over in deep silence by our Liturgy, are notwithstanding commanded us by a kind of impli●● 〈◊〉, even unto us, that live under the discipline of the English Liturgy. 〈◊〉 author therein, only leaves him as a man most able to justify that writ. 〈◊〉 are his words, as for your Sally on the author of the latin determination, I leave him to himself: He is of age to do you reason in this, as well as in that other quarrel you have against him.  6. That who ever in the public prayers hath their face toward the North, South, and West, must be publicly called upon to turn themselves ever towards the East. 
k Vide supra, cap. 5. B.  7. That in the Church not only in the time of prayer, but at the reading of the ten commands, all must fall on their knees, but when the creed is read all must stand upright on their feet, when the epistle cometh, all may sit down, but when the gospel beginneth, all must again arise, during the time of sermon all must stand discovered. That to these and all such pious practices we are obliged by the sole example of the bishops or some sew of them, even before the enacting of any Law, either of church or state. 
l 〈◊〉 Bughen, serm. pag. 9 We 〈◊〉 not think 〈◊〉 enough that we stand at the 〈◊〉, except we say it also with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a loud voice, nor is it enough 〈◊〉 us to stand up at the gospel, but at the name of Jesus, not as if we were ashamed of what we did, but , neither is it 〈◊〉 to be bare in time of divine service, kneel on our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commands & litany are 〈◊〉. Shelfoord, pag. 20. Let us learn of our Cathedral Churches, for there our reverend Fathers, the prelates, maketheir reverence to God in this wise, both at their entry and their return, wherefore to follow their good & holy pattern, we are to do the like, both at our coming into God's house, and at our going out. Ib. p. 22 The fifth office of holiness is to rise up from our seats when the articles of our faith are read, we also do more reverently to stand up at the reading of the Psalms, before, after, and behind the holy Lessons. We are also to stand at the reading of the Gospel. The reason that the old Lyturgick writers gives of this superstitious standing at the Creed & Gospel more than at the reading of the lessons & Epistles is, because these Epistles among which they put the Revelation, the Pentateuch, and sundry other parts of the old restament, contains more base doctrine than the Gospel which comes behind them, as the Master comes after his servant which goes before to make way.  8. That the conscience is obliged not only to keep religiously the greater festivities of Yule, pasch, pentecost, and the rest which are immediately referred to the honour of the Trinity, but also a number of the festivals of the blessed Virgin, of the Saints and Angels: Those must not be polluted with any work or secular affair, as we desire to be helped by these glorified persons intercession. 
m Couzins' devotions, they offend against the fifth command that obeys not the precepts of the ecclesiastic Governors. The precepts of the Church are first to observe the festivals and holy days appointed in the Church calendar, vide supra cap.  Yet Christ's Sunday must be no Sabbath; bowling, bawling, and other such games may well consist with all the holiness it hath; yea, no law of God, no ancient Canon of the Church doth discharge shearing of Corn, taking of fish, or much other husband labour upon that day; but by the contrary acts both of church & State do warrant such labour; yea, there is so great Jewish superstition in the Land about Christ's Sunday, that all preachers must be obliged in their very pulpits to proclaim the new book of sports, for encouragement of the people to their gamings, when the short hour of divine service is ended, and that under no less pain than ejection from the Ministry. 
n Whits examinat. p. 118. The injunction maketh no difference betwixt Sunday and the other holy days concerning working in harvest, no special privilege is given it more than the 〈◊〉. For King Edward's statute repeated by Queen Elizabeth saith, It shall be law full to every husbandman, labourer, fisherman, etc. upon the holy days aforesaid in harvest, or at any other time of the year when necessity shall require, to labour, ride, fish, or work any kind of work at their free wills and pleasure. Ib. on the Sabbath. p. 217. In the new testament we read of no prohibition concerning abstinence from secular actions upon the Lord's day more than upon other days, Et quod non prohibetur ultro permissum est. The Catholic Church for more than 600 years after Christ, gave licence to many Christian people to work upon the Lord's day at such hours as they were not commanded to be present at the public service by the precept of the Church. In S. Jeroms days the devoutest Christians did ordinarily work upon the Lord's day. In Gregory the Greats time it was reputed antichristian doctrine to make it a sin to work on the Lord's day. Helenes' answer, p. 111. His Majesty having published his declaration about lawful pastimes on the Sunday, gives order to his Bishops that publication thereof be made in all their several Dioceses, the Bishops hereupon appoint the Incumbent of every Church to read the declaration to the people, and finding opposition to the said appointment, press them to the performance of it by virtue of that Canonical obedience, which by their several oaths they were bound to yield unto their Ordinaries; but seeing nothing but contempt upon contempt, after much patience and long suffering, some of the most perverse have been suspended, as well 〈◊〉 beneficio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for an example to the rest.  9 Pilgrimages to Saints Relics, and barefooted processions to their Churches are preached and printed. 
o Vide supra caput 5. w.  Those Throats which are so wide as to swallow down all these it seems they will not make great bones in all the other trash which in the Romish Church we challenge as superstitious.   

CHAP. VII. The Canterburians embrace the Mass itself.  
OF all the pieces of popery, there is none so much beloved by papists, nor so much hated by Protestants, as the Mass, since the reformation of Religion, the Mass hath ever been counted the great wall of division, keeping the parties asunder, who ever could free that ditch, whose stomach could digest that morsel, no man of either side was wont to make any doubt of his name, but that with consent of all, he might pass for a true papist; and no ways in any reason stand for a moment longer in the catalogue of protestants: If then I be able to demonstrate the Canterburians mind to be for the Mass, I hope no man of any understanding and equity will require of me any further proof of their popery, but with good leave of all I may end my task, having set upon the head thereof this cape-stone.  
In the mouth of both sides reform and Romish, preaching, and the Mass go for real opposites, the 
They cry down so far as they can all preaching.  affection of Papists to their Mass maketh them value our preaching at the lesser rate; the affection of Protestants to preaching, maketh the Mass to them the less lovely: Our faction to make room for the Mass so far as they dare, so fast as they can, are crying down preaching. They tell us first, that much of the preaching which now is at London, and over England is not the word of God, but of the Devil, 
a Cant. Star-chamber speech, pag. 47. But in the pulpit it is at most, Hoc est verbum meum, and God hold it there at his word: for as too many men use the matter, it is, Hoc est verbum Diaboli, this is the word of the devil in many places, witness sedition, and the like to it.  because indeed the best and most zealous preachers in their sermons do oft tax Arminianism and Popery, and the ways whereby his Grace is in use to advance both: This to him and his followers is doctrinal Puritanisme, much worse than disciplinary; yea, it is sedition taught by the Devil: 2. They tell us, that the most of preachers, though void of the former fault, are so ignorant, idle, impertinent, clamorous fellows, that their silence were much more to be wished than their speech. 
b And. Posthuma, pag. 32. Ex quo nuper hic apud nos vapularunt canes muti, exclusi sunt clamatores 〈◊〉 as molesti, ex quo pessimus 〈◊〉 mos invaluit, ex quo pruriginoso 〈◊〉 editus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bic quicquidlibet effutiendi, Ecclesia in tonstrinam versa est, non plus ibi ineptiarum quam bic, Theologia in battologiam, canes 〈◊〉 latrantes mutati in catulos 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 fere scias 〈◊〉 oped andum fit, illudne 〈◊〉, an by latratus absoni, illudne jejunium, an baec nausea.  Because indeed grave and gracious Ministers are not either able or willing to stuff their Sermons with secular learning, and employ extraordinary pains for to gather together a Mass of tinkling words, as Andrew's was, and his admirers are wont to do, for to spoil preaching of that life, spirit, and power, which ought to shine into it. 3. That the preaching which themselves approve and praise, is but sermonizing in pulpits, no necessary part of the Ministerial charge, but a practice to be used of some few of singular learning & eloquence, and that only at rare and extraordinary times, as the Bishop, or the Star-chamber Court shall be pleased to give licence. 
c Shelfoord, pag. 91. Beside these ten kinds of preaching, which are able to stop the mouth of all itching 〈◊〉 professors, there is yet another kind of preaching not fit for every Minister, but for extraordinary and excellent men, called by God and the Church, to reform errors and abuses, to promulge to the world new Laws & Canons. And as this kind is to be performed by extraordinary men, 〈◊〉 it is not always so needful, but when necessity required: for when things are settled, there needs no more settling, but only preserving. We ought not to have many 〈◊〉, or many Evangelists, nor many Apostles; Were people now to be called and converted to the Gospel, than not 〈◊〉 this kind of preaching, but miracles also were needful, when much needless and some unsound teaching by tract of time had sued into the ark of Christ's Church, by the 〈◊〉 & Priests thereof: 〈◊〉 in the 19 year of King Henry the eighth, began licences to be granted by the Court of Star-chamber, to preach against the corruptions of the time; but now the corruptions are 〈◊〉 the ancient & true doctrine of the primitive Church by settled articles is restored; Therefore this extraordinary kind is not now so necessary, except it be upon some 〈◊〉 crimes, breaking forth among people.  4. That the only ordinary, profitable, and necessary preaching which God hath apppointed, and the Church laid upon the back of Pastors, as their charge for which their tithes and stipends is due to them, is nothing but the distinct and clear reading of the Service Book. 
d Shelfoord, pag. 35. The principal part of the Ministers office is the true understand 〈◊〉, distinct reading, and decent Ministry of the Church service, contained in the Book of Common Prayer. This is the pith of godliness, the heart of religion, the spina or 〈◊〉, the backbone of all holy faculties of the Christian body. Ibid. pag 39 Were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Canon's 〈◊〉 aptly, that is, by just distinctions, and by a sensible Reader, observing all the rules of reading, with 〈◊〉 fit 〈◊〉 the matter, and with due attention of the hearer, there would be much profit and edifing. Jbid. pag. 76. God's Minister 〈◊〉 thy Preacher, and the divine service of the church book is his sermon. In this service & this sermon is contained whatsoever is necessary for salvation. Ibid. p. 78. The 〈◊〉 reading is preaching; yea, a lively & effectual kind of preaching.  As for sermonizing in pulpits, when so it is permitted, it ought to be very short, and after the popish form, without any prayer at all, either before or after: That the custom of English preachers, who before Sermon pray for the help of the Spirit of God to themselves and their hearers, or after Sermon crave grace to practise what hath been spoken is all but idle; yea, intolerable novations to be abolished: 
e Heylens answer, pag. 165. Whereas formerly you used to mangle and cut short the Service, that you might bring the whole worship of God to your extemporary prayers and Sermons, now you are brought again to the ancient usage of reading the whole prayers, without any diminishing in regard of preaching. As for your other cavils about the using of no prayer at all after Sermon, the innovation here is on your part, who have offended all this while, not only against the Canon, but act of Parliament, by bringing in new forms of your own devising. As for the forbidding of any prayer before the Sermon, if any such be, it is but agreeable unto the Canon, which hath determined so of it long ago. The Preachers in King Edward's days used no form of prayers, but 〈◊〉 exhorting which is now required in the Canon.  Neither this only, but that the most able Pastors are not to be suffered so much as in their private studies to recommend their souls to God in their own words, but in their very private prayers, are to be tied precisely to the words of the Service Book. 
f Couzins' devotions in the preface. Let no prayers be used, but these which are allowed by the Church: what prayers 〈◊〉 ever any man hath framed for himself, let him first acquaint these that are wise & learned 〈◊〉 them, before he presume to use them: and that men may not think those rules are to be applied to public prayers only, & not to private, let them weigh those words in the council of 〈◊〉, Quascunque 〈◊〉 preces, etc. When we speak to the awful 〈◊〉 of God, we would be sure to speak in the 〈◊〉 and pious language of the Church, which hath ever been guided by the holy Ghost, & not to lose ourselves with confusion in any sudden abrupt or rude dictates, which are 〈◊〉 by private spirits, & ghosts of our own, in regard whereof our very Priests & Deacons themselves are in their private and 〈◊〉 prayers enjoined to say the morning & evening devotions of the Church, and when at any time they pray, there is a set form of words prescribed to them to use, that they also might now it is not lawful for them to pray of their own heads, or suddenly to say what they please themselves.  5. That the sermonizing which themselves permit, must be in the greatest Towns in the most solemn times but once a day, that the practice of hearing two Sermons in one day is to be corrected, that one in a month is abundant, and all the English Canons do require. 
g Pokling 〈◊〉. Our Saviour in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the Sabbath, preached but once a day, for immediately after he went to dinner. 〈◊〉 answer, 〈◊〉. 168. If in the great cities and 〈◊〉, Sermons are 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 time of the day, or as 〈◊〉 own phrase is, to an 〈◊〉 only, assuredly it is neither 〈◊〉 nor strange, nor need 〈◊〉 be offended at it, if by that means the people in those place, cannot hear but one sermon in the day, it being not many, but good sermons; not much, but profitable hearing, which you should labour to commend. Shelford, p. 93. Better were it for our Church and people to have but one Sermon well premeditated, in a month, which is insinuated by the Canon, than two on a day, proceeding from a rolling brain and mouth, without due preparation. Heylens answer, pag. 166. Your afternoon Sermon on the Sunday, if performed by Lecturers, are but a part of your new fashion, and having no foundation in the Church at all, it cannot be any innovation to lay them by, and if the Curate perform his duty in catechising, you have no reason to complain for want of Sermons in the afternoon.   
6. That over all England, Lecturers whose Sermons wont to be the far best, must be presently silenced, as those whose calling the Canons Ecclesiastical of England cannot permit. 
h Heylens answer, 163. Why count ye the suppressing of Lectures for an innovation, whereas the name of Lecturers and Lectures are in themselves a new and 〈◊〉 invention, borrowed from the new fashions of Geneva?  In a word, that Sermons are the great occasion of the division and heart-burnings, which now trouble the Church and State, of the presumption and pride, and most sins among the people: That therefore it were very good to return to the old fashion in the days of popery, before the 19 year of Henry the eighth, where there was none, or but few preachings, that this is the only means to reduce the land to that old honest simplicity, equity, piety, and happiness, which was in our Antecessors days; 
i Shelford, pag. 71 When men had more of inward teaching, and less of outward, then was there far better living; for than they lived always in fear of offending, and as 〈◊〉 as they had done any thing amiss, their conscience by & by gave them a nip, and a memento for it, than they confessed their sins to God & their Minister, for spiritual comfort and counsel; then they endeavoured to make the best temporal satisfaction they could by alms, prayers, & fasting, & other good works ofhumiliation; but now outward teaching not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understood, hath beaten away this. Ibid. pag. 82. The besotted negligence of our delicate Puritans, is that which makes them to run so after Sermons; what doth this singularity work in them, but a contempt of government? As weak stomaches cannot well digest much meat, so the common people cannot govern much 〈◊〉; & when they can not digest it well, they vomit it up, they wax proud, and will contest with their Ministers. At what time were most heresies broached? Was it not in the primitive Church, when there was most preaching; 〈◊〉 thereafter they did slake it. Ibid pag. 99 Preaching by reading is the ordinary preaching ordained by God himself, and his Church, and this was the ordinary preaching in our Church before King Henry the eighth.  even to that old blindness, wherein of necessity, we must give our soul to be led by the light of Sir John the Priest, our Father Confessor, for all this behold on the margin their express declaration.  
Preaching being thus far cried down, there will be 
They approve the Mass both for word & matter.  the less ado to get up the Mass: For the word of the Mass is so lovely to them, that they are delighted to style their Service Book by that name. 
k 〈◊〉. Sunday, Missam facere coepi, saith S. Ambrose, he began the second service, as our Church calleth it, quidam cogunt sacerdotem 〈◊〉 abbreviet 〈◊〉, saith S. Augustine, that is, they make the Priest to curtail Divine Service.  And lest we should think that it is but with the word of the Mass, that they are reconciled, they show us next, that they find no fault with the very matter of the Mass, if you will give unto it a charitable, and benign interpretation. 
l Montag. antid. pag. 10. Missam ipsam non damnamus, quoad vocem, quin neque Missae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sano & recto sensu intellectum  Neither here do they stand, but go on to tell us, yet more of their mind, that if transubstantiation only were removed from the Mass, they would make no question, for any thing it hath beside. And this, but most falsely, they give out for King James judgement. 
m Pockling. alt. pag. 138. The King would like well enough of the Mass, if the Priests would shrive her of 〈◊〉.  Yea, they go on further to embrace transubstantiation itself, so far as concerns the word: And how much the matter of it displeaseth them we shall hear anon. 
n Montag. antid. pag. 10. De vocibus, ne Missae quidem, 〈◊〉 ne Transubstantiationis certamen moveremus.   
But to show their mind more clearly towards the Mass, consider the Scottish Liturgy; This unhappy book was his Grace's invention: If he should deny it, his own deeds would convince him. The manifold letters which in this pestiferous affair have passed betwixt him and our Prelates are yet extant. If we might be heard, we would spread out sundry of them before the Convocation house of England, making it clear as the light, that in all this design his hand hath ever been the prime stikler; so that upon his back mainly, nill he will he, would be laid the charge of all the fruits good or evil which from that tree, are like to fall on the King's Countries. But of this in time and place; only now we desire to be considered, that to this hour, his Grace hath not permitted any of his party to speak one cross word against that book, but by the contrary lets many ofthem commend it in word and writ for the most rare and singular piece, that these many ages hath been seen in any Church, for all gracious qualities that can be found in any humane writ. Hear how the personate Jesuit 〈◊〉 Nicanor, that is, as we conjecture by too probable signs his Grace's creature, Lesly of Dun, and Conner extols that Book above the skies: 
o Pag. 28. I 〈◊〉 no Church 〈◊〉 celebrate the Sacrament with more purity, 〈◊〉, gravity, and none with more majestythan by thy Book: Certainly it is purged from all 〈◊〉, which you call Superstition, or the 〈◊〉 of the Mass, it is restored to the ancient 〈◊〉, the least thing that 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉, being thrust out of doors, as Amnon did Tamar, without hope of return: And if any superstitions would dare to enter, the door is so 〈◊〉 shut, that 〈◊〉 must despair of any entry. What needs all such uproar then without cause? I shall 〈◊〉 myself to make good these particulars: First, that you shall never be able to find any thing in that Book, contrary to the Word of GOD. 2. That it containeth nothing contrary to the practice of the primitive Church, but which is most agreeable thereto. 3. That all the points which you condemn are not controverted between our Classical Divines and 〈◊〉, but agreed upon on both sides. 4. That there is nothing in it, contrary to our Confession of Faith in Scotland; yea, which is much, ye shall not show me a 〈◊〉 Divine of any note, who ever did condemn this Book of the least point of Popery, but on the contrary, did defend and commend it.  And yet we did undertake to show into it the main, yea all the substantial parts of the Mass, and this undertaking to the satisfaction of our Nation was performed in our general Assembly; but to those men the judgements of national Churches are but vile and contemptible testimonies. I have seen a parallel written by a preacher among us, comparing all and every particular portion of the Mass, as they are cleared by Innocent, Durand, Walfrid, Berno, and the rest of the old Liturgick Rationalists, with the parts of our Liturgy, as they may be cleared by the late writs of the Canterburians, which ends not, till all the parts great and small of the Mass be demonstrate in our Book either formally, in so many words, as the most considerable are, and that in the very 〈◊〉 (If you will join to our book the Canterburian commentars) or virtually a necessity being laid uponus, upon the same grounds which persuades to embrace what in those books is formally expressed, to embrace also what of the Mass is omitted, 〈◊〉 it shall be their pleasure in a new edition to add it. This parallel is ready for the public when ever it shall be called for.  
For the present, because those men make our gracious 
The Scottish Liturgy is much worse than the English.  Sovereign believe, and declare also to the world in print, that what we challenge in that book, doth strike alike against the Liturgy of England, as if the Scots Liturgy were altogether one with the English, and the few small variations, which possibly may be found in the Scottish, were not only to the better, but made for this very end, that this new book might better comply with the Scots humour, which now almost by birth or at least by long education is become naturally antipathetick to the Mass, to make this their impudent fraud so palpable that hereafter they may blush (if it be possible for such foreheads to blush at any thing) ever again before our King to make any such allegiance passing all the rest of that book for shortness, we shall consider some few lines in some three or four leaves of it at most, wherein the world may see their malapart changing of the English liturgy in twenty particulars and above, every one whereof draws us beyond all that ever was allowed in England, and divers of them lead to those parts of the Mass which all protestants this day count most wicked. If this be made clear, I hope that all equitable men will be the more willing to free our opposition thereto, of all imputations, and specially of all intentions to meddle with any thing that concerns the English Church, except so far as is necessary for our present defence, and future peace, and makes clearly fortheir good also. For albeit we are confident the world would have excused us to have opposed with all vehemency the imposition upon us (a Church and Kingdom as free and independent upon any other nation as is to be found this day in Christendom) without our consent, or so much as our advice, the heavy burden of four foreign books, of liturgy, canons, ordination, homilies: ofa number ofstrange judicatories; high commission, episcopal visitations, official courts, and the like, though they had been urged in no other words, in no other sense then of old they want to be used in England: For it is well known that those things have been the sole ground and only occasion of the 〈◊〉 schisms, and heavy troubles wherewith almost ever since the reformation, that gracious church hath been miserably vexed. But now all those things being laid upon us in a far worse sense as they are declared by the Canterburian imposers in their own writs, yea in far worse words, as all who will take the pains to compare, may see: we trust that our immovable resolution to oppose even unto death all such violent novations shall be taken, by no good man, in evil part, let be, to be thrown, far against our intentions, to the disgrace of our neighbour church, or any well minded person therein. We have with the English church nought to do, but as with our most dear and nearest sister, we wish them all happiness; and that not only they, but all other Christian Churches this day were both almost, and altogether such as we are, except our afflictions. We have no enemies there but the Canterburian faction, no less heavy to her than to us. What we have said against the Scots liturgy may well reflect upon them, and so far as we intent, upon them alone, and that for three of their crimes chiefly. First their forcing upon us, with whom they had nought to do, so many novations, even all that is England at one draught, and that by mere violence. 2. Their mutation of the most of those things to a plain popish sense, which in the best sense that ever was put upon them, did occasion always to England much trouble. 3. Their mutation of the English books not only to popish senses, but even to popish words, and that in a number of the most important passages of the Mass. This last here we will show, holding us within the bounds of our few forenamed leaves, by which, conjecture may be made of the rest.  
Of all the limbs of the Mass, the most substantious 
Our alteration in the Offertory.  for many evil qualities are those three, which lie contiguous together, the Offertory, the Canon, the Communion: The English at the reformation, howsoever for reasons of their own, thought meet to retain more of the Mass words than our church could ever be induced to follow, yet in those three portions of the Mass they were very careful to cast out what they knew protestants did much abhor in the church of Rome. But at this time the Canterburians having gotten the refraiming of the Liturgy in their hands, for to manifest their affection openly to Rome do put in expressly that, which the English reformers put out, as wicked scandals. That this may be seen, consider severally the three named portions.  
The popish Offertory in itself is a foul practice, even a renovation in the Christian church of a Jewish Sacrifice, as Durand confesseth. 
p Durand. Ration. lib. 4. fol. 65. Ritus igitur 〈◊〉 transivit in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & sacrificia 〈◊〉 populi 〈◊〉 sunt in observantimpopuli 〈◊〉.  But as it stands in the Mass, it hath yet a worse use, to be a preparatory peace offering making way for that holy propitiatory, which in the Canon follows. It is pretended to be a sacrifice for the benefit both of quick and dead, for the good of the whole church universal, for the help of these in Purgatory; but it is really intended to be a drag, a hook to draw in money to the Priests purses. This piece of the Mass the English did clean abolish, but behold how much of it our present Reformers are pleased to replant in our book: First, they profess in plain terms the reduction of the Offertory, and that not once alone, but lest their design should pass without observation, they tell us over again of the Offertory: 2. In the very forefront of this their Offertory, they set up unto us whole five passages of Scripture, whereof the English hath none, all directly in the literal sense carrying to a Jewish oblation. 3. For the waking of the Priest's appetite (which of itself uses to be sharp enough) Upon the hope of present gain to sing his Masses with the better will, they set up a Rubric, seizing and infefting the officiating Priest in the half of all the oblations, which he can move the people to offer, and giving a liberty to him with his Churchwarden, to dispose on the other half also as he thinks good, expressly contrary to the English, which commands all the alms of the people to be put up in the poors box. 4. They will not have us to want the very formality of a Jewish offering, for they ordain the Deacon to put the basin with the people's devotions in the hands of the Priest, that he may present it before the Lord upon the Altar, just as the papists in this place ordain to bring the paten with their oblations unto the Priest; that he may set it before their altar. 
q Durand. lib. 4 〈◊〉. 64. Subsequens Dtaconus ipse patinam cum hostia pontifici 〈◊〉, & pontifex seu sacerdos 〈◊〉 collocat super altar. Ibid. fol 66 Sacerdos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manu targit, repraesentans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 14. 4. ponetque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super 〈◊〉 hostiae, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & in expiationem 〈◊〉.  5 The priest is ordained to place and to offer up the bread and wine upon the Lord's Table, that it may be ready for that service, just the popish offering in that place of the Mass, of the bread and wine, as a preparatory sacrifice for the propitiatory following. 6. The English prayer for the Catholic Church, is in our book cast immediately at the back of the offering of bread and wine, and that we may know it must be taken for the Offertory prayers that stands there in the Missal, and that for the benefit not only of the living, but also of the dead: The Mass clauses for the honour of the Saints, and help of those who are in purgatory, which the English scraped out, they put in again: For as the Papists say, these Offertory prayers for the honour of the Saints, especially of the blessed Virgin, and Apostles, and Martyrs, so they in this their Offertory prayer commemorat all the Saints, who in their several generations were the lights of the World, and had wonderful grace and virtue, they might have put in particularly, as Ousins in his devotions doth, page. 371. The blessed Virgin 〈◊〉, the holy Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles, and Martyrs: also they mention among the dead not only these glorious Saints, but the rest of God's servants, who have finished their course in 〈◊〉, and now do rest from their labours, the best description that can be, if Bellarmine may be believed, of the Souls in Purgatory, for whom not only thanks is given, but also prayers made, as cousins who is suspected to be one of the main penmen of our book, doth comment this passage in his devotions, page 372. That at the last day, we with them, and they with us may attain to the resurrection of the Just, and have our perfect consummation both of soul and body in the kingdom of heaven: There is no footestep of any of these things in the English book. 
Our changes in the consecration.   
The piece which follows the Offertory in the Missal, and in our book also, is the Canon, no less detested by all Protestants, then admired by papists, as Bellarmine telleth us; 
r De missa, lib. 2. cap 17. 〈◊〉 canonem ut summa reverentia semper Catholici retinuerunt, it a incredibili furore haeretici hujus temporis lacerant.  Many of the prefaces and prayers thereof we have word by word, and what ever we want, these men in print are bold to justify it all, as in nothing opposite to the truth or protestant Doctrine: So the appendix to D. Fields third Book, Chap. 1. But we must consider the time wherein D. Field is made to utter such speeches, it is in the twenty eight year, long after the death of that learned and reverend Divine: It is in that year when his Grace sitting in the Chair of London, had 〈◊〉 now the full superintendence of all the presses there, and could very easily (for the promoving of his designs) put in practice that piece of policy among others, to make men after their death speak in print, what they never thought in their life; or at least to speak out those thoughts which for the good and peace of the Church, they keeped close within the doors of their own breast, and withdrew from the notice of the World; it would then seem reason to father these strange justifications of the Mass, which are cast to Fields book so long after his death, as also many passages in these posthume works of Andrew's, which his Grace avowedly sets out in the twenty ninth year, and those new pieces never heard of, which in the thirty one year are set out by M. Aylward, under the name of the English Martyrs, as also that writ of Overall, which Montagu puts out with his own amplifications, in the thirty six year: These and the like pieces, must in reason be ratherfathered on those who put them forth, then upon their pretended authors, who readily did never know such posthume children, or else did take them for such unhappy bastards as they were resolved, for reasons known to themselves to keep them in obscurity, and never in public to avow them as their own.  
In this Canon there are two parts most principal, which the papists call the Heart, and Head thereof. 
s Innocent. lib. 4 〈◊〉. 1. 〈◊〉 nuno 〈◊〉 summam Sacramenti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ad ipsum 〈◊〉 divini sacrificii penetramus.  The prayers of consecration, and of oblation, this head the English strikes off, this heart they pull out of their Book, that the wicked Serpent should not have any life among them. But our men are so tender and compassionate towards that poor Beast, that they will again put in that Heart, and set on that Head. The consecration and oblation they will be loath 〈◊〉 want. Consider then these men's changing of the English book towards both those, the two incomparable worst parts of the whole Mass. First, the English scrapes out all mention of any consecration: for however we delight not to strive with the papists any where about words, yet in this place while they declare expressly, that by consecration of the Elements they do understand not the sanctification of the Elements by the word and prayer, but a secret whispering of certain words upon the Elements, for their very Transubstantiation: 
t Durand. lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉; sed 〈◊〉: differt autem inter 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 consecrare, est 〈◊〉 transubstantiare: 〈◊〉 est, sanctum & reverendum efficere, ut 〈◊〉 in aqua 〈◊〉.  Consecration in this place being so taken by the papists, the English rejects it, and will have nothing to do therewith; but our men being more wise, and understanding their own ends, put up in their rubric in capital letters formally and expressly their prayer of consecration.  
〈◊〉. The Papists to the end that their consecratory words may be whispered upon the elements for their change, and no ways heard of the people, who perchance if they heard and understood them, might learn them by heart, and in their idleness might pronounce them over their meals, and so, which once they say was done, Transubstantiate their ordinary food into Christ's body: for the eschewing of these inconveniences, they ordain the consecration to be made in the outmost corner of the church, so far from the ears of the people as may be; and for the greater security, they ordain their priests in the time of consecration, both to speak low, and to turn their backs upon the people: For to remedy these wicked follies, the English expressly ordained their Communion Table to stand in the body of the Church, where the Minister in the mids of the people might read out openly all the words of the Institution. But our men to return to the old fashion, command the table to be set at the East end of the Chancel, that in the time of the consecration, the priest may stand so far removed from the people, as the furthest wall of the Church can permit, and as this distance were not enough to keep these holy words of 〈◊〉 from the profane ears of Laics, our book hath a second Rubric, enjoining expressly the priest in the time of Consecration to turn his back on the people, to come from the North end of the Table, and to stand at such a place where be may use both his hands with more decency and ease, which is not possible but on the West side alone; for on the South side the commodity is just alike as in the North. On the Eastnone can stand, for the Table is joined hard to the Wall, and whosoever stands at the West side of the Altar, his Back is directly to the people that are behind him. They say for this practice many things, first, That in the good holy Liturgy of Edward the sixth, the Priest was ordained to stand with his back to the people. 
u Heylens antid. pag. 45. and 46. The Church of Rome enjoineth the Priest to stand in medio altaris, with his face to the East, and back to the people; But the Church of England at the North side of the Table, albeit 〈◊〉 King Edward's liturgy, the Priest was appointed to stand at the midst of the 〈◊〉.  Again, that always in the ancient church the priests stood in the uppermost end of the church, divided from the people behind them, with rails, and veils, and other distinctions. 
x 〈◊〉 saepe.  3. That Scripture is the ground of this practice, for so it was in the Jewish Church, the Priest when he went into the Sanctuary to pray, and offer incense for the people, they stood without and never did hear what he spoke, nor saw what he did. 
y Pokling alt. pag. 99 The people might see the Priest going into the Sanctuary, they might hear the noise of his bells; himself, his gesture, his actions 〈◊〉 saw not, yet all this was done in medio 〈◊〉, but not among the people in the outward 〈◊〉 inward Court, whereunto only the people were permitted to come.  If from this practice we would infer with Bellarmine, that the priest in the consecration might speak in latin, or in a language unknown to the people, since God to whom he speaks understands alllanguages, the elements upon which the consecratory words are murmured, 
z Scottish Service the words of 〈◊〉 may be repeated again over more either bread or wine.  understands none, and the people for whom alone the vulgar language is used, is put back from the hearing of the consecration; we know not what in reason they could answer: But this weknow, that the main ground whereupon we press the use of the vulgar language, not only in the consecration as they call it, but in the whole service of God, I mean the warrant of Scripture, they openly deny and for it gives no ground, but the old tradition of the Church. 
& White on the Sabbath, pag. 97. Such traditions are those that follow the Service of the Church in a known language, etc.   
3 When our priest is set under the East wall within his rail his back upon the people, he is directed to use both his arms with decency and ease, what use here can be made of the priests arms, except it be for making oflarge crosses as the mass Rubrics at this place doth direct, We do not understand: only we have heard before, that they avow the lawfulness of crossing no less in the supper than in Baptism. 4. The prayer which stands here in the English book, drawn from the place wherein it stood of old in the Mass to countenance the transubstantiation of the bread and wine into Christ's body and blood, but standing in this place before the consecration it is clear of all such suspicion: Our men are so bold as to transplant it from this good ground to the old wicked soil at the back of the consecration where it want to stand before in the old order of Sarum. 5. In the next English prayer, we put in the words of the Mass, whereby God is besought by his omnipotent spirit so to sanctify the oblations of bread and wine, that they may become to us Christ's body and blood, from these words all papists use to draw the truth of their transubstantiation, wherefore the English reformers scraped them out of their Book, but our men put them fairly in, and good reason have they so to do: for long ago they professed that about the presence of Christ's body and blood in the Sacrament after consecration, they are fully agreed with Lutherans and papists in all things that is material and needful, as for the small difference which remains about the formality and mode of presence, it is but a curious and undeterminable question, whereabout there would be no controversy, did not the devilish humour of the Puritans and Jesuits make and entertain it. 
a Monr. apeal p. 289. If men were disposed as they ought unto peace, there needed be no difference in the point of real presence: for the disagreement is only de modo 〈◊〉; the 〈◊〉 itself, That there is in the holy Eucharist a real presence, is 〈◊〉 to on either side. For Andrews professeth to Bellarmine, Nobis vobiscum de objecto convenit, de modo lis est. Praesentiam inquam credimus non minus 〈◊〉 vos veram, de modo praesentiae nil temere 〈◊〉. There is no such cause therefore saith he, why in this point of the Sacrament we should be so distracted, seeing we both confess that which is enough, This is my body, and contend merely about the mean, how it is my body, a point of faith undeniable though it be unsearchable and incomprehensible: From Hooker he pronounceth, that there is a general agreement about that which is alone material, for the rest he avoweth himself to be for peace and 〈◊〉, and all to be so but Puritans and Jesuits, 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 doth nourish up in a faction. 〈◊〉, p. 18. I like S. Ambrose, Lombard, Roffensis & Harding, who advise in this argument to forbear the 〈◊〉 nation of the 〈◊〉 of presence, and to clothe our 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 & general expressions. As I like not those that say he is 〈◊〉 there, so I 〈◊〉 not those that say his body is not there. For S. Paul saith it is there, 〈◊〉 the Church 〈◊〉 England saith it is there and the Church of God ever said, it is there, and that truly, substantially, essentially. We must believe it is there. We must not know how it is there. It is a mystery they all say. The presence they determined, the 〈◊〉 of his presence they determined not. They said he is there, but the Lord knows how.  Yea they seem to have come a step further, to the embracing of the very mode of the popish presence, for they 〈◊〉 of a corporal presence ibi that the body is there on the Altar, and that essentially; yea so grossly, that for its presence there, the Altar itself, let be the elements, must be adored. 6. They make an express rubric for the priests taking of the patin and chalice in his hand in the time of consecration, which taking not being either for his own participation or distribution to others, why shall we not understand the end of it to be that, which the Mass there enjoins the 〈◊〉 and chalice, their elevation and adoration; for the elevation it waslong ago practised and professed by some of our Bishops, and the adoration when the chalice and paten are taken in the priests hands is avowed by Heylin. The practice of Wren does declare their intention: this man as the Citizens of Ipswich complains to the Parliament, when he consecrat at their new Altar, did always turn his back on the people, did elevate the bread and wine above his shoulder, that it might be seen, did set down every one of the Elements, after they were consecrate, and adored lowly before them. 
b 〈◊〉 answer, pag. 137. Think you it 〈◊〉 the Priest should takeinto his 〈◊〉 the holy mysteries without lowly reverence, and that it is an innovation to do so.  7. In another rubric of our consecration we have the cautels of the Mass, anent the priest's intention to consecrate, expressly delivered unto us.  
As for that wicked sacrifice of the Mass, which 
Our 〈◊〉 about the 〈◊〉.  the Canon puts at the back of the Consecration, the English banisheth it all utterly out of their book; but the faction to show their zeal in their reforming the errors of the English Church, their mother, puts down here in our book; first at the back of the consecration their memento and prayer of oblation. 2. That prayer of Thanksgiving which the English sets after the Communion in a place, where it cannot be possibly abused, as it is in the Mass for a propitiatory sacrifice of Christ's body and blood, they transpose and set it just in the old place where it stood in the order of Sarum, at the back of the consecration before the Communion. 3. The clause of the Missal, which for its savour of a 〈◊〉 presence, the English put out of this prayer (may worthily receive the most precious body and blood of thy Son Christ jesus) they have here restored. 4. That we may plainly understand, that this prayer is so transpianted and supplied for this very 〈◊〉, that it may serve as it did of old in the Missal for a prayer of oblation of that unbloudie sacrifice by the priest for the sins of the world. Behold the first eighth lines of it, which of old it had in the Missal, but in the reformation was scraped out by the English, are plainly restored, wherein we profess to make and over again to make before 〈◊〉 divine Majesty a memorial as Christ hath commanded. This making not only the Papists, but Heylene speaking from Canterbury, expones fare otherwise then either Andrew's, Hooker, Montagu, or the grossest of the English Divines for a true, proper, corporal, visible, unbloody sacrificing of Christ, for which first the Apostles, and then all Ministers are as truly priests though Evangelicall, and after the order of Melchisedeck, as ever the Sons of Aaron were under the Law, and the Communion Table becomes as true and proper an Altar, as ever was the brazen Altar of Moses. 
c Heylens antid. 〈◊〉. 6. 〈◊〉. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our 〈◊〉, as by the Lords own 〈◊〉, it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 in the legal by Christ's 〈◊〉, it is to by us 〈◊〉 in the holy . A 〈◊〉 it was in figure, a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in fact, 〈◊〉 so by consequence a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the commemorations, or immediately upon the post fact a Sacrifice there was among the Jews, a Sacrifice 〈◊〉 must be amongst the Christians: and if a Sacrifice must be, there must be Priests also to do, and altars whereupon to do it: for without a Priest and an Altar there can be no Sacrifice. There was a bloody Sacrifice then, an unbloudy now; a Priest derived from Aaron then, from Melchisedeck now; an Altar for Mosatcall Sacrifices then, for Evangelicall now. The Apostles in the institution were appointed Priests by Christ, where they received a power for them and their Successors to celebrate these holy mysteries. Hoc facite, is for the Priest, who hath power to consecrate; Hoc 〈◊〉, is both for Priest and people. Ibid pag. 17. He maintained at length, that in the Lord's Supper there is a true, proper, corporal, visible, and external Sacrifice.  5. After the consecration and oblation they put to the Lords prayer, with the missals preface, audemus dicere. Here the papists 〈◊〉, that their priest by consecration having transubstantiate the bread, and by their memorial of oblation having offered up in an unbloody sacrifice the body of Christ, for the reconciliation of the Father, doth then close his quiet whisper, his poor pipe, and becomes bold to say with a loud voice, having Christ corporally in his hands, Pater noster. The English to banish such absurdities, put away that naughty preface, and removed the prayer itself from that place: But our men to show their Orthodoxy, repone the prayer in the own old place, and set before it in a fair Rubric the whole old preface. 6. The first English prayer which stood before the consecration, where the passages of eating Christ's body, and drinking Christ's blood, could not possibly, by the very papists themselves, be detorted to a corporal presence, yet now in our book, it must change the place, and be brought to its own old stance, after the consecration and oblation, immediately before the communion, as a prayer of humble access.  
The third part of the Mass I spoke of, was the 
Our changes in the Communion.  Communion; see how here our men change the English book: The English indeed in giving the Elements to the people, retain the Mass words, but to prevent any mischief that could arise in the people's mind from their sound of a corporal presence, they put in at the distribution of both the elements, two golden sentences, of the hearts eating by faith, of the souls drinking in remembrance. Our men being nothing afraid for the people's belief of a corporal presence, have pulled out of their hands and scraped out of our book both these antidotes. 2. The Mass words of Christ's body and blood in the act of communion, being quite of the English antidotes against their 〈◊〉, must not stand in our book simply; but that the people may take extraordinary notice of these phrases, there are two Rubrics set up to their backs, obliging every Communicant with their own mouth to say their Amen to them. 3. The English enjoins the Minister to give the people the elements in their own hand; ours scrapes out that clause, and bid communicate the people in their own order, which imports not only their removal from the Altar, their standing without the Rail, as profane Laics far from the place, and communion of the Priests, but also openeth a fair door to the popish practice, of putting the elements not in the profane hands, but in the mouths of the people; this as the report goes, they have well near practised; and no marvel, since already they profess that the people ought not with their fingers to touch these holy mysteries: See in the Supplement, D. Kellets Tenets. 4. The English permit the Curate to carry home the relics of the bread and wine for his private use, but such profanity by our book is discharged: The consecreate elements are enjoined to be 〈◊〉 in the holy place by the priest alone, and some of the Communicants that day, whose mouths he esteemeth to be most holy: Yea, for preventing of all dangers the cautel is put in, that so few elements as may, be consecrate. 5. Our Book will have the elements after the consecration covered with a Corporal, the Church Linnings were never called Corporals any where, till Transubstantiation was borne, neither carried they that name in England, till of late his Grace was pleased by the pen of his man Pocklingtonne and the like, to disgrace them with that stile. 6 The English will have the Ministers and people to communicate in both kinds; our book enjoins the Priest to receive in both kinds, but the people only in due order: This due order of the people, opposite to the communion of the Priest in both kinds, may import the removal of one kind from the people, so much the more may we fear this sacrilege from their hands, since they tell us, that our only ground for communicating of the people in both kinds is stark naught, that for this practice there may well be tradition, but Scripture there is none. 
d White on the Sabbath, pag. 97. Such Traditions are those that follow the delivery of the Communion to the people in both kinds. Montag. orig. pag. 396. Vbi 〈◊〉 in Scriptures infants baptizari, aut in coena Domivi sub utraque specie communicantes participare; de his 〈◊〉 profiteri, Nihil tale docet Scriptura, Scriptura 〈◊〉 non praedicat. Andrews stricturae pag. 5. It cannot be denied, but roserving the Sacrament was suffered a long time in the Primitive Church, in time of persecution, they were permitted to carry away how great a part they would, and to keep it by them, and to take it at times to comfort them; but for the sick, it was always sent them home, were the distance never so great, and against the time of extremity, it was thought not amiss to have it reserved, that if the Priest should not then be in state to go to the sick party, and there to 〈◊〉 it for him, yet at least it might be sent him, as in the case of Serapion. Pokling. as we have heard, made it one of the matters of that Church's glory, that they yet 〈◊〉 retain in their 〈◊〉 the old Repositories.  Also that in divers cases the ancient Church did lawfully give to the people the bread alone, that the Sacrament after the public communion, was oft reserved to be sent to the sick, to be taken at private occasions, and laid up in the Church in a public repository. Now it is well known, and the papists press this upon us, when they would rob the people of the cup; that the wine was not sent to the sick in a far distance from the Church, nor taken home by the people to be used with the bread in the times of strait, nor set up in the Church in the Ciboir or repository. These changes of the English Liturgy, which the Canterburians have made, in some few pages lying together of the Scottish service, if they be either few or small, yourself pronounce the sentence.   

The last chapter, containing the Canterburian maxims of Tyranny.  
ONe of the great causes of Protestants separation from Rome, is the tyranny of the Romish Clergy, whereby they press upon the very conscience of their people, a multitude of their own devices, with the most extreme and rigorous censures which can be inflicted either upon bodies or souls. And for the more facilitating of their purposes, they advance the secular power of Princes, and of all Sovereign Estates above all, that themselves either crave or desire: alone for this end, that their Clerks may ride upon the shoulders of Sovereignty, to tread under the feet of their domination; first the Subjects, and then the Sovereign's themselves.  
How much our men are behind the greatest tyrants 
The tyrannous 〈◊〉 of the Canterburians, are as many and 〈◊〉 as these of the 〈◊〉 Clergy.  that ever were in Rome, let any pronounce, when they have considered these their following maxims: They tell us, first, that the making of all Ecclesiastic constitutions doth belong alone to the Bishop of the Diocese, no less out of Synod than in Synod: That some of the inferior Clergy may be called (if the Bishops please) to give their advice, and deliberative voice; That the Prince may lend his power, for confirming and executing of the constitutions made; but for the work of their making, it is the Bishop's privilege, belonging to them alone by Divine right. 
a Samuel Hoards Sermon, pag 7. By the Church I mean the Church's Pilots, who sit at the stern; Heads and members divide all bodies Ecclesiastical and civil, what ever is to be done in matters of direction and government, hath always been, and must be the sole prerogative of the heads of these bodies, unless we will have all Commonwealths and Churches broken in pieces. Ibid. pag. 8. The key of jurisdiction, which is a power of binding and losing men, in foro exteriori, in the courts of justice, and of making laws and orders, for the government of God's house, is peculiar to the heads and Bishops of the Church. Ibid. p. 31. What was Ignatius and Ambrose, if we look at their authority, more than other Bishops of the Church: That liberty therefore which they had to make new orders, when they saw 〈◊〉, have all other Prelates in their Churches. Edward Boughanes Serm. pag. 17. Submit yourselves to those that are put in authority by Kings, so then to Bishops, because they are put in authority by Kings, if they had no other claim. But blessed be God, they hold not only by this, but by an higher tenure, since all powers are of God, from him they have their spiritual jurisdiction what ever it be. S. Paul therefore you see assumes this power unto himself, of setting things in order in the Kirk, before any Prince become Christian, 1 Cor. 11. 34. The like power he acknowledgeth to be in 〈◊〉. 1. 5. and in all Bishops, Heb. 15. 17. Ibid. pag. 18. King's make laws, and Bishops make canons. This indeed it was of necessity in the beginning of Christianity, Kings made laws for the State, and Bishops for the Kirk, because then there was no Christians Kings, either to authorise them to make such laws, or who would countenance the when they were made. But after that Kings became nourishing sathers to the Church in these pious & regular times, Bishops made no Canons, without the assent & confirmation of Christians Kings, & such are our Canons, so made, so confirmed, Chounei collect. p. 53. Reges membra 〈◊〉 & filios Ecclesiae se esse habitos, rejecisse, contempsisse non 〈◊〉 audivimus; obediunt, simulque regnant: Jura quibus gubernari se permittunt, sua sunt, vitalitatem nativam ex praepositis Ecclesiae, tanquam ex cord recipiunts & 〈◊〉 ex ipsis tanquam ex capitibus derivant. Sam. Hoards p. 9 Nor did they exercise this power, when they were in Counsel only, but when they were asunder also: speaking of Apostles as they are patterns to all Bishops.  2. That in a whole kingdom, the Bishops alone, without the privatie of any of the Clergy, of any of the Laity, may abolish all the Ecclesiastical judicatories, which the standing and unrepealed laws, which the constant customs, ever since the reformation had settled, and put in their roomenew foreign Courts, which the kingdom had never known, scarce so much as by their name. 
b Our Church Sessions, our weekly Presbyteries, our yearly general Assemblies, whereof by our standing laws we have been in possession, are close put down by our book of Canons, and in their room Churchwardens, official Courts, Synods for Episcopal visitation, and general Assemblies to be called when they will, to be constitute of what members they please to name, are put in their place.  That at one stroke they may annul all the Acts of three or fourscore national Assemblies, and set up in their room a Book of Canons of their own devising. 
c So is their book entitled, Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical gathered, and put in form, for the government of the Church of Scotland, and ordained to be observed by the Clergy, and all others whom they concern.  That they may abolish all the forms used in the worship of God, without any question for threescore years and above, both in the public prayers, in the administration of the Sacraments, in singing of Psalms, in preaching the Word, in celebrating of marriage, in visiting the sick, and in ordination of Ministers: neither this alone, but that it is in their hand to impose in place of these accustomed forms, four new Books of their own; of Service, of Psalms, of Ordination, of Homilies. All this our Bishops in Scotland have done, and to this day, not any of them to our knowledge can be moved to confess in that deed, any fail against the rules either of equity or justice, what ever slips of imprudence there may be therein. And all this they have done at my Lord of Canterbury's direction, as we shall make good by his own hand, if ever we shall be so happy as to be permitted to produce his own authentic autographs, before the Parliament of England, or any other judicatory that his Majesty will command to cognosce upon this our allegiance. Readily Rome itself cannot be able in any one age to parallel this work which our faction did bring forth in one year. It is a bundle of so many, so various, and so heavy acts of tyranny. Certainly, England was never acquaint with the like; we see what great trouble it hath cost his Grace, to get thorough there one poor Ceremony of setting the Communion Table Altar ways; for there themselves dare not deny, that it is repugnant to the established Laws of their Church and state for any Bishop; yea, for all the Bishops being joined, to make the poorest Canon without the voices of their Convocation house, or national Assembly; yea, without the Parliaments good pleasure. 
d Whites Examination of the dialogue, pag. 22. By the Laws of our Kingdom, & Canons of our Church, many learned persons are appointed to be assistants unto Bishops, & in our national Synods, in which all weighty matters concerning religion are determined, nothing is, or may be concluded, but by the common vote and counsel of the major part of the convocation which consisteth of many other learned Divines, besides Bishops. Andrews Sermon of Trumpets, dedicated to the King by Canterbury. As for the Church's Laws, which we call Canons or rules, made to restrain or redress abuses, they have always been made at Church Assemblies, and in her own Counsels, not elsewhere. Heylens antid. pag 29. I trow you are not ignorant that the Kirk makes Canons, it is the work of 〈◊〉 men in their Convocations, having his Majesty's leave for their conveening, and approbation of their doings. His Majesty in the Declaration before the articles hath resolved it so, and the late practice in King James his reign, what time the book of Canons was composed in the Convocation, hath declared it so too.  3. They avow that all their injunctions though so many and so new, yet they are so holy and so just, that the whole kingdom in conscience mustembrace them all as the commands of God. 
e Whites Examination, pag. 20. telleth us as it were from Eusebius, Quicquid in Sanctis Episcoporum 〈◊〉 decernitur, id universum divinae voluntati debet attribui. And from Bernard, Sive Deus, five homo vicarius Dei mandatum quodcunque tradiderit, pari profectò obsequendum est oura, pari reverentia suscipiendum: ubi tamen Deo contraria non praecepit homo.  That whoever will be so pert as to affirm in any one of them, the least contrariety to the Word of God, he must have no less censure than the great excommunication, from which he must never be relaxed but by the Bishops own mouth, after his public repentance and revocation of so vile an error. 
f Book of Canons, pag. 8. Whosoever shall hereafter affirm, that the form of worship contained in the book of Common Prayer, that the rites and ceremonies of the Church, that the government of the Church by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and others, that the form of consecrating Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, as they are now established under his Majesty's authority, do contain in them any thing repugnant to the Scriptures, or are corrupt, superstitious, or unlawful in the service and worship of God, let him be excommunicate, and not restored, but by the Bishop of the place, or Archbishop of the Province, after his repentance, and public revocation of such his wicked errors.  That his bodily and pecunial penalty shall be at the freewill and discretion of the Bishop. 
g Book of Canons, pa. 37. In all this book of Canons, wheresoever there is no penalty 〈◊〉 set down, it is to be understood, that, 〈◊〉 the crime or offence be proved, the punishment shall be arbitrary, as the Ordinary shall think fittest.  That the worthiest men of any liberal profession get favour to lose but their ears, to have their nosesslit, and cheeks burnt for contradicting their innovations. 
h Canterhuries' Star Chamber speech in his 〈◊〉 to the King, I shall rather magnify your clemency, that proceeded with those offenders, Burton, Bastwick, Prinne, in a Court of Mercy, as well as Justice; since as the reverend Judges then declared, ye might have justly called the offenders into another Court; and put them to it in a way that might have exacted their lives.  That the furthest banishments for term of life, is a privilege which their indulgence may grant but to few. 
i The world 〈◊〉, that numbers who have been flying from Episcopal tyranny out of England, to the very new found lands, never to return, have been by violence kept back, and cast in their prisons: and we see daily, that numbers not only of men, but even of silly women are drawn back in Ireland from their flight out of the Kingdom, to close prisons.  That the vilest dungeons, irons, whip, bread and water, chaining to posts without all company, day or night in the coldest and longest winters, is but a part of their opposers deserving. 
k Huntly in his Breviate reports, as a known case among many other, this one also, that M. John Hayden, a poor Devonshire Minister, for preaching at Norwich a Sermon, wherein he let fall some passages against setting up of images, and bowing at the name of Jesus, was apprehended like a Traitor, with the Constable's bills and halberds by D. Harsnet than Bishop, and brought manacled to him like a Felon, and committed to the common Jail close prisoner, above thirteen weeks, where he was like to starve; the Bishop having taken from him his horse, papers, and all, thereafter he was sent by a Pursuivant to London, and kept two full Terms. At last, by the high Commission he was deprived of his orders, thereafter the high Commissioners imprisoned him in the Gate house common dungeon, & Canterbury sent him to be whipped to Bridewell, and there kept him all the long extreme cold winter in a dark cold dungeon, without fire or candlelight, chained to a post in the midst of the room, with heavy 〈◊〉 on his hands and feet, allowing him only bread and water, with a pad of straw to lie on: And since on his relief hath caused him to take an 〈◊〉, and give band to preach no more, and to depart the Kingdom within three weeks, without returning; and all this for preaching after his first unjust deprivation, though 〈◊〉 exception was taken against his doctrine. Thu much in the Breviate is printed of Hayden: if the man be roguish, as some indeed say he is, I am utterly ignorant of his manners: but hereof no man is ignorant, that the Episcopal censures le's slip in men who loves their cause, manners of the most vile villains, as appears well this day in many a black be presented to the Committee of Parliament for scandalous Ministers: also that the cruelty of Bishops hath crushed to the very death, with poverty, banishment, cold and famine in prisons, many whose lives were never spotted with the allegiance of any crime, but opposition to their ungracious Lordships; the Remonstrants can make it appear by too too many examples.  That the greatest Nobles of the Land, aught in Law to forfeit their Life and Estate, if they be so bold as to put their hand to a supplication unto their gracious Prince against their practices. 
l Sundry of our prime Earls and Lords did present a supplication to our King, after his Coronation, wherein the matter of their greatest complaint was, so far as ever we heard, their challenging of the Bishops for what they had done, and were likely to do. The double of this privy supplication being privily convoyed by an unfriend, some two or three years thereafter, out of my Lord Balmerinochs chamber, was a ditty for which he was condemned to die, for an example to all other Noble Men to beware of the like rashness, especially his Fellow-supplicants, who are all declared to have deserved by that fault the same sentence of death. Large Declaration, pag. 14. Nor could they have found the least blemish in our justice, if we should have given warrant both 〈◊〉 his sentence and execution, whose life was now legally devolved into our hands. Ibid. p. 13. We were graciously pleased, that the fear and example might reach to all, but the punishment only to one of them, to pass by many, who undoubtedly had been concluded, and involved by our Laws in the same sentence, if we had proceeded against them.  That all this is but just severity, and the very expedient means to advance their cause, which they glory hath well near already close undone their opposites, 
m Studley about the end of his wicked story avows, that since by severe punishment the number of the unconformists have decayed, that their cause cannot be from God  and which they boast shall still be used. 
n Canterbury in his Epistle to the King before the Star-Chamber speech, having magnified the King's mercy, for saving the life of Burton and his companions, is bold to advise the King not always to be so merciful, in these words, Yet this I shall be bold to say, that your Majesty may consider of it in your wisdom, that one way of government is not always either fit or safe, when the humours of the people are in a continual change, especially when such men as those shall work upon your people, and labour to infuse into them such malignant principles, to introduce a parity in the Church or Commonwealth. 〈◊〉 non satis sua sponte 〈◊〉 instigare. Heylen in his moderate answer, pag. 187. 〈◊〉 many reasons and examples, to prove that Bourton and his like deserved no less than public execution: And yet these men are so gentle to Papists, that they glory in their meekness towards them, professing that to the bitterest of the Jesuits they have never given so much as a course word. So Canterbury in his Epistle the other year to the King, before the relation of the conference, God forbid that I should ever offer to persuade a persecution in any kind against the Jesuits, or practise it in the least, for to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as 〈◊〉 language.  But alas it is gone now beyond boasts, when they are the second time upon the very point to kill millions of the King's best Subjects, to dash together all his dominions in a bloody war, as pitchers one upon another, for the confirmation of their intolerable tyranny, where long it hath been tottering, and the reerection of it where it's own unsupportable weight hath caused it to fall.  
As for the power of Princes, the most of those 
King Charles hates all tyranny.  this day who are Christians, and especially our gracious Sovereign, are very well content to be limited within the bounds of the laws which themselves and their predecessors have settled in the Church and State of their dominions, to make the preservation of those Laws and of their subjects liberties Ecclesiastic and Civil, according to them, the greatest glory of their prerogative Royal. 
o His Majesty's speech in Parliament 28. p. 75. The people's liberties strengthen the King's prerogative, and the King's prerogative is to defend the people's liberties.  To give assurance of their resolution never to abolish any old, or bring in any new act, either in church or state without the concurrence of Assemblies and Parliaments. 
p Proclamation at York, April 25. 1639. We heartily declare and faithfully promise, that although we be now in arms, they shall be no ways used either to force upon that our native Kingdom any innovation of religion, or to infringe any of the civil liberties, or the laws thereof, accounting it our glory to preserve liberty and freedom among them, according to their Laws. Therefore we 〈◊〉 once again by this renew our former promises for the maintenance of Religion and Laws, and this we do in all sincerity of heart, we take God the Searcher of all hearts to witness, that as we are Defenders of the true Protestant Religion, which we from our heart profess; so we trust, we shall by his goodness continue in the same, and never shall permit any innovation to 〈◊〉 in this, or any other of our Kingdoms. One of the articles of Dunce pacification is this: We are further graciously pleased, that according to the Petitioners humble 〈◊〉, all matters Ecclesiastical shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Church, and matters 〈◊〉 by the Parliament, and other inferior Judicatories established by Law, which accordingly shall be kept once a year, or so oft as the affairs of the Church and Kingdom shall require.  Neither to impose any taxation on their subjects goods without their free consent thereto given by their Commissioners in Parliament, 
q Cant. relat. p. 112. In some Kingdoms there are divers 〈◊〉 of greatest consequence, which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered, but in and by Parliament; and particularly the Statute Laws, which must bind all the Subjects, cannot be made or ratified but there, the supreme Magistrate in the civil State may not abrogate Laws made in Parliament, though he may cispense with the penalty of the Law quoad hic & nunc.  the extending of the prerogative to the making of new laws, or abolishing of old, to the imposing of taxes by simple proclamation without Parliament, our Prince doth so far abhor, that he condemned a certain writ for importing his Majesty's entertainment of such motions; yea, his Majesty by his Attorney general called the Earl of Bedford and other noble personages to censure, for keeping such a writ wherein did lie so pernicious positions. 
r The which seditious discourse and writing, the authors thereof intended should be dispersed, as if the same had been entertained by your 〈◊〉, with purpose to put it in execution, and to alter the ancient Laws of this Kingdom, and to draw all things to your Majesty's absolute will and pleasure, and to dispose of your Subjects goods without their consent, and to make and repeal Laws by your Majesty's Proclamation only, without consent of Parliament, which if it should be believed by your people, could not but raise infinite discontent amongst them, the consequence whereof might be of extreme and almost inevitable danger to your Majesty's person, and to the whole frame of the Kingdom.  Where some Princes misled through passion and misinformation have deviat so far from the path of justice, as to intend by violence and arms the overthrow of the true religion and ancient liberties of their subjects, the opposition which the subjects are forced to make in this case against the oppression of their Prince, our gracious Sovereign hath been so far ever from counting of it rebellion, of which crime the greatest royalists in England wont always to absolve it, 
s Bilson of Subjection, p. 280. Neither will I rashly pronounce all that resist to be Rebels: Cases may fall out even in Christian Kingdoms, where people may plead their right against the Prince, and not be charged with rebellion: As for example, if a Prince should go about to subject his Kingdom to a foreign Realm, or change the form of the Commonwealth from Empery to Tyranny, or neglect the Laws established by common consent of Prince and people, to execute his own pleasure; in those and other cases which might be named, if the Nobles and Commons join 〈◊〉, to defend their ancient and accustomed liberty, regiment, and laws, they may not well be counted Rebels. Ib. By superior powers ordained of God, we do not mean the Prince's private will against his laws, but his precepts derived from his laws, and agreeing with his laws; which though it be wicked, yet may it not be resisted by any subject with armed violence; but when Princes offer their subjects no justice but force, and despise all laws to practise their lusts, not any private man may take the sword to redress the Prince; but if the laws of the land appoint the Nobles, as next to the King, to assist him in doing right, and withhold him 〈◊〉 doing wrong, then be they licenced by man's law, & so not prohibited by God's Law for to interposethemselves for the safeguard of equity and innocence, and by all lawful and needful means to procure the Prince to be reform, but in no case to deprive him where the Sceptre is inherited. Ibid. pag. 94. Spoils, massacres, conspiracies, treasons, even to the destruction and murder of Princes by their own servants, if a Priest say the word, you count in yourselves to be just, honourable, and godly war: if others do but 〈◊〉 on their guard to keep their lives and families from the blinded rage of their enemies, seeking to put whole towns and provinces to the sword, against all law and reason, and to disturb Kingdoms in the minority of the right Governors, or if they defend their Christian and ancient liberties, covenanted and agreed upon by those Princes to whom they first submitted themselves, and ever since confirmed and allowed by the Kings that have succeeded. If in either of these two cases the Godly require their right, and offer no wrong, neither impugn their Princes, but only save their own lives, you cry rebellious Heretics, rebellious Calvinists, furie, frenzy, mutiny, and I know not what, ye may pursue, depose, murder Princes when the B. of Rome bids you, and that without breach of duty, law, or conscience to God or man; as you vaunt. And that when neither life nor limb of you is touched, we may not so much as beseech Princes that we may be used like subjects, not like slaves, like men, not like beasts, that we may be convented by laws before Judges, not murdered by Inquisitors in corners, but incontinent the fume of your uncleant mouth is ready to call us by all the names you can devise.  that his Majesty hath thought meet before all Europe after the example of his glorious Father, and renowned predecesrix Elizabeth, to give his countenance, aid, and powerful assistance to them all, when their just grievances and fears were laid out before his Throne. If so be King Charles had esteemed the late wars in France of the protestants against their king, the present wars of Holland, and of the high Duchess against the Spaniard and Emperor an unlawful defence, let be a traitorous insurrection of Subjects against their Sovereigns; Weepresuppone his Majesty's justice would have been loath ever to have defiled his Sceptre by supporting them all with men and monies, as oft he hath done, and yet doth avow the deed.  
While our gracious prince is so far inflamed with 
The Canterburians flatter the King in much more power than ever he will take: And 〈◊〉 him without advice of the Clergy, to do in the Church what he pleaseth.  hatred against all tyranny, yet behold this wicked fiction how carefully they go about by all the means they can, to draw his royal mind to that which naturally it doth so much abhor: For they tell us first, that the power of all true Kings is so simply absolute and illimitate, that for any man to reason what they may not, is a crime no less than treason; that they are far above all Law. 
t H 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answer, p. 28. What spirit leads you that you are 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 Power, which men of better understanding than you, have given to Princes. Ib. p. 32. Princes are Gods deputes, of whom should they be limited? if ye say by the Laws of the land, those themselves have made, a prince in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is above the laws, though in concreto, a just prince will not break the laws which himself hath promised to observe, otherwise we say of princes: Principi lex non est posita, that they do not govern only by the 〈◊〉, but are above it, that he is sure and hath an absolute authority. Ibid. p. 〈◊〉. I will be bold to tell you that as it is a kind of Atheism to dispute pro & contra, what God can do, and what he cannot, though such disputes are raised sometimes by unquiet 〈◊〉; so it is a 〈◊〉 of disobedience and disloyalty to determine what a King can, and what he cannot. 〈◊〉 p. 3. Hence it is, that princes being Legislators are above their Laws, and dispense with them as they think expedient. A prince is not bound to his own Laws, because no man can impose a law upon himself. Aberdeen duplyes p. 22. The King is above the Law as both the author and giver of strength thereto.  2. That the Oath which a Prince makes to keep the Laws is but a personal deed, which cannot oblige his successor, that his Oath and promise at his Coronation to keep the Laws, is to be exponed of his resolution to make his laws to be keeped by others: That all the oaths and promises he makes at his coronation are but of his mere freewill and arbitrement, that by them all no true covenant or paction can be inferred betwixt the King and his subjects. 
w Dominus Joannes Wemius de Craigtoun, a man advanced by our Bishops to be a Lord both of Council and Session in his book de primatu Regis printed at Edinburgh 1623. And going among them to this day with applause p. 18. Sed quid si princeps leges statuat adhibito etiam jurisjurandi sacramento, velin sua inauguratione promittat, se leges non 〈◊〉 absque populi ordinumque non modo consilio, sedetiam consensu ac determinante sententia, fiquidem non suerit haec in prima regni constitutione conditio & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ac 〈◊〉 regni 〈◊〉 non sit (quo casu dicerem non proprie esse regnum, sed 〈◊〉 ocratiam, vel democratiam) sed post regni constitutionem pactum 〈◊〉 sit Regis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etiam si forsan pollicentem 〈◊〉 obliget, quoniam praestanda est fides data 〈◊〉 sine fide licet, non fine 〈◊〉 regnet: successores tamen in regno quomodo constringet vix intell gimus, 〈◊〉 si 〈◊〉 a quoque sit ut ait 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 omn is ea pactio quae inter patrem & filium, maritum & 〈◊〉. dominum & 〈◊〉 regem & 〈◊〉 celebratur, quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hos audientes esse. lb. p. 39 Audemus dicere in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supra leges esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nemo enim sibi Legislator, virdex aut 〈◊〉, d stinctio non probanda principem quoad vim legum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coactivam legibus subditum esse, non enim magis dirigere quam cogere seipsum 〈◊〉 quis, 〈◊〉 actio omnis sit inter agens & patience. lb. 41. Si 〈◊〉 suas se observaturum 〈◊〉 obligaverit princeps, quod raroaut nunquam fit, eriamsi soleat princeps quisque legum suarum observationem hoc sensu promittere, id est, 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 observentur se effecturum, ad earum observationem teneri eum 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 religion is potius quam justitiae legalis observatione.  3. That the prince alone is the Lawgiver, both in Church and State. 
x 〈◊〉 Wemius, p. 26. Legum latio pr 〈◊〉 est supremae dominationis ac majestat is caput. lb. p 74. Legum ecclesiasticarum principes latores sunt, nec differunt à civilibus ecclesiastica ratione causae efficient is.  4. That in matters Ecclesiastical they themselves alone without the advice of any of the Clergy may lawfully make what Canons they please, and compel their Clergy to embrace them. 
y johannes Wemius, p. 59 Potestatem in ecclesiasticis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 posse a principibus jure suo extra concilia exerceri decent, quas ita tulerunt leges 〈◊〉 atque 〈◊〉 Regis legibus ecclesiasticis quae legi divinae non repugnant, nequit quis bona cum conscientia obedientiam detrectare, quam vis non 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 constitutionem Pastorum Ecclesiae corsensus. Ib. p. 93. Etiamfi extra concilia jubendi autoritatem habeat Princeps, tamen libentius obsequuntur 〈◊〉 principum statut is, quibus past orum in conciliis honorantur judicia.  5. That it is a part of the King's prerogative to have power to impose upon all his Subjects such Confessions of Faith, such Liturgies, such Canons as he thinks meetest without the advice of any Church Assembly. 
z Large Declaration, p. 222. Did not we and our Council by equal authority command these innovations of Canons and Liturgy? Was not then the Prelate's practice of them as well warranted as this confession of faith, and the band annexed, which were never brought in by Acts of Parliament, or Assembly; but merely by our royal Father's 〈◊〉, and put in execution by the authority of his Council?  6. When it is his pleasure to call an Assembly, the members of that Ecclesiastic Court are only such as he is pleased to call, whether of the Clergy or of the Laity. 
& johannes Wemius, pag. 66. Laicos saepè a principilius advocatos in Concilia videre est; quibus non modo consultivam, sed & difinitiv in 〈◊〉 permitterent. Iste fuit electionis mittendorum ad Conciliae modus, ut 〈◊〉 praesulibus quos 〈◊〉 mittendi liberam plerumque potestatem permitteret princeps, quod illis exploratius quam sibi esset qui ad eam 〈◊〉 aptiores: Non quod princ pi penitus neganda sit, quod autumant nonnulli, particular is personarum quae 〈◊〉 eum Leges Ecclesiasticas laturum adjuvent designatio. 〈◊〉 ud enim esset principum juri detrahere. Ex singulis 〈◊〉 moderatus 〈◊〉 numerus eruditorum ac prudentiorum Presbyterorum, Diaconorum, & Laicorum a Principe aut Metropolita Principis delegato 〈◊〉.  7. That when they are called only the Prince's voice is decisive, the voice of all the rest at most but consultive, or if any of them become decisive, it is by the Prince's favour, or at least permission. 
a johannes Wemius, p. 89. 〈◊〉 habent vocem Pasto 〈◊〉 tanqu in juris divini consulti, desinitivam princeps ut judex; dante illis consilii, his judicii potestatem legislatore Deo, penes quem solum summa in spiritualibus imperii residet. lb. p. 70. Vocem habere qui congregartur Presbyteros non qua Presbyteri, 〈◊〉 qua ecclesiarum sunt legati a principe vocati. Ibid. pag. 74. Definitiva 〈◊〉 dictio corum est, qui a principe summo moderatore eos corsulente, vocemque 〈◊〉 dante vocantur. lb. Asserimus non agitata in conciliis fuisse saltem quae majoris momenti essent negotia, nisi quaterus ca princeps per legatos proponeret, aut patribus descripta 〈◊〉.  8. That Church Assemblies are only politic Conventions, not grounded upon any Divine right, and so to be used, or disused as the prince shall think expedient. 
b johannes Wemius, p. 126. 〈◊〉 in Scriptura mandato 〈◊〉 concilia celebrandi mos; sed a principibus 〈◊〉 curam 〈◊〉 bus, & cum non essent principes, a pastoribus ipsis volentibus ortum habuit.  9 That it is in the power of all Sovereigns, whether Monarchick, Aristocratick, or Democratick, to appoint for the government of the Church in their dominions such Officers and Spiritual Courts, as they find most meet, and agreeable to their temporal estates, to erect Bishops, and put down Presbyteries, to erect Presbyteries, and put down Bishops. 
c johannes Wemius, p. 78. & 79. Officiorum Ecclesiae modus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est, & a principe pastores Ecclesiae non corsulente 〈◊〉 posse affirmamus, 〈◊〉 cum serenissimo nostro 〈◊〉 sammis quibusque imperitantibus concessum esse externam in ecclesiasticis regiminis formam suis pra scribere, quae ad civilis administrationis modum quam proxime accedat, dummodo a fide veraeque religionis fundamentis ne tantillum abscedat.  10. That all this power to conclude every ecclesiastic affair which can be subject to the jurisdiction of any ecclesiastical Synod doth belong alike to all Sovereigns, whether Turkish, jewish, Pagan, Heretical, or Christian and Orthodox. 
d johannes Wemius, p 124. 〈◊〉 confertur 〈◊〉 jurisdictionis potest as per regium quod a Deo habet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Regi tantum Christiano aptitudo eâ recte utendi Christi gratia donetur. Tametsi primatus 〈◊〉 administret Rex 〈◊〉: Primatus tamen jus, officii seu vecatioris, 〈◊〉 facultatis aut exercitii ratione Rex obtinet. Quae Regi supervenit gratia regiam in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non facit potestatem, non 〈◊〉, nec expellit gratiae internae, nedum professionis externae defectus.   
Concerning the King's power in matter of State, 
They give to the 〈◊〉 power to do in the State what ever he will, 〈◊〉 the advice of his parliament.  they teach first, that a Parliament is but his arbitrary Council, which in making or annulling of his Laws he may use or not use as he pleaseth. 
e 〈◊〉 Wemius, page 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 putandum est, quia solet 〈◊〉 ex modesta & prudenti virium suarum dissidentia non nisi de or dinum 〈◊〉 leges far, absolutam ideo ei imponiejusque successoribus necessitatem illorum 〈◊〉 corsersus, ac si nullo modo 〈◊〉 pierce, sine corunden 〈◊〉, bonas edere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quibus qua quaeso conscientia non parebunt omnes, 〈◊〉 pag. 19 In Monarchia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voluntas de substantialegis est: praevia cum populo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & si utilis imò 〈◊〉 sit, 〈◊〉 tamen non est. 〈◊〉 cum imperatore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicendum videtur; explosis ridiculosis ambiguitatibus, verum conditorem & interpretem legum esse solum 〈◊〉, & ligem legislatoris, non 〈◊〉, non ex vi con sensus & 〈◊〉, sed ex regia 〈◊〉 viobligantem. 〈◊〉. pag. 8. Non 〈◊〉 Juristarum 〈◊〉, qui 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 ron obligare legem nisi à 〈◊〉 acceptetur, cum mon 〈◊〉 fit legislator, & lex 〈◊〉 qua lex obliget, 〈◊〉 ut ad eam 〈◊〉, dam, cogendi fint 〈◊〉 post legis à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publicationem, temporisque quoad populi notitiam 〈◊〉 sufficientis lapsum, potest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publica legis observatio praecise ingeri Heylens 〈◊〉. p. 66. The declaration of his 〈◊〉 pleasure in the case of S. Gregory is to be extended to 〈◊〉 other cases of the same nature. It is a maxim in the civil law, Sententia Principis, jus dubium declarans, jus sacit quoad omnes. Item Quodcunque imperator per 〈◊〉 constituit, vel 〈◊〉 decrevit, legem esse constat. Id in his moderate answer pag. 29. Only these commands of the King are to be refused, which are directly against Scripture, or include marifest impiety. He learned this from his opposite the Lincolnshire Minister, pag. 68 I say that all commands of the King that are not upon the clear and immediate inference without all prosyllogismes, contrary to acleare passage of the word of God, or to an evident Sunbeam of the law of nature, are precisely to be obeyed; nor is it enough to find a remote and possible inconvenience that may ensue.  2. When he is pleased to call a Parliament, it is his due right by his letter to ordain such Barons to be Commissioners for the Shires, and such Citizens to be Commissioners for Burrowes as he shall be pleased to name. 
f 〈◊〉 Wemius page 23. 〈◊〉 ut & civium ad Comitia delegatos, non ita absolutè à Baronum vel Civium 〈◊〉 pendere volumus, ut non possit Rex, quos 〈◊〉 maxim idoneos censuerit eligendos 〈◊〉, praesertim 〈◊〉 pro legibus ferendis 〈◊〉 quae administrationis 〈◊〉 publicae statuendis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt, in quibus liberum denegare regi 〈◊〉 quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quibuscum deliberet sibi in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, esset ex Rege non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, statuumque voluntati ad Regiae depressionem eminentiae nimis 〈◊〉.  3. That he may lawsully exact when he hath to do what portion of his subjects goods he thinks meet, and by himself alone, may make such Laws for exactions in times to come, as seems to him best. 
g Joannes Wemius page 19 Omnia fatemur 〈◊〉 in regno sunt regis esse, quarex est, 〈◊〉 est, qua 〈◊〉 regui dominus, adeoque qua 〈◊〉 ipsius qua rex est, aut publica regni conditio, posse regem de 〈◊〉 bonis disponere, praesertim ubi omnes in regno terrae in feuda concessae fuerint à rege, aliquod penes se dominium retinente. Id. p. 17. Licet non de jure omnium bona exigendo, tamen dejure in omnes leges ferendo, sine omnium consenso statuere potest. Montag. orig. p. 320 Omni lege, divina, naturali, nationali, vel politica licite semper reges & principes suis subditu tributa & 〈◊〉, & licitè quoque exegerunt, cum ad patriae, & reipublicae defensionem, tum ad ipsorum & familiae honest amprocurationem. Hanc doctrinam accurate tuetur ecclesia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in qua sacerdotes licet magis gaudere & soleant, & debeant, immunitatibus tamen & frequentius, & exuberantius, & libentius, quam 〈◊〉 dec marum decimas, subsid a, annatas primitias 〈◊〉.  4. That no subject of his Kingdom can have any hereditary jurisdiction, but any jurisdiction that either any of the Nobility, or any other Magistrate or Officer possesseth, they have it alone during his pleasure; that at his presence, the power of all others must cease, and at his death vanish, and be quite extinguished, till by his successors by new gift it be renewed. 
h Joannes Wemius, page 136. Cum regis sit insuo regno judices, & Magistratus constituere, qui ipsius sint in judicando, & jubendo vicarii, potest rex 〈◊〉 judicandique jus ac Mag stratus judicesque constituendt potestatem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prout regno utile esse visum ei fuerit abutent 〈◊〉 us auferre, & nulla 〈◊〉 est sub Rege patr monialis & haereditaria jur sdictio, Rege solo jurisdictionem tanquim propriam habente, aliisque quibus eam non dat, sed communicate, tanquam depositam 〈◊〉. Igitur non ut terras, ita & jurisdictionem simpliciter, & ut loquuntur privative, Rex alienare potest, nisi Rex esse 〈◊〉. Ibid. page 157. Siiudices sint principum vicarii, 〈◊〉 est eorum principe praesente potest as, cum solius absentis teneat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & si quae est alicubi, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ron nisi jus est, judicium regium volente Rege declarandi; ut ita ex jud 〈◊〉 o'er proferatur Regis sententia. Ibid. page 17. In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 psis quam ass stint bus imperium exercet Rex, quandoquidem praesente 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnium 〈◊〉 derivata, ut fluviorum 〈◊〉 nomen & potestas, cum in mare 〈◊〉 Ibid. pag. 143. Principis occasu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnium tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam delagatorum jus. Negari non potest tam apud Romanos quam altos in usu suisse, ut qui in demortuorum succederent locum reges, 〈◊〉 regnorum guberracula capesserent, 〈◊〉 iudicumque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut ostenderetur 〈◊〉 regibus nullam esse inferiorum authoritatem, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tacitè 〈◊〉.  5. That Scotland is a subdued Nation, that Fergus our first King did conquer us by the sword, and establish an absolute Monarchy for himself and his heirs, giving to us what Laws he thought meetest. 
i Corbet, p. 45. There was no law in the Kingdom of Scotland before 〈◊〉 gave it: for 〈◊〉 Fergus his 〈◊〉 we were 〈◊〉 hominum agreste, sine legibus, 〈◊〉 imperio. He and his Successors gave laws. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did conquer us.  6. That all the Lands in Scotland were once the King's property, and what thereof hath been given out for service, yet remains his own by a manifold right. 
k Corbet, p. 25. Fergus & his Successors divided the whole land which was their own, and distinguished the orders of men, & did establish a 〈◊〉 t: This is clear ex 〈◊〉 regiis, ubi satis constal regem esse dominum omnium 〈◊〉 directum, omnes subditos esse ejus vassallos, qui latifundia sua ipsi domino referant accepta, sui 〈◊〉 obsequii, & servitii praemia.  7. That to deny any of the named parts of this power to the King, is to destroy his Monarchike government, to dethrone him and make him no King, to subject him to his people, and make them his Masters, or at least Colleagues in the Empire. 
l joannes Wemius, p. 18. Quo casu dicerem nonpreprie esse regnum, sed ar stocratiam vel democratiam. Ibid. p. 23. Hoc esset ex rege non regem cum facere. Ibid. p. 38. Quodsi alicubi non habeat rex potestatem leges ferendi, nisi ex 〈◊〉 comitiis consensu, & sic fundamentaliter limitata, proprie Rex non est, ac non tam acceptans est populus quam cum Rege, 〈◊〉 collega legem ferens. Ibid. p. 53. Non est imperium illud vere 〈◊〉, sed principatus quidam, & imperans ille, non Monarcha aut. Rex, sed tantum Princeps, & ut Venetorum Dux resident in oped matibus, aut populo 〈◊〉 summa.  But thanks be to God that our gracious prince hath so oft declared himself to be far from all such thoughts; yea, that my Lord of Canterbury himself, is forced while to let drop from his fingers clean contrary maxims. 
m Relat. of the Conference, pag. The Statute Laws which must bind all the Subjects, cannot be made but in, and by Parliament: the supreme Magistrate in the civil state, may not abrogate Laws made in Parliament. Ibid. pag. 158. Tiberius himself, in the cause of Silanus, when Dolabella would have flattered him into more power than in wisdom he thought 〈◊〉 then to take to himself, he put him off thus: No, the Laws grow less when such power enlargeth, nor is absolute power to be used, where there may be an orderly proceeding by Law.   
Lastly, they teach us in the matter of resistance, 
In no imaginable case, 〈◊〉 will have Tyrants resisted.  first, that do the Prince what he will, he may never be resisted by any or all his Subjects, that not only a private man must give over all defence, though most innocent of his own life against the prince his unjust violence; 
n joannes Wemius, pag. 21. Teneri videtur subditus seipsum fame 〈◊〉, ut principem salvaret, propter conservationem boni publici. singulis adempta est adversus principem quae naturalis dicitur iuris defensio, scu iniuriae depulsio.  but the whole State can do nought without rebellion against GOD, but flee or suffer, when the prince, whether by himself or his Officers doth destroy the true religion established by all Laws, and the liberties of the Land, dear bought of old, and peaceably brooked in many ages, also the lives of many thousands of the best Subjects, without the pretence or colour of any just cause. 
o Canterb, relat. p. 205. Where the foundations of the faith are shaken by Princes, there there aught to be prayer and patience, but no opposition by force. Aberdeens' Duplies, pag. 25. The way for all Christian Subjects to conquer Tyrants, and the remedy provided in the New Testament against all persecutions, is not to resist powers which God hath ordained, lest we be damned, but with all 〈◊〉 to suffer that we may be crowned. It is evident by Scripture, that it is unlawful for Subjects in a Monarchical estate, to take arms for religion, or for any other pretence, without warrant from the Prince. The renowned Thebaean Legion of 6666 Christian Soldiers, without making resistance as they had strength to have done, suffered themselves rather to be slain for their Christian profession by the Officers of Maximinian, the Emperor's executors of his cruel commandments against them. Corbet, p. 42. For your examples from reformed Churches, since we live not by examples but by 〈◊〉, I will not stand upon them, from facts to prove the lawfulness of resisting is ridiculous; none of those by resisting, gained so much as by suffering, as experience too late doth thew.  Again, that all this subjection must be used, not only to our native King, but to any foreign usurper who can get footing among us, and it were the Kings of Spain, as their predecessors the heretical Gothish Kings got footing in the Roman Empire. 
p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pag 29. Such was the doctrine and practice of many other great lights, which shined in the 〈◊〉 of julian the Apostate, and in the days of the Arrian 〈◊〉, and Gothick Arrian Kings.  That even against them, the States of a Land with a good conscience could use no defence, though before their eyes, they should see them execute the cruel tyrannies of Nabuchadnezzar, put out the eyes of the King, kill 〈◊〉 Children, lead himself and his Nobles away to a far land in fetters: Though with Nero, 
q Corbet, pag. 26. Qui 〈◊〉, Caio 〈◊〉, qui Augusto, ipse & 〈◊〉, qui 〈◊〉, vel patri, vel filio, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; & ne per 〈◊〉 ire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, qui Constantino Christiano, ipse & apostatae juliano. Ibid. pag. 36. If the jews in the days of Assuerus had been of this new Scottish humour, when an utter extirpation was intended by Haman, both of themselves and theirreligion, they would have taken arms: but their prayers and tears were their defence in their greatest 〈◊〉.  for their mere pleasure they should set the royallcitie in a fair fire, or execute the plot of 〈◊〉 by murdering all the seed of the jews, all zealous protestants up and down the land in one day. Such maxims exceedingly opposite to the honour of God, the safety of the King's person and Crown, the welfare of the people, these men cause to be printed and let them go athort without any censure at these times, when by royal decreets, they have pulled into their hands the full commandment of all the presses, and the absolute jurisdiction over all the Booksellers shops in the Kingdom, and 〈◊〉 frequently theirzeale against any books that give but the least touch to their mitres, by inflicting no less censure than fire upon the books, pilloring and nose-slitting on the Authors, and whipping thorough the streets on the carriers.  
All these extraordinary prerogatives, whereby 
What they give to Kings, is not for any respect they have to Majesty, but for their own ambitious and 〈◊〉 ends.  the faction advanceth supreme Magistrates so near unto God, and their favourites so far above the skies, 
r joannes We 〈◊〉 in his preface to the Duke of Buckingham, Reges in 〈◊〉 sortem transcripti, cute & 〈◊〉 tenus homines, reipsa boni genii censendi sunt, in quos ut bumanos Ioves divini honoris 〈◊〉 pene & consortes, oculos animosque nostros desigi convenit. Tu Heros nobilissime coruscas, velut inter ignes Luna minores, quem in 〈◊〉 augustioris gloriae 〈◊〉 divina prorsus virgula constitutum nemo potest dissiteri.  seem to flow not from any love they carry either to their crowns or the royal heads that bear them, but merely out of their selfe-respect to their own ambition and greed, that Sovereignty being advanced to an unmeasurable height, may be a statelier horse for them to ride upon, in their glorious triumphings above all that is called God. For otherwise, ye may see how far they depress all Sovereigns when they are laid in the balance with themselves; they tell us that the King can be no more the head of the Church, than the boy that rubs their horse heels. 
s Smart Sermon, pag. 1. M. cousins uttered these traitorous speeches in an open and affirmative manner, that the King's Highness is no more supreme head of the Church of England, than the boy that rubs his horse heels, and this as we are credibly informed, hath been proved against him by the 〈◊〉 of two sufficient witnesses.  2. That the heart whence the native life and vigour of the Ecclesiastic Laws doth flow, is alone the Bishops, and not the King. 
t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. supra cap. ult. A.  3. That Kings and Emperors ought to reverence; yea, to adore Bishops, and to pay them tributes. 
w 〈◊〉. supra cap. 3. O.  4. That every Bishop is a Prince and a Monarch, as far in dignity above the greatest secular Prince, as the soul above the body, or God above man. 
x Montag. supra cap. tertio. (z)   
FINIS.   

Revised according to the ordinance of the general Assembly, by me Mr. A. Jhonston Clerk thereto.  
Edinb. 1. of April 1640.